alien alētheuein, or, a brief account of one suggestion of the romanist against the dispatcher dispatched by henry hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45395 of text r40127 in the english short title catalog (wing h512). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45395 wing h512 estc r40127 18762479 ocm 18762479 108221 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45395) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108221) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1656:1) alien alētheuein, or, a brief account of one suggestion of the romanist against the dispatcher dispatched by henry hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], vi p. printed for richard davis ..., london : mdclx [1660] first two words of title in greek characters. defense of hammond's criticisms of thomas white. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hammond, henry, 1605-1660. -dispatcher dispatched. white, thomas, 1593-1676. catholic church -controversial literature. a45395 r40127 (wing h512). civilwar no aien alētheuein, or, a brief account of one suggestion of the romanist against the dispatcher dispatched. by henry hammond, d.d. hammond, henry 1660 2115 0 5 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-10 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ἀιεν ἀληθεύειν , or , a brief account of one suggestion of the romanist against the dispatcher dispatched . by henry hammond , d. d. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . london , printed for richard davis , book-sellor in oxfor mdclx . a brief account of one suggestion of the romanist . § . 1. it is the stateman's maxime concerning a false suggestion , that if it be believed but four and twenty hours , the value of it is inestimable ; which though it must be allowed to receive a grand abatement , when it is applyed to inferiour and less considerable transactions , yet the interests of religion , in the maintenance of truth , are not so despiseable , as that he that hath appeared or embarked in them , can safely neglect the advantages which evil arts may yield , or furnish an adversary against him . § . 2. such in reason , and in experience , beyond all others is the charge of falsifying , which if it be but suggested , and believed of any , and much more if a pregnant and visible proof of it be tendred , there needs no other blast , or smut , or vermine to lay wast the whole field , and deprive him of all harvest of his seed and labours . § . 3. how this is my concernment at this time , the reader will not suddenly divine , till i have entertain'd him with a short relation of that , which i had rather my self proclaim on the house top , then leave others to whisper it in corners . § . 4. i was lately advertised by a judicious and reverend friend , that it was particularly urged against me , by a romanist , that i had mistaken , or perverted m. whites words , which i referr to in one dispatcher dispatcht , chap. iii. sect. 4. p. 279. where i suppose him to answer ( in his apology for trad. p. 56. ) that the beatifical vision of the saints before the day of judgement was not yet held a matter of faith , but onely a theological conclusion ; when ( said he ) the apologist in that very place had expresly said , that this point is a matter of faith , grounded on tradition , and not a theological conclusion . § . 5. that i should be guilty if but of such an oscitancy or mistake , much more of such a vile perversion as this , i may be allowed to have been as unwilling my self to believe , as i am obliged to take care that others should not causelessly apprehend it of me . therefore without delay i turned first to mine own words ( which as i then could not doubt , so now i acknowledge to be faithfully related ) then to master vvhites words , in the page of his apology , whence i had cited them , and those i found exactly , and to a letter concordant to my transcript of them in disp . disp . § . 6. for thus i still read ( if i will not at noon-day suspect mine own eyes ) in that apologist , p. 56. l. 12. [ for , nothing is more clear , then that the validity of baptism by hereticks was a tradition , and decided by it : so the beatifical vision of the saints before the day of judgement , the spirituality of angels , are not yet held matters of faith , but only theological conclusions ; as likewise the souls being con-created to the perfecting of the body . ] what can be more manifest , then that in this period the beatificall vision of saints before the day of judgement is by that apologist set down , as one of the two things ( to which after a third is subjoyn'd ) of which it is affirmed in the plural , that they are not yet held matters of faith , but onely theological conclusions ? which was all to a syllable , that i cited from him in that place , with this onely change , that speaking onely of one of these , the beatifical vision &c. i set it ( as it was necessary ) in the singular [ is not yet held a matter of faith , but onely a theological conclusion . ] § . 7. that i might be sure not to have mistaken my author , i carefully consulted the errata ; but there was none noted , relating to that page : and indeed the whole composure of the period was such , that there must be a concurrence of very many changes in the compass of very few lines ( more i believe then the most negligent compositor and corrector have at any time conspired to be guilty of ) to wrest this testimony from me , or change it into what this romanist had affirmed it to be . § . 8. having dispatch't this account to my friend , from whom i received the former advertisement , i had no cause of doubt , but that this affair had received its full period , the romanist being obliged to yield to such full uncontrollable evidence , and every mans eyes , to whom the contrary suggestion could be offered , being as well qualified as mine , to secure him from being misled by it . and on these grounds of safety i had no least thought of troubling the reader with any account , or complaint , which i now see is become some part of my interest , and my duty . § . 9. for i was soon assured by my friend , that the words which i had punctually transcribed from my copy of the apology , were not to be found in that , which he had before him , but quite transformed into the contrary sence , even that for which the romanist had vouch'd them ; for thus he found them [ for , nothing is more clear , then that the validity of baptism by hereticks was a tradition , and decided by it : so the beatifical vision of the saints before the day of judgement . the spirituality of angels is not yet held a matter of faith , but onely a theological conclusion . ] § . 10. by this representation i was soon forced to confess , that the whole scene was changed , the first part of the words remaining the same , but the second ( of the beatifical vision of the saints ) which were my onely concernment , wholly transformed , that which before was joyned with the spirituality of angels , as not yet held matters of faith , but onely theological conclusions , being now annext to the validity of baptism by hereticks , and so affirmed to be a tradition ( and that is with him a matter of faith ) and decided by it . and then i had reason to acknowledge the candour of that romanist , who proceeding on these appearances , had laid no heavier a censure on me , then that of either mistaking , or perverting m. whites words . § . 11. in this new posture of affairs , first it was presently discernible , that the very many changes , which i had foreseen , had been really made , to bring this about . and as all this was obvious , and credible to be done by a new edition of the book , so it remained uncertain to me whether mine , or that other so contrary to it , were the true and authentick edition : this therefore was my next care to examine . § . 12. and herein again i met with an intricacy ; for if the title-pages , and a concurrence of all obvious indications , might be believed , there was all this while but one edition , both copies carrying in their front , a paris , chez jean billain rue s. jacques à l'ensign s. augustin 1654. the same volume , print , number of pages , beginning and end of every page , &c. this soon suggested that which was the onely clue to extricate me then ( and the reader now ) out of this labyrinth . for sending to the stationers for another copy of the apology , as from one i received a copy perfectly agreeing with mine , so by the help of another i was furnisht with one exactly accordant to what my monitor from the romanist had represented to me , yet not discernibly differing from my own in any other , save in this one passage ; and looking more narrowly , first the paper and ink wherein that leaf was printed ( discernibly differing from all the rest of the book ) was apt to inject some suspicion : but i soon saw that i had no need of this , or other obscurer intimation , it being grosly visible , that in this place a leaf had been cut out , & a new one pasted in . and what gordian knot might not have been untied by the like instrument ? § . 13. vvhen this change was thought fit to be made , i did , and still want augury to divine ; onely this is apparent , that it was a work which second thoughts suggested , after the book was published , else my copy which came regularly to me from the vvorcester-stationer , ( in the year , if my memory fail me not , 1655. ) and another now sent me from another stationer ( which assures me there be many more ) must have had their parts in the change . § . 14. having given the reader a brief and single view of this matter , i abstain from any farther observation , or reflexion on it , then what a quo teneam vultus mutantem — ? will amount to . but that is also unnecessary , my whole design being compleated in this , that it is now manifest to the most impersuasible of their disciples , that dare read what is written against their masters ( which i perceive few are permitted to do ) that i neither mistook , nor perverted the apologists sence or words , those , i mean , which i read in his book , from wch alone i could be imagined to receive cognizance of them , not being able to forecast , that what i had thus really transcribed from him , would be so soon snatcht from me again , or that what was to me so visible , should vanish , and become invisible to other men . § . 15. this indeed is an unexpected proof of what s. vv. had told me , concerning the vvits ( enormous ) power to transform testimonies ; which yet shal not discourage me from dealing in that ware , ( being firmly resolved never to make use of my duller faculties , to work such metamorphoses ) nor yet from diverting sometimes into such pleasant fields , adorned with so great varieties , as that apologist frequently affords the world , hoping , that i shall not again meet with such misadventures as these , or any greater interruptions in reading him , then what a competent attention , and a table of errata shall enable me to overcome . § . 16. this account i conceived would more pardonably , because more moderately , divert the reader at this time , then if i should stay till it were solemnly and articulately call'd for , and moreover deliver s. vv. from some temptation , himself to think , or to perswade others , that he had sprang some reall game to invite his chases , some guilt to support his contumelies , and perhaps prevail with some of their most credulous followers , to think it equitable to subject the suggestions they meet with to some other waies of examination and triall , then the bare authority or confidence of the suggesters . the end . dr. hammond's brief resolution of that grand case of conscience (necessary for these times) concerning the allegiance due to a prince ejected by force out of his kingdoms; and how far the subjects may comply with a present usurped power. brief resolution of that grand case of conscience. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1689 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45399 wing h517 estc r218875 99830429 99830429 34880 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45399) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34880) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2091:13) dr. hammond's brief resolution of that grand case of conscience (necessary for these times) concerning the allegiance due to a prince ejected by force out of his kingdoms; and how far the subjects may comply with a present usurped power. brief resolution of that grand case of conscience. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 4 p. s.n., [london : 1689?] caption title. place and date of publication from wing. attributed by wing to henry hammond, however the text apparently refers to king james ii and king william iii, while henry hammond, d.d., died in 1660. reproduction of the original in the john rylands university library, manchester university, manchester, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng allegiance -early works to 1800. great britain -history -revolution of 1688 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1680-1714 -early works to 1800. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dr. hammond's brief resolution of that grand case of conscience , ( necessary for these times ) concerning the allegiance due to a prince ejected by force out of his kingdoms ; and how far the subjects may comply with a present usurped power . question . doth not victory give a right to the conquercur ? and doth it not thence follow , that he which is ejected out of his kingdom , by force of a prevailing party , hath thereby lost his right of allegiance from his former subjects ? and is not then that right devolved on the conquerour , by the force of these words of god , when he saith , dan. 4. 17. and 25. 32. that he ruleth in the kingdoms of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will , and setteth up over it the basest of men ? and of ecclus. 10. 8. because of unrighteousness the kingdom is translated from one people to another ? and when he doth so , are not all members of such a kingdom obliged ( as the israelites in their deportation to babylon ) to yield obedience to the conquerour ? answer . this objection consists of divers branches , and i shall answer it by degr●es . 1. that all victory doth not give a right to the conquerour , but onely when the war being founded on a just cause , that just cause hath 〈…〉 with victory . and when that is , depends wholly on the truth of that quetion , concerning the lawfulness of any war. now 〈◊〉 there can never be just war on the subjects part against their 〈…〉 they want the warrart of supr●me authority , without which ( though the cause should be never so just , and the end never so good , ) all the blood that is shed , is no better than murther : therefore though the subjects in such a war should prevail against their sovereign , yet neither is he hereby divested of his just right , nor they invested therewith , because the war was wholly unjust on their part , for want of authority . 2. therefore if that party whose cause is unjust , shall yet prevail , and prove successfull , then in answer to the second branch , i say , that there is no right acquired by this : for , 't is a mistake to think that this is the meaning of jus victoriae , the right of victory , which the civil lawyers speak of , as if god had by this lottery testified his judgment of the right , and pronounced that just now , which was unjust before ; or that the present force is always to be looked on as the higher powers , and allowed the obedience required by the apostle , as due to them , which is the mistaking of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , authority , and agrees with that speech of the atheists , wis . 2. our strength is the law of justice , and that which is feeble is found to be nothing worth . and we know 't is gods ordinary dispensation now under the gospel to permit violence to oppress the godly , which sure is no argument that those prosperous ungodly , have the sole right to the possessions of the world , or that the opprest godly man , shall no longer be thought to be opprest , when the prosperous oppressour , is arrived at the height of his oppression . 3. the question then being removed from the title of force , ( which being itself unjust , cannot confer right on any , ) it must next be consider'd , what dedition ( that is , yielding or resigning up of one's right ) can doe . that will be of two sorts ; either of the prince , or the people ; and again , either voluntary or involuntary . a voluntary dedition , or yielding up , of the rightfull possessor , if he be a private man , transfers a right : but a prince , being a publick person , and having an obligation of protection to his subjects , cannot without some breach of that obligation , abdicate his kingdom , nor consequently voluntarily yield up his power ; or if he do , he cannot transfer the right to any , ( save to the lawful heir or successor , ) without the tacit or express consent of the people also . but in case they consent also , then will his right ( in kingdoms elective ) be transferred by the joint yielding of the king and his subjects . as for kingdoms hereditary , the subjects consent is not necessary ; but the king 's yielding up of his right alone , is sufficient to transfer the right to the next heir . neither can the joint act both of king and people , transfer this right , from the next heir , to any other . the king 's yielding is an absolution of the subjects from the allegiance formerly due to him by them , and so makes it lawfull for them to yield the same to another ; and when 't is thus free and lawfull to them , the intervention of their own act also becomes obligation on them to submit to that person so yielded to . and when this is done ( in kingdoms elective ) and withall when no heir is left to make claim , or the claim is relinquish'd by the right heir , ( in kingdoms hereditary , ) then is the kingdom removed , ( and given by god , who now rules not immediately among us , as he did in the time of the theocracy among the jews , but is then said to remove a kingdom , when his providence so disposes , that by the laws , and right among men , it is removed , ) to another . but till this be done , i. e. till he , or they , in whom the right both of present possession , and future claim by inheritance , is truly vested , do voluntarily yield up that right , and when that is done , till they which by their yielding , are freed from their former bands , do now by their own act enter , into new , what force soever there be , and how successfull soever the force be , there is not thereby any such victory compleated , as shall be able to confer right on the victor , nor remove it from him that hath , and still protests his right , though as yet he be not strong enough to vindicate it . 4. but then in the next place , if there be a dedition , or yielding up by the king , and that dedition involuntary ; that is , such as nothing but the present success of the force hath inclined him to , then certainly doth it not so divest him of his right , as that it shall be unlawfull for him when he can , to make claim , and recover it again . as he that by a violent invader is made to swear to pay such a summ of money , it is acknowledged lawfull for him to implead that thief , and recover from him , what in performance of that involuntary oath he hath paid him . in this case the difficulty is , what condition those subjects are lest in for that time , betwixt the involuntary dedition of the king , and his renewing of his claim ; and the solution must be , that a proportion be observed between the act of the king , and the subjects consequent act : the act of the king is but a present dedition , and doth not oblige him never to make any farther claim again ; and consequently this gives not any such absolution to the subjects , as that they may doe any thing which shall prejudice that after-claim , or blemish his royalty , such as are taking new oaths of allegiance , abjurations of him and his issue , engagements to the usurped power , &c. all that it can doe , is to make it free for them to submit to such other things , of an inferiour nature , ( which includes not any such blemishment of rights of the lawfull prince , ) provided that they acknowledge not the lawfulness of the present usurped power , nor act as ministers or instruments thereof . this is the utmost that seems possible to determine in this matter . 5. as for that power which tract of time may be thought to have in this business , that is not considerable , where the claim is continued , ( for that argues the dedition involuntary , ) and much less , when there is no dedition at all ; for there 't was before supposed , that force cannot conser right . 6. and if by this stating of the case it follow , that the lot of the faithfull subjects must be very unhappy at this time , and that great disorder must necessarily continue in such a broken kingdom , as long as the contention between the violent usurper and the just owner thus remains undecided . i answer : that this is oft the lot of the most pious men under the gospel , who have their good things here mixt with tribulations , and must content themselves in the solaces of a good concience , in performing those duties which cost them dearest , and expect their full payment of joys without hardships , to be paid them in another world. the end . the last words of the reverend, pious, and learned dr. hammond. being two prayers for the peaceful resettlement of this church and state hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1696 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45416 wing h544b estc r215178 99827135 99827135 31551 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45416) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31551) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1886:29) the last words of the reverend, pious, and learned dr. hammond. being two prayers for the peaceful resettlement of this church and state hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [24] p. printed for luke meredith, at the star in paul's church-yard, london : 1696. running title reads: prayers for the church and state. signatures: g¹² . reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hammond, henry, 1605-1660 -early works to 1800. last words -early works to 1800. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last words of the reverend , pious , and learned dr. hammond . being two prayers for the peaceful resettlement of this church and state . london , printed for luke meredith , at the star in st. paul's church-yard ▪ 1696. prayers for the church and state. prayer i. o blessed lord , who in thine infinite mercy didst vouchsafe to plant a glorious church among us , and now in thy just judgment hast permitted our sins and follies to root it up ; be pleased at last to resume thoughts of peace towards us , that we may do the like to one another . lord , look down from heaven , the habitation of thy holiness , and behold the ruines of a desolate church ; and compassionate to see her in the dust . behold her , o lord , not only broken but crumbled , divided into so many sects and fractions , that she no longer represents the ark of the god of israel , where the covenant and the manna were conserved , but the ark of noah , filled with all various sorts of unclean beasts : and to complete our misery and guilt , the spirit of division hath insinuated it self as well into our affections as our judgments ; that badge of discipleship which thou recommendedst to us , is cast off , and all the contrary wrath and bitterness , anger and clamour , called in to maintain and widen our breaches . o lord , how long shall we thus violate and defame that gospel of peace that we profess ? how long shall we thus madly defeat our selves , lose that christianity which we pretend to strive for ? o thou which makest men to be of one mind in an house , be pleased so to unite us , that we may be perfect●y j●●n'd together in the same min● , and in the sam● 〈…〉 ent . and now tha● 〈◊〉 civil affairs there seems some aptness to a co●posure , o let not our spiritual disserences be more unreconcileable lord , let not the roughest winds blow out of the sanctuary , let not those which should be embassadours for peace , still sound a trumpet for war : but do thou reveal thy self to all our eliahs in that still small voice ; which may teach them to echo thee in the like meek treating with others . lord , let no unseasonable stissness of those that are in the right , no perverse obstinancy of those that are in the wrong , hinder the closing of our wounds ; but let the one instrust in meekness , and be thou pleased to give the other repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth . to this end do thou , o lord , mollifie all exasperate minds , take off all animosities and prejudices , contemp● and heart-burnings , and by uniting their hearts prepare for the reconciling their opinions : and that nothing may intercept the clear sight of thy truth , lord , let all private and secular designs be totally deposited , that gain may no longer be the measure of our godliness , but that the one great and common concernment of truth and peace may be unanimously and vigorously pursued . lord , the hearts of all men are in thy hands , o be thou pleased to let thy spirit of peace overshadow the minds of all contending parties ; and if it be thy will , restore this church to her pristine state , renew her days as of old ; let her escape out of egypt be so entire , that not an hoof may be left behind : but if thy wisdom see it not yet a season for so full a deliverance , lord , defer not , we beseech thee , such a degree of it , as may at least secure her a being ; if she cannot recover her beauty , yet , o lord , grant her health , such a soundness of constitution as may preserve her from dissolution . let thy providence find out some good samaritans to cure her present wounds : and to whomsoever thou shalt commit that important work , lord , give them skilfull hands and compassionate hearts ; direct them to such applications as may most speedily , and yet most soundly heal the hurt of the daughter of sion ; and make them so advert to the interests both of truth and peace , that no lawfull condescension may be omitted , nor any unlawful made . and do thou who art both the wonderful counsellor and prince of peace , so guide and prosper all pacifick endeavours , that all our distractions may be composed , and our jerusalem may again become a city at unity in it self ; that those happy primitive days may at length revert , wherein vice was the only heresie ; that all our intestine cententions may be converted into a vigorous opposition of our common enemy , our unbrotherly feuds into a christian zeal against all that exalts it self against the obedience of christ . lord hear us , and ordain peace for us , even for his sake whom thou hast ordained our peace maker , jesus christ our lord. prayer ii. o most gracious lord , who dost not afflict willingly , nor grieve the children of men , who smitest not till the importunity of our sins enforce thee , and then correctest in measure ; we thy unworthy creatures humbly acknowledge that we have abundantly tasted of this patience and lenity of thine . to what an enormous height were our sins arrived , e'er thou began'st to visit them ! and when thou couldst no longer forbear , yet mastering thy power , thou hast not proportion'd thy vengeance to our crimes , but to thy own gracious design of reducing and reclaiming us . lord , had the first stroke of thy hand been exterminatings , our guilts had justified the method ; but thou hast proceeded by such easie and gentle degrees , as witness how much thou desired'st to be interrupted , and shew us , that all that sad weight we have long groaned under , hath been accumulated only by our own incorrigibleness . 't is now , o lord , these many years that this nation hath been in the furnace , and yet our dross wastes not , but increases ; and it is owing only to thy unspeakable mercy , that we , who would not be purified , are not consumed ; that we remain a nation , who cease not to be a most sinful and provoking nation . o lord , let not this long-suffering of thine serve only to upbraid our obstinacy , and enhance our guilt ; but let it at last have the proper effect on us , melt our hearts , and lead us to repentance . and , o that this may be the day for us , thus to discern the things that belong to our peace ! that all who are ( yea , and all who are not ) cast down this day in an external humiliation , may by the operation of thy mighty spirit have their souls laid prostrate before thee in a sincere contrition ! o thou who canst out of the very stones raise up children unto abraham , work our stony flinty hearts into such a temper as may be malleable to the impressions of thy grace , that all the sinners in sion may tremble ; that we may not by a persering obstionacy seal to our selves both temporal and eternal ruine , but instead of our mutinous complaining at the punishments of our sins , search and try our ways , and turn again to the lord. o be thou pleased to grant us this one grand fundamental mercy , that we who so impatiently thirst after a change without us , may render that possible and safe by this better and more necessary change within us ; that our sins may not , as they have so often done , interpose and eclipse that light which now begins to break out upon us . lord , thy dove seems to approach us with an olive branch in her mouth : on let not our filth and noisomness chase her away ; but grant us that true repentance which may atone thee , and that christian charity which may reconcile us with one another . lord , let not our breach either with thee , or among our selves , be incurable , but by making up the first , prepare us for the healing of the latter . and because , o lord , the way to make us one fold is to have one shepherd , be pleased to put us all under the conduct of him to whom that charge belongs ; bow the hearts of this people as of one man , that the only contention may be , who shall be most forward in bringing back our david . o let none reflect on their past guilts , as an argument to persevere , but repent , and to make their return so sincere as may qualifie them , not only for his but thy mercy . and , lord , be pleased so to guide the hearts of all who shall be intrusted with that great concernment of setling this nation , that they may weigh all their deliberations in the balance of the sanctuary , that conscience , not interest , may be the ruling principle , and that they may render to coesar the things that are coesar's , and to god the things that are god's ; that they may become healers of our breaches , and happy repairers of the sad ruines both in church and state : and grant , o lord , that as those sins which made them are become national , so the repentance may be national also , and that evidenc'd by the proper fruits of it , by zeal of restoring the rights both of thee and thine anointed . and do thou , o lord , so dispose all hearts , and remove all obstacles , that none may have the will , much less the power , to hinder his peaceable restitution . and , lord , let him bring with him an heart so intirely devoted to thee , that he may wish his own honour only as a means to advance thine . o let the precepts and example of his blessed father never depart from his mind ; and as thou wert pleas'd to perfect the one by suffering , so perfect the other by acting thy will ; that he may be a blessed instrument of replanting the power in stead of the form of godliness among us , of restoring christian vertue in a profane and almost barbarous nation . and if any wish him for any distant ends , if any desire his shadow as a shelter for their riots and licentiousness , o let him come a great , but happy defeat to all such , not bring fuel , but cure to their inordinate appetites ; and by his example as a christian , and his authority as a king , so invite to good , and restrain from evil , that he may not only release our temporal , but our spiritual bondage , suppress those foul and scandalous vices which have so long captivated us , and by securing our inward , provide for the perpetuating our outward peace . lord , establish thou his throne in righteousness ; make him a signal iustrument of thy glory and our happiness , and let him reap the fruits of it in comfort here , and in bliss hereafter , so that this earthly crown may serve to enhance and enrich his heavenly . grant this , o king of kings , for the take and intercession of our blessed mediator jesus christ , the end . a view of some exceptions to the practical catechisme from the censures affixt on them by the ministers of london, in a book entituled a testimony to the truth of jesus christ, &c. / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45472 of text r34933 in the english short title catalog (wing h611). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45472 wing h611 estc r34933 14911107 ocm 14911107 102873 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45472) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102873) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1571:16) a view of some exceptions to the practical catechisme from the censures affixt on them by the ministers of london, in a book entituled a testimony to the truth of jesus christ, &c. / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 10 [i.e. 12] p. printed for rich. royston ..., london : [1650] error in paging: no. 2-3 and 6-7 repeated. date of publication suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng church of england -apologetic works. dissenters, religious -controversial literature. theology, doctrinal. a45472 r34933 (wing h611). civilwar no a view of some exceptions to the practical catechisme from the censures affixt on them by the ministers of london, in a book entituled a tes hammond, henry 1650 4674 1 20 0 0 0 0 45 d the rate of 45 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a view of some exceptions to the practicall catechisme : from the censures affixt on them by the ministers of london , in a book entituled , a testimony to the truth of jesus christ , &c. by h. hammond d. d. london , printed for rich : royston at the angel in ivie-lane . a view of some exceptions to the practicall catechisme , &c. seeing it again appears to me by a book , that came to this town on saterday last , ( entituled , a testimony to the truth of jesus christ , &c. pretending to be subscribed by 52 ministers of christ within the province of london ) that it is gods good pleasure to deliver me up to be evil spoken of , and accused , and to bear a yet deeper part of his bitter cup , then many others of my brethren have done , i desire to blesse and praise his name for this his goodnesse and mercy to me , and to embrace all those , who have joyn'd their hands to be instruments in this , as those whom by christs command ( particularly belonging to me on this occasion ) i am bound to love , to blesse , to pray for , and not to think of any other way of return toward them . this , i thank god , i can most cheerfully doe , and would satisfie my self to have done it in private , between god and my own soul , were there not another occasion , which makes it a little necessary for me to say somewhat publickly ; and that is the vindication of the truth of christ jesus , which they who are willing to give testimony to it , will , i hope , take from me in good part . these men pag. 4. in the beginning of the second branch of their testimony , ( which it seems by pag. 37. the whole number of the 52 ministers have subscribed ) make mention of unsound opinions , especially abominable errors , damnable heresies , and horrid blasphemies , which are broached and maintained here in england among us , under the notion of new lights , and new truths ; many of which they have reason to judge destructive to the very fundamentall truths of christianity , &c. all of them utterly repugnant to the sacred scriptures , the occasion of much grief of heart to all the friends of truth and piety at home , the scandal and offence of all the reformed churches abroad , the unparalleld reproach of this church and nation , totally inconsistent with the covenant , and the covenanted reformation , and in a word , the very dregs and spawn of those old accursed heresies which have been already condemned , &c. after this preface and expression of their zeale to gods truth , they conclude the period with a profession , that they more particularly abominate these infamous and pernicious errours of late published among us , and hereafter recited in this ensuing catalogue , viz. errours , &c. in this catalogue , three particulars there are recited from the practical catechisme of h. hammond , 2. edit. london , 1646. for which premises , i suppose , any reader will conclude , that those three particulars are by these ministers thought guilty of all those charges which they had affixt to all the unsound opinions , &c. noted by them , viz. that they are utterly repugnant to the sacred scriptures , &c. and in the modestest of their expressions , that they are infamous and pernicious errours . upon this supposition , i hold it my duty by setting down these three particulars punctually , to referre to all impartiall christians to judge whether it be a testimony to the truth of jesus christ to passe such censures on them . the first is recited by them , p. 9. and it is this , that christ was given to undergoe a shamefull death voluntarily upon the crosse , to satisfie for the sin of adam , and for all the sins of all mankinde . this is thus plainly set down in their catalogue of infamous and pernicious errors , but without the least note to direct what part of this proposition is liable to that charge , any farther then may be collected from the title of the errors under which 't is placed , viz : errors touching universall or generall redemption . from whence i presume to discern their meaning to be that to affirm christ to have satisfied for , or redeemed all mankinde , is this pernicious error by them abominated . and such i confesse i should acknowledge it to be , if it had any right to be joyn'd with that other by these men set under the same head [ that the damned shall be saved ] but i hope that errour hath received no patronage from that catechism , nor sure from that assertion of christs redeeming all mankind . these two propositions being very reconcileable , that christ redeemed all men , and yet that the whole number of the impenitent , unbeleiving , reprobate world shall never be saved by him . if there were any need of it , i should easily shew the way of reconciling these two , by adding that the great benefits of christs death , which i affirm to be generall , are given upon condition , not absolutely ( as gods love to the world , and , the effect of it , given his son , is not designed , that all absolutely , but that all conditionally , i. e. whosoever beleiveth in him should not perish , but have everlasting life ) & that they which doe not perform that condition ( as god knows a great multitude doe not ) shall never be saved by his death : to which purpose is that of prosper , one farre enough from all kindness to the pelagians , redemptor mundi dedit pro mundo sanguinem suum , & mundus redimi noluit , &c. the redeemer of the world gave his blood for the world , and the world would not be redeemed . ad gal : cap. 9. but , to confine my discourse ( without consideration of the consequences ) to the assertion it self ; i desire it may be observd , that this was not crudely set down in that catechism , but with this immediate addition [ to tast death for every man , heb. 2. 9. ] by that plain testimony of scripture confirming the truth of what was asserted , as punctually as could be imagined . for sure [ every man ] signifies all mankind , as that notes singulos generis humani , in the largest notion of the word , and tasting death for them is satisfying for their sins . if this testimony ( so clear , that it alone hath , to my knowledge , convinc'd one as learned a man as doth in this church of ours maintain the doctrines contrary to the remonstrants ) be not thought sufficient to support this assertion , i shall then ex abundanti adde these other plain testimonies ; not onely that of gods giving his onely sonne , mentioned by christ as an effect or expression of his love to the world , ( which it would not be , if he did not give him for the world , whom he is said to love ) but ( to prevent all distinctions concerning the notion of the world , as if it signified , onely the elect ) more particularly these two ; first that of 2 pet. 2. 1. where the lord , i. e. christ , is plainly said to have bought ( i. e. paid the price , satisfied for ) them , who deny him , and bring upon themselves swift destruction : to which agrees chat of 1 cor. 8. 11. where the weak brother , of whom 't is said , that by another mans scandal he shall perish , is described to be one for whom christ died . the other testimony which i shall adde , is that of s. paul , 2 cor. 5. 14. which i desire the intelligent reader to observe : where speaking of the constreining obliging love of christ , he saith , we thus judge , that if one died for all , then were all dead , that is , surely , all in the full latitude , not only the elect but all others ; and this conclusion the apostle infers by this medium , because one , i. e. christ died for all , which being a proof of the other , must certainly be as true , and as acknowledged ( if not more ) as that which 't is brought to prove : and particularly the [ all ] for whom he died , be as unlimited as the [ all ] that were prov'd from thence to be dead , or else the apostle could not judge ( as he saith he doth ) or conclude the death of all in adam by that mediū . from this arguing of the apostle i shall make no question to infer , that in s. pauls divinity , christ died for all who are dead in adam ; and on that occasion i shall adde , by the way , that the contrary doctrine [ of christs not dying for all ] was by the antients affixt on pelagius upon that ground , of his affirming that all ( i. e. that infants ) were not faln in adam , and so needed not to be redeem'd by christ . thus is appears by s. aug : cont. 2. epist. pelag : l. 2. c. 2. pelagiani dicunt deum non esse omnium aetatum in hominibus mundatorem , salvatorem , liberatorem , &c. and when the massilians , to vindicate themselves from that charge of s. augustines , confesse that christ died for all mankinde , as it appeares by prospers epistle ) prosper expresses no manner of dislike of that confession , but formes other charges against them . and the truth is , there is scarce any antient writer before pelagius , but hath directly asserted christs dying for all , the testimonies of irenaeus , clemens , origen , macarius , cyrill of jerusalem , eusebius , athanasius , and many others might readily be produced , if that were needfull . and then let it be guest also , which of the two positions , the affirmative or the negative , best deserves the charge of being the spawn of those old accursed heresies , which have been already condemned , &c. the same i could adde from many the learnedst protestants , which never were thought to be tainted with any antient or modern heresie ( though others i know have exprest themselves otherwise ) but i need not such auxiliaries . to conclude this point , i suppose in affirming or vindicating this position , i have born testimony to the truth of christ , from whom , and whose apostles i professe to have learn'd this truth , and to conceive it ( for the sense of it ) as fully testified by plain scriptures , as many articles of the creed ; and for the expression used in the pract : catechisme of [ all mankind ] i must acknowledge to have learn'd it from the church of england ( of which i doe yet with joy professe my self an obedient son and member ) in those words of her catechisme , establisht by act of parliament , and inserted in the book of lyturgie , where i was taught , [ to beleive in god the father , who created me and all the world , in god the son , who redeemed me and all mankinde , and in god the holy ghost , who sanctified me and all the elect people of god ; where mankinde as it is of a narrower extent on one side then all the world of creatures , so is it to be understood of a larger , then all the elect people of god ; and so much for the first charge . the second is set down pag. 15. and it is this . that neither paul nor james exclude or separate faithfull actions or acts of faith from faith , or the condition of justification , but absolutely require them , as the only things by which the man is justified . what is thus set down i acknowledge to be in terminis in the practical catechisme , but cannot easily guesse wherein the errour or perniciousnesse is conceived to lie , unlesse it should possibly be thorow a mistake of the phrase [ the only things by which the man is justified ] as if by that speech should be understood , either that the faithfull actions or acts of faith without faith it self , were the only things by which we are justified , or else that all the things there spoken of , faith , and faithfull actions , or acts of faith are the only cause , and so some cause of our justification , or by which , as by a cause , we are justified ; either of these i confesse might passe for an errour , but both these doctrines i have sufficiently disclaim'd ; and indeed in this very proposition 't is affirm'd that the faithfull actions or acts of faith are not excluded or separated from faith ( which they must be if they justifie without faith ) or the condition of justification ( i. e. from that faith which is considered as , and affirm'd to be the condition of our justification ) but by those two apostles absolutely required , to what ? why to faith , or the condition of our justification , as the only things together with it by which as by a condition , and only so ( as 't is clearly set down all over that part of the catechisme , which handles faith or justification ) the man is justified . this i suppose may give these men some light of their mistake , if it were such : but if they understand the speech as then and now i doe , and yet think it error , and pernicious , i must then only prove that what was said from s. james and s. paul , was not by me falsly imposed upon them , and then they must either maintain my speech , or fall with me in the same condemnation . that s. james doth not exclude or separate faithful actions , or acts of faith , from faith , or the condition of justification , but require them , ( i. e. faith , and faithfull actions , or acts of faith ) as the only things by which , as by a condition , the man is justified will be clear by the definition of a condition in logick , and the plain words of s james ; a condition is a qualification of the subject required to make him capable , or a causa sine quâ non ; and so a condition of justification is no more , then that without which a man cannot be justified ; and that is the direct affirmation of s. james , c. 2. 24. ye see that by works ( i. e. faithful actions , or acts of faith ) a man is justified , and not by faith only : and again , faith if it have not works , v. 17. and faith without works , v. 20. is dead , and so sure , not such as by wch we are justified . from whence i form this syllogisme , that , without which , in s. james's opinion , we are not justified , and by which joyn'd with faith we are justified , not by faith only , is not by s. james excluded or separated from faith , or the condition of our justification , but required together with faith , as the only things by which ( as by a condition ) the man is justified . but without acts of faith or faithfull actions , in s. james's opinion , we are not justified , and by them we are justified , and not by faith only , therefore faithfull actions , or acts of faith are not by s. james excluded or separated from faith , or the condition of our justification , but required together with faith , as the only things by which ( as by a condition ) the man is justified . the first proposition is clear from the nature of a condition ; the second from the words cited out of s. james , and then i hope the conclusion will neither be errour nor pernitious . then for s. paul 't is made evident in the pract : catechism that the faith by which according to his doctrine abraham was justified ( and not by works ) rom. 4. was not only a depending on god for the performance of his promise ( which yet was a faithfull action , or act of faith , but also a resigning himself up wholly to him to obey his precepts ; or more clearly , was a faith , which , howsoever it was tried by promises or commands , did answer god in acts of faith , or faithfull actions ; and so was accepted by god ( without absolute unsinning obedience , much more without obedience to the mosaicall law , i e. without works ) all which is clear in the story of abraham , and i suppose need not farther be evidenced . and then concerning s. pauls part in the businesse , my syllogisme shall be this , he that affirms abraham to be justified by that faith , which , howsoever 't was tried , did answer god in acts of faith or faithfull actions , doth not exclude or separate faithfull actions or acts of faith from faith , or the condition of our justification , but absolutely requires them , &c. but s. paul affirms abraham to be justified by that faith , which howsoever 't was tried , did answer god in faithfull actions , or acts of faith , therefore s. paul doth not exclude or separate faithfull actions , &c. the first proposition i conceive wants little proving , after that which hath been already premised in this matter . and for the second i shall desire that abrahams faith , as it hath justification attributed to it by s. paul , may be viewed both in the 4th to the rom. and the 11th to the heb. in the former his faith was tried by the promise of a numerous seed , &c. and he answered that with one act of faith , or faithfull action , beleived in hope , beyond hope , v. 18. was strong in faith and gave glory to god , v. 20. was fully perswaded , that what god had promised , he was able to perform , v. 21. all which what are they but acts of faith , or faithfull actions ; all , which ( when the object of the faith is gods absolute promise ) the matter is capable of , and for this it was counted to him for righteousnesse , or he was justified , v. 22. and thence sure i may conclude , that these were so required , as the condition by which he was , and without which he should not be justified . in the 11th to the heb. many other acts of his faith or faithfull actions are mentioned , v , 8. by faith he obeyed to goe out of his own country , not knowing whither he went , and v. 9. by faith he sojourn'd in a strange land , v. 10. by faith he expected a city , that hath foundations , v. 17. by faith he offered his son , and v. 19. counted that god was able to raise him up from the dead , v. 20. by faith he blessed isaac concerning things to come . what are all these but acts of faith , or faithfull actions in all kinds of tryals ? and therefore i suppose all this being out of s. paul , as the former out of s. james , 't will be no errour or pernicious from their very words to have affirm'd this doctrine , and affixt it on them . i suppose also this may serve for the second proposition . the third is set down p. 18. from pract : catech : p. 120. and 't is this , that [ thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain ] is undoubtedly no more then [ thou shalt not forswear thy self . ] to this charge i answer first , that it is a little strange , that a bare explication of a phrase of scripture , a part of the third commandement in exod. though it were acknowledged false , or forc'd , should yet be so farre improvable by any , as to come under the title of an infamous pernicious errour , a spawn of the old accursed heresies , &c. and be capable of all those other aggravations at first mentioned , which being affixt to all the errours in the catalogue , must also be affixt to this which is set down for one of them . but then secondly , for the truth , ( most undoubted certain truth ) of this explication , or interpretation , thus censured , i have formerly at large made it appear , that the words [ to take the name of god ] signifie to swear , and no more , and the hebrew which we render in vain , signifies [ falsly ] and is so rendred in the ninth commandment , and agreeable to that , psal. 15. to lift up the soul to vanity , is to swear by the soul or life falsly , as it there followes , nor sworn to deceive his neighbour , and beside my own judgment in this matter , back'd with the consent of as learned as this age hath , or the antient church had any , i conceived that i had a most authentick warrant from christ himself , who renders it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , thou shalt not forswear thy self : for so we read mat. 5. ye have heard that it was said to them of old , thou shalt not kill , and again in the same manner , thou shalt not commit adultery , that is , that of the ten commandments delivered in sinai , and brought down by scripture , to them his present auditors , one commandment was , thou shalt not kill , another , thou shalt not commit adultery , and so again in the very same form of words , another , thou shalt not forswear thy self , from which i did assure my self ( and so still doe ) that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is as directly the interpretation ( in christs judgment ) of the first part of the third commandment , as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of the seventh and sixth , and so that it is undoubtedly no more the one then the other . and indeed this was the only occasion of delivering those words in the practical catech : to shew that christ did not misreport the words of the commandements , nor yet referre to any other place but that commandment in those words of his . and though i have many other things , that i could say to that matter , able to free that speech from all imaginable inconveniences ( especially when in that place christs prohibition is explain'd to be against all kind of swearing ( by any other as well as by god ) in ordinary conversation , or in any case but wherein it is necessary to confirm by oath ) yet i am very willing to leave the matter here , upon this account at this time given of it , ● . e. in my opinion on christs score , and not fear what any ingenuous reader will charge on me for this interpretation . i beseech god to forgive them which have brought this unnecessary trouble upon the reader ; and for my self i have to them these two only requests , 1. that they will examine themselves sincerely , and as in gods sight , what the motive or design was , which perswaded them to single out me alone ( who professe my self , and am by all that know me acknowledged to hold nothing contrary to the church of england , and will justifie it to any man that knows what the church of england is ) and joyn me with the broachers of all the blasphemies and heresies of this age : and 2ly , that they will lay to heart the consequences which may naturally flow from hence , if god doe not uphold weak christians , who seeing so many doctrines of very distant natures blended together , with the same brand of [ heresie and blasphemy , infamous and pernicious ] fastned on them , and no kind of proofs annext , that any are such ( beside the judgment of the censors ) may possibly find some of them to be the infallible truths of god , and be tempted ( if they have not stronger antidotes then this bare testimony will afford them ) to have the same thoughts of the other also ; or if not , whether they will not be inclined to have the same severity and condemnation for me , or any other asserter of such propositions as these , as they are taught to have for the authors of those other blasphemous propositions , and so be tempted to uncharitablenesse . having said thus much , i shall hope it may find some good successe among some who have subscribed that testimony : but if i am mistaken in all of them , i shall then desire that this improsperous paper may gain me but thus much , that either the first subscriber mr john downam ( who did license the printing of this very book , from whence all these pretended errours are cited ) or else dr gouge , or mr gataker , who are foremost of the second rank , or some other person of learning and christian temper will afford me their patience personally , and by fair discourse , or any other christian way , to debate the truth of our pretensions ; and for this i shall wait their leisure . from my study , christ-ch : in oxon. jan. 24. munday . h. hammond . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45472e-130 edit. iiꝫ . but p. 136. edit. vꝫ . an. 1649. a brief vindication of three passages in the practical catechisme, from the censures affixt on them by the ministers of london, in a book entitled, a testimony to the truth of jesus christ, &c. / by h. hammond d.d. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87010 of text r202516 in the english short title catalog (thomason e424_9). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 26 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87010 wing h518 thomason e424_9 estc r202516 99862768 99862768 114944 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87010) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114944) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 67:e424[9]) a brief vindication of three passages in the practical catechisme, from the censures affixt on them by the ministers of london, in a book entitled, a testimony to the truth of jesus christ, &c. / by h. hammond d.d. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 13, [1] p. printed for richard royston in ivy-lane, london : 1648. a reply to: a testimony to the truth of jesus christ, and to our solemn league and covenant. in this edition, "london" in imprint is in roman. annotation on thomason copy: "feb: 1st"; the 8 in imprint date crossed out and date altered to 1647. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hammond, henry, 1605-1660. -practical catechism -early works to 1800. church of england -catechisms -early works to 1800. testimony to the truth of jesus christ, and to our solemn league and covenant -early works to 1800. theology, doctrinal -early works to 1800. a87010 r202516 (thomason e424_9). civilwar no a brief vindication of three passages in the practical catechisme,: from the censures affixt on them by the ministers of london, in a book hammond, henry 1648 4653 5 20 0 0 0 0 54 d the rate of 54 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2009-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief vindication of three passages in the practical catechisme , from the censures affixt on them by the ministers of london , in a book entitled , a testimony to the truth of jesus christ , &c. by h. hammond d. d. london . printed for richard royston in ivy-lane , 1648. a vindication of the practical catechisme . seeing it again appears to me by a book , that came to this town on saturday last , ( entitled , a testimony to the truth of jesus christ , &c. pretending to be subscribed by 52 ministers of christ within the province of london ) that it is gods good pleasure to deliver me up to be evill spoken of , and accused , and to bear a yet deeper part of his bitter cup , then many others of my brethren have done , i desire to bless and praise his name for this his goodnes and mercy to me , and to embrace all those , who have joyn'd their hands to be instruments in this , as those whom by christs command ( particularly belonging to me on this occasion ) i am bound to love , to blesse , to pray for , and not to think of any other way of return toward them . this , i thank god , i can most cheerfully do , and would satisfie my self to have done it in private , between god and my own soul , were there not another occasion , which makes it a little necessary for me to say somewhat publickly ; and that is the vindication of the truth of christ jesus , which they , who are willing to give testimony to it , will , i hope , take from me in good part . these men p. 4. in the beginning of the second branch of their testimony , ( which it seems by p. 37. the whole number of the 52 ministers have subscribed ) make mention of unsound opinions , especially abominable errours , damnable heresies , and horrid blasphemies , which are broached and maintained here in england among us , under the notion of new lights , and new truths ; many of which they have reason to judge destructive to the very fundamental truths of christianity , &c. all of them utterly repugnant to the sacred scriptures , the occasion of much grief of heart to all the friends of truth and piety at home , the scandal and offence of all the reformed churches abroad , the unparalleld reproach of this church and nation , totally inconsistent with the covenant , and the covenanted reformation , and in a word , the very dregs and spawn of those old accursed heresies which have been already condemned , &c. after this preface and expression of their zeal to gods truth , they conclude the period with a profession , that they more particularly abominate these infamous and pernicious errours of late published among us , and hereafter recited in this ensuing catalogue , viz. errours , &c. in this catalogue , three particulars there are recited from the practical catechisme of h. hammond , 2. edit. london , 1646. from which premises , i suppose , any reader will conclude , that those three particulars are by these ministers thought guilty of all those charges which they had affixt to all the unsound opinions , &c. noted by them , viz. that they are utterly repugnant to the sacred scriptures , &c. and in the modestest of their expressions , that they are infamous and pernicious errours . upon this supposition , i hold it my duty by setting down these three particulars punctually , to refer it to all impartial christians to judge whether it be a testimony to the truth of jesus christ to passe such censures on them . the first is recited by them , p. 9. and it is this , that christ was given to undergo a shameful death voluntarily upon the crosse , to satisfie for the sin of adam , and for all the sins of all mankind . this is thus plainly set down in their catalogue of infamous & pernicious errors , but without the least note to direct what part of this proposition is liable to that charge , any farther then may be collected from the title of the errours under which 't is placed , viz : errours touching universal or general redemption . from whence i presume to discern their meaning to be , that to affirm christ to have satisfied for , or redeemed all mankind , is this pernitious errour by them abominated . and such i confesse i should acknowledge it to be , if it had any right to be joyn'd with that other by these men set under the same head [ that the damned shall be saved ] but i hope that error hath received no patronage from that catechism , nor sure from that assertion of christs redeeming all mankind . these two propositions being very reconcileable , that christ redeemed all men , and yet that the whole number of the impenitent , unbelieving , reprobate world shall never be saved by him . if there were any need of it , i should easily shew the way of reconciling these two , by adding that the great benefits of christs death , which i affirm to be general , are given upon condition , not absolutely ( as gods love to the world , & , the effect of it , giving his son , is not designed , that all absolutely , but that all conditionally , i. e. whosoever believeth in him , should not perish , but have everlasting life ) and that they which do not perform that condition ( as god knows a great multitude doe not ) shall never be saved by his death : to which purpose is that of prosper , one far enough from all kindnesse to the pelagians , redemptor mundi dedit pro mundo sanguinem suum , & mundus redimi noluit , &c. the redeemer of the world gave his bloud for the world , and the world would not be redeemed . ad gall : cap. 9. but , to confine my discourse ( without consideration of the consequences ) to the assertion it self ; i desire it may be observ'd , that this was not crudely set down in that catechisme , but with this immediate addition [ to tast death for every man , heb. 2.9 . ] by that plain testimony of scripture confirming the truth of what was asserted , as punctually as could be imagined . for sure [ every man ] signifies all mankind , as that notes singulos generis humani , in the largest notion of the word , and tasting death for them is satisfying for their sins . if this testimony ( so clear , that it alone hath , to my knowledge , convinc'd one as learned a man as doth in this church of ours maintain the doctrines contrary to the remonstrants ) be not thought sufficient to support this assertion , i shall then ex abundanti adde these other plain testimonies ; not only that of gods giving his only son , mention'd by christ , as an effect or expression of his love to the world , ( which it would not be , if he did not give him for the world , whom he is said to love ) but ( to prevent all distinctions concerning the notion of the world , as if it signified , only the elect ) more particularly these two ; first that of 2 pet. 2.1 . where the lord , i. e. christ is plainly said to have bought ( i.e. paid the price , satisfied for ) them , who deny him , and bring upon themselves swift destruction : to which agrees that of 1 cor. 8.11 . where the weake brother , of whom 't is said , that by another mans scandal he shal perish , is described to be one for whom christ died . the other testimony which i shall adde , is that of s. paul , 2 cor. 5.14 . which i desire the intelligent reader to observe : where speaking of the constreining obliging love of christ , he saith , we thus judge , that if one died for all , then were all dead , that is , surely , all in the full latitude , not only the elect but all others ; and this conclusion the apostle inferrs by this medium , because one , i.e. christ died for all , which being a proof of the other , must certainly be as true , and as acknowledged ( if not more ) as that which 't is brought to prove ; and particularly the [ all ] for whom he died , be as unlimited as the [ all ] that were prov'd from thence to be dead , or else the apostle could not judge ( as he saith he doth ) or conclude the death of all in adam by that medium . from this arguing of the apostle i shall make no question to infer , that in s. pauls divinity , christ died for all who are dead in adam ; and on that occasion i shall adde , by the way , that the contrary doctrine [ of christs not dying for all ] was by the antients affixt on pelagius upon that ground , of his affirming that all ( i. e. that infants ) were not faln in adam , and so needed not to be redeem'd by christ . thus it appears by s. august : cont. 2. epist. pelag : l. 2. c. 2. pelagiani dicunt deum non esse omnium aetatum in hominibus mundatorem , salvatorem , liberatorem , &c. and when the massilians , to vindicate themselves from that charge of s. augustines , confesse that christ died for all mankind , ( as it appears by prospers epistle ) prosper expresses no manner of dislike of that confession , but forms other charges against them . and the truth is , there is scarce any antient writer before pelagius , but hath directly asserted christs dying for all , the testimonies of irenaeus , clemens , origen , macarius , cyril of jerusalem , eusebius , athanasius , and many others might readily be produced , if that were needful . and then let it be guest also , which of the two positions , the affirmative or the negative , best deserves the charge of being the spawn of those old accursed heresies , which have been already condemned , &c. the same i could adde from many the learnedst protestants , which never were thought to be tainted with any antient or modern heresie ( though others i know have exprest themselves otherwise ) but i need not such auxiliaries . to conclude this point , i suppose in affirming or vindicating this position , i have born testimony to the truth of christ , from whom , and whose apostles i professe to have learn'd this truth , and to conceive it ( for the sense of it ) as fully testified by plain scriptures , as many articles of the creed ; and for the expression used in the pract : catechisme of [ all mankind ] i must acknowledge to have learn'd it from the church of england ( of which i do yet with joy professe my self an obedient son and member ) in those words of her catechisme , establisht by act of parliament , and inserted in the book of liturgy , where i was taught , [ to believe in god the father , who created me and all the world , in god the son , who redeemed me and all mankind , and in god the holy ghost , who sanctified me and all the elect people of god ; where mankind as it is of a narrower extent on one side then all the world of creatures , so is it to be understood of a larger , then all the elect people of god ; and so much for the first charge . the second is set down p. 15. and it is this , that neither paul nor james exclude or separate faithful actions or acts of faith from faith , or the condition of justification , but absolutely require them , as the only things by which the man is justified . what is thus set down i acknowledge to be in terminis in the practical catechisme , but cannot easily guesse wherein the error or perniciousnesse is conceived to lie , unlesse it should possibly be thorow a mistake of the phrase [ the only things by which the man is justified ] as if by that speech should be understood , either that the faithful actions or acts of faith without faith it self , were the only things by which we are justified , or else that all the things there spoken of , faith , and faithful actions , or acts of faith are the only cause , and so some cause of our justification , or by which , as by a cause , we are justified ; either of these i confesse might passe for an error , but both these doctrines i have sufficiently disclaim'd ; and indeed in this very proposition 't is affirm'd that the faithful actions or acts of faith are not excluded or separated from faith ( which they must be if they justifie without faith ) or the condition of justification ( i. e. from that faith which is considered as , and affirm'd to be the condition of our justification ) but by those two apostles absolutely required , to what ? why to faith , or the condition of our justication , as the only things together with it by which as by a condition , and only so ( as 't is clearly set down all over that part of the catechisme , which handles faith or justification ) the man is justified . this i suppose may give these men some light of their mistake , if it were such : but if they understand the speech as then and now i do , and yet think it error , and pernicious , i must then only prove that what was said from s. james and s. paul , was not by me falsly imposed upon them , and then they must either maintain my speech , or fall with me in the same condemnation . that s. james doth not exclude or separate faithful actions , or acts of faith , from faith , or the condition of justification , but require them , ( i.e. faith , and faithful actions , or acts of faith ) as the only things by which , as by a condition , the man is justified , will be clear by the definition of a condition in logick , and the plain words of s. james ; a condition is a qualification of the s●bject required to make him capable , or a causa sine quâ non ; and so a condition of justification is no more , then that without which a man cannot be justified ; and that as the direct affirmation of s. james , c. 2.24 . ye see that by works ( i. e. faithful actions , or acts of faith ) a man is just●fied , and not by faith only : and again , faith if it have not works , v. 17. and faith without works , v. 20. is dead , and so , sure , not such as by which we are justified . from whence i form this syllogisme , that , without which , in s. james's opinion , we are not justified , and by which joyn'd with faith we are justified , not by faith only , is not by s. james excluded or separated from faith or the condition of our justification , but required together with faith , as the only things by which ( as by a condition the man is justified ; but without acts of faith or faithful actions , in s. james's ●●●mon , we are not justified , and by them we are justified , and 〈◊〉 by faith only , therefore faithful actions , or acts of ●●●th are not by st. james excluded or separated from faith , or the condition of our justification , but required together with faith , as the only things by which ( as by a condition ) the man is justified . the first proposition is clear from the nature of a condition ; the second from the words cited out of s. james , and then i hope the conclusion will neither be error nor pernitious . then for s. paul 't is made evident in the pract : catech●sme that the faith by which according to his doctrine abraham was justified ( and not by works ) rom. 4. was not only a depending on god for the performance of his promise ( which yet was a faithful action , or act of faith ) but also a resigning himself up wholly to him to obey his precepts ; or more clearly , was a faith , which , howsoever it was tried by promises or commands , did answer god in acts of faith , or faithful actions ; and so was accepted by god ( without absolute unsinning obedience , much more without obedience to the mosaical law , i. e. without works ) all which is clear in the story of abraham , and i suppose need not farther be evidenced . and then concerning s. pauls part in the businesse , my syllogisme shall be this , he that affirms abraham to be justified by that faith , which , howsoever 't was tried , did answer god in acts of faith or faithful actions , doth not exclude or separate faithful actions or acts of faith from faith , or the condition of our justification , but absolutely requires them , &c. but s. paul affirms abraham to be justified by that faith , which howsoever 't was tried , did answer god in faithful actions , or acts of faith , therefore s. paul doth not exclude or separate faithful actions , &c. the first proposition i conceive wants little proving , after that which hath been already premis'd in this matter . and for the second i shall desire that abrahams faith , as it hath justification attributed to it by saint paul , may be viewed both in the 4 to the rom. and the 11 to the heb. in the former his faith was tried by the promise of a numerous seed , &c. and he answered that with one act of faith , or faithful action , believed in hope , beyond hope , v. 18. was strong in faith , and gave glory to god , v. 20. was fully perswaded , that what god had promised , he was able to perform , v. 21. all which what are they but acts of faith , or faithful actions ; all , which ( when the object of the faith is gods absolute promise ) the matter is capable of , and for this it was counted to him for righteousnesse , or he was justified , ver. 22. and thence sure i may conclude , that these were so required , as the condition by which he was , and without which he should not be justified . in the 11 to the heb. many other acts of his faith , or faithful actions are mentioned ; v. 8. by faith he obeyed to go out of his own country , not knowing whither he went , and v. 9. by faith he sojourn'd in a strange land , v. 10. by faith he expected a city , that hath foundations , v. 17. by faith he offer'd his son , and v. 19. counted that god was able to raise him up from the dead , v. 20. by faith he blessed isaac concerning things to come . what are all these but acts of faith , or faithful actions in all kinds of tryals ? and therefore i suppose all this being out of saint paul , as the former out of saint james , 't will be no error or pernitious from their very words to have affirm'd this doctrine , and affixt it on them . i suppose also this may serve for the second proposition . the third is set down p. 18. from pract. catech. p. 120. and t is this , that [ thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain ] is undoubtedly no more then [ thou shalt not forswear thy self . ] to this charge i answer first , that it is a little strange , that a bare explication of a phrase of scripture , a part of the third commandement in exod. though it were acknowledged false , or forc'd , should yet be so far improvable by any , as to come under the title of an infamous pernicious error , a spawn of the old accursed heresies , &c. and be capable of all those other aggravations at first mention'd , which being affixt to all the errors in the catalogue , must also be affixt to this which is set down for one of them . but then secondly , for the truth , ( most undoubted certain truth ) of this explication , or interpretation thus censured , i have formerly at large made it appear , that the words [ to take the name of god ] signifie to swear , and no more , and the hebrew which we render in vain , signifies [ falsly ] and is so rendred in the ninth commandement , and agreeable to that , psal. 15. to lift up the soul to vanity , is to swear by the soul or life falsly , as it there follows , nor sworn to deceive his neighbour , and beside my own judgement in this matter , back'd with the consent of as learned as this age hath , or the antient church had any , i conceiv'd that i had a most authentick warrant from christ himself , who renders it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , thou shalt not forswear thy self : for so we read mat. 5. ye have heard that it was said to them of old , thou shalt not kill , and again in the same manner , thou shalt not commit adultery , that is , that of the 10 commandements delivered in sinai , and brought down by scripture , to them his present auditors , one commandement was , thou shalt not kill , another , thou shalt not commit adultery , and so again in the very same form of words , another , thou shalt not forswear thy self , from which i did assure my self ( and so stil do ) that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is as directly the interpretation ( in christs judgment ) of the first part of the third commandement , as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of the seventh and sixth , and so that it is undoubtedly no more the one then the other . and indeed this was the only occasion of delivering those words in the pract : catech. to shew that christ did not misreport the words of the commandements , nor yet refer to any other place , but that commandment in those words of his . and though i have many other things , that i could say to that matter , able to free that speech from all imaginable inconveniences ( especially when in that place christs prohibition is explain'd to be against all kind of swearing ( by any other as wel as by god ) in ordinary conversation , or in any case but wherein it is necessary to confirm by oath ) yet i am very willing to leave the matter here , upon this account at this time given of it , i. e. in my opinion on christs score , and not fear what any ingenuous reader wil charge on me for this interpretation . i beseech god to forgive them which have brought this unnecessary trouble upon the reader : and for my self i have to them these two only requests , 1. that they wil examine themselves sincerely , and as in gods sight , what the motive or design was , which perswaded them to single out me alone ( who professe my self , and am by all that know me , acknowledg'd to hold nothing contrary to the church of england , and wil justifie it to any man that knows what the church of england is ) and joyn me with the broachers of all the blasphemies and heresies of this age : and 2ly , that they wil lay to heart the consequences which may naturally flow from hence , if god do not uphold weak christians , who seeing so many doctrines of very distant natures blended together , with the same brand of [ heresie and blasphemy , infamous and pernicious ] fasten'd on them , and no kind of proofs annext , that any are such ( beside the judgment of the censors ) may possibly find some of them to be the infallible truths of god , and be tempted ( if they have not stronger antidotes then this bare testimony wil afford them ) to have the same thoughts of the other also ; or if not , whether they wil not be inclined to have the same severity and condemnation for me , or any other asserter of such propositions as these , as they are taught to have for the authors of those other blasphemous propositions , and so be tempted to uncharitablenesse . having said thus much , i shall hope it may find some good successe among some who have subscribed that testimony : but if i am mistaken in all of them , i shall then desire that this improsperous paper may gain me but thus much , that either the first subscriber mr john downam ( who did license the printing of this very book , from whence all these pretended errors are cited ) or else dr gouge , or mr gataker , who are foremost of the second rank , or some other person of learning and christian temper wil afford me their patience personally , and by fair discourse , or any other christian way , to debate the truth of our pretensions ; and for this i shal wait their leisure . h. hammond . from my study , christ-ch : in oxon. jan. 24. munday . the end . considerations of present use, concerning the danger resulting from the change of our church-government hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1682 approx. 34 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45405 wing h528 estc r11941 11998200 ocm 11998200 52150 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45405) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52150) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 564:17) considerations of present use, concerning the danger resulting from the change of our church-government hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 20 p. printed by t.m. for fin. gardiner ..., london : 1682. attributed to henry hammond. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. church and state -church of england. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion considerations of present use , concerning the danger resulting from the change of our church-government . london , printed by t. m. for fin. gardiner , at the three roses in ludgate-street . 1682. considerations of present use , concerning the danger resulting from the change of our church-government . to him that being satisfied in judgment of the lawfulness of episcopal government , doth yet conceive that the parting with it is no change of religion , and consequently , that the standing for it at this time , when it is opposed , is but the preferring the interests of some inconsiderable men before the conveniences and common wishes of all , i earnestly desire ( in the bowels of compassion to my bleeding country , and from a sincere passionate wish that the cure of this dangerous wound may not be an imperfect cure ) to present some few sad considerations , which i shall cast under two heads ( proportionable to the two parts of the former ungrounded suggestion ) the one , that parting with the present government is no change of religion ; the other , that standing for it at this time , is the preferring the interests of some before the common wish of all , the peace of this nation . concerning the former , i offer to consideration , first , whether the government of the church be not a considerable part of religion ? that it is so , i shall make appear by these reasons . 1. that government is as necessary to the preservation of the church as preaching the gospel was to the plantation of it , and that therefore it was always the apostles practice , as soon as ever they had converted a city or province , or any considerable number of men in it , to leave it in the hands of some faithful persons , to dress , tend , and water , what they had thus planted ; and therefore though it were possible for a christian to be deprived of this benefit , and yet to remain christian ( as to want some limbs , or to abound to monstrosity in others , is yet reconcileable with life and being of a man ) to retain the doctrine of christianity without any government , to be a christian in the wall or in the wilderness , a stylita or anachorite christian ( in which case there is no doubt the use of the very sacraments , instituted by christ himself , would not be necessary to christianity ) yet would it be little less than fury for any to design or hope the prosperity or duration of a church , or visible society of such christians , without this grand necessary ( though not of single being , yet ) of mutual preservation , this principle not of essence but of continuance , without which ( it is the learned breerewood's observation from st. augustine ) that the preservation of a church was once by experience found to be an impossible thing , no other engine being able to repair the want or supply the place of that . a second reason may be drawn from the concurring pleas of all the most distant pretenders for the several forms of government in the church , as well those that have espoused the papal , the presbyterial , the independent , as those which are for the present english form by the king and his bishops , &c. all vehemently contending for the necessity of that government , which they affect in the church , and none so calm or modest in their claims , as the assertors of the english prelacy ; which moderation or want of heat , is sure one reason that so many sons of this church are now tempted to think government so unconsiderable a thing , and so extrinsecal to christianity ; though this thought thus grounded , be a double injustice , 1. in suspecting that truth , for want of asserting , which is therefore not so vehemently asserted , because it is supposed truth , 2. in encouraging heat and violence of disputes ( the greatest plague in a church ) by shewing them that the eagerest pretenders shall be most heeded , and that meekness shall not inherit the earth , though both david and christ promised it should . a third argument may be had from the judgment of our state , which hath thought fit to make the government of the church matter of one of the articles of our religion , and so to joyn in honour the care of it with the care of the doctrine , and to require as strict a subscription to the establish't government , as to the rest of the 39. heads of doctrine , by which you may evidently see , that to change the government is to change the doctrine , and where doctrine and government both are changed , can we possibly think the religion to be the same ? i shall add no more proofs of this , because i conceive them unnecessary ; the contrary misapprehension being , as i suppose , not grounded by arguments , but of its own accord arising from an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an experiment , which many men , especially persons of quality , think they have made , that in their whole lives they never reaped any benefit from government , never received any accession or encrease to their spiritual weal from that , as from the doctrine and liturgy of the church , they acknowledg to have done . to this ground of misprision , as being perhaps the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the cause of the whole mistake , it will not be amiss to make some answer . 1. that many benefits we receive from government , which we do not visibly discern , and that therefore , when we discern our selves to have received some growth , and cannot but know that it was wrought by means , we should rather confess our want of sense or gratitude to the true means , than imagine those not to have been the means , only because we have not that sense of them . 2. that those means which have been more visible to us , the dispensation of the word and sacraments , have been reacht out to us by the hand of government , to which therefore we owe our acknowledgments in the second place for our preservation and growth , as to the hand of supreme previdence for our being or life spiritual . 3. that if the benefits of government have not been really very discernable and notable to all , that is not yet in any justice to be imputed to any defect that way in government it self , to any barrennes in the nature or particular temper of it , but to some default ( which will deserve observing and reforming ) in the persons , either of the rulers , or of those which are under rule , or of a third sort whose dutie it is to be the rulers perspectives and otacousticks , to present to their knowledg , the wants of inferiours , which till they are known , are not likely to be repaired . the defaults in each of these severals are , or may be so many , and so obnoxious to common observation , that it will be much more reasonable for each to resolve to amend his part for the future , and so make it a business of reformation , than to charge the defaults of persons to the defaming of government , and so to undervalue and scorn what our sins first , then our phansies have defamed . the comfort is , that it hath been the clemency as well as the sloth or cowardice of governours , which have deprived men of the great fruits of government ; and if it may be agreed that it is very expedient , and will be taken in good part , that governours hereafter be more severe , as well as more diligent , more couragious , as well as more laborious , in using the weapons of their warfare , to cut off or to cure , without any respect of persons , wheresoever there is need of them ; i shall hope this objection will then be throughly answered , if as yet it be not . a second consideration apportioned to the former head will be this , whether ( supposing government of the church to be a considerable part of religion ) the change of it from established episcopacy to any other ( namely to that of prebytery by many , without any superiour over them , or as that is opposite to episcopacy ) be not a sin against religion ? that it is , or will be so , i shall endeavour to convince the gainsayer by these steps or degrees of proof , which though perhaps not each single , yet all being put together will , i believe , where prejudice doth not hinder , be sufficient to doe it . 1. because this government by bishops , superiour to presbyters , is of apostolical institution . but this being an affirmation , as demonstrable by ecclesiastical records , as any thing can be , or as the canon of scripture which we receive , is demonstrated to be the canon of scripture ; and in regard it hath by others been sufficiently proved , i shall therefore wholly spare the repeating of that trouble , and add unto it . 2. that it hath the example , though not the distinct precept of christ , who with his twelve apostles , and the many other disciples in time of his residence upon earth , superiour one to the other , are the copy , of which the bishops , presbyters and deacons in the following age , were a transcript , who are therefore by st. ignatius , s. johns contemporary , allowed to receive honour , the bishops as christ , the presbyters as the apostles , the deacons as the seventy . 3. that as far as concerns superiority of one order to the other ( which is sufficient to eject the presbytery which supposes an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality of all ) it is authorized by sacred scripture-practise , where it appears , that when judas fell from his orbe of motion , the dignity of being one of the twelve , is by the direction of the spirit , and by lot bestowed upon matthias , who , though before a disciple of christ , was not till then assumed to that dignity . fourthly , that supposing it to be in this manner apostolical , there is little colour of reason to doubt , but that the preserving of it is of as great moment as many doctrines of christianity , not only because many doctrines were not so explicitely delivered by christ , but that they needed farther explicating by the apostles , ( and are therefore by the church grounded not in any words of the gospel , but in the epistles of the apostles ) but also because it was in gods providence thought fit , that government should be setled not by christ personally , but by the apostles , that is mediately by christ ; as doctrine was by christ immediately . christ in his life time gives them the ground of a church , divine truth , the word of his father , the acknowledgment of which is the rock on which his church is built , on this the apostles are to build , and gather members , and to settle the whole edifice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ordinately , and that they may not err in that work , the holy ghost is promised to descend upon them , and christ by that power of his to be with them in eminent manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the end of the world . and government being necessary to the setling , was undoubtedly thus referred and left to them by christ , and so their authority in instituting that which they instituted , as evidently deduced from christ , as their power of preaching what they preached , or baptising whom they baptised . and having gone thus far , i cannot but resume my consideration thus far made more considerable , and appeal to any sober conscience , whether it be not some irreligion thus to displace or remove that which the apostles ( to whom only by christ it was intrusted ) according to christs own samplar and scripture-grounds , thought fit to settle in the church , supposing it to be a matter of religion which is spoken of , as before we proved ; nay , whether if an angel from heaven were to be anathematized for teaching any other doctrine than what one apostle had taught , it would not be matter of just terrour to any that should have any part in the guilt of instituting any other government than that which the appostles had instituted , especially when the acts of councels tell us , that what s. paul denounces against the heterodox angel , the church did practise against aerius , anathematized him for impugning this government , which now we speak of . and if still the authority of all this be blemisht by this one exception , that this institution af the appostles is not affirmed in scripture , or there commanded to posterity to continue , and retain for ever . to this i answer , by saying that which may be a fourth argument to prove the irreligiousness of such change , that there is as much or more to be said ( in both those respects , both for mention of this institution in scripture , and for apostolical precept for continuing of it ) for this government , as for some other things whose chang would be acknowledged very irreligious . i will only instance in one , the institution of the lords day , of which there is nothing can be said to the setting up the authority and immutability of it , which will not be said of episcopacy . a ground of it there was in nature , some time to be set a part to the special publick service of god ; and the like ground there is in nature for this , that some persons should be designed to , and rewarded for the special publick service of god. a pattern of that there was among the jews , one day in the seven designed for gods quotum or portion ; the like pattern there is among the jews for this ; a government by high-priests , and levites . that was an institution not of christ in his life time immediately , but of his apostles , after his departure invested with such power ; the like institution there is of this by the same apostles after christs ascension , directed and assisted by the holy ghost . the occasion of pitching on the first day of the week was a solemn action of christ his resurrection on that day ; the occasion of this , the several distinct orders in the church in christs time , christs apostles , disciples , and the manifest superiority of him before all of them ( who affirms himself their lord , even when he speaks of his office ministerial , his coming to minister to them ) and of the apostles before the disciples , as even now was shewed . the mention of that was found once in the revelation distinctly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lords day , and twice or thrice in equipollent terms , the first day of the week ; and the mention of episcopacy is as clear , the angel of the church of ephesus , &c. in the revelation ( which hath been cleared by irrefragable evidence to belong to this matter ) and the ruling elder in s. paul , that must have double honour , and titus left in crete to set in order the things that were wanting , and to ordain elders in every church ; and many other more clear mentions of the serveral titles and officies of bishop , preshyter , and deacon , than there is of the name and duties of the lords day . the obscure mentions of that in scripture were explained in the writings and stories of the first age of the church , particularly in the epistiles of ignatius , and the obscurities of the sacred texts concerning episcopacy , are as clearly explicated and unfolded by the same ignatius even in every one of those epistles of his which vedelius ( as great an enemy of this order as geneva hath produced any ) after his fiery tryal of that author hath acknowledged to be his . the use of that continued from the apostles time ( though not universally till the jewish sabbath was fairly laid a sleep ) till these days in the universal church , and all perticular churches , that we read of ; and the like use and practise of this continued universall without any exception from the apostles time , till this day in the universal church , as that signifies the eastern and the western church , and in each particular church , till about this last century , and in this of ours from the plantation of the gospel till this day . these are paralless enough to even the ballance ( and i profess to know no one more which might weigh it down on that side ) and to make it now seasonable to demand , whether it would not be thought an act contrary to religion ( whether that signifies christian piety , or meekness , or awe , to all that is sacred ) for any particular national church or part thereof , without any more warrant then is now offered for this present change , to remove the service of god from the lords day to any other day in the week , ( which sure is as small a differnce , as that betwixt presbyterial and episcopal government can by any be conceived to be ) or instead of our first day of the week to set apart either an eight , or a sixt day , and so to change that apostolical institution . if that seem strange , or be startled at , as unfit to be ventured on , or yielded to , i shall desire the same plea may be entred for this , and that conscience may be secured , that either both are lawfull , or that the difference is clear , and the advantage on the lords days side , or that it may be resolved that this is unlawfull as well as that . a fift argument will be this , that the making ( or yielding to ) this change , will be a scandal ( very worthy to be considered ) in them that so yield , toward those which oppose this government as unlawful ; for this yielding will be an appearing acknowledgement , that their contrary pretentions are true , and so a confirming them in their errour ( which is no light one , but the same for which aerius was , and any other apposer would certainly have been anathematized , and turned out of the catholick church for an heretick , ) which is one special kind of scandalizing or occasioning the fall of our brethren , and withall a nourishing them in their uncharitable opinion not only of us , but of the ancient fathers of the church , ( who were all antichristian if this be so ) which is another causing my brother to offend : nay a kind of countenancing that unchristian ( am sure unprotestant ) doctrine , of the lawfulness of taking up arms , against lawfull superiours and establisht lawes , and propagating our opinions in religion by that means , which perchance some may be betrayed to by this example , others brought to believe consentaneous to protestant doctrine , if they which are thus guilty be thus gratified ; which as it were a change in our doctrine , if it were really acknowledged , so is it , in this respect , another act of scandall , if it thus aprear to be acknowledged , and that which would make any heathen prince unwilling to embrace our religion , if this disloyal perswasion were conceived to be a part of it . a sixt argument ( which to me is of no small force ) i will yet but name , and refer it to others to consider of , that no man is a priest , or lawfully ordained minister of any christian church , but he that is called and sent by god ; that there is now no way in this kingdome , to have that calling or mission duly but from bishops , who are the only persons who have their power of ordaining others , given to them in their assumption to that order by those who had it before , and can drive it from the apostles , who had it immediatly from heaven : and whatsoever other power a priest or preshyter may be thought or said to have common with a bishop , it is yet the constant judgment of the universal church for 1500 , years , that this of ordination is not competible to one or more bare presbyters without a bishop , and it will be easie to satisfie any reasonable man in whatsoever may be produced of sound , or probability to the contrary : and therefore if any office , or order , or ministry in the church be considerable , this which is the standing well-head and spring of all the other , must be thought so also . having premised these arguments of so much weight , sufficient to support the burthen designed to them , i shall add , ex abundante some inferior ones ( though they amount not so far , as alone of themselves to conclude it direct irreligion , yet to add to the former heap some aggravations . as , 1. that to yield to this change , is to disclaim those blessed means of gods providence which brought us to our baptisme , to all our spiritual life and growth that we have attained to , and that is a great ingratitude to that government . 2. it is an act of pride and insolency , to prefer any scheme of humane and modern invention before that which the apostles , the primitive , and ( for so many years ) the vniversal church had authorized , and therefore i could almost adventure to believe , that the framers of the covenant had obliged themselves secretly to maintain episcopacy by putting in those words , [ the best reformed churches ] that i might escape thinking them so insolent as to prefer any churches before those , which they cannot but know have used episcopacy . 3. it ia a great tempting of gods providence , in not being contented with that form which hath prospered so happily with us , and the whole christian world , ( though subject ( as all that is humane , or mixt with flesh , is even the very grace of god in us ) to be abused ) any putting it to the adventure , whatsoever inconveniences the next may be subject to . of the inconveniences that presbytery doth infallibly bring along with it , and the unreconcilableness of them with monarchical government in the state , sufficient evidences have been given ; and if there were no other but this , that the endeavouring to bring it in at this time hath brought this tempest and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon this kingdom , and that this hath been but the general consequent of that government , wheresoever it hath but begun to heave , casting out peace , and obedience to lawful authority together , it would well deserve to have this mark of reprobation or non-election set upon it , if it were but for this , that the prosperity of such attempts should not encourage others to the like . this and the like inconveniences are of such weight , that for men to be willing to exchange the certain benefits of the one , for the uncertain advantages and strongly probable calamities of the other is a sin , that may provoke and tempt god to punish them yet further with greater and unexpected curses , and therefore may deserve in ' its place to be considered . 4. it is an act of infidelity and practical atheisme for those especially who being convinced with the former reasons to acknowledg any irreligion or sin in such change ) to sacrifice any thing to our own present conveniences , to make any change in sacred matters meerly out of intuition of our own secular advantages ; atheisme , in thinking that god cannot as easily blast that convenience so acquired , as those many which came more directly to our hands ; and infidelity , or distrust , in thinking that god will not in his time give those conveniences and advantages ( if they be such indeed ) by means perfectly lawful , which now we covet by unlawful . to which might be added the wants and omissions of those duties of confession of christ , in not defending and standing to those truths which we are convinced to be such , in time of their being oppugned and persecuted ; self-denial , in not depositing our own carnal secular aims and interests , and of taking up the cross , in not suffering willingly and cheerfully when it lies in our way to the preforming of any act of obedence to christ . but i would not inlarge to these , but ●nly conclude this proof with a fift difficulty of separating sin from changes , when they are great , and in matters of weight : it is the wise mans advice that occasioned this observation , my son , fear thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them which are given to changes : the changes are sure changes in government , and those are named indefinitely , without any restraint , and the very medling with them that are inclined to such , is opposed both to piety and loyalty , fearing of god and the king. i have done with the considerations proportioned to the first part of the suggestion . i proceed to the view of the second part of it , and there the consideration shall be only this , whether , the change of this government , be not a common interest of all , as well as of those who are now clergy-men . that it is so , may appear probable , because the revenue or honours which belong to them in government are not the sole , or main part of govenrment ; there is a weight and office , which our forefathers thought worthy to be encouraged and rewarded with those payments , and if any man shall think them ill proportioned , i shall not doubt to tell him s. chrisostomes judgment , that the burthen of a bishop was formidable , even to an angell to undergo , and if the corruptions of latter times be affirmed to have changed that state of things , i answer : that the restoring episcopacy to its due burthen as well as reputation , were a care worthy of reformers , and it is so far from my desire that any such care should be spared , that it is now my publick solemn petition both to god and man , that the power of the keys , and the exercise of that power , the due use of confirmation , and ( previous to that ) examination , and tryall of youth , a strict search into the manners and tempers , and sufficiencies of those that are to be admitted into holy orders , and to be licentiate for publick preachers , the visitation of each parish in each diocess , and the exercise of church-discipline upon all offenders ; together with painfull , mature and sober preaching and catechizing , studies of all kinds , and parts of theological learning , languages , controversies , writings of the schools and casuists , &c. be so far taken into consideration by our law-makers and so far considered in the collating of church-preferments and dignities , so much of duty required of clergie-men , and so little left arbitrary or at large , that every church preferment in this kingdom may have such a due burthen annexed to it , that no ignorant person should be able , no lazy or luxurious person willing or forward to undergoe it . and if this might be thus designed , i should then resolve , that the direct contrary to the fore-mentioned suggestions would be truth , that the setling and continuing of this present government would prove the common interest of all , and only the burthen of those few that have those painfull offices assigned them ; and least any may think this word a boast ( which i can safely venture with the world at this time , and not have reason to fear a surprisal , or being taken at my word ) i shall venture another offer in the name of my brethern of the clergy ? ( not that i have took their particular votes , but that i perswade my self so far of their piety . ) that rather than the glory should thus depart from israel , by the philistines taking the ark of the lord , laying wast this flourishing church of ours , or transforming it into a new guise , every one single of us , that have any possessions or titles worthy any mans envy or rapine , and so are thought now by our own interests to have been bribed or fee'd advocates in this cause , may forthwith be deprived of all that part of the revenues of the church wherein we are legally invested ; and he that shall not cheerfully resigne his part in the present prosperity of the church , on the meer contemplation and intuition of the benefit that may now , and after his life redound to others , let him have the guilt of achans wedge laid on him , and the charge of being disturber of the state. i hope we have learnt to want as well as to abound and to trust god ( that can feed the young ravens when the old have exposed them ) for the feeding of us , and our families , though all our present means of doing it were taken from us . if this may serve turne to satisfie the thirst of those that gape , and the suspicions of those that look unkindly on us , we offer to free you from all blame of sacriledg , or oppression , or injustice ( from one of which , no other means imaginable can free a change of government by our own voluntary cession or resignation , as far as our personal interests reach : and shall think the peace of this state , and continued prosperity of this church , a most glorious purchase , most cheaply bought , if it be had upon such terms as these . and if the function it self , with the necessary adjuncts to it , be not swept a way in the calamity , we shall be perfectly pleased whatsoever befall our persons , and desire , that tryall may be made of the ingenuity of clergy-men , whether we have not thus far profited under gods rod , as to be willing to yield to any possible proposition ( which will bring no guilt of sin upon our consciences ) towards the averting the judgments of heaven , which are now ( i wish i might say for our sins only ) most sadly multiplyed upon this land. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45405-e90 acts 1. the life and death of mr. william moore, late fellow of caius colledge, and keeper of the university-library as it was delivered in a sermon preached at his funeral-solemnity, april 24, 1659, in st maries church in cambridge / by tho. smith ... smith, thomas, 1623 or 4-1661. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a60568 of text r566 in the english short title catalog (wing s4231a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a60568 wing s4231a estc r566 11943235 ocm 11943235 51300 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a60568) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51300) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 42:3) the life and death of mr. william moore, late fellow of caius colledge, and keeper of the university-library as it was delivered in a sermon preached at his funeral-solemnity, april 24, 1659, in st maries church in cambridge / by tho. smith ... smith, thomas, 1623 or 4-1661. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [20], 11, [1] p. printed by john field, printer to the university of cambridge, [cambridge] : 1660. place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. "the last words which were writ by ... dr. hammond, being two prayers for the peaceful re-settlement of this church and state" : p. 1-11 at end. eng moore, william, 1590-1659. funeral sermons. sermons, english. a60568 r566 (wing s4231a). civilwar no the life and death of mr william moore, late fellow of caius colledge, and keeper of the university-library: as it was delivered in a sermon smith, thomas 1660 5926 4 20 0 0 0 0 40 d the rate of 40 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the life and death of mr william moore , late fellow of caius colledge , and keeper of the university-library : as it was delivered in a sermon preached at his funeral-solemnity , april 24. 1659. in st maries church in cambridge ; by tho. smith , b. d. his successour . hinc ◆ lvcem ◆ et ◆ pocvla ◆ sacra printed by john field , printer to the university of cambridge . 1660. to my ever-honoured friend , charles scarborough , doctour of physick , and the rest of mr moors pupills . most dear friends and fellow-pupils ; i here present unto you a description of our tutour , as it was taken in short-hand . i beleeve that mr smith ( towards the end of whose sermon this was inserted ) would have been persuaded to have printed this whole sermon , if m●moor's executours had not told him , how they observed , that in such discourses the onely thing regarded by the reader is the life of the person , especially in these times , wherein few minde any thing but news . i remember that when our tutour had read over a book writ by d h. he said , that if he had been to write a tract on that subject , he would have said the same things with that authour . and therefore i here make bold to send you also the last words of dr hammond , which are newly come to my hands , because i have heard some ( who were intimate with them both ) say , that they knew no men more like in judgement and temper then m ▪ moor and that holy personage : so that if you desire our tutours works , you may be pleased to read this doctours , till his shall be published ; which i hope some of his pupills will do ere long , and not leave all the toyl to mr smith . i have transcribed many of them , but am leaving england ; and so must commend them to you , and you to god : beseeching you to pray for me , and to look upon these not onely as the last words of my tutour and dr hammond , but of me also , unless you hear further from the unworthiest of your fellow-pupills , charles bertie . middle-temple , may 8. anno caroli ii. 12o . the life and death of mr william moor . reverend and beloved ; be pleased to suffer me ( who never yet commended any man out of the pulpit ) to say a little of this mr william moor , newly interred here * before us , under that very stone whereon he was wont to kneel down in prayers to almighty god . he was a person , who had that of solomon continually before his eyes , eccles. 9. 10. what ever good thy hand findeth to do , do it with all thy might ; for there is no work , nor device , nor knowledge , nor wisdome in the grave , whither thou goest : or rather , he had the life of the blessed jesus in his daily meditation and practise . you can scarce name the good or piece of knowledge or wisdome , wherein he was not eminent : one of the ablest that ever i met with , not onely in the knotty pieces of divinity , cases of conscience , and chronologie , and all ingenuous sciences , especially history and all kinde of antiquity ( which , if any thing , must bring the men of this age to their wits again , when all is done ) but also in anatomy , physick , mathematicks , and the like . those who are the most eminent for all these now in england being of his education . but above all i must admire his piety to god , signified in every particular that i could observe . and i think i had more the happiness of his company ( and so greater opportunities to note his behaviour ) of late years , then any here present , except his own family , having been with him almost every day for these seven years last past . cardinal bellarmin ( in his second book of dying well , and eighth chapter ) is so ingenuous as to blame those romanists , who begin with their sacraments when they have done with their physick ; and saith , sacramentum conferretur aegrotis quando periculosè aegrotare incipiunt ; that 't is a very dangerous custome ( though it is seldome otherwise ) that men send not for the priest till the physician hath given them over . this our friend ( quite contrary to them , and such as asa ) sought to the lord first , and then to the physician . to the lord , and that ( after a strict examination of his soul ) in those two main parts of divine worship , prayer and the holy eucharist . no sooner had the disease seized upon him in an extraordinary manner , but straight he spoke of the sixth chapter of st johns gospel , and those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} mysteria , and told me and divers others , that he was of his good friend mr herbert thorndikes minde concerning that chapter , viz. that it must needs be a prediction of the holy eucharist : which the first nicene council thought the most necessary viaticum ; and after them the whole christian world ( not excluding calvin , zanchy , and others of the reformed ) till some late novelists arose : who would perswade us that christ had no true church upon earth before these times . and he received the body and bloud of our saviour with expressions of as much outward reverence as ever i beheld , ( which several here present can witness ) and doubtless his external deportment was but a necessary consequence of his inward devotion . which also appeared by his zeal and frequency in prayer to almighty god : not omitting to humble himself in a decent {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} dedicate to that purpose ( as you know the primitive christians did ) through every day of his life , even when he was not able to go , but crept and was led to it : not omitting the very last day of his pilgrimage , when he could not without help move his foot over the threshold . as he testified his reverence to god in doing , so in suffering . though his sickness was very painfull ( caused by an ulcer in his bladder ) yet who ever heard him complain in that or any other trouble ? all that i heard of it from his mouth , was this ; when one told him that he could not but be in great pain ; he answered , my saviour was in far greater pain for me . in his sickness he spent the most of his time in reading and meditating on the passion of christ , desiring to throw aside other learning , and to know nothing else but jesus christ and him crucified : and this knowledge was his ballast kept him steady and couragious ; for he never abhorred any thing more than the humours of this age , simulation and dissimulation ; so that if ever any man had a window into his heart , that all the world might know his most secret thoughts , mr moor had . in these changing times wherein men pride themselves in menstrua fide & anniversaria ( as tertullian speaks ) in a religion that alters as oft as the moon , or take up with the year at most ( and then persecute their neighbours for not being as very protei as themselves ) who dare whisper that mr moor was not constant to that religion , which upon a strict rational examination he took up in his younger days ? sticking close to that faith into which he was baptized , the true ancient , catholick , and apostolick church of england , whose doctrine is contained in the 39 articles , the book of homilies , and our * liturgie , which he lookt upon as the onely probable medium to reunite the shatter'd pieces of decaying christendome . in this religion he lived , and in this he died ; commending his soul ( in my hearing ) to god with a loud voice , in those our prayers which a erasmus , and b gilbertus cognatus say , do savour of an apostolical spirit ; and while both his hands and eyes were lifted up to heaven , his soul peaceably departed . thus died mr moor , as david , in a good old age , threescore and ten ; full of days ( i will not say riches and honour , but ) full of that which david saith is far beyond them , peace of conscience , and joy in the holy ghost . shall i tell you how he added to his true faith vertue , 2 pet. 1. 5 ? as that word signifies courage and constancy in well-doing , and conforming our actions to the rule which our consciences approve . he would oft say , that if men would generally take courage , and shew themselves bare-faced ( without mask or vizard ) and profess what they do indeed beleeve ; it were the onely way to secure themselves and all others , and make those few that be factiously bent unable to hurt them ; but that foolish fear hath always betrayed , and brought evil upon men , from the time of the gnosticks till now . to this vertue he added patience , an admirable submission to all manner of superiours , though perverse ; a most meek and quiet spirit under what governours ( ecclesiastical or civil ) soever . which i note the rather , because i see some men write large books , and many disputations , to prove that the members of the old english church are not to be suffered in any civil society : which books and disputations are ( in my opinion ) far better confuted by such lives as mr moors , then by volumes . and to patience how did he add brotherly kindness ! a true samaritan . every man was his neighbour ; loving to all , i cannot say to his enemies , because i never heard he had any , for he walkt so far from offence toward god and man , that he attracted the love or wonder rather , even of the froward . and though in these unhappy times difference in religion ( as 't is the nature of it ) hath caused a vast difference in most mens affections , yet i cannot hear of any one man that spoke one single word against mr moor ; nor do i remember that i have heard him speak ill of any one man or woman ; but i have heard him in general blame the men of this age for pulling down — and looking into other mens faults more then their own . he would say , that he had oft heard an apt proverb , after a good dinner , let us sit down and back-bite our neighbours : the discourse of most men now adays being nothing else . and i confess i have seen him very oft ( both in sickness and health ) upon the mention of schism , heresie , or sacriledge , shake his head , and profess that he would not have had the least finger in the ruin of the church of england for a million . but let us go to the colledge . ask those who were his contemporaries in gonvile and caius concerning him , and you shall hear them ( beside all this ) wonder at his contentedness , his joy in the most private condition ( the most mean and toylsome employment ) from first to last . though he had as many fair opportunities for preferment offered him as any man , yet he slighted them all , trampling this world under his feet : saying , that since he was but a passenger here , it was a folly not to behave himself as a traveller in an inn ; a madness to set his minde on such things as there is no use of at his journeys end ; adding , that god sent no man hither to get money . his contemporaries will tell you , how far he was from disturbing the peace of the society wherein he lived , from beginning or fomenting any faction or sedition in the house . that he never asked any fellow for his vote , nor politickly ( as the custome is ) enquired before hand what other men would do in any election , nor spoke one word for any pupil of his own either to get a scholarship or fellowship ( and yet even lately he had five or six senior fellows at once in caius colledge his own pupils ) but he went on his own road , chose that man whom he in his soul thought fittest for the place , fall how it would ; & so his vote oft stood alone , doing no man any good . and though some laughed at his singularity , he had his reward within and above , which told him that a time would come ere long , when it would be declared by strange effects , that wealth was never the greatest happiness , nor worldly policy the best counsellour , that to lie and forswear for a good cause was no piety , and to do wickedness for the glory of god was ill worshipping him . in a word , that there would come ( as sure as that god is true ) a day of visitation ; when we shall all be judged not by the flexible rules of our factions or interests ( non est judicium dei sicut hominum ) but by the straight regularities of the word of god , by the rules of s. paul , and justice and charity , by the laws of the nation and our local statutes . and thus he brought up his pupils , not choosing the richest ( such as be ordinarily the tulips of the university , stay a while , onely to show themselves & see fashions ) but such as were of the choicest parts though never so poor , and such as he thought he was likely to do most good upon : with whom he took more pains usually in one day then many do in a moneth , knowing that doing good to them he did good not onely to single persons , but sometimes to whole families , whole parishes , whole counties ; & he made it his business to principle them in true religion as well as learning . and now here be pleased to behold and admire the strange blessing of god upon his precepts and example ; though i know many scores of his pupils ( some in this and some in other nations ) yet i never knew any who continued not firm to those good principles which his tutour moor instilled into him ( quo semel est imbuta recens ) notwithstanding all the temptations of schisme and heresie , on the right and on the left , both from rome and amsterdam , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , except onely one . i should transgress the bounds ( though not of your patience , yet i am sure ) of the time , if i should tell you now of his almes , which are almost incredible . where is the poor man from whom he turned his face ? or where the poor pupil that ever he turned from the colledge for lack of money ? and yet what almes he gave was in the most private manner he could devise . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . how communicative was he ? how ready to lend any thing he had , even the choicest of his books or manuscripts , to any man in town or countrey that would make good use of them . i must not stand to tell you what pains he took to collect our university statutes ( now scattered in many scarce legible manuscripts ) into one body , how he was chearfull without lightness , grave and serious without distrust , sorrowfull for nothing but sin , delighting in nothing but doing good . and by that ye may trace his footsteps where-ever he went : 't is well known that he was through his whole life a diligent collectour & transcriber of the choicest manuscripts which he could possibly purchase by love or money ; all these he gave to caius colledge . while he was in the university library , how diligent he was for the publick good from first to last , what incredible pains he took there for you , and for how trifling a recompense ye all sufficiently know . and when the sharpness of his disease would not suffer him to frequent that place , he delivered to me a catalogue of all the manuscripts in that library ( except the oriental ) writ every word with his own hand ; which i am to deliver into the publick library , as soon as it is open again . but my strength faileth , and will not suffer me to tell you half the excellent things i have heard from him , seen by him : his modesty ( he could scarce moderate an act without blushing , even when his almond tree did flourish ) his temperance and sobriety in diet and apparrel , abating all superfluities , and even robbing himself to bestow upon the poor ( remembring the causal particle for : matt. 25. 35. for i was hungred and ye gave me meat , for i was naked and ye clothed me ) his retiredness , his contentedness , his humility — you see i can but name them ; nor shall i need when they are known to most of you as well as to my self : especially to that numerous company of his pupils who had the happiness of the queen of sheba to be perpetually at the elbow of our solomon . ye who lamented him to his grave ; give me leave to speak to every one of you ( dear friends ) particularly ( as methought i heard him on his death-bed ) in the words of the dying romane . non est amici defunctum vano ejulatu deflere , sed quae voluerit meminisse , quae mandaverit exequi , 't is not the part of a friend to bewail a dead friend with vain lamentation , but to remember what he advised and to perform what he commanded . there is not one of you who had any relation to him that were in the sad condition with most other gentlemen whose follies are termed wisdome , who are applauded when they talk vainly , and are let alone when they do shamefull things : no , every mothers childe of you was as sure to meet with his portion of sage and sober counsel as of his diet . and ( in your hearing ) he oft lamented the misery of our english gentry , who are commonly brought up to nothing but hawks and hounds , and know not how to bestow their time in a rainy day , and in the midst of all their plenty are in want of friends , necessary reproof , and most loving admonition . and now when the preacher hath done all the use that most men make of such discourses as these ( or indeed of any sermons ) is to pass a censure . i doubt not but some of you will say i have spoke too much , others that i have said too little of him de quo praestat nihil quàm pauca dicere . and for the first , i confess i am so far of my reverend friend dr jeremy taylers minde , as to be no friend to funeral sermons : but i know m● moor was such a person , that if the dr himself were in my stead this day , he would say far more of him then i have done : that he was a man of whom though i had said nothing , and though he have no tombe-stone here before you , yet he cannot want a monument or a remembrance while caius colledge stands , while we have an university or publick-library , of which we never before had such a custos ; and i believe hereafter never shall . the last words which were writ by the reverend , pious and learned dr hammond : being two prayers for the peaceful re-settlement of this church and state . prayer i. o blessed lord , who in thine infinite mercy didst vouchsafe to plant a glorious church among us , and now in thy just judgement hast permitted our sins and follies to root it up ; be pleased at last to resume thoughts of peace towards us , that we may do the like to one another . lord , look down from heaven , the habitation of thy holiness , and behold the ruines of a desolated church , and compassionate to see her in the dust . behold her , o lord , not onely broken , but crumbled , divided into so many sects and fractions , that she no longer represents the ark of the god of israel ( where the covenant and the manna were conserved ) but the ark of noah , filled with all various sorts of unclean beasts : and to complete our misery and guilt , the spirit of division hath insinuated it self as well into our affections as our judgments ; that badge of discipleship which thou recommendedst to us , is cast off , and all the contrary wrath and bitterness , anger and clamor , called in to maintain and widen our breaches . o lord , how long shall we thus violate and defame that gospel of peace that we profess ? how long shall we thus madly defeat our selves , lose that christianity which we pretend to strive for ? o thou which makest men to be of one mind in an house , be pleased so to unite us , that we may be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgment . and now that in civil affairs there seems some aptness to a composure , o let not our spiritual differences be more unreconcilable . lord , let not the roughest winds blow out of the sanctuary ; let not those which should be thy embassadors for peace still sound a trumpet for war : but do thou reveal thy self to all our eliah's in that still small voice , which may teach them to eccho thee in the like meek treating with others . lord , let no unseasonable stiffness of those that are in the right , no perverse obstinacy of those that are in the wrong , hinder the closing of our wounds ; but let the one instruct in meekness , and be thou pleased to give the other repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth . to this end do thou , o lord , mollifie all exasperated minds ( take off all animosities and prejudices , contempt and heart-burnings ) and by uniting their hearts prepare for the reconciling their opinions . and that nothing may intercept the clear sight of thy truth , lord , let all private and secular designs be totally deposited , that gain may no longer be the measure of our godliness , but that the one great and common concernment of truth and peace may be unanimously and vigorously pursued . lord , the hearts of all men are in thy hands , o be thou pleased to let thy spirit of peace overshadow the minds of all contending parties ; and , if it be thy will , restore this church to her pristine state , renew her days as of old , let her escape out of egypt , be so entire , that not an hoof may be left behinde : but if thy wisdome see it not yet a season for so full a deliverance , lord , defer not ( we beseech thee ) such a degree of it , as may at least secure her a being . if she cannot recover her beauty , yet o lord grant her health , such a soundness of constitution as may preserve her from dissolution . let thy providence find out some good samaritans to cure her present wounds . and to whomsoever thou shalt commit that important work , lord , give them skilful hands and compassionate hearts ; direct them to such applications as may most speedily , and yet most soundly , heal the hurt of the daughter of sion ; and make them so advert to the interests both of truth and peace , that no lawfull condescension may be omitted , nor any unlawfull made : and do thou , who art both the wonderful counsellor and prince of peace , so guide and prosper all pacifick endeavors , that all our distractions may be composed , and our jerusalem may again become a city at unity in it self ; that those happy primitive days may at length revert , wherein vice was the onely heresie ; that all our intestine contentions may be converted into a vigorous opposition of our common enemy , our unbrotherly feuds into a christian zeal against all that exalts it self against the obedience of christ . lord , hear us , and ordain peace for us ; even for his sake whom thou hast ordained our peace-maker , jesus christ our lord . prayer ii. evening . o most gracious lord , who doest not afflict willingly nor grieve the children of men , who smitest not till the importunitie of our sins enforce thee , and then correctest in measure , we thy unworthy creatures humbly acknowledge that we have abundantly tasted of this patience and lenity of thine . to what an enormous height were our sins arrived ere thou beganst to visit them ! and when thou couldst no longer forbear , yet mastering thy power , thou hast not proportioned thy vengeance to our crimes , but to thy own gracious design of reducing and reclaiming us . lord , had the first stroke of thy hand been exterminating , our guilts had justified the method ; but thou hast proceeded by such easy and gentle degrees , as witness how much thou desiredst to be interrupted ; and shew us , that all that sad weight we have long groaned under , hath been accumulated onely by our own incorrigibleness . 't is now , o lord , these many years that this nation hath been in the furnace , and yet our dross wasts not but increases ; & it is owing onely to thy unspeakable mercy , that we ( who would not be purified ) are not consumed ; that we remain a nation , who cease not to be a most sinfull and provoking nation . o lord , let not this long-suffering of thine serve onely to upbraid our obstinacy , and enhanse our guilt ; but let it at last have the proper effect on us , melt our hearts , and lead us to repentance . and oh , that this may be the day for us thus to discern the things that belong to our peace ! that all who are ( yea , and all who are not ) cast down this day in an external humiliation , may by the operation of thy mighty spirit have their souls laid prostrate before thee in a sincere contrition ! o thou who canst out of the very stones raise up children unto abraham , work our stony flinty hearts into such a temper as may be malleable to the impressions of thy grace , that all the sinners in sion may tremble ; that we may not by a persevering obstinacy seal to our selves both temporal and eternal ruine , but instead of our mutinous complaining at the punishments of our sins , search and try our ways , and turn again to the lord . o be thou pleased to grant us this one grand fundamental mercy , that we who so impatiently thirst after a change without us , may render that possible and safe by this better & more necessary change within us ; that our sins may not , as they have so often done , interpose and eclipse that light which now begins to break out upon us . lord , thy dove seems to approach us with an olive-branch in her mouth , oh let not our filth & noisomness chase her away ; but grant us that true repentance which may atone thee , and that christian charity which may reconcile us with one another . lord , let not our breach either with thee or among our selves be incurable , but by making up the first prepare us for the healing of the latter . and because , o lord , the way to make us one fold is to have one shepheard , be pleas'd to put us all under the conduct of him to whom that charge belongs ; bow the hearts of this people as of one man , that the onely contention may be who shall be most forward in bringing back our david . o let none reflect on their past guilts as an argument to persevere , but to repent ; and to make their return so sincere as may qualify them not onely for his but thy mercy . and , lord , be pleased so to guide the hearts of all who shall be intrusted with that great concernment of setling this nation , that they may weigh all their deliberations in the ballance of the sanctuary ; that conscience , not interest , may be the ruling principle ; and that they may render to caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods ; that they may become healers of our breaches , and happy repairers of the sad ruines both in church and in state . grant , o lord , that as those sins which made them are become national , so the repentance may be national also ; and that evidenc'd by the proper fruits of it , by zeal of restoring the rights both of thee and thine anointed . and do thou , o lord , so dispose all hearts , and remove all obstacles , that none may have the will , much less the power , to hinder his peaceable restitution . and , lord , let him bring with him an heart so intirely devoted to thee , that he may wish his own honour onely as a means to advance thine . o let the precepts and examples of his blessed father never depart from his mind ; and as thou wert pleas'd to perfect the one by suffering , so perfect the other by acting thy will ; that he may be a blessed instrument of replanting the power instead of the form of godliness among us , of restoring christian vertue in a prophane and almost barbarous nation . and if any wish him for any distant ends ( if any desire his shadow as a shelter for their riots and licenciousness ) o let him come a great but happy defeat to all such , not bring fewel but cure to their inordinate appetites ; and by his example as a christian , and his authority as a king , so invite to good , and restrain from evil , that he may not onely release our temporal , but our spiritual bondage , suppress those foul and scandalous vices which have so long captivated us , and by securing our inward , provide for the perpetuating our outward peace . lord , establish thou his throne in righteousness , make him a signall instrument of thy glory and our happiness , and let him reap the fruits of it in comfort here , and in bliss hereafter ; that so his earthly crown may serve to enhanse and enrich his heavenly . grant this , o king of kings , for the sake and intercession of our blessed mediator , jesus christ . the end . the manner of dr h's death . d ▪ h. hammond , whose works ( both of charity and learning ) praise him in the gate , was about the beginning of april 1660. seized with a fit of the stone ; which at first put him to acute pain , but soon after changed it self into a languishment & sorenes over the whole body , attended with nauseatings and vomits ( usual symptomes in such cases ) and a suppression of urin for three days , then a fit of bleeding , &c. thus he remained till april 25 when a second fit of bleeding came . after it succeeded a faintness , which increased till one a clock at night , which began a perpetual day to him , and to us as great a darkness as the remove of such a luminary could create to the church . his disease ( though of the acutest kinde ) was , in a manner , without pain . his soft departure would make a christian in love with death : for whereas at other times he was upon the like occasions subject to a lethargick stupor ; now he had his intellectuals perfect to the last , and breathed out his soul in a veni domine jesu . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a60568e-530 * not in caius colledge , as he desired , because mr dell would not suffer him to be buried by the liturgy , which was his last request . * he was the last who read it in caius colledge-chapel . a de modo orandi . edit. maire , p 115. b precum . p. 302. fol. a second defence of the learned hugo grotius, or, a vindication of the digression concerning him from some fresh exceptions / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45462 of text r30725 in the english short title catalog (wing h599a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 49 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45462 wing h599a estc r30725 11415365 ocm 11415365 47753 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45462) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47753) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1463:11) a second defence of the learned hugo grotius, or, a vindication of the digression concerning him from some fresh exceptions / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 17 p. printed by j. flesher, for richard royston ..., london : 1655. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng grotius, hugo, 1583-1645. apologetics -early works to 1800. apologetics -history -17th century. theology, doctrinal. a45462 r30725 (wing h599a). civilwar no a second defence of the learned hugo grotius, or, a vindication of the digression concerning him, from some fresh exceptions. by h. hammond, hammond, henry 1655 7803 3 60 0 0 0 0 81 d the rate of 81 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a second defence of the learned hvgo grotivs , or a vindication of the digression concerning him , from some fresh exceptions . by h. hammond , d. d. london , printed by j. flesher , for richard royston at the angel in ivy lane , 1655. a defence of the learned hvgo grotivs . 1. what hath newly been suggested , in an epistle dedicatorie to the oxford-heads , by way of reply to my digression about the learned hugo grotius , will receive punctual answer within the compasse of very few leaves . but for the readers thrift and ease , i shall first set down the words , wherein the suggestion is delivered . 2. from thence , whence in the thoughts of some , i am most likely to suffer , as to my own resolves , i am most secure . it is in meddling with grotius his annotations , and calling into quaestion what hath been delivered by such a gyant in all kinds of literature . since my ingagement in this business , and when i had well-nigh finished the vindication of the texts of scripture commonly pleaded , for the demonstration of the deity of christ , from the exceptions put into their testimonies , by the racovian catechisme , i had the sight of dr. h's apologie for him , in his vindication of his dissertations about episcopacy , from my occasional animadversions , published in the preface of my book of the perseverance of the saints . of that whole treatise i shall elsewhere give an account . my defensative as to my dealing with grotius his annotations , is suited to what the doctor pleads in his behalfe , which occasions this mention thereof . this very pious , learned , judicious man ( he tells us ) hath fallen under some harsh censures of late , especially upon the account of socinianisme , and popery . that is , not as though he would reconcile those extremes , but being in doctrinals a socinian , he yet closed in many things with the romane interest : as i no way doubt , but thousands of the same perswasions with the socinians , as to the person and offices of christ , do live in the outward communion of that church ( as they call it ) to this day ; of which supposal i am not without considerable grounds , and eminent instances for its confirmation . this ( i say ) is their charge upon him . for his being a socinian ( he tells us ) three things are made use of to beget a jealousie in the minds of men of his inclinations that way . 1. some parcells of a letter of his to crellius . 2. some relations of what passed from him at his death . 3. some passages in his annotations . it is this last alone wherein i am concerned . and what i have to speake to them , i desire may be measured and weighed by what i do promise . it is not that i do entertaine in my self any hard thoughts , or that i would beget in others any evill surmises of the eternal condition of that man , that i speak what i do . what am i , that i should judge another mans servant ? he is fallen to his own master . i am very slow to judge of mens acceptation with god , by the apprehension of their understandings . this onely i know , that be men of what religion soever , that is professed in the world , if they are drunkards , proud , boasters , &c. hypocrites , haters of good men , persecutors and revilers of them , yea if they be not regenerate and born of god , united to the head christ jesus , by the same spirit that is in him , they shall never see god . but for the passages in his annotations , the substance of the doctors plea is , that the passages intimated are in his posthuma , that he intended not to publish them , that they might be of things he observed , but thought farther to consider : and an instance is given in that of col. 1. 16. which he interprets , contrarie to what he urged it for , joh. 1. 1 , 2 , 3. but granting what is affirmed as to matter of fact , about his collections , ( though the preface to the last part of his annotations will not allow it to be true ) i must needs abide in my dissatisfaction to these annotations , and of my resolves in these thoughts give the doctor this account . of the socinian religion there are two main parts ; the first is photinianisme , the latter pelagianisme . the first concerning the person , the other the grace of christ . let us take an eminent instance out of either of these heads : out of the first , their denying christ to be god by nature . out of the latter , their denyall of his satisfaction . for the first , i must needs tell the apologist , that of all the texts of the new testament and old , whereby the deity of christ is usually confirmed , and where it is evidently testified unto , he hath not left any more then one ( that i have observed ) if one , speaking any thing clearly to that purpose . i say , if one , for that he speaks not home to the business in hand on joh. 1. i shall elsewhere give an account : perhaps some one or two more may be interpreted according to the analogie of that . i speake not of his annotations on the epistles , but on the whole bible throughout , wherein his expositions given , do for the most part fall in with those of the socinians , and oftentimes consist in the very words of socinus and smalcius , and alwaies do the same things with them , as to any notice of the deity of christ in them . so that i marvell the learned doctor should fix upon one particular instance , as though that one place alone were corrupted by him , when there is not one ( or but one ) that is not wrested , perverted , and corrupted to the same purpose . for the full conviction of the truth hereof , i refer the reader to the insuing considerations of his interpretations of the places themselves . the condition of these famous annotations , as to the satisfaction of christ , is the same ; not one text of the whole scripture , wherein testimonie is given to that sacred truth , which is not wrested to another sense , or at least the doctrine in it , concealed , and obscured by them . i do not speak this with the least intention to cast upon him the reproach of a socinian : i judge not his person : his books are published to be considered and judged . erasmus i know made way for him in most of his expositions about the deity of christ but what repute he hath thereby obtained among all that honor the eternal godhead of the son of god , let bellarmine on the one hand , and beza on the other , evince . and as i will by no means maintain or urge against grotius any of the miscarriages in religion , which the answerer of my animadversions undertakes to vindicate him from ; nor do i desire to fight with the dust and ashes of men ; yet what i have said , is , if not necessary to return to the apologist , yet of tendency , i hope , to the satisfaction of others , who may inquire after the reason of my calling the annotations of the learned man to an account in this discourse , shall any one take liberty to pluck down the pillars of our faith , and weaken the grounds of our assurance , concerning the person and grace of our lord jesus christ , and shall we not have the boldness to call him to an account for so sacrilegious an attempt ? with those then , who love the lord christ in sincerity , i expect no blame or reproach for what i have indevoured in this kinde ; yea that my good will shall find acceptance with them , especially if it shall occasion any of greater leisure and abilities farther , and professedly to remark more of the corruptions of those annotations , i have good ground of expectation . the truth is , notwithstanding their pompous shew and appearance ( few of his quotations , which was the * manner of the man , being at all to his purpose ) it will be found no difficult matter to discusse his assertions , and dissipate his conjectures . for his being a papist , i have not much to say ; let his epistles ( published by his friends ) written to dionysius petavius the jesuite , be perused , and you will see the character which of himself he gives : as also what in sundry writings he ascribes to the pope . 3. the first thing that i am here to clear , is the meaning of plain words . i said that grotius was sometimes calumniated , as a socinian , sometimes as a papist , and as if he had learnt to reconcile contradictories , or the most distant extremes , sometimes as both of them together . and here i am told that the harsh censures under which he hath fallen , are not as though he would reconcile those extremes — and sure i never said , or intimated they were , but that the socinian and popish doctrines were so contradictorie one to the other ( the one affirming , the other expressely denying the eternal divinity and satisfaction of christ , and many the like ) that it was impossible for the same man to be both socinian and papist , without being a greater artificer then yet ever was in the world , one that had learnt to reconcile contradictories &c. i. e. ( if i must farther construe plain words ) to believe together things most incompetible , and impossible to be believed together by the same person , the affirmations and the negations of the same enunciations , that christ was , and was not eternal god , made , and made not satisfaction for our sins ; for this work of wonder , above what either nature or divine power can extend to , is necessarily required to the verifying of that part of the calumnie . 4. the 2d is , his stating the jealousie , as far as it is own'd by him , viz. that h. grotius being in doctrinals a socinian , he yet closed in many things with the romane interest ; where the distinction being made between doctrinals and interest , it is visible , 1. that this doth not so much as pretend that he was a papist , for it is the doctrines onely ( such is that of the popes supremacie , &c. ) which can give any man that denomination , and for closing in many things with the romane interests , the anabaptists and other such sectaries , the most distant from poperie , may and oft are as guilty of that , as any . 2. there is no colour for this suggestion , as far as grotius's writings give us to judge ( and farther then those i have no perspective to examine his heart ) for the fomenters of the divisions in christendome , being the only persons whom he profest to oppose , the irreconciliabiles , and qui aeterna cupiunt esse dissidia , t is consequent , that the pacificatorie interest was the onely one espoused by him , and pursued most affectionately ; and i could never yet discerne by any pregnant indication , that this is the romane interest . 5. the 3d is , his manner of proving his thus stated suggestion . 1. by his bare affirmation , without the least tender of proof for the truth of it ; 2. by his confident undoubted assurance , that thousands of the same perswasions with the socinians , as to the person and offices of christ , do to this day live in the outward communion of the church of rome . whereas , 1. this could have no force to infer the conclusion , as it concerned grotius , who never lived a day , or died in the communion of the church of rome , nor is by his most unkind adversaries affirmed to have done so , but is known to have profest his willingness to communicate with the church of england ; and 1 t is not imaginable how any one doctrinal socinian , should after his having espoused those doctrines , if his practices be consonant to his perswasions , live in outward communion with the church of rome , if by living in the outward communion , be meant either joying in the offices , or receiving the sacrament with them , when ( beside many other obstacles in the way , the athanasian creed , and the like ) the very * receiving the eucharist kneeling , is by socinus defined to be idololatrical , and most strictly required by the papists from every communicant . fourthly , when he hath premised his profession that he would not beget in others any evill surmises of the eternal condition of that man ( who is ( blessed be god ) out of the reach of such darts ) with a [ what am i , that i should judge another mans servant ? ] and yet addes in the next words [ he is fallen to his own master , ] i cannot but think these words so far contrary to his profession , as may be apt to beget evil surmises in others . the foregoing words are evidently taken from rom. 14. 4. and judging there , and here , is used in the sense of condemning , which is , at the best , surmising of the eternal condition , and [ falling to his own master ] is in like manner taken from the same verse , and so marks by the italick letter , and [ falling ] there evidently signifying that lot , to which the precedent [ judging ] determines it , and to which the subsequent [ standing ] is opposite , what can this regularly infer , but that he which is fallen to his master , is fallen under condemnation ? but if by [ fallen ] he meant no more then death , as i yet hope , and desire the reader in charity to believe he did , i heartily wish , he would hereafter be more carefull in using of scripture style in a sense so distant from the known importance of it in scripture , without any character to discriminate it ; and withall , that when he speaks of so nice a point , as is the eternal salvation of one that is dead , he will not deliver his mind in such general aphorismes , as those ( which the jealousie or mallce of any man may interpret , to the inferring the most sanguinarie conclusion ) that the men of what religion soever , if they are drunkards , proud , &c. shall never see god . for though i have all reasons to believe that this learned man was regenerate and born of god , and united to the head jesus christ by the same spirit that is in him , and withall , neither lived , nor dyed , in any one or more of those wasting guilts ( i hrartily wish all men living were as guiltlesse as he ) yet who knows what surmises may be infused into those , that are willing to believe ill or have no grounds of knowledge to pronounce any thing that is good , of him , when they find such aphorismes as these ( comprehending so many sorts of sinners , which shall never see god ) made use of to conclude a discourse , which purposely treated of that person , and cannot discern with what proprietie , they could be directed to that place , if they did not relate to him . 7. fiftly when he saith , that the praeface to the last part of grotius's annotations will not allow that to be true , which i said of his posthuma , viz. that they had not been formed by him , or fitted for the publick , &c. i answer , that that preface of the publisher , if it be supposed to have set down the whole truth , hath yet nothing contrarie to what i said . it saith the opus integrum was by the author committed and earnestly commended to the faithfull care of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . but what was the opus integrum ? not that last part or volume of annotations thus completed , and so made integrum intire by his own hand ( though for as much as concerned the apocalypse i think it had received from his own pencil , by occasion of the contests he met with about his tract de antichristo , the very lineaments and colors , wherein it appears ) but opus integrum , the whole volume , or volumes which contained all his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} adversaria on the new testament , which it seems were thus committed to a friends hands , or else they had never come to ours . and this is perfectly consonant to what i said , and ( i suppose ) exemplyfied , and evidenced concerning those annotations . 8. sixtly when he saith , that h. grotius hath not left any more then one text of the new and old testament whereby the deity of christ is usually confirmed and where it is evidently testified to ] i refer him briefely to one place in his annotations on s. john's gospel , which alone will be able to discover , what weight there is in this affirmation . there having by way of preface observed , that s. john did more expressely , then any other of the evangelists and more early in the very first words of his writing , set down the divine nature of christ , ipso initio dei nomen ei assignandum — existimans , in the very beginning of his gospel assigning him the name of god , accordingly , in his explication of the first verse , he makes the [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the beginning was ] an expression of christ's eternity , applying to it the place in the proverbs concerning wisedome c. 8. 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. 27. the lord possessed me in the beginning of his way , before his works of old , i was set up from everlasting , from the beginning , or ever the earth was , when there was no depths i was brought forth , when there were no fountains abounding with water , before the mountains were setled , before the hills was i brought forth , while as yet he had not made the earth nor the field , nor the highest part of the dust of the world , when he prepared the heavens , i was there — ( and in his notes on the old testament , prov. 8. 27. he expressely refers to this , joh. 1. 1. and by so doing manifestly defines that eternal wisdome to be christ ) and on this occasion he brings the most expresse affirmations of the antients justine and athenagoras , the former affirming christ's praeexistence before the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and p. 851. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he was god before the worlds ; the latter his eternity , and that from the beginning god being an eternal mind {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . then out of the old testament from the chaldee paraphrast he brings several places where god is interpreted by god and his word , making and founding the heavens and earth , isa. 45. 12. and 48. 13. and according and consenting thereto , 2 pet. 3. 5. which again are so many more evidences set down by him , of christs eternal deity , and then on v. 3. to testifie that all things were created by this eternal word , he appeals to the place , which before i produced from him , col. 1. 16. by him were all things created — 9. this i hope without farther search , may suffice to prove , that he hath left more then one text of the old and new testament speaking home and clearly to this purpose ; for what can be more clear and home , then this , that christ was god before the world was ( whereas socinians make the beginning joh. 1. 1. to be the beginning of the gospel ) and that by him the whole world was created . 10. in a word , if one text acknowledged to assert christs eternal divinity , will not suffice to conclude him no socinian in that point , who was not so atheistical , as to doubt of the truth and authority of that one place , and so cannot be doubted to believe , what from one place ( if there had been no more ) he did believe ; 2 if six verses in the proverbs , two in isaiah , one in s. peter , one in s. paul , added to many in the beginning of s. john , will not yet amount to above one text ; or lastly , if that one may be doubted of also , which is by him interpreted to affirme christ eternally subsistent with god , before the creation of the world , and that the whole world was created by him , i shall despaire of ever being a successefull advocate for any man . 11. and then how , still , he that affirmed positively that he hath not left more then one , and presently addes his doubting of this one [ not more then one , if one ] and after [ not one , or but one , ] can first inlarge the catalogue , that [ perhaps some one or two more may be interpreted according to the analogie of that one ] and then presently contract it again , that [ his expositions alwaies do the same things with socinus and smalcius ] who it is certain do not permit that one to be understood of christs eternal divinity , and yet at length professe , that he speaks not with the least intention to cast on him the reproach of a socinian , or to urge against him any of those miscarriages in religion , which the answerer of his animadversions undertakes to vindicate him from ( and socinianisme was , one of them ) acknowledging that erasmus made way for him in most of his expositions about the deity of christ , ( which is to make him an erasmian , rather then a socinian ) and after that still adhere , that his attempt is sacrilegious , even to pluck down the pillars of our faith — concerning the person and grace of our lord jesus christ , how , i say , he can reconcile , all these contrary appearances , i have not the skill , and therefore shall not have the curiosity to divine , or conjecture . 12. seventhly when he marvels the doctor should fix upon one particular instance , as though that one place onely were corrupted by him ] i answer that he misinterprets my words , and misrepresents my designe and aime in producing that particular instance ; it was not to give example what place of scriptures those notes had corrupted , or misinterpreted , but to evidence that those annotations , under his name , agreed not with his sense , of which as this was one eminent and pertinent instance , interpreting this place , col. 1. 16. after his death , to the socinians mind , which in his lifetime he had interpreted expressely against it , and as one instance thus explicite , is as concluding to this matter , as many more could be , so elsewhere i have added many instances more to the same purpose , which i shall not here collect unseasonably . 13. what places in the old testament , wherein the deity of christ is evidently testified to , are corrupted , wrested or perverted by this learned man , h. gr. i professe not to divine , nor shall , it seems , come to the full conviction of the truth thereof without reading over this , whole ( which is a great ) volume where their confutation lyes scattered , and is not , as i discern , put together in any part of the work , save onely in the title page , and to this larger travaile my prospect doth not invite me , having already by what i have recited from grotius's notes on joh. 1. compared with this authors suggestions , a competent {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , what i am to expect from any farther inquiry . in lieu hereof , i shall onely adde these two suppletory considerations . 1. that the word of god , being all , and every part of it equally of undoubted truth , that doctrine , which is founded expressely on five places of divine writ , must by all christians be acknowledged to be as irrefragably confirmed , as a hundred expresse places would be conceived to confirme it . 2. that this charge of disarming the church of her defences against the adversaries of the faith , by diverting those places of scripture , which have formerly been used to assert the great mysteries of salvation , to other and inferior ends , though it be a very popular one , and that which is most apt to divolve an odium on him , which shall be represented guilty of it , and may therefore probably be chosen , as the field of declamation against grotius , by any that can gladly expatiate on that subject , yet will it upon inquiry be found in some degree , if not equally , chargeable on the learnedst and most valued of the reformers , particularly upon mr. calvin himself , who hath been as bitterly and unjustly accused , and reviled , on this account , ( witness the book entitled calvino-turcismus ) as ever erasmus was by bellarmine or beza , or as probably grotius can be . 14. 8thly . for the doctrine of the satisfaction of christ , and the interpretation of those scriptures , that belong to it , i cannot imagine any surer measure can be taken of grotius's sense , then by that perspicuous and judicious treatise which he hath written purposely on that subject , against socinus himself , and which i believe will be found a surer antidote against that poyson , among considering men , then hath been mixed by any other the most skilful hand , since that controversie hath been agitated in this last age , more especially the places of scripture are by him there vindicated from the perversions of socinus , and a great cumulus of texts brought forth to testifie to the doctrine of satisfaction , which i shall not recite , that i may leave on the reader an ingagement to survey the book , and commit the judgement to his own eyes . 15. onely because i have heard the signal place isa. 53. taken notice of by some , as that wherein his annotations are most suspected , i shall there fasten a while . from 1 pet. 2. 24. having inferred that christ so bare our sins , that he freed us from the punishment of them , and so that we are healed by his stripes , he at length urges as parallel to this , isa. 53. 11. my righteous servant shall justify many , and shall bear their iniquities , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} iniquity saith he , signifying the punishment of iniquity 2 kin. 7. 9. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to bear , the bearing of punishment , and thence concluding , desertè ergo hic dicitur christus laturus poenas eorum qui justificantur , it is therefore here distinctly said , that christ shall bear the punishments of those who are justified , and according to this specimen he gives the mystical sense of that whole chapter ( and refutes the socinian arts of evading it ) and at last from v. 12. concludes the punishments which christ indured for our sins to be the foundation and merit of his dividing the spoile , and interceding , decere enim ut is qui peccata multorum tulerit , jus habeat pro iis intercedendi , for it was fit that he that bare the sins of many , should have the right of interceding for them ; and ' much more to the same purpose , defining positively against all the adversaries {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that peccata ferre patiendo , at que ita ut inde liberentur alii , aliud indicare non potest quàm poenae alienae susceptionem , to bear sins by suffering , and so that others may be freed by that means , cannot signifie any thing else , but the undergoings of other mens punishment , annexing isa. 53. 6. the lord hath laid on him , the iniquity of us all — and refuting all the evasions , that wete there interposed by socinus . 16. and when to this , and the * many pages more which are there subjoyned for the vindicating that one chapter , and the several expresse testimonies therein , i shall adde two things more for preventing all possible mistake or jelousie of his after-change in this matter , i shall have no motive farther to inlarge this consideration . 17. first , the annotations of that learned man on the old testamen , published a little before his death , are very brief , and especially respect the first and literal interpretation ; as in the prophets , where there is one immediate completion of each prophecy among the jewes of or neer that time , wherein it was written , another more remote and ultimate concerning christ , or the times of the gospel ( this might be exemplified in several instances , applyed by the new testament to christ , having had before a literal completion [ out of aegypt have i called my sonne ] and many the like ) there generally his care is , to set down most distinctly the first , or literal sense , as that is terminated in the immediate completion ( and this , i suppose , because it was most neglected by other interpreters , who were more copious in rendring the mystical notation ) and accordingly on isa. 53. conceiving the jewes usage of the prophet jeremie , and gods regard to him , to be literally predicted there , he interprets every verse of that chapter to that sense ( which was not so easily discoverable , or vulgarly taken notice of ) omitting to inlarge on that other , more sublime completion in christ , which the new testament had so clearely exprest , all commentators enlarged on , and himself in the tract de satisfact. . so evidently set down , and vindicated , that all that was needfull to be added , was easily said by him by way of introduction to that whole chapter , in these few words , hae notae in jeremiam quidem congruunt priùs , sed potiùs , sublimiúsque , saepe & magis {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in christum . these characters agree indeed first to jeremie , but to christ more principally and eminently , and oftentimes more according to the very letter or diction . 18. the 2d thing that i have to adde for the clearing of his constancie , or no change in these doctrines , will be such , as i think will leave no place of jealousie , his own expresse words protesting his opinion , when he was accused of changing it . this he hath publikely done in his disscussion ( written a little before , and not published till after his death ) p. 17. by setting down the occasion and author of that defamation , and for the removing of it , referring the reader to what he had in many places of his annotations on the gospels written coucerning the eternity of the word , the blood of christ given for our redemption &c. and this i have before my eyes at this time , more clearly testified under his own hand in a letter of his written to a friend of his of this nation , who then held a correspondence with him , in these words , poteris autem , vir optime , omnibus , qui nos norunt , affirmare , me de iis quae contra socini admiratores defendi , non modo nihil discedere , sed & illorum aliquos meâ operâ adductos ad meliorem sententiam . quo magis gratias tibi habeo de edito nostro libro de satisfactione christi , in quo argumento illos à proprietate verborum tam multorum in sacris literis , & à manifestissime antiquitatis consensu , positionibus quibusdam inanibus abstractos non dubito . giving him authority to assure all that know him , not onely that he hath no whit departed from what he had maintained against the socinians , but also that some of them had by his indevour been reduced from the socinian errors , charging them with the vanity of their positions , and departure both from the propriety of many words in the scriptures , and from the most manifest consent of antiquity , and expressing himself very well pleased that his book de satisfactione was reprinted at oxford . and all this long after the publication of crellius's book against him , which is the thing supposed to have wrought the change in him . upon these plain words i shall adde no descants , but leave them that have intertained contrarie surmises , to consider them : 19. 9thly . for the character given of this person , with whose dust and ashes he yet desires not to fight , viz. that few of his quotations are at all to his purpose ; and the grounds of that character , the words of voetius disputing against him , and affirming that it was customary with him to indulge too much to his own authority in citing authors or relating speeches or facts ] i shall say but this , 1. that these two things are different , to miscite , which was the thing voetius spake of , and not to cite to the purpose ; a false citation is one thing , an impertinent or unseasonable citation , or such as is not at all to his purpose , is another , and so this citation from voetius is guilty of the infirmity it accuseth , is not to his purpose that cited it . 2dly . that adversaries testifications of the faults of those , whom they find it usefull to asperse , are not valid testimonies , nor competent to affixe ( or justifie ) ill characters on any , and that voetius was such , is known to many , and , i doubt not , to him that cited him . 3dly . that whosoever shall be willing to profit by that mans writings , will find that as he writes with great consent , so is he observable to bring the most pertinent testimonies of any man , and seldome to omit any , which the most diligent observer shall take notice of . and if in so large a field he be found sometimes to have mistaken , or miscited a testimonie , there are so many innocent wayes to such kind of errors , that untill it appear that his were not such , they cannot with reason affixe an ill character on him ; and 4thly . that if this character were true , it yet infers not the point in hand , that he was either socinian or papist , those two sects having not the inclosure , or monopoly from all other sects , of writing or quoting what is not to their present purpose . 20. lastly , for the little which he hath to say to prove him a papist , and 1. for his epistles written to dionysius petavius a jesuite , and in them the words set in the margine , i answer , 1. that it being willingly acknowledged that he wrote five very short epistles to dionysius petavius , which are put together in the two last leaves of his epistles ad gallos , there is this obvious account to be given of it , which will no way reflect ill upon him . 21. petavius was both a very learned , and a very moderate papist , fit to be joyned with jac. sirmundus , a jesuite also , yet both these of such abilities and affections to the good of learning , of such diligence in the search and study of antiquity , and withall of so much temper above what is generally expected from that society in other kingdomes , that it can be no prejudice to him who so earnestly desired , and laboured to advance the peace of the universal church , to have a particular respect unto , and acquaintance with one of these , and as his living so long in paris , where petavius was an eminent person , makes it no miracle , that he should be thus acquainted with him , so his pacificatory design could not but render it profitable and desirable , he must have been an unskilfull manager , if intending to reconcile distant interests , he did not acquaint himself with the utmost of both their pretensions ; and what means was more commodious to that end , then this , of receiving advertisements from petavius . 22. the words of grotius himself , when he was by rivet accused for commending jesuites , are here worth reciting , jesuitas non omnes laudavit grotius , sed quorum & mores & eruditio laudem merentus , eos verò qui in galliâ sunt , pro talibus habet , quales eos reges galliae volunt existimari , i e. pro bonis civibus , & quid magis necessarium est pacem ecclesiasticam restituere cupienti , quàm eruditorum audire consilia , eorum maximè quibus & praesens ecclesiae status & antiquior historia percognita sunt . he commends onely those jesuites whose manners and learning deserve praise , the french jesuites , whom he takes to be such as the kings of france account of them , i. e. good subjects to their prince — and what can be more necessary to one that desires to restore the peace of the church , then to hear the advises of those especially who have the perfectest knowledge of the present state of the church , and of antient historie . and to the same purpose again , p. 91. affirming that he had great reasons to believe that some of that society , petavius no doubt , were seriously willing as well as able to contribute very much toward the peace of the church . 23. 2dly , for the words here cited from his epistle , that if there were any thing in that answer to rivet , which agreed not with catholike doctrine , or were otherwise distant from truth , or ( which he addes in that place , but is here left out ) minus idoneum ad pacem , less fit for peace , he desired to be admonished by petavius . ] the result is no more then what all his controversie with rivet professes , that he was one , that desired the returne of all catholike truth and peace into the christian world ( and he must renounce his part in christ's legacie [ peace i leave with you ] that is not in this particular affected like him ) and then what wonder he should desire to be admonished by a sober learned man of the romish communion , if he wrote any thing which was not ordinable to that end ? 24. the same designe , and way of pursuing it , will be yet more visible in the 200th epistle , where he hath these words to the same petavius , liceat mihi tuâ ope addere , demere , corrigere quae opus erit ad verum pacémque promovendam , give me leave by your helpe to adde , to take away , to mend what is needfull toward truth and the advancing of peace , viz. such an advancement of peace , as was perfectly consistent with truth . 25. the 2d and last suggestion in this matter is taken from what grotius hath said in sundry writings concerning the pope ] to which i have already spoken somewhat in the answer to the animadversions , as sar as concerned that passage in his discussio , which i discerned to be most accused of inclination to the popes interest . as for the papal power , whatsoever passage can be brought from him , must sure be interpreted by analogie with those rules , which he premiseth in his discussio , requiring that it may be confined and limited sec . canones , according to the antient canonical rights allowed the pope by the councels , and so as the authority of scripture , the rights of the catholike church , of councels , of patriarchs of the east , of primates , and metropolitanes , and other bishops be preserved intire , as also all the just rights of all christian princes in their own dominions . see discuss . riv. apol. p. 18 , 19 , 20. and against this , or on this head , here being no one place produced , to support this indefinite charge , i cannot reply by divination , and so have thus briefely discharged my present undertaking . 26. what is briefely toucht on with reflexion on my self in the end of that dedication , of the softness and gentleness of the leaves of my answer to his animadversions , of the illness of my cause , wherein i am ingaged against him , and the illness of my principles in managing a good cause , in the treatise of schisme and some others ( which he hath not pleased to name ) i am no way qualified to judge of , till his severer sheets instruct me , by discovering the infirmities of my cause , and till by his managery of a dispute with a romanist , he shall approve his principles to be such as will hold out against all gainsayers . at the present having no more to adde , i willingly take leave of him . the end . errata . pag. line . read . 2 14 premise 3   the marginal note belongs to p. 2. l. 32.   7 absolvig 4 4 sol :   9 voet : 6 7 2   26 lest 8 25 world   25 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45462e-140 jam verò sciendum est , multo quidem citius , quàm nunc d●mum temporis eam resumi absolvóque potuisse , & quominus id jampridem factum sit , per eum non stetisse virum , cujus fideli curae opus integrum ab authore ipso primum creditū fuit & sedulò commendatum . praemon : ad lect. * grotius in lib. 5. de veritat . relig. in notis r. sel. aben ezra & onkelos adducit , sed alienis oculis hic vidit , aut alienâ fide retulit ( fortè authoribus illis aut non intellectis , aut propter occupationes non inspectis ) aut animositati & authoritati suae in citandis authoribus , & referendis dictis aut factis , ut ipsi hoc usui veniebat , nimium in scriptis theologicis indulserit . vet : disput : de advent : mess. reverende domine , saepe tibi molestus esse cogor , sumpsi hanc ultiman operam , mea antehac dicta & famam quoque à ministris all●tratam tuendi , in eo scripto siquid est , aut catholicis sentent●is discongruens , aut caeteroqui à veritate alienum , de co abs te viro eruditissimo &c. cujus judicium plurimi facio moneri percupio . epist : grot ; ad dionys : petav : epist : 204. * sedendo vel stando potest celebrari . geniculari est idololatricum . socin : deus : & fin : coen : dom : p. 115 : * edit. lugdun . p. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , &c. * p. 12. from p. 12. to p. 18. * discuss . p. 61. to the right honourable, the lord fairfax, and his councell of warre the humble addresse of henry hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45469 of text r200396 in the english short title catalog (wing h606). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 48 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45469 wing h606 estc r200396 12088192 ocm 12088192 53797 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45469) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53797) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 892:1) to the right honourable, the lord fairfax, and his councell of warre the humble addresse of henry hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 19 p. printed for richard royston ..., london : 1649. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. eng fairfax, thomas fairfax, -baron, 1612-1671. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -pamphlets. a45469 r200396 (wing h606). civilwar no to the right honourable, the lord fairfax, and his councell of vvarre: the humble addresse of henry hammond. hammond, henry 1649 8291 1 5 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-01 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right honourable , the lord fairfax , and his councell of vvarre : the hvmble addresse of henry hammond . printer's or publisher's device london . printed for richard royston in ivie-lane . 1649. my lord , and gentlemen , having by the weekly occurrences of your proceedings , not onely taken notice of the weighty matters which you have of late chosen to be the subject of your debates , such as never any councell in this kingdome are known to have taken into their cognizance , or consideration ; but withall , discern'd the cheerfull and hospitable reception of one meane persons advice , which pretended to have received some counsell from god to communicate to you : and having also as sincere a desire and zeale to your good , ( testified by my daily prayers to god , that he will incline your hearts to thoughts of true christian meeknesse and charity ) and consequently , as deep an interest in the due management of your affaires , as any others ; and as great an assurance , that what i shall say to you , proceeds from a peaceable , and an humble spirit ; and which tends more immediately to your welfare , and honour , both before god and man , than any thing which is knowne of late to have been represented to you : and lastly , having among you some of the neerest of my bloud , whose eternall weale must needs be very deare and pretious to me ; i am in the feare of god , and the prosecution and discharge of my duty and conscience , desirous to make this short addresse to you , to desire you , in the name , and in the bowels of jesus christ , and by all the obligations of christian duty and charity , to review some of the principles by which you seem to be acted , and whereon to ground the high enterprises which you have now in hand . and 1. whereas you seem to believe , that god by his spirit hath put it into your hearts to do what hitherto you have done , and what now you professe to deliberate to doe further against his majesty , and all others , who are now fallen into your hands ; i beseech you to consider in the presence of that god , to whose directions and spirit you pretend , what safe ground you have for so doing . for , i shall suppose that the plaine words of scripture are not that voice of the spirit which is your onely guide in this matter : or if it be , i desire that charity from you for my selfe and others , that you will point us out those scriptures : and i must professe to believe you bound in duty to god , and man , and to your selves , to satisfie this desire , to produce that voice of the spirit in the received scriptures of god , which may say that to other christians also which it appeares to doe to you . but if gods spirit be by you conceived to have spoken to you any other way than in , or by some part of the written word ; then my second request is , that you will declare to others the ground of this your perswasion , that you have received any such revelation from god ; that so that pretended spirit may according to the rules prescribed by god in his acknowledged word be tried and examined regularly , whether it be of god , or no ? before the subject-matter of such revelation be believed infallible , or accordingly built upon by you as your warrant or principle of acting any thing . for , there are evill spirits that come into the world , and which many times are by god permitted to seduce men , and that they may doe so the better , they constantly pretend to come from god , and assume divine authority to recommend and authorize their delusions ; ( a thing so ordinary in all ages , that the poet that would expresse the imbroyling of a kingdome , thinks he cannot doe it better then by bringing in alecto , a fury , with a message from heaven , to avenge such or such an injury . ) and of these our saviour forewarns us , and tells us , that we shall know them by their fruits ; and so directs us to judge of the truth of their pretensions by the goodnesse and commendablenesse , at least , justifiablenesse of their actions , and not to judge of their actions by their pretences . and besides these evill spirits from without , there is also an evill spirit within , a great deale of disguised wickednesse in the heart of man , which when it remaines unmortified in those who believe themselves to be gods chosen saints , and taught by him , is very apt to be mistaken for an inclination of gods spirit , and a flame of zeale , when it is really the most contrary to it : and because there is so much danger , that what is not fetcht from the acknowledged word of god , may thus flow from one of these contrary principles : my next request is , that it be considered , whether when an angel from heaven , in case he should teach any other doctrine , than what had been by saint paul preached to his galathians , were-to be anathematized , and when the judgments are so fearfull , which are pronounced against them which shall adde to the words of that prophesie , which we now reteine under the title of the apocalyps or revelation ( which being the last writing which is knowne to be dictated by the spirit , may very probably conteine a severe denuntiation against all those , who pretend to any revelation or prophesie after that , concerning the christian church ) whether i say it be not a matter of fear and just apprehension , to all those , who shall affix or impose upon the spirit of god ( or pretend to be revealed to them from that ) any matter of doctrine or practice , which acknowledges not the spirit of god speaking in the scripture for its onely warrant or foundation . or lastly , if from the scriptures you conceive it may be proved , that any part of the vnction mentioned there so farre belongs to you , that it shall surely lead you into all truth : then first , i beseech you to consider , whether you doe not oblige your selves by the same , or some other scripture to prove to others ( and not onely your selves to be perswaded ) that you are those speciall saints of god , to whom that priviledge peculiarly belongs , and as clearly to demonstrate that all others who conceive that that unction teaches them directly the contrary to that which you professe to be taught by it , are impious persons possest with that deluding spirit , which i now desire you to beware of . and secondly , to examine whether this differencing of your selves from others , this bearing witnesse to your selves , and judging others ( beside that it will looke like an act of most pharisaicall presumption , and the very thing , which from simon magus downward , hath been observed in all hereticks , calling themselves the spirituall , and all others animal , carnall men ) will not be also a great injustice at this time toward them who pretend not to learne any thing from this unction , but what they receive from the doctrine of the gospel , in those books , which have in effect , and in the last result , the testimony of god from heaven , that they are his true infallible word , and dictate of his spirit ; and which desire to make no other use of this to their owne advantage , but onely topreserve them in a quiet possession of what by law belongs to them , and a capacity of making good their allegiance to him , to whom they have often by law been required to sweare it . a second principle which i must desire you to review , is that , upon which you conclude that god hath borne testimony to your cause by the many victories which he hath given you : this concluding of yours , first , proceeds upon a premise directly false in matter of fact . for , you say that the king by taking up armes made his appeale to heaven , which 't is most certain that he never did , ( but onely used a strength which god put in his hands to repell them , whom he look'd on as his subjects declining their duty to him , and invading the setled lawes , and never referred the right of the cause to be judged by the successe of his armes ) nor indeed could rationally have occasion to doe so , any more than any one of you would make such appeale , when a violent person should invade , what you conceive to be your undoubted right ; nor could he religiously , or christianly have done this , when those lawes that allow'd of such appeales by ordeale , or duell , and the like , have been justly censured as unchristian and barbarous . nay secondly , this concluding of yours will by the same reason infer that christianity is not , and that mahumetisme is the true religion , because when the turkes asserted one , and the greek church the other , and that difference begat a warre betwixt them , 't is cleare that the turkes were successfull , and the greeke church was most sadly wasted and subdued by them , and so remaineth to this houre in that unreturn'd captivity . which will therefore be a fit opportunity to make you revert to the trying of that spirit ( which inclines you thus to argue ) by this touchstone . 1. by considering and examining whether in the written word any thing be more frequent and visible than the sufferings of gods people , the shedding the bloud of the saints , the fastning all kind of cont 〈…〉 ties on such , particularly that reproach of [ you bloudy man ] upon david , who was a king after gods heart , the sending or permitting an host against the daily sacrifice to cast down the truth to the ground , and to practice and prosper . 2. whether it were not rabshekeh's argument against the peoples adhering to their lawfull king hezekiah , that his masters armes had been invincible . 3. whether that saddest fate of nebuchadnezzar , who for conquering of gods people , and others , was by god stiled his hammer , and battleaxe of the whole earth , may not be expected the finall lot of others also ; first , to destroy men , and then to be cast out into the field , to inhabit among beasts . 4. whether it were not a crime complained of by the people of god , in those , which , when god was a little displeased , did as adversaries , help forward their affliction . and 5. whether the psalmist lay not the like ill character on all , who persecute those whom god hath smitten , and talke how they may vex them whom god hath wounded ? by all which it is most evident , ( without any necessity of defining or demonstrating any thing of the justice of the cause ) that most commonly the prosperity of armes hath not been the lot of the most righteous , but that either the chastisement of the sword is thought fit to be their discipline , or the comforts of peace ( and not the triumphs of warre ) their blessing in this life . the third principle is , your perswasion that the community of the people is the supreme power , and that the king is inferiour to them , and to them accountable for his breach of trust , of which you now affirme him guilty . in this procedure of yours , there be many things worthy of your serious pondering : as whether 1. by scripture : or 2. by reason : or 3. by story of times it can be concluded , that the supreme power was ever by god put into the hands of the community of the people . for the first way of concluding it , ( the testimony of scripture ) i cannot but take notice of one place , which hath been produced to that purpose , 1 pet. 2. 13. be subject to every humane ordinance , or creature , or creation , &c. this place i have some reason to believe to carry some weight with you , because it was 6 years since for the justifying the cause against the king's party , produced by a person of great dexterity , that very person , who hath now undertaken to justifie your late proceedings so farre as not onely to clear them from all blame , but also to pretend to demonstrate the honour and worth of them , and to lift them up to an high pitch , not onely , 1. of a blessed victory ( the highest that christians are appointed to aspire to ) of overcomming evill by doing good : but 2. of calling to mens minds the unparellable example of the lord jesus christ , who went downe into the chambers of death , from thence to bring up with him a lost world : and 3. of being a lineament of the face of divine goodnesse , in the doing good to so many , as well enemies , as friends : and 4. deserving that place at the table of honour , which the roman orator saith , all nations bestowed on the assertors of their countries liberties , even next to the immortall gods themselves : and 5. of imitating the method of the warfare of heaven , and seeking to reconcile a nation to themselves by not imputing their unthankefulnesse . the largnesse and exorbitancy of these expressions i was my selfe so amaz'd at , that i cannot but mention them to you ( by the way ) as matters of horrour , which like the peoples acclamation to herod , or the lycaonians to paul and barnabas , if they beget not in you a just indignation with the latter , may very probably bring the just fate of the former upon you , to be eaten up with wormes , ( after you have been thus deified ) now , that you have no other visible enemy but your selves , and such flatterers , ( that i say no worse ) to appeare against you , having craved your pardon for this not unseasonable excursion , i return now to the view of that scripture , produced from saint peter , to prove kings to be a creation or creature of men , and so their power to be derived from the people . to which i answer , 1. that there is a signall character in that very text , that keeps it from concluding the supreme power to be originally in the people , not only by calling the king in the end of that verse , supreme ; such as in saint pauls divinity , rom. 13. are affirmed to be ordained of god , and so no humane ordinance , but also by distinguishing the governours , v. 14. from the king or supreme , v. 13. by this that the governours are sent by ( i. e. have commission from ) the king , which might in like manner be also affirmed of the king , that he were sent by the people , if he were the creature , or creation of them , but is not so much as intimated by that apostle ; but on the contrary , supremacy affixt to him , and subjection commanded to be paid him ( not for the peoples , but for the lords sake ) as subordination to , and mission from the king , is affirm'd of all other magistrates . but then 2. to take away all colour of plea for populacy from this text , it is to be observed what is the meaning of the greek word in the new testament , which is there rendred * ordinance , or creature , or creation . that word when it is set in its largnesse without any restraint , signifies generally all mankind , gentiles , as well as jewes . thus [ the creation ] and [ the world ] are all one , and [ all the creation ] ( or every creature ) mar. 16. 15. the same with [ the whole world ] in the beginning of that verse , and [ all nations ] in the parallel places of saint matthew and saint luke . and thus rom. 8. 19. [ the expectation of the creature , or creation ] is the hope which the heathen world had , that at the revelation of the gracious priviledges of the messias , they ( i. e. the gentiles ) also should be freed from the slavery of corruption ( their villainous heathen sinnes ) unto the liberty , &c. that true liberty not from obedience to superiours , but from slavery to lusts and passions , which christ came to bestow upon us ; and so when v. 22. 't is added , that the whole creation groanes , &c. the cleare meaning is , that the gentiles as well as jewes did thus , as might be evidenced at large . agreeable to this notion of the whole creation , or every creature , is this same phrase ( with the addition of humane , to take off all restraint , and to extend it as far as all mankind ) to be understood , and so the meaning of the precept of saint peter to his jew christians is clearly this and no more , that they must be obedient not onely to christian magistrates , but to gentiles , heathen also , ( such as they should fall under in all their dispersions ) i. e. to all whatsoever they were , and that for the lords sake who constituted those heathens also , as saint paul saith . if to this it shall be objected , that by this way of interpreting , the precept will be extended so , as to subject us to all heathens , and not onely to magistrates : i answer , that this , which is the onely objection against this interpretation , is of little force , and is answered , 1. by observing the word [ be subject ] which relating to magistrates will require our obedience to none , but those , as v. 17. when he commands to honour all , it must be understood , all to whom honour belongs ; superiours , not inferiours : or as , when ch. 5. 5. he commands them to be subject to one another , it must not be understood , that the superiour must be subject to the inferiour , as the inferiour to the superiour , but as the nature of the duty inforces to interpret , the inferiour to be subject to the superiour onely : and 2. by the' apostles expresse enumeration of those to whom this obedience must be paid in the end of the verse , to the king as supreme ; and then , v. 14. to governours , as inferiour magistrates sent by him . that this is the full importance of that place , may ( if there be any need ) farther appeare by the occasion of the apostles discourse , which was the confuting of the vile sect of christians then calling themselves gnosticks , ( as a title of great perfection of knowledge in the mysteries of heaven ) who taught the doctrine of liberty and manumission to christian subjects or servants , from heathen ( yea and christian ) masters , and kings ; to which false doctrine of theirs this exhortation thus interpreted is directly contrary ( and cannot otherwise be pertinent to it ) and very coherent to that admonition in the 12 ver. immediately preceding , of having their conversation good among the gentiles , that they might not speake ill of them as evill doers ; which they would be justly apt to doe , in case they should withdraw their obedience to their lawfull princes , as soone as they were become christians ; which , by the way , laies a very ill character upon those , who by pretence of christianity , or piety , seeke , or claime to themselves any other liberty , than what by the lawes under which they are borne , doth confestly belong unto them . having thus farre enlarged to cleare that testimony of scripture , and not knowing of any other which is thought favourable to your pretension , i shall , in stead of retorting the multitude of plaine places directly opposite , which will abundantly take away all force from this : proceed next to the second plea , that of reason . and there i shall desire you to confider , 1. whether if adam had never fallen , and his posterity remained in the same innocence , they would not yet have been capable of positive precepts in order to civill life ; and consequently , whether in reason some one or more men should not have had superiority over all others , parents over children , and the like ; and to this purpose , whether the divers orders , and subordination of the angels , that never fell , be not an evidence that even in state of innocence , god designed superiority , not equality . but then 2. the passions of men being through sin grown irregular , and so needing rules and lawes , and rulers and law-makers , it was both reasonable , that god should , and is most certaine that he did designe and appoint government ( as appears by what is said by god to the first woman , and second man , to eve , gen. 3. 16. and to cain , gen. 4. 7. ) and so gave not all men that freedome which is the supposed foundation of that doctrine , which places supreme power in the people . and of any rationall person that yet thinks he did give this freedome to all mankind ; i should but aske this one question , whether ever any man were by god or nature invested with power of his owne life ; i meane , with power to take away his owne life , or to kill himselfe ? in every thing else man may be believed to have a power over himselfe , over his body , to cut or lance it , when that is for his turne , and particularly over that freedome which naturally belongs to him ; whatever the degree of that be , a man may by act of his owne will , part with it irreversibly . thus might the jew under gods owne government , give himself up wholly into the power of his master , and by having his eare bored thorough , become from a free-man , a slave for ever , and generally thorow the whole world the course hath been the same , that he which is most free hath power over his owne liberty so to divest himself of it , as that it shall never revert to him againe ; and our saviour that is thought to have brought liberty into the world , doth yet , by the quality of most of his precepts , given to christians by himselfe and his apostles , marke out this condition of subjection to them , as that under which they were generally to live , and from which the christian profession should be so farre from freeing them , that the strict practice of obedience to heathen rulers or masters , is oft prescribed as a speciall meanes to advance christs maine end , to magnifie and promote the gospel . but for power over a mans owne life no man can be believed to be borne with it , for if he were , he might then as lawfully kill himselfe ( and if he might doe it lawfully , there are many cases which might make it prudent for him to do it at some times ) as pul out an aking tooth , or dispose of his liberty or estate out of his owne possession ; a thing which no christian hath ever thought lawfull , but made this felonia de se , this self-murther , or felony against ones selfe , a crime , as contrary to the sixt commandement , as the killing of any other man . having proceeded thus farre , i shall now take that for granted , which , that i know of , is denied by none , i am sure , which is not denied in the publisht scheme of the designed representative , viz. that the supreme power includes the power of life , ( i meane not such an arbitrary power of killing whom they please without sinne , but a power of putting capitall malefactors to death , and so a power over every ( call it subjects or free-mans ) life in case of capitall crime ) and the granting of this ( as 't is too visible that it is by you a granted truth ) being added to the former , doth to me irrefragably conclude , that the supreme power neither is , nor can be in the community of the people , or in their representative , by force meerly of their originall or naturall liberty ; the inference is cleare , because the power of life which is part of the supremacy , is not part of that naturall liberty , and therefore is neither inherent naturally in that community of men , ( which is but , in other words , so many particular men together , indow'd with that power ( and no more ) which every man hath singly over himself ) nor consequently by them communicable to any representative . and by this also it appeares , that supreme magistracy , wheresoever 't is truly placed , is the ordinance , and creation of god , ( who alone hath power of all mens lives ) and not of man , who hath no power of his owne , much lesse of any others life , any farther then he is a representative , or proxy , or deputy of god , who hath that power , not of the people , who have it not . for it is possible i may put you in mind of an evident truth , which perhaps you have not taken notice of ; that , as the originall of government in any particular place cannot be imagined to be by any more than two waies , either gods designment , or the peoples act ; so in either of those two cases 't is god onely , and not the people , that gives the power of the sword , or power of life to the governour ; when god himselfe sets a king over men , 't is so cleare that be thus impowers that king , that that need not be proved ; and when the community of a people ( suppose in the originall , ten men in the freedome of nature ) chuse one of themselves , or more to rule over them ; 't is cleare , they doe not invest him with more power than themselves had ; & that he that was thus chosen by them , hath the power of life over any of them ( which they single , or all together in the community had not ) must needs come from some other , and not from them ; and if you will know from whom it comes , i answer , that it comes from gods appointment ( for the oeconomy of the world ) that the supreme magistrate shall as his deputy have this power from god communicated to him , as an endowment necessary to that power which is design'd to protect , and governe others . and in case it were the act of the people , and not of god immediately , that designes or nominates the person to that office , yet doth not this nomination bestow this power , but god who alone hath that power , bestowes it on him who is thus nominated . in this case all that the people bestow , or part with by their act is their owne liberty , or that part of it of which they voluntarily divest themselves , that they may by obedience empower him , whom they have set over them ; & that they may reasonably part with for that greater benefit of protection from him , which , while he is obeyed by all , he may by their united obedience to his commands be able to afford them , and could not probably without it ; now this giving up their liberties to one , or more , makes that man , or men a ruler over them ; and being a ruler , to him belongs ( derived from god , not from them ) that power of life , and death , which gods forementioned decree hath enstated on the supreme power , or ruler ; who is therefore in that relation ( of avenger for wrath , or punishment ) stiled by the apostle , the minister of god , rom. 13. and not of the people . by this it appeares that ( for the originall of power ) the utmost that comes from the people , is that of which they have the power , till by some act of gods , or their owne , they have parted with it , the liberty or power of their persons ( or in some sort and degree , as they shall part with it , of their bodies , or possessions in like manner ) but not of their lives ; for that other is of an higher origination ; and therefore , supposing the power they had parted with , should , upon any emergent , revert to them againe , yet the power of life and death , or of the sword can never revert , because it never proceeded from them , but as the soule that came from god doth at the falling of the body back to its elements , or earth , from which it was first taken , returne to the hands of god that gave it , so the power of life , the prerogative first , and then the gift or investitute of god , must at the dlssolution of any government , and the supposed posed reverting to its principles againe , returne to its proper fountaine , to god , and none but him . and to imagine it to divolve to the community of the people , is the same unreasonable , as to conceive the immortall soule , that one beame of divinity ( as this power of life and death is another ) to accompany the carcasse to the grave also . i have insisted the longer on this to make the mistake the more palpable , and the more impossible not to be discerned by you ; and if i could foresee any colour of reason , that could possibly pretend against this evidence , i should yet enlarge yours , and my owne trouble , to discover it ; but being , i professe , unable to mention any thing , which the grounds , which are already laid , have not prevented : i shall now proceed to the third and last way of examining this truth . by the history of times , and there i shall be forced to retract , at least to suspend the acknowledging of that , which , that i might examine it by reason , i was willing to suppose , but not grant , and shall now demand , 1. whether by any authentick story it appeares , that there ever were any nation or people in the world , who can be presumed or proved to have had this supreme power vested in the whole community originally , or from their first comming together ? or if so , whether gods judgment so visibly interposed , and the example of his instituting of judges , and of kings , ( neither of them accountable to the people ) be not to be preferred before all such presidents ? 2. if 't were granted , that in some one , or more places the power hath been originally in the people , yet it will never appeare by the originalls of all , or of this kingdome , that in all or in this it was so ; or if men will still opiniate , and affirme against the evidence of the lawes , and constitution of this kingdome , and against those oaths which have for so many yeares acknowledged the seat of the supremacy in the king , and not in the people ; yet that , which is so false in matter of fact , being taken for truth also , there will againe be matter of inquiry , in point of reason , which will deserve your farthermost serious pondering : 1. whether , after that the people have upon deliberation , and from choice intrusted some one or more persons ( in any certaine course of succession by law designed ) to rule over them , and after the law hath declared the person of that supream magistrate not to be accountable , but his ministers only , ( which may be a prudence of state , more advantagious to a peoples peace , then possibly is well understood ) whether , i say , in this case any number of men whatsoever , can , upon any pretence , re-call that trust , and void that law , by which that king , and his heires for ever , were constituted the ruler of them ? or if they might , whether this were not most contrary to the end of all government , quiet , and peace , and probably the parent of all confusion in the world , which is much worse than the hardest subjection ? nay 2. if it should be ganted still , that the community of people have power to recall , or void that trust , yet 't will be matter of more than doubt againe , whether at this time in this kingdome there be any way for the whole community to act , or whether it can by any man be reasonably believed , that what is now done , is acted by the community of the people ? for if ( to that purpose ) it be conceived , that the house of commons is ( or that the two houses together are ) the representative of all the people ; then first , it is to be considered that there is a great number of men in this kingdome , that are not represented by these , and who never put ( nor can by any interpretation be thought to have put ) into their hands that power , which is supposed to be in every free commoner in this kingdome . 2. that you your selves have exprest your opinion , that this , which now is , is an unequall representative , and have on that consideration thought your selves obliged to propound another forme . 3. 't is sure , that ( whatever possibly might have been ) yet they , that have ever till this time chosen knights or burgesses to the parliament , did never actually put into their hands , as into their representatives , all that power , which ( in this case of the peoples being the supreme power ) is naturally supposed to be vested in them , but only a power of doing those things , for which the writ ( sent out under the broad seal ) did command them to be returned , i. e. to consult with the king of the difficult affaires of the kingdome , not to settle any part of it without , or against him . and 4. 't is clear , that in such an acknowledged conjuncture of time as this is , a small ( farre lesse ) part of those that were returned by the countries , cannot be said to be that entire company , or body , by which the whole community is represented ; or if it be said , that the godly people of the land , who by petitions to the generall , the lord fairfax have exprest their desires , that justice be executed upon those , whom they call delinquents , are to be reputed as the community of the people : then first , it will be clear , that those that have so petitioned ( beside , that they are most of the body of the army ) are not the thousandth part of the people of this kingdome , and therefore cannot by any rule of judgement or estimation be reputed as the whole community ; and if this president might be admitted , that a few persons , under the title of the godly , may pretend to the right of the whole , t is very well worth foreseeing , how dangerous such examples may prove to the peace of posterity . 2. all the evidence of their godlinesse that we can perceive , is only their desiring liberty for themselves and others , and therefore justice on those who stand in their way to that liberty ; and i conceive it demonstrable that a quiet submission and obedience , and a desire not to cast off their duty , but still to continue under it , rather then to be their own carvers , or contrivers of liberty , is a farre surer signe of true godlinesse . and thirdly , there hath yet been no fair indifferent meanes used to know whether there be not farre greater numbers of such godly meek men , who would rather desire that the king should be restored to his government , then that any course should be taken by any , without , or against the king . and the plain truth is , that if you will go on in the course you are in , and yet desire freely to appear , and be accounted the conservers , and not conquerours of the liberty of your country-men , if you will not impose upon the people , as you say kings have done ; nothing can be more sutable to those pretences , then to declare most publickly , that it shall be free for every man to subscribe , whether he doth desire this totall change by you tendred in the draught of your representative , or the continuance of the present established government , ( with an assurance of your submission thereunto . ) 4. 't is ( upon supposition that all power is originally in the people ) most undeniable and clear , that nothing but the consent of each person ( at least of a major part of the whole being convoked together ) can divest any one , or more men of that their supposed originall right ; and consequently , that other mens saying that they are not godly , and that themselves are so , can never exclude them from their birthright ; by which it will infallibly be concluded , that all those that have adhered to the king all this time , or that favour'd the votes of the two houses , which resolved the king's late concessions at newport to be a fit ground of peace ( whatsoever censure or brand is by you set upon them ) are as much to be considered to the making up the community of the people , as any others . and if so , let it then be considered by all equall minded men , what a violation it is of those rights , which you pretend to vindicate , what an invasion of the naturall freedome of your brethren ( by you acknowledged , the inheritance of each man ) to force them against their wills , with their very great incommodation and detriment , to revert to that liberty , which is by you supposed to belong to all naturally , but without which we of this nation have happily lived , under the farre greater advantages of regall government . and yet so contrary to this principle have you now proceeded , that when you have thus throwne us back into our first chaos againe , onely that you may reduce our liberty , you then immediately by your representative so bind us up , that we are not permitted , upon whatsoever emergency , to cast our selves into any new forme , although the exchange should appeare never so advantageous , and gainfull to us ; which besides that , it is an evidence of your inward feare , that the change now designed will be soone repented of againe , is certainly so farre from being an enlarging , that it is the retrenching of our liberty , and denying us that freedome , of which the most barbarous and the most civilized people have been equally partakers , when subjection seemed better for their turnes . as beside the examples of the servants in exodus , which are there supposed sometimes to preferre their servitude to their masters before the priviledge of the sabbaticke yeare , we find practised by the campanians , who voluntarily cast themselves at the feet , and surrendred themselves into the power of the romans , to purchase thereby that right of being protected by them ; & by many barbarians in appia , , who sent embassadours to rome on purpose to petition the favor of being receivd into the number of their subjects . i have insisted the longer upon this , in obedience to your owne invitation ; which was also a great motive and encouragement to make this whole addresse to you , and gives me assurance of your kind reception of it . the last principle to be review'd is this , that there having been much bloud spilt in this kingdome in the late warres , there must now be some sacrifice offer'd to god ( i. e. some more bloud shed ) for the expiation of that sinne of bloudguiltinesse , before god can be pacified , or reconciled to the land . on which particular , it will first be worth your serious enquiry , how it should appeare that that great issue of bloud , let out in the late warres ( which hath with great reason been lookt on , as the sharpest of gods plagues , and the saddest part of punishment of the former sinnes of this nation ) is now the maine , and onely sinne of the land , with which god is not reconciled : or 2. if it were supposed to be so , yet how it can be thought that a generall reformation of that sinne , an humiliation before god for it , through the whole land , and a resolution never to spill one drop more , were not a more christian probable meanes to pacifie god , than the proceeding in cold bloud to the effusion of more : the bloud of men being never thought a fit sacrifice for any , but the evill spirit ; and peaceable-mindednesse , and charity , and the contrite heart being the speciall , if not onely sacrifices , which we find mention'd in the gospel . or 3. how it can appeare that if god require any such sacrifice , you , or any but those whom the knowne lawes of the land have placed in a tribunall ( and that legally erected for such cognizances ) have any right to put your selves into the office of gentile priests , as the onely persons appointed to slay that sacrifice . nay 4. it will be worth your observing , that christ disclaimed the office of a judge , and thereby rendred very unfit for any of you to put your selves unto that office by vertue of no other title , but that of being his disciples . and lastly , it is worth your saddest thought , whether by your present councell , and the necessity by you supposed of changing the former government , it doe not now appeare , that the defence of the established lawes was on the king's part the occasion of his taking armes , and on your parts , the designe of altering those lawes , and introducing others more sutable to your inclinations . and if now by a civill or martiall course , in an arbitrary way of triall , contrary to the lawes established , it should be by you thought fit to proceed to bloud against those whom engagements have been for the defence of those establisht lawes : let it be consider'd , how impolitick this may be , and what matter of discouragement to all that shall be intrusted with the managery , or defence of future government : which single consideration will , i hope , abate much of your designed severity . but if god should permit you to go on undisturb'd to the shedding of more bloud , as the jewes did from other lower acts to the crucifying their king : how possible were it , not onely that this should prove the provoking of god to deliver you up for ever to your owne hearts lusts , but be to the whole nation a filling up the measure of our iniquities , and the forerunner of all the calamities , that can befall a people . having mention'd the weaknesse , and falliblenesse of these few principles , i shall leave you to the farther consideration of the frailnesse , and danger of those superstructures , which shall be erected on any , or all of these . and if there were never a god in the world to avenge them , yet the experience now before your eyes , how easie it is for principles taken up for mens present advantages to prove within a while most disadvantageous , and pernicious to them ( as the weapons of a disarmed man turn'd into his owne breast ) may infuse into you that feare and temper , that caution , and moderation , and timely wisdome , which the authour of this addresse may be otherwise too unskilful to impresse on you : who yet , if he might any way be usefull to you , doth professe to be ready to contribute his utmost endeavour to your service , if it be but thereby to demonstrate to you , how just it is for him ( and what a duty , and obligation of charity toward you ) to intercede daily at the throne of grace , that god would mollifie your hearts toward the king , and all his conscientious faithfull subjects , or else interpose his hand , to rescue his royall person out of your power ; believing confidently , that , if god have any remainders of mercy for this kingdome , or the true protestant profession in it , he will in his good time heare and answer this prayer of all true englishmen , and among them of jan. 15. 1648. your lordships humble servant , h. hammond . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45469e-140 * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a letter from mr. richard smith to dr. henry hammond, concerning the sence of that article in the creed, he descended into hell, together with dr. hammond's answer. smith, richard, 1566-1655. 1684 approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 49 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a60518 wing s4154 estc r2952 11787228 ocm 11787228 49139 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a60518) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49139) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 548:15) a letter from mr. richard smith to dr. henry hammond, concerning the sence of that article in the creed, he descended into hell, together with dr. hammond's answer. smith, richard, 1566-1655. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [6], 78 p. printed for richard chiswell ..., london : 1684. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christianity -philosophy. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-10 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from mr. richard smith to dr. henry hammond , concerning the sence of that article in the creed , he descended into hell. together with dr. hammond's answer . london , printed for richard chiswell , at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard , 1684. to the reader . these two letters are no spurious things obtruded upon the names of the worthy persons betwixt whom they passed ( as some have shamefully done of late with the reverend author of the whole duty of man , and some others ) but are real and genuine : they were found in the study of mr. richard smith ( a gentleman well known to most of the learned of his time ) amongst many other choice papers which he had carefully collected and laid up with a more than ordinary regard ; and are now made publick with advice . r. chiswell . reverend sir , taking notice not long ago of the various expositions of learned men of the sence of the article of the creed of christs descension into hell , and therewithal considering , that the right understanding of that article ( as well as of any of the rest ) is of such concernment , that ( if we believe athanasius's creed ) whosoever doth not believe it ( with the other articles therein contained ) he cannot be saved : i made more diligent inquisition hereinto ; which having done , by perusal of the works of divers writers and expositors of the creed , the arguments , reasons and testimonies produced by them to justifie their several opinions of the true meaning of this article , seemed to me to be much contradictory , obscure and uncertain , so that i could not resolve , how any man confidently or assuredly could fix a firm belief , or relye upon any one of those different expositions , cashiering all the rest , which must be done , there being but one truth to insist upon ; for to believe this or that , is to believe we know not what . thus being not able to give my self any satisfaction herein , at last i called to my remembrance that once it was told me , that mr. john selden , that learned lawyer and famous antiquary ( now in abraham's bosome ) held a singular opinion of his own touching this article different from all others , much afterwards approved by many judicious men : hereupon ( for my own satisfaction ) being desirous to know what was his opinion herein , i went purposely unto him to be resolved thereof ; who freely at my request , declared to me his opinion thereof , which was this , that by these words in the creed , he descended into hell , was meant , that the soul of christ resting in heaven , whither it went immediately after his death ( like as we believe all the souls of the faithful do ) making good his promise to the good thief on the cross , saying to him , to day shalt thou be with me in paradise , luk. 23. 43 : that soul of christ , i say , the third day after his body had lyen interred in the grave ( according to christs prediction , and application of the prophet jonas lying three days and three nights in the whales belly , matt. 12. 40. ) did descend from heaven into hell , ( that is , into the grave , usually in the scripture call'd hell ) and then uniting it self to his body , did quicken and raise it up again from the dead , or place of the dead , which was the grave , unto life in an instant ; all which is undeniable ; herein fulfilling the prophecy of king david , psal . 16. 10. ( though otherwise expounded ) thou shalt not leave my soul in hell , nor suffer thine holy one to see corruption : which place of scripture ( granting that by this word [ hell ] in the creed is meant the grave , as the original will carry it ) may very aptly be applied to this descension into the grave : thus , it cannot be denied but that his soul was in the grave in his body the third day after his burial , descending thither to raise it up again to life ; for without the soul , the dead body of it self naturally could not move nor remove : and so the soul being thus descended into hell or the grave , was not left there at all ( as it must be granted by them of the other opinion , that it was left in hell the place of the damned , though for no long time . ) for if it had continued any space of time in the grave termed hell , it so continuing there ( though never so little time ) might have been said to have for that time been left there ; and so this prophecy in that point had not been fulfilled . but i think , no man will deny , that the soul , so soon as ever it descended into hell or the grave into the body there lying , both soul and body without any staying there , was not left there , but in the twinkling of an eye being united together , immediately rose again from the dead , ( that is from the grave , the place of the dead ) and so i say , was not left at all in hell , that is in the grave ; whereby the prophecy in this point ( in leaving the soul in hell ) was upon the resurrection fulfilled . the last part of the verse of this psalm is also fulfilled by the raising of the body incorrupt ( by the power of the deity ) of which there is no question or scruple made . in this opinion of mr. selden's ( granting the word hell to signify the grave ) there is no tautologie , or twice re-iteration of the self same thing , no acurologie or impropriety , contradiction or absurdity , no hysteron-proteron , no disorder in the position of it in the creed , but placed orderly in its proper place according to the series of the creed ; nor is it involved in any mystical sense , trope or figure ( unmeet for an article of our faith ) . but it is a true and orthodox opinion according to the exposition thereof , plain and easie to be understood of the meanest capacity . moreover i observe , that there may be a considerable use made thereof , thus expounded according to mr. selden's opinion , to wit , that hereby is manifested the re-union of christ's soul unto his body in the grave at or immediately before his resurrection , with the time and maner thereof , which in no other article of the creed , not yet in any plain place of the scripture ( that i remember ) not having a various exposition , is directly averred . now besides the several texts of scriptures produced for proof of this opinion of christs descension into hell , the place of the damned , variously expounded , the constant belief and profession of the catholick church for many ages hitherto , and the opinions and judgments of many of the ancient orthodox fathers , and learned and pious doctors of the primitive times agreeing unanimously in the same opinion , are strongly urged in behalf of that opinion , which are not easily to be expunged ; thereby inferring , that , say they , to introduce a new opinion of yesterday's standing into an article of our faith , never heard of before , against and disagreeing with the general opinion of the church throughout all ages hitherto observed , might prove a matter of very ill consequence , and breed much disturbance and confusion in the church , not to be approved of by discreet rational men , but rather ( with more reason ) for the unity of the church , worthy to be exploded . answer ; if it were certain , that such an exposition of christs descension into hell , the place of the damned , as is before suggested , were the true sense and meaning of the said article of the creed , there would be no reason to leave that ancient exposition for a new ; but rather a necessity to subscribe to it , and acknowledge it as the true and proper sense of that article ; but such interpretation being questionable , dubious , and contradicted by many other different opinions of learned and pious men ( though of later times ) the probability or possibility only of the truth of that former opinion ( though never so strongly backt by learned , pious , and orthodox fathers and doctors , who may and have had their failings ) cannot bind the consciences of other men unto an implicite faith , but they may be at liberty to adhere unto such an opinion ( though lately published ) which may by the judgment of other learned orthodox christians , compared with the sacred scriptures , savour in their apprehension of more probability of the true sense of that article , than the former opinion . it may peradventure be likewise objected , that if this opinion of mr. selden's had been intended by the composers of the creed , it is likely , that the time of such descension into the grave , would have been expressed in that article as well as the time in the article of the resurrection . answer ; the time of the descension into hell the place of the damned is not set down in the article ; the knowledge whereof would have been as necessary , as of this , and which is far more intricate to discover than this is : and therefore , if the time of the descension had been thought material , it is likely , it would not have been omitted , being a point controverted ; but in this other exposition , it is not so requisite to be set down , for that the punctual time of his descension into the grave , is apparent to be at the very instant time of the resurrection , being both acted together as one individual article in a moment of time : for by an old tradition , as some say , the division of the twelve articles of the creed was first made by the twelve apostles , every one , say they , setting down one single article ; wherein this article ( made , as goes the report , by s. thomas the apostle ) descendit ad inferos , tertio die resurrexit , containing both the descension and the resurrection , is joyned together in one article ; and therefore , not improperly , it may be thence inferred , that as they were made at first one article joyntly , so the time of the descension of christs soul into hell or the grave , and of his resurrection were both at one time ; and the time of the resurrection is rather mentioned , than of the descension into the grave , to fulfil the scriptures , which mention the time of the resurrection , but not of the descension : yet the lutherans guess at a time when he descended into hell , the place of the damned , which was , as they say , between his burial and resurrection in body and soul ; for they will have it to be after his burial , and before his resurrection , that it might concur with the order of the place thereof in the creed , which is between his burial and resurrection : and others think , wresting psalm 119. v. 62. to their purpose , that he descended thither in body and soul about midnight , and rose again about five of the clock the next morning . cramerus de descensu christi , cap. 5. now , sir , my request to you is , that you will vouchsafe me your opinion ( on which i much relye ) concerning this opinion of mr. selden , which i have opened unto you ; i hope you shall not find me averse from reason , though i may incline happily to one side more than to another , till my judgment be better informed . i have perused some principal places of scripture cited for confirmation of the opinion of the local descent of christ into hell ( noted here in the margent ) : i have likewise taken notice of several opinions of the calvinists and others touching that article , with answers thereunto ; all which being well known unto you , would be tedious to recite at large ; wherein i observe , that some opinions are more probable , and come nearer to the truth in all likelihood , than others : but those and all others being but opinions and not undeniable truths , some more probable than others , i know not ( among so great variety ) which one opinion solely to fasten on ; for as i said , there is but one truth , which cannot consist in contradictions or variable expositions , but to find out that one truth , hic labor , hoc opus est . i confess , i have been too bold with you , being ( as i conceive ) a stranger to you , howsoever an illiterate old man not worthy of your acquaintance , yet a well wisher to learning , and ( though no philosopher yet ) a lover of wisdom and wise men : i should not have adventured to have been thus bold with you , but by the perswasion of mr. royston , bookseller , my friend and old acquaintance , and one that i presume will acknowledge himself obliged unto you for real courtesies . if i have been too troublesome to you , as i confess i have , mr. royston must bear part of the punishment being accessary ante factum . thus with my love and respects unto you , i commit you to the almighty , resting your affectionate friend and servant , r. smith . little more-fields april 1659. indorsed , to his much honoured and reverend friend dr. henry hammond . dr. hammond's answer to mr. smith's letter . sir , to your proposal i offer my sense in the method you have used ; and first to your suggestion from athanasius's creed , that without a right understanding of this and all other articles , a man cannot be saved : it is sufficient , that i mind you , that as there is nothing said in the nicene creed in lieu of this article ; so there is no word of explication of it in the athanasian . the former articles concerning the trinity and christ incarnate , god-man , which had been invaded by hereticks , are there largely explained ; and 't is reasonable thence to say , that the right understanding of them , such as is there set down , and which false teachers had opposed , was strictly required of all men , by authority of all those universal councils , which had thus defined sub anathemate , or pain of heresie , and which that athanasian creed recited : but for other articles , though it require the believing of them , yet not giving any limited sence of them , it binds not to what it hath not declared , i. e. to any other determinate sence of them ; which seemeth to me to leave it free and dangerless , to use all sober means , that search of scripture or tradition , together with the use of the words , especially in the sacred dialect , can help us to , for the finding out and resolving the true or ( if there be a competition of more possible ) the probablest meaning of it . to come then to that enquiry ; there have been three ( and now as by you it appears , there is a fourth ) senses of it . first , that christ in his spirit , went to the place of souls departed . secondly , that his animal soul descended into , and continued in the state of the separation from the body . thirdly , that hades signifies the grave , and so that descending thither , is but an explication of his burial . fourthly , that his soul descended from heaven into the grave , and raised the body . the first of these opinions is subdivided again , some making the place to be hell , or the place of the damned ; and mr. broughton contending against bishop bilson , that it is paradise ; and durand interpreting the descending , only of a virtual motion and the efficacy of his death , to the souls detained there ; and calvin , and our parker from him , understanding by it the torments of the damned , affirm christs descent , to signifie the suffering of them , especially in his soul. you demanded not of me the reasons of not approving any of these , but only my opinion of that which you call mr. selden's , and i have set down for the fourth . and because i see no cause to approve of that , it will be reasonable , that i point out , what i do adhere to , and upon what grounds i prefer it before mr. selden's . that which i adhere to , is this : that as christ's body after his crucifixion and death was disposed of in the grave , so his soul descended to , and continued in the condition or state of the dead till the third day , meaning hereby the very same thing which i suppose to be meant by the first opinion [ that christ in his spirit went to the place of the souls departed ] abstracting only from the ends , which have been variously assigned , by several men ancient and modern , for his thus descending . that he descended for the freeing some out of hell , hath been the opinion of some of the ancients ; as of others , for the opening heaven to those that were formerly kept out of it , and of others for the triumphing over the devil in his own quarter , and shewing openly the victory he had gotten over death and hell ; the last of these i abstain from condemning , having less prejudice to it than to either of the two former , and therefore have set it down in the practical catechism , as that which may piously be believed : but i now desire , i say , to abstract from every of these ends , and not to fix on any other end , but whatshall necessarily and unquestionably arise from the article most simply set down : and herein i suppose i shall best comply with the doctrine of our church , article 3. defining no more than thus , ( and abstaining from what had been express'd in the article of edward the sixth . ) [ that as christ dyed for us and was buried , so also it is to be believed that he went down into hell ] without any explication : for supposing the word [ hell ] in the article to be answerable to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that word by the origination , to denote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , invisible , and that by the aequivalent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 disappearing , it is to me perfectly indifferent , whether this be understood of a state or a place , so it be the common place of the dead or souls departed , and not any impalement of those , either to torments or bliss . let it be taken for the common place of souls , not limited either to that on one side , which we call heaven ; or what we call hell on the other ; or any third middle place : but indefinitely for the place of souls , i.e. of all souls departed ( wheresoever they are ) and then it will be hardly intelligible , how this differs from a state ; for place properly so called it cannot be , that notion belonging to circumscription or definition ; and as circumscription is only of bodies , so definition which is of souls , will not be commodiously attributed to an indefinite , i. e. the common place of souls ; but some one place , be it heaven or hell , or a third ; and then taking it for a place only improperly , that is all one with that which i call a state ; this i say , because against the interpreting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the state of the dead , i see it pressed by a very learned man of our church , that among heathen authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 always signifies a place ; and this evidence brought for it , because they that killed themselves , & c. and so were dead , and the souls in the state of the dead , were yet by the heathens believed not to be admitted into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as from their writers is fully testified . but to this i answer , that making no question of the truth of the observation , i think it perfectly reconcileable with my notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a state ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being aequivalent to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies not only the estate of death , but of disappearing , and then the souls of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that dye untimely being by the heathens supposed to walk and appear ; and so of those whose bodies are unburied , they could not say of them that they were in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which of all others which disappeared was affirmed by them , which being equally true and applicable , whether to the notion of a place or state ( for i deny not that in their opinion the soul of one unburied was in the state of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though he were in state of death , and both of them are denoted , say i , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i interpret that a state ) the argument is of no force against me , who mean that very same thing by the state of the dead , which they meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they denyed the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to descend or to be admitted thither . in like manner when they say that christ by his spirit or humane rational soul descended to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and i , that the animal soul thus descended , i suppose those two to contain no real difference ( as to this matter of the descent ) ; for i use this phrase , because it is by the animal soul in proper speaking , that any one lives , and that is common to man with all other animals , and yet in a man this is not improperly called spirit also ( as breath and life are all one ) mans becoming a living soul , being an immediate consequent of gods breathing into his nostrils the breath of life , gen. 2. 7. but because there is another notion of spirit , for the upper immortal soul which passeth not into the condition of death , but was by christ committed into his father's hands ( in respect of which i suppose it was that the thief received promise to be with him that day in paradise , the thief 's immortal soul , with christ's immortal humane soul ) and that distinguished from the living soul , as both from the body , in settingdown the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole of us , 1 thes . 5. 23. therefore i choose rather to say the animal soul , for distinctness sake , but mean the same that they mean , who either say soul simply , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spirit , in the notion wherein we render it ghost , matth. 27. 50. where it is said of christ , he yielded up the ghost , which proceeds not on such a critical distinction of ghost from soul as that place to the thessal . doth . to either of these equally belongs the force of an argument lately made use of by learned mr. pearson ( on the creed page 480. ) to prove , that the meaning of the article is , the motion or translation of christs soul to the place of souls . the argument is taken from an opposition which the father 's made to the heresie of the apollinarians , which consisted in this , that christ took on him our humane flesh , without the humane soul , ( his deity supplying the place of that : ) which error of theirs the fathers refute by this , that in his death his soul was separated from the body , in respect whereof he went to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this heresie of theirs equally deprived christ of the rational intellectual and of the animal soul , teaching , that his flesh was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without soul and without mind ; and so the fathers argument against them founded in christs descent to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of equal force , whether it were in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mind or soul that he descended , their heresie belonging to both , that is indeed to that soul by which he exercised all the acts both of life and reason when it was in the body , and by separation of which from the body , he was truly dead , his soul departing to the condition or habitation of souls , as his body was laid up in the grave . having thus far explicated this opinion , to which i adhere ; and in doing so , adhere to that other ( abstracted from all consideration of the end ) which hath always been accounted the doctrine of the church of england , ordinarily stiled the local descent ; i shall not need any farther to confirm it ( having largely done it in the practical catechism , l. 5. sect. 2. page 288. &c. ) than by reflecting on the exact propriety this bears both with the order and contexture of the creed , and with that one eminent text cited by the apostle from the psalmist , wherein beyond all other texts this article is undoubtedly founded . for in the creed , after his crucifixion , and remaining so long on the cross till he was dead , commending his spirit into the hands of his father , it follows , his body was interred , and his soul ( in separation of which from his body , the reality of his death consists ) descended , departed into the common place , habitation , state , condition , of the dead ( hovered not above the grave , as the heathen phansied of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( underwent the very same fate that the souls of all other dead men do , and so continued till the third day , and then he rose again . and lest it should be suggested ( as i see it is , ) that taking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the state of the dead , descending to that , shall signifie no more , than to be dead : i answer , that if this were supposed to be the utmost that the words by their own force do signifie ( as when jacob said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i shall descend to hades , it is acknowledged it doth ) yet the position in the creed , will assist it to signifie thus much more ; for if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be a state or condition or habitation or place , though but improperly so called , yet descending to hades being immediately attended with [ the third day he rose again from the dead ] this must in all reason extend the act of dying to a duration , and that duration or space of continuance among the dead as far as to the third day , else there would be ( which is not to be imagined ) a chasme in the creed , no full enumeration of all the parts and steps of the story ; but being thus understood , nothing can be more punctual and compleat in all the circumstances , than the order observed in the creed , is . and for the text of the psalmist recited by the apostle , thou shalt not leave my soul in hades , &c. it is now most expresly fulfilled in , and recited by this article ; that though his body were laid in the grave ( where if it continued above three days , ( the term observed in nature for the revolution of the humors ) it would naturally tend to corruption and putrefaction , and stink , as it is said of lazarus where he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , four days dead ) and his soul gone to hades , the habitation or condition or common place of souls ; yet being there really , in as perfect separation from the body as any soul of dead man is , yet it should not be left there , forsaken there , or in any degree destitute by god ; but before the body should begin to putrefie , that is , in three days space , the eternal spirit his godhead inseparably united both to his soul and body , should re-unite them again , and then it follows the third day he rose . having given so full , and as i suppose clear unquestionable account of the meaning of this article , that it belongs to christs humiliation , the reality and continuance of the separation of his soul from his body , and its being in hades , as that is the place or habitation or condition of separated souls , and being applyed to souls cannot possibly signifie the grave , the repository only of the body , i need add no further prejudices to mr. selden's opinion ; which first if this be true , cannot be the truth ; secondly , belongs not to christs humiliation , but is all one with his resurrection ; thirdly , is a descent from no place , no ascent being before mentioned ; fourthly , is not compatible with any stay of his soul in hades ; both which yet the psalmist , rejoycing that his soul is not forsaken and left there , must import , and the subsequent mention in the creed of the third days rising intimates the third day , the stay , the rising , the humiliation : fifthly , is founded in hades , signifying the grave or repository of the body , which generally and by the origination of the word belongs to the habitation of souls , and is used in scripture sometimes , where it cannot be meant of the grave , as gen. 37. 35. i will go down to the grave , ( we render , ) to my son mourning , spoken of jacob in relation to joseph , whom yet he believed torn in pieces with wild beasts and not at all interred . sixthly , if this be not sufficient , then remember that it was god , rom. 4. 24. acts 3. 26. the spirit , that is , divine spirit , 1 pet. 3. 18. rom. 8. 11. that raised up jesus from the dead , and therefore it may not be attributed to his animal or humane soul going down into the grave and fetching out the body ; at least thus it cannot be in the place of the psalmist ; for there it is equally attributed to god , that he shall not leave his soul in hell , and not suffer him ( in respect of his body ) to see corruption : which must therefore unquestionably be understood , first , of gods doing the whole work in general ; secondly , in gods rescuing the soul from hades , in which he was detained ( and preserving the body from corruption to which it was lyable . ) which is quite contrary to mr. selden's interpretation , which supposeth the soul not to be at all detained there , and consequently not the patient but the agent in the rescue , when 't is evident that god is the agent , equally in respect both of soul and body , and the soul as the body , the patient , and therefore the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the passive . seventhly , one argument more i shall propose to you against this sense ; the aquileian creed is observed to have been the first in which this article is exprest , and in this there was no mention of christs burial ; the same is visible in that which we call the athanasian : now though from hence i conclude not ( as some have done ) that it is all one with burial ( for it may be burial , and somewhat more , disposing of the soul as well as the body , during the space of separation ) yet sure this may i conclude , that it cannot with any probability refer to the raising him out of the grave ( as mr. selden's phancy imports ) when there had no mention of his being there , preceded : for what tolerable sense would there be in the words of the aquileian creed thus understood ? the words of that are , crucifixus sub pontio pilato , descendit in inferna , which mr. selden may have thus interpreted , being crucified under pontius pilate , his soul went into the grave to raise his body thence : this i say were absurd ; without mention or intimation first given of his body being at all there . so in the athanasian , he suffered for our salvation , descended into hell , rose again the third day from the dead ; where there is mention of no more , but of his suffering , but neither of his death or burial ( if descending to hades signifie them not ) with what propriety could it be added immediately , that he went down into the grave to raise the body thence ? if these arguments , any or all , prevail with you , to reject this interpretation , i need add no more ; if they do not , i shall then recommend one thing more to your consideration , that some opinions are so remote and improbable , that it is hard to produce any argument to make them more so , than of themselves they are , and this is fit to be in front of such ; that of ramus , that burying doth not signifie burying but embalming ( that so descending to hades may be left to signifie burial ) being though not more true , methinks more ingenious and probable than this ; and yet against this , it will be hard to produce above one argument , ( and that with him a begging the question , which among logicians goes for the most fallacious way of disputing ) viz , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among all authors , sacred and prophane , signifies burial not embalming . having said thus much to the main , i shall now review your letter , and give it what reflexions seem yet to be needful : and first , when you think it is an inconvenience that the opinion contrary to mr. selden's is prest with , to acknowledge in the text , psalm 16. 10. that christ was left in hell the place of the damned , though for no long time ; you now see , first , that hell ( signifying not definitely the place of the damned , any more than definitely heaven the place of the glorified ; but indefinitely , the common place , habitation , condition of the dead , christ being there some time , and the third day recalled thence ) is not his being left in hades , but the quite contrary to it , his being rescued thence timely , which yet he could not properly be , if he were not there for some time ▪ the phrase which from the psalm the apostle useth , acts 2. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thou shalt not so leave , as to forsake destitute . but then secondly , it is most certain , that christs divinity was inseparably united both to the soul and body of christ , and so according to your hearts desire , though christs soul were ( as my opinion holds ) in hades , state or place of the dead , for some space , yet god left it not , forsook it not there one minute . next , when you say , there is a considerable use of this opinion , the manifesting the re-union of christ's body and soul in the grave , with the time and manner thereof , at , or immediately before his resurrection , which you say is in no other article , nor in any plain place of scripture averred . to this i answer , first , that as a supposed incommodity doth not solve , so a conceived advantage doth not competently found an argument ; secondly , that your own confession , that there is no plain place of scripture that averrs this , is a valid argument of probation , that it ought not to be esteemed any part of our faith , nor consequently , any article of our creed ; thirdly , that when in the creed [ whatsoever may be said of the scripture ] the separation of his body and soul , together with the time and manner of it , is no otherwise set down , than by his being affirmed to be dead ; so is there no kind of need , that the re-union should be more particularly set down , than by teaching us , that the third day he rose again , it being certain that he is the whole christ that dyed , and so both soul and body , and so the affirming that he rose again is perfectly aequivalent and tantamount to his soul being re-united to his body : then for the time , that is also mentioned in that article , the third day ; as for the manner , this interpretation sets not that down truly , as was said ; for the resurrection of the body was the work of his divinity , and not peculiarly of his animal or human soul , but as of the instrument used by his divinity . next when you propose an objection in behalf of the opinion of the descent into the place of the damned , and give answer to it , i shall thus far interpose ; first , that the authority of the antient church in a matter of this moment , depending on what was delivered by the apostles to the churches , is , and ought to be of great weight against all novel heterodoxes , so far as those of the antient church agree among themselves : now though as to the end of christs descending , and to the definition of the place , the antients consent not , but differ very much from one another ( which is shewed at large by mr. pearson ) and therefore in these particulars our church defines not , yet there is nothing they more uniformly agree in , than that the soul of christ really descended into the habitation of souls ; for which i likewise for brevity sake referr you to mr. pearson , page 479. and therefore thus far we ought in all reason to come up to them , which he cannot , that according to mr. selden's opinion , interprets hades of the grave , the repository of the body only . lastly , for the old tradition , that mentions the descent and resurrection together , as one article composed by saint thomas , there is little heed to be given to that tradition , or indeed to the foundation of it , that every apostle cast in his particular shott : for first it will be hard to deduce the creed in the very form we have it , from the apostles immediately , it being so variously set down , in the first times , and the article of the descent omitted in many ; and the aquileian being the first which delivers it in our present form : secondly , 't is most certain , that every apostle preached the whole faith , and at their parting from jerusalem agreed in common upon a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , form of wholsom words , not committing to writing , or obliging it to the very same words , and this was called their symbolum , as that signifies a tessera militaris , by which christians were known from others ; and not from the notion of a shott which belongs to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so that you are not to think that old tradition , which in respect of true antiquity , is but a novel fable of no authority , and founded in a manifest mistake , will be fit to assist mr. selden's , or any other conceit . this is all i see occasion to reflect on in your letter , and so i have exprest my self perspicuously ( of which you will not judge aright , till you have read over the whole ) : i shall hope i have performed what you seem to require , first , given you my sense of mr. selden's opinion : secondly , represented unto you the one matter of faith in this article ; which being received , there is no more required de fide : and then all error and danger will be in dogmatizing , or teaching for faith , what is more than this , which our church wisely prohibits us to do : and then what need we trouble our selves with the various opinions of men about other circumstances , which are at the best , but opinions and conjectures , and perhaps never an one of them the truth , or any part of the meaning of that article . i have now held you so long , that you will have no reason to imagine your letter came unseasonably to me : the truth is , it came in a point of time , wherein i had a perfect vacancy from businesses that had formerly engaged my attendance ; and if it prove of any use to your satisfaction and repose of mind , i shall think my time hath been very well disposed of , that hath been thus laid out . and so i take my leave of you , and remain your affectionate friend to serve you , hen. hammond . april 28. 1659. i received this letter from dr. hammond , by mr. rich. royston on tuesday may 3. 1659. thus only indorsed : for mr. smith in little more-fields , these . books printed for , and sold by richard chiswell . folio . speed's maps and geography of great britain and ireland , and of foreign parts . dr. cave's lives of the primitive fathers , in 2. vol. dr. cary's chronological account of antient time sir tho. herbert's travels into persia , &c. wilson's compleat christian dictionary . b. wilkin's real character , or philosophical language . parmacopoeia regalis collegii medicorum londinensis . hooker's ecclesiastical policy . winch's book of entries . guillim's display of heraldry with large additions . dr. burnet's history of the reformation of the church of england , in 2. vol. dr. burnet's account of the confessions and prayers of the murderers of esq ; thyun . burlace's history of the irish rebellion . herodoti historia gr. lat. cum variis lect. rushworth's historical collections the 2d . part in 2. vol. rushworth's large account of the tryal of the earl of strafford , with all the circumstances relating thereunto . bishop sanderson's sermons with his life . fowlis's history of romish conspir . treas . and usurpat . sir walter raleigh's history of the world. the laws of this realm concerning jesuites , seminary priests , recusants , the oaths of supremacy and allegiance explained by divers judgments , and resolutions of the judges ; with other observations thereupon , by will. cawly , esq ; william's impartial consideration of the speeches of the five jesuits executed for treason , 1680. josephus's antiquities and wars of the jews with fig. qvarto . dr . littleton's dictionary , latine and english . bishop nicholson on the church catechism . history of the late wars of new england . dr. outram de sacrificiis . bishop taylor 's disswasive from popery . history of the future state of europe . dr. fowler 's defence of the design of christianity against john bunnyan . lord hollis's relation of the unjust accusation of certain french gentlemen charged with a robbery 1671. cole's latine and english dictionary . dr. jane's fast sermon before the commons , 1679. mr. john cave's fast sermon on the 30th . of jan. 1679. mr. john cave's assize sermon at leicester , july 31. 1679. dr. parker's demonstration of the divine authority of the law of nature and the christian religion . the history of the powder treason , with a vindication of the proceedings relating thereunto , from the exceptions made against it by the catholick apologist and others . speculum baxterianum , or baxter against baxter . mr. hook's new philosophical collections . dr. burnet's relation of the massacre of the protestants in france . dr. burnet's conversion and persecutions of eve cohan a jewess of quality lately baptized christian . dr. burnet's sermon before the lord mayor upon the fast for the fire , 1680. dr. burnet's fast sermon before the house of commons , dec. 22. 80. dr. burnet's sermon on the 30th . of january , 1681. dr. burnet's sermon at the election of the lord mayor , 1681. dr. burnet's sermon at the funeral of mr. houblon , 1682. dr. burnet's answer to the animadversions on his history of the rights of princes , 1682. dr. burnet's decree made at rome 1679. condemning some opinions of the jesuites and other casuists . published by dr. burnet , with a preface . dr. burnet's a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome . bibliotheca norfolciana , sive catalogus lib. manuscript . & impress . in omni arte & lingua , quos hen. dux norfolciae regiae societati londinensi pro scientia naturali promovenda donavit . octavo . elborow's rationale upon the english service . bishop wilkin's natural religion . hardcastle's christian geography and arithmetick . dr. ashton's apology for the honours and revenues of the clergy . lord hollis's vindication of the judicature of the house of peers in the case of skinner . lord hollis's jurisdiction of the house of peers in case of appeals . lord hollis's jurisdiction of the house of peers in case of impositions . — letters about the bishops votes in capital cases . dr. grew's idea of philological history continued on roots . spaniard's conspiracy against the state of venice . dr. brown's religio medici : with digbies observations . several tracts of mr. hales of eaton . dr. simpson's chymical anatomy of the york-shire spaws ; with a discourse of the original of hot springs and other fountains . — hydrological essays , with an account of the allum works at whitby , and some observations about the jaundice . organon salutis : or an instrument to cleanse the stomach . with divers new experiments of the vertue of tabaco and coffee : with a preface of sir hen. blunt. dr. cave's primitive christianity , in three parts . a discourse of the nature , ends , and difference of the two covenants , 1672. ignatius fuller's sermons of peace and holiness . a free conference touching the present state of england , at home and abroad , in order to the designs of france . mystery of jesuitism , third and fourth parts doctor sanway's unreasonableness of the romanists . dr. ashton's cases of scandal and persecution . the tryals of the regicides in 1660. certain genuine remains of the lord bacon in arguments civil , moral , natural , &c. with a large account of all his works , by dr. tho. tennison . dr. puller's discourse of the moderation of the church of england . sir john munson's discourse of supreme power and common right . dr. henry bagshaw's discourses on select texts . mr. seller's remarks relating to the state of the church in the three first centuries . the country mans physician ; for the use of such as live far from cities or market-towns . dr. burnet's account of the life and death of the earl of rochester . — vindication of the ordinations of the church of england . — history of the rights of princes in the disposing of ecclesiastical benefices and church-lands . — life of god in the soul of man. markham's perfect horseman . dr. sherlock's practical discourse of religious assemblies . — defence of dr. stilling fleet 's unreasonableness of separation . — a vindication of the defence of dr. stillingfleet in answer to mr. baxter and mr. lob , about catholick communion . the history of the house of estee , the family of the dutchess of york , octavo . sir rob. filmer's patriarcha , or natural power of kings . mr. john cave's gospel to the romans . dr. outram's 20. sermons preached on several occasions . lawrence's interest of ireland in its trade and wealth , stated . dvodecimo . hodder's arithmetick . grotius de veritate religionis christianae . bishop hacket's christian consolations . an apology for a treatise of humane reason , written by m. clifford esq ; . the queen-like closet , both parts . valentine's devotions . 24. pharmacopoeia collegii londinensis reformata . 24. books lately printed for r. chiswell . an historical relation of the island of ceylon in the east indies : together with an account of the detaining in captivity the author , and divers other english-men now living there , and of the author 's miraculous escape : illustrated with fifteen copper figures , and an exact map of the island . by capt. robert knox , a captive there near 20 years , fol. mr. camfield's two discourses of episcopal confirmation , octavo . bishop wilkin's fifteen sermons , never before extant . mr. john cave's two sermons of the duty and benefit of submission to the will of god in afflictions , quarto . dr. crawford's serious expostulation with the whiggs in scotland , quar. a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome ; to which is added , the popes brief to the assembly of the clergy , and their protestation . published by dr. burnet . dr. salmon's doron medicum , or supplement to his new london dispensatory , octavo . sir james turner's pallas armata , or , military essays of the antient , grecian , roman and modern art of war , fol. mr. tanner's primordia : or , the rise and growth of the first church of god described , octavo . a letter writ by the last assembly general of the clergy of france to the protestants , inviting them to return to their communion ; together with the methods proposed by them for their conviction . translated into english , and examined by dr. gilb. burnet , octavo . dr. cave's dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs : more particularly concerning the antient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , and the encroachments of that upon other sees , especially constantinople , octavo . — his history of the lives , acts , death , and writings of the most eminent fathers of the church that flourished in the fourth century : ( being a second volume ) wherein amongst other things is an account of arianism , and all other sects of that age. with an introduction containing an historical account of the state of paganism under the first christian emperours , folio . dr. j. lightfoot's works in a 2. vol. fol. mr. selden's janus anglorum englished , with notes : to which is added his epinomis , concerning the antient government and laws of this kingdom , never before extant . also two other treatises written by the same author : one of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdiction of testaments ; the other of the disposition or administration of intestates goods : now the first time published , fol. d. spenceri dissertationes de ratione rituum judaicorum , &c. fol. sub prelo . disquisitiones criticae de variis per diversa loca & tempora bibliorum editionibus , quibus accedunt castigationes theologi cujusdam parisiensis ad opusc . is . vossii de sibyllinis oraculis & ejusdem responsionem ad objectiones nuperae criticae . quarto . jus regium , or the just and solid foundations of monarchy in general , and more especially of the monarchy of scotland , maintained against buchanan , napthali , doleman , milton , &c. by sir george mackenzie his majesties advocate in scotland . 80. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a60518-e240 psal . 16. 10. psal . 68. 18. hos . 13. 4. matt. 12.40 . ephes 4. 8. colos . 2. 13. 1 pet. 3. 18. notes for div a60518-e860 1 thes . 5. 23. mat. 27. 50. acts 2. 31. psal . 16. 10. mr. pearson , page 476. john 11. 36. psal . 16. 10. mr. pearson , page 479. the countess of morton's daily exercise: or, a book of prayers, and rules how to spend the time in the service and pleasure of almighty god. morton, anne douglas, countess of, d. 1700. 1679 approx. 56 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 71 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51405 wing m2817a estc r216837 99828553 99828553 32982 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51405) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32982) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1931:7) the countess of morton's daily exercise: or, a book of prayers, and rules how to spend the time in the service and pleasure of almighty god. morton, anne douglas, countess of, d. 1700. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. the ninth edition. [168] p. : port. printed for r. royston, bookseller to his most sacred majesty, london : 1679. includes: "the last words of the reverend, pious, and learned dr. hammond" (g¹-¹² ), with individual dated title page. signatures: a-g¹² . cataloged copy imperfect; lacking: b3-b10, c1, d1-d11. frontispiece = portrait of the countess of morton. copy imperfect, lacking: b3-b10, c1, d1-d11. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -prayer-books and devotions -english -early works to 1800. prayers -early works to 1800. devotional exercises -early works to 1800. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-01 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the countess of morton portrait of the countess of morton the countess of morton's daily exercise : or , a book of prayers , and rules how to spend the time in the service and pleasure of almighty god. the ninth edition . london , printed for r. royston , bookseller to his most sacred majesty . 1679. to the right honourable the lady anne countess of mareshall : and to the pious memory of her excellent mother the lady anne late countess of moreton : by whose earnest desire and religious care , this book was framed , and made her devout exercise whilest she lived , recommending the transcript and use thereof to many others , and particularly to her who now publisheth and presenteth it to the religious and private use of all devout persons , according to the desire of the honourable lady , to whom it is dedicated , by her ladiship 's most humble servant , m. g. i have perused this book , and finding nothing in it but what may tend to the increase of private devotion and piety , i recommend it to my lord , the bishop of london , for his licence to have it printed . jo. duresme . imprimatur , tho. grigg , r. p. d. humfr. ep. lond. à sac . dom. ex aedibus lond. mart. 28. 1665. psal. 55. 18. in the morning and evening , and at noon-day , will i pray , and that instantly ; and he shall hear my voice . prayers in the morning . in the morning . at uprising . every day let the first thing you do , and the first word you speak , tend to the worship and acknowledgment of almighty god. for upon our first thoughts commonly the thoughts and actions of the whole day do depend : therefore when you first awake in the morning , lift up your heart to god , and say , i. blessed be the most holy , glorious , and undefiled trinity , now and for evermore . ii. blessed art thou , o lord , who enlightnest mine eyes , and sufferest me not to sleep in death . iii. blessed art thou , for thou hast created all things and for thy will 's sake they are , and were created . iv. the almighty lord be now and evermore my defence , and vouchsafe to bless and preserve me from all evil this day and for ever . amen . when you are risen , retire your self , and humbly kneeling , adore god , and say , o holy lord god almighty , before whom all knees do bend , and to whom all creatures in heaven and earth do bow and obey ; behold , here i prostrate myself before thee , adoring the divine excellency of thy sovereign and infinite majesty , with all the powers of my soul , submitting my self with all lowliness and reverence to the greatness of thy dominion and power , and desiring nothing more than faithfully to serve thee all the days of my life ; for thou art only holy , thou only art the lord : and glory be to thee , o lord , most high. amen . having thus made your adoration and submission to god , let these be your prayers and devotions every morning . our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name . thy kingdom come . thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . give us this day our daily bread . and forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation ; but deliver us from evil . for thine is the kingdom , and the power , and the glory , for ever and ever . amen . a confession of sins , and prayers for pardon . i. almighty god , unto whom all hearts be open , all desires known , and from whom no secrets are hid ; i come unto thee in the multitude of thy mercies , and in thy fear do i cast my self down before thee , most humbly lamenting my sins , and craving of thee , the god of all mercy and goodness , perfect remission and forgiveness , through jesus christ our lord. amen . ii. o thou maker of all things , and judge of all men , i acknowledge and bewail the many and manifold sins which from time to time i have most grievously committed , by my thoughts , words , and deeds against thy most holy commandments , provoking thereby most justly thy wrath and indignation against me . i do earnestly repent , and am heartily sorry for these my misdoings . o rebuke me not in thine indignation , neither chasten me in thy heavy displeasure ; but have mercy upon me for thy goodness , have mercy upon me , and forgive me all that is past : and grant that i may always study to serve thee , and please thee hereafter in all godliness and pureness of life , to the honour and glory of thy blessed name , through christ our lord. amen . the psalm . the lord is loving unto every man , and his mercy is over all his works . he forgiveth us all our sins , and hath compassion upon all our infirmities . his loving-kindness is better than life it self , and therefore shall my soul praise him . blessed art thou , o lord , who wilt not cast out my prayer , nor turn away thy mercy from me . as long as i live will i magnifie thee on this manner , and lift up my hands in thy name . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost ; as it was in the beginning , &c. the lesson . take heed that ye walk circumspectly , redeeming the timebecause the days are evil . be fervent in good works , and serve the lord with all gladness of heart . be patient in tribulation , and continue instant in prayer . be courteous and meek ; and as much as lieth in you live peaceably with all men : and whatsoever ye would that others should do unto you , do so to them ; for this is the law and the prophets . the hymn . vouchsafe , o lord , to keep me this day without sin . to shut and close my wandring eye , lest it let in vanity . to keep my heart as pure and free from fond and troubled fantasie ; to guide my tongue , so that no strife may breed disquiet in my life : to keep all harm , all ill away , while i duly spend the day . or this . o holy ghost , my soul inspire , and lighten with celestial fire . thy blessed unction from above is comfort , life , and fire of love. anoint and clear my soiled face with the abundance of thy grace . be thou my joy , my rest , my home , where thou art so , no ill can come . teach me to know the father , son , and thee of both to be but one : that day by day , all my life long this may be my endless song ; to thee all honour , praise , and merit , father , son , and holy spirit . amen . a devout confession of our christian and catholick faith. with explications and prayers relating thereunto . i. i believe in thee , o god the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth ; loving thee as my father , reverenceing thee as the almighty , and committing my soul and my body to thee as to a faithful creator . thou art worthy , o lord , to receive glory , honour , and power ; for thou hast created all things , and for thy will 's sake they are , and were created . ii. i believe in thee o thou king of glory , the everlasting son of god the father , and our lord jesus christ , the great mystery of godliness , god manifest in the flesh , and sent into this world for our eternal salvation in the world to come . iii. i believe that thou wast conceived by the holy ghost , and born of the blessed virgin mary without spot of sin , thereby to cleanse us from all sin . iv. i believe that thou didst suffer what otherwise we must have suffered for ever . that thou wast crucified to set us free from the curse of the law. that thou didst dic , and thereby take away the sting of death . that thou wast buried in the grave , and hadst the victory over it ; to assure us that our bodies shall not corrupt there for ever . v. i believe that thou didst descend into hell , to triumph over it , and to free us from the fear of ever coming into that place . that the third day thou didst rise again from the dead in our nature , the first-fruits of them that are asleep in their graves , who are thereby assured that they also shall not sleep there for ever . vi. i believe that thou didst ascend up into hea bring forth the fruits of the spirit , and ever seek thy honour and glory . good lord , i beseech thee to hear me . that it may please thee to have mercy upon all men. good lord , i beseech thee to hear me . that it may please thee to save and preserve our most gracious king , and all his royal family . good lord , i beseech thee to hear me . that it may please thee to reduce them that have gone astray from thy ways , to comfort them that are in sorrow , to relieve them that are in need and tribulation , and to amend all our lives according to thy holy word . good lord , i beseech thee to hear me . o lord god , lamb of god , son of the father , that takest away the sins of the world , have mercy upon me , and grant me thy peace . amen . rules and prayers for the afternoon . advertisements . rules and advertisements . i. after this , you may pass the rest of the day in what lawful recreations or imployments you judge to be meet for you . ii. spend some while before night in reading , and read with attention : but let your books be chosen with advice and care , for your instruction and knowledge in all good things , and specially for your spiritual benefit . v. if you have the government of a family , take special heed that they live not disorderly or idlely , to the offence of almighty god , and the scandal of others . vi. and forget not ( as often as you can ) to be present and to assist at the publick offices and divine services of the church , there to attend and perform the homage and worship of almighty god , and to be instructed in his holy word : for that is a duty and a service most highly pleasing to him . vii . remember ( and you will much help your self , if you remember it ) that you are continually in the presence of god , and ought to live continually in his fear , and in obedience to his commandments . viii . upon all occasions offered to you , exercise your charity , and let not the day pass you without some good work done by you , either of real honour to god , or of real charity to them that want it . after-noon . after-noon retire you self a while , and use the psalm , lesson , hymn , and prayers following . unto thee i lift up mine eyes , o thou that dwellest in the heavens : my soul waiteth still upon thee , that thou mayest bless me . o hearken thou unto the voice of my calling , my king and my god ; for unto thee do i make my prayers . shew thou me the way that i should walk in , and teach me to do the thing that pleaseth thee . i will take heed to my ways , that i offend not in my tongue ; and i will make a covenant with mine eyes , that they behold not vanity . o let not my footsteps erre from the path of thy commandments . but let my delight be in walking after the precepts of thy law. thy law is an undefiled law , converting the soul , and giveth light unto the eyes . keep thy servant from all presumptuous sins , that they may not get the dominion over me ; and cleanse thou me from all my secret faults . that so i may be acceptable in thy sight , o lord , my strength and my redeemer . glory be to the father — the lesson . if sinners entice thee , do not thou consent unto them . these things doth the lord abhor : a prood look and a lying tongue , an heart that deviseth wickedness and mischief , a false witness that speaketh not the truth , and whosoever soweth discord among others . in the multitude of words there will be sin . keep innocency , and do the thing that is right , for that will bring a man peace at the last . let the same mind be in you that was in christ jesus ; and confess him to be the lord , who was obedient to the death of the cross for the redemption of mankind , unto the praise and glory of god the father . the hymn . who more can crave , than god for me hath done , to free a slave that gave his only son ? bless'd be that hour when he repair'd our loss i never will forget my saviour's cross . the prayers . i. o god , who knowest the frailties and infirmities of my weak nature , and in the midst of how many dangers i live , being continually subject to the deceits of the world , the flesh , and the devil , and having no power of my self to help my self , mercifully look upon me : and because i cannot continue in safety without thy succour , preserve me evermore by thy help and goodness , and keep me both outwardly in my body , and inwardly in my soul ; that among the sundry and manifold dangers of this world , my heart may be set to attain everlasting salvation , and my affections may surely there be fixed where true joys are to be found , through jesus christ our lord. amen . ii. o god the strength of all that trust in thee , mercifully accept these my humble supplications and prayers ; and grant me the help of thy grace , that i may please thee both in will and deed , and obtain thy peace all the days of my life , through jesus christ our lord. amen . iii. almighty and everliving god , i give thee most humble thanks , for that thou hast vouchsafed favourably to call me to the knowledge of thy grace , and faith in thee . increase this knowledge , and confirm this faith in me evermore . give me the comfort of thy holy spirit , and multiply upon me thy manifold gifts of grace , the spirit of wisdom and understanding , the spirit of counsel and ghostly strength , the spirit of knowledge and true godliness ; and fulfil me , o lord , with the spirit of thy holy fear , through christ our lord. amen . prayers at night and bed-time . retire your self again . and when you have thought upon all the day past , how you have spent it , that is , what good or evil actions you have done , and what bad inclinations you have resisted or amended , asking god pardon for all your offences , use these prayers . the psalm and prayers . let my prayer be set forth in thy sight , o lord , as the incense ; and the lifting up of my hands be as an evening sacrifice . in thee hath been my hope all the day long , and under the shadow of thy wings shall be my refuge day and night for ever . glory be to — i. o thou brightness of eternity , by whose providence both the day and the night were created and governed , and who hast made the outgoings of the morning and evening to praise thee , mercifully vouchsafe to let the light of thy countenance shine upon me with the blessed beams of thy goodness and mercy , that neither the prince of darkness may have any power over me , nor the works of darkness overwhelm me ; but that by thy mighty protection i may be defended both in body and soul from all the perils and dangers of this night , and for evermore , through jesus christ our lord. amen . ii. make me to remember that the darkness hideth nothing from thee , but that to thee the night shineth as clear as the day , to thee the darkness and the light are both alike . iii. obe thou merciful unto me , and bless me ; shew me the light of thy countenance , and be merciful unto me . iv. into thy hands i commend my self , my soul , and my body , and all that is mine , for thou hast made and created them , and thou hast redeemed us , o thou lord god of mercy and truth . v. thou hast created all things , and for ●hy will 's sake they are , and were created . vi. o send thy light and thy truth , what they may preserve me , and save me , for thy mercie 's sake . lord have mercy upon me . christ have mercy upon me . lord have mercy upon me . god the father bless me . god the son defend me god the holy ghost pr●serve me now and f●● evermore . amen . rules and advertisements . after this speak not unnecessarily to any before you go to sleep . remember that your bed is a representation of the grave , and sleep an image of death . it behoves you forms of confessions and prayer to almighty god , for the forgiveness of sins . in reverencing his power and majesty as i should . yea , i have sometimes doubted of him , misbelieving his promises , and not trusting to his help . i have made flesh my arm , and put my confidence in the pleasing vanities and uncertain prosperities of the world. i have otherwhile been full of roving and unlawful imaginations concerning god , and full of wandring thoughts in his service . ii. i have often framed to set up to my self divers imaginations and forms of god's worship and religion , which he hath not set and established in his church . i have been negligent in giving him his external worship and honour , not falling down before him with that inward reverence of spirit and truth , nor with that outward order and humility of my body which is requisite always to be shewed forth and done before him. iii. i have often drawn near unto him with my lips , when my heart hath been far from him . i have too frequently , vainly , & inconsiderately used his great and fearful name and in the eagerness of my spirit i have not abstained from abusing it with rash oaths and execrations . my vows and promises that i have made in his name , i have not performed : those holy things whereon his sacred name is set & imprinted ; i have not duly regarded ; and through my presumptuous vanities , i have been an occasion to make his name be evil spoken of , and prophaned by others . iv. i have often absented my self from the publick worship and service of his holy assemblies & sanctuary ; vainly mispending the days that are hallowed to the honor of his great name . v. i have not carried that reverence and regard , nor given that due obedience which i ought to them whom god hath placed over me , seeking rather my own will and pleasure , than submitting my self to their lawful precepts , and advice . i have too much unregarded the persons of my betters , and been unthankful to them that have deserv'd well of me . vi. i have not done to all others , as i would that they should do to me ; i have envied their welfare , the better and more prosperous life of others above my own . i have often let the reins of my passion loose to anger , malice , and revenge ; uncharitably delighting in the mischief and destruction of my own private or peculiar enemies . when out of my abundance i might have relieved others that were in want , i have many times neglected it . vii . i have often suffered my fancy and affections to wander licentiously : i have not held mine eyes nor mine ears nor my tongue from vanity . i have not carefully eschewed the occasions and enticements to corrupt and vain affections : i have not preserved my body in that holiness , honour , and purity which becometh the temple of god. viii . i have not reckoned godliness to be my greatest gain , nor been content with that which i have . ix . i have listened to flattery , and used it towards others : of many i have had evil suspicions , and given rash judgment upon them . upon my self i have set a greater value than i deserved , and seemed better than i was , that i might gain a false reputation from others . and i have often suffered truth to be gainsaid . x. i am guilty of many inordinate desires and irregular affections . and wo is me that in all these things i have offended : for if in all these things my heart should not condemn me , god is greater than my heart , and knoweth all things . but i confess them , and confessing am sorry for them , and being sorry for them , am ready to leave them , his grace thereunto assisting me ; and not only to leave them , but to judge my self for them : with all religious lowliness and alacrity , submitting my self freely to the pious directions and advice that shall be given me by my spiritual governors and ministers of god , for shewing forth the fruits of my sorrow and repentance , meet for amendment of life . and though i be altogether unworthy , yet for the worth and merits of my saviour , in whose merits and mercy i put my whole trust and confidence , being ( as he is ) the propitiation not only for my sins , but for all the sins of the world , i most humbly crave pardon and absolution from them , and from all my other sins which i may have now forgotten , and whereof my conscience may be afraid . meditations and prayers at the holy communion , referring to i. purity . ii. faith . iii. charity . meditations and prayers at the holy communion . i. purity . i will wash my hands in innocency , o lord , and so will i go to thine altar ; i will come into thine house in the multitude of thy mercies , and in thy fear will i worship , thee toward thy holy foot-stool . for christ our passeover is offered ; let us therefore keep the feast not with the leven of malice & wickedness , but with the unlevened bread of sincerity and truth . the prayer . o lord , cleanse the thoughts of my heart by the inspiration of thy holy spirit , that my body may be made clean by the pure body of my saviour jesus christ , once offered upon the cross , and that my soul may be washed by his most precious bloud there shed for me , and that he may abide with me for ever . amen . ii. faith. i believe ; lord , help mine unbelief . i believe that god our heavenly father did of his tender mercy give his only son jesus christ to suffer death upon the cross for the redemption of the world . i believe that he made there by the oblation of himself once offered , a perfect sacrifice and satisfaction for our sins . i believe that this sacrament was ordained for the continual remembrance of that his death and sacrifice , and for the benefits we all receive by it . i believe that i shall here partake of the spiritual food and most precious body and bloud of christ , the bread of life that came down from heaven , the bloud that hath been carried up into the holy places , and the cup of eternity . for they that eat of this bread and drink of this cup , shall live for ever . the prayer . o my god , what are we , that thou so regarded us to give thy self for us , to give thy self to us , to be one with us , that we may have life in us , even life immortal , which will quicken us , and raise us up at the last day ? o my lord , i am not worthy , not worthy the least of thy mercies ; how much less of this , which is the greatest , greater than the world , greater than the heavens , greater than all the treasures of heaven and earth ; but , i beseech thee , look upon me in the greatness of thy mercies , not weighing my merits , but pardoning mine offences . amen . iii. charity . this is a sacrament of love , and this is thy commandment , that we should love one another , even as thou hast loved us : for we being many , are one body , whereof christ our lord is the head. the prayers . o thou blessed and undivided trinity , whichteachest us that all our doings without love and unity are nothing worth , send into all our hearts that most excellent gift of charity , and inflame our souls with the celestial fire of thy love , that living together in unity of spirit and the bond of peace among our selves , we may perfectly love thee , and worthily magnifie thy holy name , through christ our lord. amen . a litany privately to be used before the receiving of the holy communion . o god the father , god the son , and god the holy ghost ; god the most holy , blessed , and glorious trinity have mercy upon me . o thou immaculate lamb of god , who takest away the sins of the world have mercy upon me . o christ the eternal son of the father , the redeemer and preserver of men , the bread and life of the world , the author and finisher of our faith , the great mystery of godliness , the word that was made flesh , to save thy servants from their sins have mercy upon me . save me , o god ; for i come unto thee in the multitude of thy mercies and in thy fear will i fall down and worship thee in thy holy temple , that thou mays have mercy upon me . call to remembrance , o lord , thy tender mercies , and thy loving kindness which hath been ever of old : o remember not the sins and frailties of thy servant , but spare me , o lord , spare me for thy goodness , an have mercy upon me . from my unworthiness to receive thy blessed body and bloud , by which thou hast redeemed me ; from all carnal , vain , and earthly imaginations in this thy holy sacrament ; from all misbelief and incredulity of thy word ; from all defects of sanctity , love , and charity ; from all my sins and iniquities good lord , deliver me . by that fervent ardor of goodness and charity wherewith thou camest down from heaven ; by thy blessed cross and passion , and by the mysterious institution of this thy holy sacrament good lord , deliver me . by thy most sacred body , which was broken & crucified ; by thy most precious bloud , which was shed & poured forth for the sins of the world good lord , deliver me . o lord god , i beseech thee to hear me , and that it may please thee to give us all true faith and repentance , with devout humility and reverence , rightly and duly to celebrate this thy holy sacrament , in memory of thy most hallowed , true , and propitiatory sacrifice , with a firm faith to receive thy blessed mysteries , & to give thanks unto thy name . o lord , i beseech thee to hear me . that it may please thee to accept this our bounden duty and service , our sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving , the memorial that we now make of thine own death and sacrifice , which was once offered for us , and to grant that by the merits and power thereof , we and all thy servants may , receive remission of our sins , and be filled with thy grace and heavenly benediction . o lord , i beseech thee to hear me . o lord god , lamb of god , son of the father , thou that takest away the sins of the world , receive my prayer . when you are ready to receive the holy sacrament in each kind , do it with the greatest reverence and devotion that you may , ( yet without all affectation and singularity ) lifting up your hands and your heart to god. and after you have received , lift up your hands again , and say devoutly with your self , while others receive ; i. blessed art thou , o lord ; blessing and honour and glory be unto thee , o thou lamb of god , for evermore . amen . ii. this is the lord 's doing , and it is marvellous in our eyes . iii. i will magnifie thee , o lord , and will praise thy name for ever and ever . iv. all thy works praise thee , o lord , and thy saints give thanks unto thee . v. happy are those servants whom when their lord cometh he shall find thus doing . vi. salvation , and blessing and honour , be unto him that sitteth upon the throne of heaven , now and for ever . amen . a thanksgiving after the holy communion . blessed art thou , o lord god , and blessed be thy holy name for ever , who hast now vouchsafed to feed me with the bread of life , and hast given me to drink the cup of eternity , the holy and heavenly mysteries of the body and bloud of my saviour , thereby assuring my soul of thy favour and goodness towards me , for the sealing of my faith , for the pardon of my sins , for the obtaining of my peace , and all other benefits of christ's blessed passion . i now most humbly beseech thee to assist me with thy heavenly grace , that i may continue thine for ever , and be made a temple of thy holy spirit ; and that having now christd welling in me by faith , i may accomplish the rest of my life in repentance and godly fear , in mortifying my own sinful desires , and in keeping thy holy commandments . for which end guide me with thy power , enlighten me with thy word , and quicken me with thy spirit . elevate my senses , compose my manners , and order my conversation aright ; for thou art able to do abundantly above all that i can ask or think : by which thy great and bountiful goodness towards me , thou wilt glorifie thy name in me , and bring me at last to thine eternal kingdom of glory , through him who is the king of glory , my blessed lord and saviour jesus christ . amen . heb. 13. the god of peace who brought again from the dead our lord jesus christ , the great shepherd of his flock , through the bloud of his everlasting testament , make me perfect in every good work to do his will , and that which is well-pleasing in his sight through the same jesus christ our lord : to whom with the father and the holy ghost be glory for ever . amen . prayers upon sundry occasions . prayers when you are upon a journey . i. the almighty lord be now and evermore my defence , to bless me and preserve me from all evil in my going out , and my coming in , and give his angels charge over me , to keep me in all my ways . ii. if god will be with me , and keep me in this way that i go , so that i come to my home in peace ; then shall i give thanks and pay my vows unto him . iii. o god , who knowest us to be set in the midst of many dangers , grant that by thy mighty aid i may be defended from all things that may hurt me either in body or soul , through christ our lord. amen . iv. dispose and govern the way of thy servant , o lord , and further me with thy gracious and continual help , that in all my doings begun , continued , and ended in thee , i may glorifie thy holy name , and keep my self by thy most mighty protection in the ways of thy laws , and paths of thy commandments , for the attainment of everlasting rest and peace in thy heavenly kingdom , through christ our lord. amen . v. shew me thy ways , o lord , and teach me thy paths ; for i lift up my soul unto thee . lead me forth in thy truth , and learn me ; for thou art the god of my salvation : in thee hath been my hope all the day long . amen . prayers in the time of any sudden danger or distress . i. almighty and everlasting god , mercifully look upon me , and in this time of dangerand necessity stretch forth thine hand to succour and defend me , through christ our lord. amen . ii. the almighty lord , who is a strong tower of defence against all the perils , assaults , and tribulations of this world , be now and evermore my aid and protector , through jesus christ our blessed lord and saviour . amen . iii. from lightning and tempest , from all evil and mischief , and from sudden death . good lord , deliver me . prayers in the time of sickness and affliction . i. save me , o king of heaven and hear me when i call upon thee ; for i am in affliction and heaviness . thou art a defence for the oppressed , and a refuge in the needful time of trouble : look down from heaven and visit me with thy salvation . ii. i know that it is thy hand , and that thou lord hast done it , and ●hy doings are always just : but thou art also good and gracious , and of great mercy to them that call upon thee . thou upholdest all them that are fallen , and liftest up those that be down . ii. i know that of very faithfulness thou hast caused me to be troubled that i might call upon thy name . iv. and now , lord , what is my hope ? truly my hope is even in thee : for thou art the hope of all the ends of the earth , the aid of all that need , the help of all that fly to thee for succour , o turn thee unto me , and shew me the light of thy countenance , that i may be made whole , and give thanks unto thy name . v. o god , favourably , with mercy hear my prayers , and grant that all those things which i suffer for my sins , i may well pass and overcome , by thy most gracious and ready help ▪ through christ our lord ▪ amen . vi. o do well unto thy servant , that i may live and keep thy commandments . vii . mercifully , o lord , look upon mine infirmity , and for the glory of thy name turn from me all those evils that i most righteously have deserved , and grant that in all my troubles i may put my whole trust and confidence in thy mercy , and evermore serve thee in holiness and pureness of living , to thy honour , and glory , through our only mediator and advocate jesus christ our lord. amen . meditations in the time of sickness , upon the great mercies of god. i. when we are judged , we are chastened of the lord , that we may not be condemned with the world . ii. refuse not the correction of the almighty : it is the lord , let him do what seems good in his own eyes . iii. as it pleaseth the lord , so cometh every thing to pass : blessed be the name of the lord. iv. god is the lord of life and death , of sickness and of health , by whose appointment we were born , and by whose commandment again we must die ; our time is in his hand , and to him belong the issues of death . v. god is meek and gentle , ready to accept our sorrow and repentance for sin . vi. he is exceeding slow to anger , and not easily provoked ; he seeth our sins , and makes as if he saw them not ; he many times over-looketh them , and by his long-suffering passeth them by as loth to see them . vii . when he cannot but see , yet he forbears , and is patient ; forbears long , suffers long , many times , many years . viii . when he can suffer , & stay no longer , but punish he must , he doth it against his will ; and when he is angry , he containeth himself in it , and suffereth not his whole displeasure to arise . ix . he is angry , but not according to our deserts , nothing so much : he is angry but not long , it endures but a little while , and in his wrath he thinketh upon mercy ; he thinks every stripe two , and is quickly weary ; he repents him of the evil , and is soon appeased . x. he will have none to perish , but have all to be saved ; he willeth not the death of a sinner , but that he should repent and live . xi . not of any sinner , not of manasses , not of rahab , not of mary magdalen ; not of saint paul , who was once a chief sinner . xii . for christ came into the world to save sinners , and of them that come unto him he casteth none out . a thanksgiving after recovery from sickness . i. o lord , thou hast dealt graciously with thy servant , according to thy great goodness and mercy . before i was troubled , i went astray ; but now i will take heed to my ways , that i swerve not from thy precepts . it is good for me that i have been in trouble , that i may learn to obey thy commandments . ii. righteous art thou , o lord , and true are thy judgments . trouble and heaviness have taken hold upon me , but my sure trust hath been in thy mercy . o let my soul live and it shall praise thee , and thy judgments shall help me . iii. i will always give thanks unto the lord , his praise shall be ever in my mouth . o lord my god , i cried unto thee , and thou hast healed me : thou hast turned my heaviness into joy , and girded me with gladness , therefore will i sing of thy praise without ceasing , and give thanks unto thee for ever . iv. i sought the lord , and he heard me , and delivered me out of all my trouble : for the angel of the lord tarrieth round about them that fear him , and delivereth them . the eyes of the lord are over the righteous , and his ears are open unto their prayers . v. what reward shall i give unto the lord for all the benefits that he hath done unto me ? i will take the cup of salvation , and call upon the name of the lord. i will offer to thee the sacrifice of thanksgiving , evermore praising thee , and saying , o holy lord god almighty , thou art worthy o lord , to receive honour , and glory , and power : for thou hast created all things , and for thy wills sake they are and were created . vi. blessing , and honour , and glory , and thanksgiving , and power , and might , be unto the lord our god for ever and ever . amen . the end . the last words of the reverend , pious , and learned dr. hammond . being two prayers for the peaceful re-settlement of this church and state . london , printed for r. royston , bookseller to his most sacred majesty , 1679. prayers for the church and state. prayer i. o blessed lord , who in thine infinite mercy didst vouchsafe to plant a glorious church among us , & now in thy just judgment hast permitted our sins and follies to root it up ; be pleased at last to resume thoughts of peace towards us , that we may do the like to one another . lord , look down from heaven , the habitation of thy holiness , and behold the ruines of a desolate church , and compassionate to see her in the dust . behold her , o lord , not only broken , but crumbled , divided into so many sects and fractions , that she no longer represents the ark of the god of israel , where the covenant and the manna were conserved , but the ark of noah , filled with all various sorts of unclean beasts : and to compleat our misery and guilt , the spirit of division hath insinuated it self as well into our affections as our judgments ; that badge of discipleship which thou recommendedst to us , is cast off , and all the contrary wrath and bitterness , anger and clamour , called in to maintain and widen our breaches . o lord , how long shall we thus violate and defame that gospel of peace that we profess ? how long shall me thus madly defeat our selves , lose that christianity which we pretend to strive for ? o thou which makest men to be of one mind in an house , be pleased so to unite us , that we may be perfectly joyn'd together in the same mind , and in the same judgment . and now that in civil affairs there seems some aptness to a composure , o let not our spiritual differences be more unreconcileable . lord , let not the roughest winds blow out of the sanctuary , let not those which should be embassadors for peace , still sound a trumpet for war : but do thou reveal thy self to all our eliah's in that still small voice , which may teach them to echo thee in the like meek treating with others . lord let no unseasonable stiffness of those that are in the right , no perverse obstinacy of those that are in the wrong , hinder the closing of our wounds ; but let the one instruct in meekness , & be thou pleased to give the other repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth . to this end , do thou , o lord , mollifie all exasperate minds , take off all animosities and prejudices , contempt and heart-burnings , and by uniting their hearts , prepare for the reconciling their opinions : and that nothing may intercept the clear sight of thy truth , lord , let all private and secular designs be totally deposited , that gain may no longer be the measure of our godliness , but that the one great and common concernment of truth and peace may be unanimously and vigorously pursued . lord , the hearts of all men are in thy hands , o be thou pleased to let thy spirit of peace overshadow the minds of all contending parties ; and if it be thy will , restore this church to her pristine state , renew her daies as of old ; let her escape out of egypt be so entire , that not an hoof may be left behind : but if thy wisdom see it not yet a season for so full a deliverance , lord , defer not we beseech thee , such a degree of it , as may at least secure her a being ; if she cannot recover her beauty , yet , o lord , grant her health , such a foundness of constitution as may preserve her from dissolution . let thy providence find out some good samaritans to cure her present wounds : and to whomsoever thou shalt commit that important work , lord , give them skilful hands and compassionate hearts ; direct them to such applications as may most speedily , and yet most soundly heal the hurt of the daughter of sion ; and make them so advert to the interests both of truth and peace , that no lawful condescension may be omitted , nor any unlawful made . and do thou who art both the wonderful counsellor and prince of peace , so guide and prosper all pacifick endeavors , that all our distractions may be composed , and our jerusalem may again become a city at unity in it self ; that those happy primitive days may at length revert , wherein vice was the only heresie ; that all our intestine contentions may be converted into a vigorous opposition of our common enemy , our unbrotherly feuds into a christian zeal against all that exalts it self against the obedience of christ . lord hear us , and ordain peace for us , even for his sake whom thou hast ordained our peace maker , jesus christ our lord. prayer the ii. o most gracious lord who dost not afflict willingly , nor grieve the childrenof men , whosmitest not till the importunity of our sins enforce thee , and then correctest in measure , we thy unworthy creatures humblyacknowledge that we have abundantly tasted of this patience and lenity of thine . to what an enormous height were our sins arrived , ere thou beganst to visit them ! & when thou couldest no longer forbear , yet mastering thy power , thou hast not proportion'd thy vengeance to our crimes , but to thy own gracious design of reducing and reclaiming us . lord had the first stroke of thy hand been exterminatings , our guilts had justified the method ; but thou hast proceeded by such easie and gentle degrees , as witness how much thou desired'st to be interrupted , and shew us , that all that sad weight we have long groaned under , hath been accumulated only by our ownincorrigibleness . t is now , o lord , these many years that this nation hath been in the furnace , and yet our dross wastes not , but increases ; and it is owing only to thy unspeakable mercy , that we , who would not be purified , are not consumed ; that we remain a nation , who cease not to be a most sinful and provoking nation . o lord , let not this long-suffering of thine serve only to upbraid our obstinacy , and enhance our guilt ; but let it at last have the proper effect on us , melt our hearts , and lead us to repentance . and o that this may be the day for us thus to discern the things that belong to our peace ! that all who are ( yea , and all who are not ) cast down this day in an external humiliation may by the operation of thymighty spirit have their souls laid prostrate before thee in a sincere contrition ! o thou who canst out of the very stones raise up children unto abraham , work our stony flinty hearts into such a temper as may be malleable to the impressions of thy grace , that all the sinners in sion may tremble ; that we may not by a persevering obstinacy seal to our selves both temporal and eternal ruine , but in stead of our mutinous complainingat the punishments of our sins , search and try our ways , and turn again to the lord. o be thou pleased to grant us this one grand fundamental mercy , that we who so impatiently thirst after a change without us , may render that possible and safe by this better and more necessary change within us ; that our sins may not , as they have so often done , interpose and eclipse that light which now begins to break out upon us . lord , thy dove seems to approach us with an olive branch in her mouth ; oh let not our filth and noisomness chase her away ; but grant us that true repentance which may attone thee , and that christian charity which may reconcile us with one another . lord , let not our breach either with thee , or among our selves , be incurable , but by making up the first , prepare us for the healing of the latter . and because , o lord the way to make us one fold is to have one shepherd , be pleased to put us all under the conduct of him to whom that charge belongs ; bow the hearts of this people as of one man , that the only contention may be , who shall be most forward in bringing back our david . o let none reflect on their past guilts , as an argument to persevere , but repent , and to make their return so sincere as may qualifie them , not only for his but thy mercy . and , lord , be pleased so to guide the hearts of all who shall be intrusted with that great concernment of setling this nation , that they may weigh all their deliberations in the balance of the sanctuary , that conscience , not interest , may be the ruling principle , and that they may render to caesar the things that are caesar's , and to god the things that are god's ; that they may become healers of our breaches , and happy repairers of the sad ruines both in church and state : and grant , o lord , that as those sins which made them are become national , so the repentance may be national also , and that evidenc'd by the proper fruits of it , by zeal of restoring the rights both of thee and thine anointed . and do thou , o lord , so dispose all hearts , and remove all obstacles , that none may have the will much less the power , to hinder his peaceable restitution . and , lord , let him bring with him an heart so intirely devoted to thee , that he may wish his own honour only as a means to advance thine . o let the precepts and example of his blessed father never depart from his mind ; and as thou wert pleas'd to perfect the one by suffering , so perfect the other by acting thy will ; that he may be a blessed instrument of replanting the power in stead of the form of godliness among us , of restoring christian vertue in a profane and almost barbarous nation . and if any wish him for any distant ends , if any desire his shadow as a shelter for their riots and licentiousness , o let him come a great , but happy defeat to all such , not bring fewel , but cure to their inordinate appetites ; and by his example as a christian , & his authority as a king , so invite to good , and restrain from evil , that he may not only release our temporal , but our spiritual bondage , suppress those soul and scandalous vice● which have so long captivated us , and by securing out inward , provide for the perpetuating our outward peace lord , establish thou his throne in righteousness , make him a signal instrument of thy glory and our happiness , and let him reap the fruits of it in comfort here , and in bliss hereafter ; so that his earthly crown may serve to enhance and enrich his heavenly . grant this , o king of kings , for the sake and intercession of our blessed mediator jesus christ . the end . of superstition hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45429 of text r9307 in the english short title catalog (wing h566). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 66 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45429 wing h566 estc r9307 11808525 ocm 11808525 49480 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45429) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49480) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 495:19) of superstition hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 25 p. printed by henry hall ..., london : 1645. reissued as part of his "of scandall ..." 1645 and reprinted in london in 1646 as part of "severall tracts of 1. conscience ..." cf. madan. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng superstition. a45429 r9307 (wing h566). civilwar no of svperstition. hammond, henry 1645 11259 5 600 0 0 0 0 537 f the rate of 537 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-01 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of svperstition . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . oxoniensis academia sapientia felicitatis oxford , printed by henry hall printer to the universitie . 1645. of svperstition . superstition being a crime so ordinarily charged on those whose consciences assure them that they are faire enough from the guilt of it , it will be an act of double charity , first to the honest calumniated protestant , secondly to the contumelious unjust defamer of his best actions , to consider a while of this matter , and first to enquire what is the naturall importance of the word in latine and greeke , especially as we finde it in the new-testament . superstition in latine is most clearely according to the use and origination of the word , superstitum cultus , the worship of some departed from this world , supposed yet to have life in another , this is observed and acknowledged amongst many others by lactantius , and made probable even by the different conceipt of cicero , who deduceth the word from the practice of those that used to pray whole daies together , ut sibi liberi superstites essent , that their children might outlive themselves ; by that acknowledging the truth of the etymologie from the word [ superstites ] but disguising it into a ridiculous phansy , out of feare , saith st. austin , to condemn the practice of the romans , among whom he lived . these superstites , whom the heathens thus worshipped , were by them called heroës , men of worth and excellency {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , assumed into the state of gods , but among christians the soules of the saints departed , quae supersunt corporibus ; which when their bodies are buried in peace , are imagined to live for evermore . and the worshipping of these ( as among the papists 't is most ordinary ) is most properly called superstition . and in that sence i conceive it is , that in some authentique writings of our church , the idolatrie and superstition of the papists is censured ; by idolatrie meaning the worshippe of images among them , and by superstition the worshippe and prayers to saints departed . a censure authorizable by that part of s. austin's words , de doct. christi . l. 2. superstitiosum est quicquid institutum est ad colendum , sicut deum , creaturam , partemve ullam creaturae . superstition is the worshipping a creature as god , or any part of a creature . by the latter of which i know not what he should meane so probably , as those supposedly deified parts of creatures , the soules of dead-men . the greeke word parallel to this is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which literally is , as s. austin defines the latine superstition , daemonum cultus , the worship of daemones . the full importance of which must be taken , 1 from the various use of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 2 of the other word [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] ingredient in the composition . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies sometimes in a wider sence a god , as generally among the poets , juno and apollo and minerva , and all beside the supreme jupiter , are numbred among homer's {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . this maximus tyrius demonstrates at large , and adds {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ that there are a great flock of those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . somtimes 2. in a stricter sence the angels , as 't is used among the philosophers , especially the pythagoreans & platonicks ; for so the description of them in hierocles , & maximus tyrius , & plotinus , & proclus will evidence , particularly that every man's proper tutelary angel the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as plotinus calls him . the cohabitant or domestick daemon or angel that is allotted us . a thing so frequent among those philosophers , that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , philosophy , col. 2. 8. seemes to me to be directly all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; worshipping of angels v. 18. and so those two exhortations in those two verses to be coincident , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in one ( which we render receiving of reward ) being aequipollent to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , spoyling in the other , only in diverse notions . the first referring to prizes in the olympick games , the other to spoyles in warre . the reasons of which conjecture it will not be seasonable here to insert . and thirdly againe the departed worthies , which ( besides the frequency of that acception among the philosophers ) may seeme to bee meant apoc. 9. 20. where the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which are said to be worship't , are joyn'd with idols of gold , &c. and communicate with them in their effects and livelesnesse , that they neither see , nor heare , nor walke . to these sences might be added that other most vulgar for evill spirits , agreeable to which , is that definition of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in the etymologicum magnum , that 't is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a care & feare of evill spirits . and a fifth lesse frequent , yet to be found among the philosophers , for wise men here in this life , which hierocles describes at large under the title of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} earthly spirits , or daemons . now the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} refers indifferently to the three first of these , and signifies the worshipping either of the many poëticall gods , or angels , or dead-men , or indeed any thing but the one supreme god . thus is it said of the gentiles , 1 cor. 10. 20. that what they sacrifice , they sacrifice {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and not to god . i. e. not to the one true god . and in the booke of baruch 4. 7. offering {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and not to god . where ( as also in many other places of holy writ ) 't is not proper to render it [ devils or infernall spirits ] but ( with mr. mead ) damons , meaning thereby eyther angels or dead men , or any thing else beside the true god . which seemes to be express't rom. 25. by worshipping the creature {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , besides ( not as we render more then ) the creator . thus when s. paul tells the athenians acts 17. 22. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i consider and behold you in all things ( or in all that i see of you ) as men that are more superstitions then any other . hee meanes they worship't more gods or daemons then the romans , or any other sort of heathen people ; or were more devout , more pious in the heathen worships then any others ; for so it followes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , v. 23. yee worship : and so indeede 't is generally attested by the greek writers a pausanias , philostratus , strabo , max. tyr. &c. that the athenians were more religious then other people , at least were more hospitable to new and strange deities , then the romans , who ( saith dionysius halicarnasseus ) were so averse from all forreigne deities ( unlesse some few that their ancestors had from the grecians ) that they might bee more truely said {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to bee haters of such kinde of hospitalitie or admission of forreign gods , then lovers of it . so acts 25. 19. festus or saint luke in his story saith , that the jewes had certaine {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , quaestions , or accusations against paul {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , concerning his owne religion , or superstition , or worship , peculiar to him from them , and ( as it followes to explaine what they meant by the word ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of one jesus that was dead , puting him under the vulgar notion of a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or dead heros , and so meaning the worship of him by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . beside this method of examining the sence of this word , another i mentioned by observing the force of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the former part in its composition , which though it signifies simply to feare , ( and therefore the word is rendred by hesychius {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fearing god , or religion in generall ; by others {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the feare of god & daemons ) yet perhaps may be set somtimes to import a cowardly trembling feare ; and so may have an influence on the word in some authors . thus the etymologist , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the superstitious man is religious and cowardly , feares the gods , and is afraid of them ; and clemens {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , superstition is a passion , being a feare of the daemons ; and theophrastus {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 't is a cowardly feare of the daemon . thus maximus tyrius having compared a pious man to a freind , a superstitious to a flatterer , [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] he explaines the meaning in the words following , the pious man comes to god {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} without feare , the superstitistitious {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} with much feare , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. dreading the gods as so many tyrants . according to which notion of the greeke word , saint austin is affirmed to say , deum a religioso vereri , a superstitioso timeri . the religious man reveres god . the superstitious is afraid of him ; and consequently to that , religio deum colit , superstitio violat . religion is the worshiping of god , superstition the wronging and violation of him . so againe plutarch . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the atheist thinks there are no gods , but the superstitious wishes there were none , but in spight of his teeth beleeves that there are . an argument whereof is , that he is unwilling to dye . where the beleeving of any punishment after this life is the maine peice of superstition . i conceive my selfe able to give the reader some light in this matter , by what i have gathered out of some scattered {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of epicurus's philosophy , and it is this : epicurus , we know , was willing to rid god of the trouble of a providence or care of humane affaires , resolved that all things were done naturalibus ponderibus , & motibus , by naturall weights and motions , and consequently that men were to revere and adore god for his greatnesse , and excellency , and be atitude , and immortality , and transcendent beauty ; but not to feare , or dread , or be affraid of him . of those therefore that differed from him in judgement , as they which thought there was no god at all , were the downe-right {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and for that by him censured ; so those that beleived a providence , and consequent to that , rewards and punishments , he rejected also , as the other extreme , under the title of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or superstitious , or fearers of a deity . this appeares by severall passages in cicero and other of the ancients out of him , and by what we finde in the lives of the epicureans in laërtius . in cicero l. 2. de nat. de . ut superstitione liberatem , &c. to be freed from superstition , is explicated by metum omnem deorum pulsum esse , to have all feare of the gods banished from us . and againe having described the wiseman to be such as can sine metu vivere , live without feare , he repeates it againe in these other words , omnium rerum naturâ cognitâ levamur superstitione , liberamur mortis metu , the knowledge of the nature of all things ( and among them of god himselfe ) frees men and releases them from superstition and the feare of death . this in the same booke he calls metum religionis , feare of religion , or such a feare as the beleiving gods providence was apt to beget in men , ( especially in those which did what they ought not ) viz. terrors and expectations of evill from god , which they which tooke it to be an errour in divinity ( as epicurus did , ) must needes count a very uneasie , unpleasant errour , and so as much dislike superstition , i. e. a religion that brings so much affliction to their lives , as any man now adayes doth under the most odious notion of it . agreeable to this is that of aristippus and the cyrenaici in laërtius , which upon the same principles resolve that it is the part of a wiseman neither to be moved with envy , nor to be superstitious , and afterwards explained the [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] being without superstition by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , putting off all feare of death , and as a foundation or consequent of that fearelessenesse , a resolution that nothing is by nature just or unjust , but only {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by positive law or custome , and from thence never doing any ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) unbecoming thing , never admiting any unfashionable peice of piety on contemplation of any mulct or danger . whereupon it is , that lucretius an epicurean philosopher speaking of the eternity of torments threarned in another world , confesseth that , if that were true , there would be no way of resisting the religions and threats of the divines . nam si nullum finem esse putarent aerumnarum homines , nullâ ratione valerent religionibus atque minis obsistere vatum . makeing that beleife of the infinite torments in another life , and the menaces of the preists attending it , to be the religion or superstition , that was to be confuted and banisht out of the world . and i wish 't were now uncharitable to suspect , ( what the actions of many makes too visible ) that the abhorring of superstition ( which men we boast of , and by which they so discriminate themselves from other men ) hath at least brought them to this piece of epicurean faith , to discarde all feare of another life as a relicke of superstition , & to resolve with him in plutarch , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . vnbeleife and contempt of all that is divine is a shrewd fault indeed but on the other side superstition is a shrewd fault too , the shrewder of the twaine , and meant by superstition what you had even now from the same author . the feare of death , or any ill thing after it . but this by the way . this generally is the notion of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , superstition . ( and the same of religion too ) among the antient heathen writers when either epicureans or atheists speake of any religion , or those who are neither speake of some kinde of religion which they do not like . for in both these cases whatsoever they see men of other perswasions doe , which they like not , or thinke them not bound to , they call it straight their superstition or religion . thus in plutarch's tract {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it goes indefinitely for religion , but particularly for some fearefull apprehensions of the gods , which he makes to be contrary to atheisme , and to offend as ill in the other extreame ; a being awed with some frightfull doctrines to do some things which he thought not men obliged to , an astonishment of soule , looking on the gods as so many {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , furies or sprights , conceiving them to be cruell , bloudy minded , and other such things , which rather then he would beleive , he professeth he would wish there had beene never a man in the world , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and that plutarch himselfe had no being . all which are but odious expressions fastened on those practises of religion which he did not approve of , and the very same that epicurus before him had laid upon religion or beleife of providence . among these he mentions keeping of sabbaths , and casting on the face , or prostrations , particularly that so strict observation of the sabbath among the jewes , that when they were invaded by the enemy they would not rise from their seates {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , tyed and bound by their religion or superstition as with a net , that they could not move . and then adds the killing and sacrificing of children which by the description one would thinke referred to the custome in the valley of hinnom , or tophet mentioned in the scripture . and so have we passed through the second part of our designed course or method to finde out the meaning of the word . from whence it appeares that the word in greeke and latine both in the classicall authors and the scripture use is set to signifie one or more of these severalls . in generall religion or worship of god without any censure or marke set upon it of true or false ; agreeable to which is that of the old greeke and latine lexicon found at the end of some of cyrills workes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , superstitio , religio , rendring it , indifferently by those two words . and what stephanus observes of cicero that he renders {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} religio , and that in athenaeus {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is religione teneri , ( and thereupon budaeus , hath so rendred it ) and an ancient glossary , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . to which purpose a considerable place there is in polybius a grave and an excellent heathen writer who speaking of the romans l. 16. p. 497. and giving his opinion of their government that it excelled other commonwealths extremely {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the opinion and apprehension they had of the gods , expresses what it was , he so commends in them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i meane saith he , their superstition , which {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , was raised so tragically , or to so high a pitch , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. was so farre taken in both to their private and publique affaires {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that it was no lesse then an excesse . where although ( that i disguise not any part of his words ) it be by him affirmed , that this was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , made matter of reproach to the romans among other men , as indeed every thing in religion is spoken ill of by those who are of other perswasions and practises ) yet 1 that which those others are said to reproach in the romans is their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or excesse , or that which others counted to be so , and not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} it selfe , and secondly polybius himselfe doth not only commend and extoll extremely ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) both the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and the excesse of it , but attributes much of the good government of that nation to it , and that it doth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , keepe their affaires in good order and compasse . if any doubt be made of this importance of this place , i shall then , instead of farther asserting it , adde one other to it which seemes to beyond all exception to demonstrate the word to be used in a good sence , it is in diodorus siculus bibl. l. 5. p. 305. where speaking of the ancient soules he taketh notice of one speciall thing in them in their behaviour toward the temples of the gods , their lies ( saith he in their temples ) a great deale of gold consecrated to the gods , which yet no one of the natives toucheth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} through their superstition or reverence they beare their gods , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} although these country me hare extremely covetous . which words must needes set a good notion on {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to any that do not count sacriledge a good quality , and absteining from that a vice or scrupulosity . the onely thing i can foresee possible to be objected to it is , that the not touching of the gold may be such a scrupulosity , but that will be soone answered by puting the reader in minde that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to touch signifies to take away , and that it doth so in this place appeares by the addition of the mention of their covetousnesse which surely would not put them upon the desire of touching only , but also of taking it away . secondly the worship of the deified dead men and angels which the heathens tooke to be true gods , but the christistians do not , and therefore saith the etymologist , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the word among the heathens is taken for a good thing , but among christians for impiety . thirdly , any part of divine worship , which in obedience to his god , or for feare of vengeance from him , any worshiper doth performe to him . a thing which every sect or sort of people liking in themselves , but disliking in others of a distant worship , do either honour or defame with the title ( as of superstition , so ) of religion also . fourthly , a trembling feare of gods punishment due for every sinne , which the epicureans were willing to scoffe out of the world , lest every man being a sinner , every man should be left to terrors and astonishments of conscience , and so loose that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that tranquillity and ease of life , which they proposed to themselves as the cheifest good . to which i need only adde a fifth not yet tourcht upon , the use of magicall spells , ligatures , characters , &c. ( of auspicious and ominous dayes the not observing of which hesiod makes to be impiety , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( that whole booke being a direction to that purpose ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) & all the observations and bookes of the augures and aruspices , a catalogue of all which clemens alexan : ( strom. 3. p. 312. ) tells us , was to be seene in a comedy of maenanders called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in which he scoffes at those that make every accident almost {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a presage , or signe of something , divining by the flight of birds ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in homer , ) by the feeding of chickens , as in that famous story of valens which cost so many men their lives for having names which began with those letters which the chicken peckt at on the table : to which you may adde the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by striking a stafle against the ground ; to which t is thought the prophet referred , hos. 4. 12. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and a many more collected by learned men out of their bookes , and the rest of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} auspicious signes , such as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , lightning on the right side in homer id. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the like with more ease you shall finde in saint austin de doctr. christiana l. 2. under the title of significationes superstitiosae , superstitious significations , which saith he epist. 73. ad serviendum daemonibus adhibentur , are used to serve the devils , and thence it seemes are called superstitious , and they that use them {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in suidas , superstitious observers of signes . all which being thus premised , three things there are in our moderne customary use of this word among men , that will appeare very inconsequent and improper at least . first that superstition simply and abstractly taken should be resolved in all authors to signifie somewhat which is evill ; that sinne particularly of false-worship . whereas first those that use the word to expresse their owne worship either of god or angels , or saints , conceive that to be a creditable word , or else would not call it by that name , and the etymologists even now affirmed that among the heathen {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 't is taken for a good thing , and for religion in generall . and secondly when saint pauls religion , or christianity it selfe is called by that name by festus an heathen acts 25. 19. it appeares not that he did use that word as an accusation , or in an ill sence , but only in generall to signifie pauls religion , or somewhat in that different from the religion of the jewes , and no whit lesse favoured by him then the jewes religion . for he that reades the story , shall see that he rather favoured saint paul's part against the jewes , or at most doubted whose side to judge on , so farre is he from prejudgeing saint paul's cause , or his religion in comparison of theirs , or expressing that by this word . thirdly saint paul himselfe act. 17. 23. saith , they do {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} worship the true god , though ignorantly , taking him for a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as the rest of their many gods were ) whom he had called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . fourthly he calls them {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , more religious then other men , not in relation to any vitious rite or performance , where in they exceeded others , but in relation to their worshiping the unknowne god , which others worshipt not , which saith he was the true god of heaven whom he preached , though the truth is they knew him not . a second inconsequence is , that the use of ceremonies or rites in the worship of the true god , if they be not distinctly prescribed either by the example or precept of christ , should 1 be called superstition , then without farther matter of accusation be condemned only for deserving that title . whereas first there is no example in the scripture , nor ancient authour nor ground in the nature of either greeke or latine word to affix that title to that matter ( superstition to unprescribed rites ) or if there were , yet secondly no authority to defame that title , being so applyed ; or to conclude every thing evill that were called by it , unlesse it might appeare to be in it selfe evill , abstracted from the odium of that title . the third inconsequent thing is , that men on pretence & in the name of piety should abstaine from some observances ( in themselves and their owne nature acknowledged to be indifferent ) as superstitious , either because they are commanded by lawfull authority , or at most , because they are or have been used by papists ; and yet themselves not expect to be accompted superstitious in hating and detesting and not daring to practice any one of them ( and that sometimes for no other crime but because they are by lawfull authority commanded to practice them ) but as strictly obligeing themselves to do the contrary sometimes that which anabaptists , and other persons ( 1 not in authority , secondly as much or as well condemned by our church both for doctrine and manner of worship as the papists ) are wont to doe ; whereas in things indifferent , first it is certainely as criminons , and superstitious to place piety in the negative , as the affirmative , in not kneeling , as in kneeling ; in absteining scrupulously from ceremonies , as in using them as scrupulously , and secondly 't is as dangerous a kinde of dogmatizing to teach the necessity of abstinence from lawfull unprohibited ceremonies , as from lawfull unprohibited meates , col. 2. and thirdly it is not imaginable that the intervening of a command on one side and not on the other , should leave the superstition only on that side , where the command lies , for then the superstition must consist in obeying lawfull magistrates , or else the magistrates themselves be the only superstitious persons in commanding . either of which acts ( either of giving or obeying commands in things indifferent ) if it were acknowledged a fault , might sure be adultery , or witchcraft , as well as superstition . if to all which hath beene said in this matter , it be still objected , that superstition may and doth in some authenticke writers either sacred or profane signifie a nimiety or excesse in religion , i shall breifely make this returne . 1. that the word superstitious may indeed denote such excesse from the force of the termination [ osus ] and so also ( saith agellius out of nigidius figulus ) the word religiosus denotes ; but then , first , by that grammaticall observation i might conclude , that superstitio denotes this no more then religio doth ; nay secondly , that 't is agellius his animadversion upon nigidius figulus , that all such excesses are not culpable , nor consequently all words of that termination to be taken in ill sences . but then secondly , granting the word to be thus used by some authors , i must first say , that some , and those not of the meanest of the ancient heathens ( as appeares by what we produced out of cicero ) did it on that ground of epicurean divinity , gods no providence , no punishments in another life , to which it was but consonant to condemn all superstition ( because all feare of god ) for a nimiety in opinion first , and then in practice . 2ly . that for other later christian writers the use of a word in this or that sence in some authors , is so slight and casuall a thing , that it must not be thought sufficient to fasten an ill character on any thing , to which those authors have applyed it , unlesse that thing be first proved to be ill by some other topick . thirdly , that those authors which come home to the point in hand , are so few or so moderne & of so small authority , that they would scarce be worth producing . fourthly , that this supposed nimiety , or excesse in matters of religion may be reduced to these two sorts , as consisting either in the degree , or in the number of actions ; either in the quality or quantity : in the intension or extension . if it be supposed in the first kinde onely , then i shall without scruple deny , that there is any such thing as nimiety or excesse in religion . there is no possibility of being religious in too high a degree , of praying too fervently , or too often . for though the messalians or euchitae were condemn'd in this matter , yet 't is cleare , that that which was their crime , was not that excessive practice , but the laying that obligation upon themselves and all others , to be allwayes a praying , upon authority of that text [ pray continually ] which being by the apostle delivered in reference and in analogie to the continuall i. e. dayly sacrifices , was by them misinterpreted and applyed to uninterrupted , incessant powring out of prayers . and againe though 't is possible also , that in too frequent or intense a practice of holy duties some incident fault there may be , as for example , if by so doing a man neglect the duties of charity or of his owne particular calling , yet then also 't is cleare that this fault is the neglecting of those duties , and not the excesse of devotion ( to which this neglect is but extrinsecall and accidentall , and so not fit to deprave the nature of that devotion it selfe ) which you will discerne by this , that if that supposed excesse might be separated from those adherent neglects or omissions , it would then never be accounted criminous , no man that discharges all his other duties will ever be said to be too zealous , or to pray too often ; and that he doth not discharge those duties , though a fault it is , and an argument of partiall hypocriticall obedience in him that is wilfully guilty of it , yet sure not properly the sinne of superstition . for 't is saint austin's argument against cicero ( who thought that the praying day and night , ut filii essent superstites , was superstition ) de civi . l. 4. c. 30. si superstites dicti , qui dies totas precabantur & immolabant , nunquid non & illi qui instituerunt deorū simulachra ? if 't were superstition to pray and sacrifice whole daies together , then sure they were superstitious also that set up those images of the gods to which they so prayed and sacrificed , intimating his opinion that the frequency of prayer could not be superstitious , unlesse the worship and institution it selfe were superstitious : that is the gods or images to whom they thus pray'd , false gods . but if this excesse be supposed to be in the extension , i. e. the taking in too many things , to wit too many rites and ceremonies , &c. into the service of god , i shall then say . first , that by this it seemes to be granted , that the rites and ceremonies themselves are not superstitious , but only the multitude of them . i make such hast to assume this as granted , because i conceive it such a reasonable postulation , that i would perswade my selfe no pretender to rationall discourse would deny it me ; it being demonstratively as impossible to devest religion of all rites and ceremonies wholly , as to performe the duty of prayer in a humane body , and yet to doe it at no time , in no place , with no gesture . or if our opposite brethren will distinguish betwixt circumstances and significant ceremonies , and onely disclaime the latter ; then first they must fall out with their freinds who generally use elevation of the hand in taking of oathes , and that is a significant ceremony . and some of them assert the necessity of sitting at the sacrament as significative of their assurance of their familiarity with christ on earth at his second comming . and secondly , they must affirme it to be a fault too in a ceremony , that it is significative , which seemes very unreasonable also . for the significancy of a ceremonie may be of three sorts . first , when it naturally signifies the thing which i am about , and properly floweth from it ; as the lifting up the eyes to heaven floweth from zeale in prayer , and signifies or expresseth it ; and no sober man would ever thinke fit to quarrell with that for being significative , or to prescribe limits to the use of such kind of ceremonies . secondly , when by the custome of the place it becomes in like manner also significative of the action in hand . as , among us , kneeling signifies humility , &c. and to blame such a significancie againe , or such a ceremonie , because it is significative , were as irrationall , 't will not be fault in any thus to use it privately himselfe , or being a magistrate to prescribe others ( for decency and uniformity ) the use of it . thirdly , when it is set to signifie something else , whether that which it signifies be matter of christian doctrine ; as in the antient church , the custome of standing in the church betweene easter and whitsuntide , was design'd to signifie the resurrection of christ ; or whether it be matter of promise , as the types in the old law were of christ to come ; or whether matter of fact & story , &c. and then also to quarrell with the significancy of them , and dislike them more then if they were empty and unsignificant , is first , very irrationall againe ( for it will not bee more fault to have some profit in them , then to have none . ) secondly , it will lay a censure upon the types of the law appointed by god himselfe , for they were such ; and though those particulars are now out-dated by the comming of christ whom they signified , yet since others that are now still seasonable by signifying and commemorating somewhat past , or prefiguring somwhat yet future , will by that analogie and proportion which they hold with those which were then lawfull , be evidenced to be lawfull too . the not observing of which matter , and of the sole reason why the old jewish ceremonies , circumcision , &c. are interdicted us christians ( not because significative ceremonies are toto genere unlawfull , but because the observing of those particularly which foreshewed christ , and teaching the necessity of observing them , would bee interpretative the denying of christ ; or that the messias was come ) is conceive , that which hath given occasion of the mistakes of thinking significative ceremonies to be now unlawfull ; which errour if upon this advertisement it may now be reformed , and this so reasonable a postulation for the lawfulnesse of ceremonies significative be thus granted , the greater part of this present controversie will be at an end ; for i shall not then bee advocate for the multitude or aboundance of that last sort of significative ceremonies , but rather give my full vote to the confirming of the old rule concerning them , that they bee paucae & salubres , few , & wholsome ; and particularly few for these reasons . first , because there are really not many such wholsome ceremonies to be found ; secondly , because those that by lawe are received into the church , are but very moderate for number ; which with me hath no small authority . thirdly , because 't is not impossible that the number may encumber the soule , by busying it about many things , and so diverting it from the one great necessary . fourthly , because the multitude of such was counted a burden to the jewes . fifthly , because it seemes sometimes to bee an ill symptome of some inward neglect , to spend overmuch care and time in the outer-washings ; as in the pharisees it is noted to have beene ; and as aristotle observes of the insectile animalls , that the want of blood was the cause that they ran out into so many leggs . but then secondly , i must add by way of caution , that in this matter men are sometimes mistaken ( as misers are in judging of excessive expenses , or sluggards of excessive labour ) thinke , they or others exceede , when they doe not . to which purpose you may please first to take this direction , that though the premised caution concerning ceremonies in a church be very good , that they be paucae & salubres , few and wholsome , yet if they be wholsome , not only negatively , but positively , not only harmlesse but tending to edification ( for so salubrity , or wholsomnesse imports ) then there will be little reason to accuse them of excesse ; for if they be salubrious , they will then more probably helpe the inner devotion , then encumber it . secondly , you must distinguish of such acts , wherein that excesse is supposed to be , that they either are ordinable , fit , &c. proper to that end , the service of god , to which they are annex't ; and then againe being used in their kinde , they are salubrious , and no danger of excesse ; or secondly , they are inordinable , unfit , improper , of which nature there are great store noted in the church of rome ; and in this case though any one may be a nimiety , and that nimiety a fault , yet still this not the fault of superstition , but rather of folly and vanity , or what ever other guilt , the using things in the worship of god , which doe no whit tend to that end ( but are aliene from it ) may amount to . and these vanities , or this fault , i desire to alow no favour or patronage or countenance to , but have as full dislikes to them as any charitable man hath , though as yet i am not satisfied , that they are to be called superstition . and yet concerning a word i shall not conend neither , but rather grant them lyable to that title also , on condition that i may but evince and be granted this one thing , that it is a circle of injustice , and a noxious fallacy , first to apply the title of superstition to such trifles or faults as these , then to extend it farther to those things which have no such fault to bee charged on them , and then to condemne those also , as faults and crimes , because they are superstitious ; just like the old heathen tyrants dealing with the primitive christians , first to entertain themselves with the bloody spectacles of bayting of wilde-beasts , then to take off those wilde-beasts skins , and put them upon christians , then to bring forth those christians to be baited and devoured in those shapes , the injustice of which is the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the prime thing which this paper was designed to demonstrate . and it still it be urg'd and pressed that superstition is a nimiety and excesse in the use of good authors , and demand be made wherein , or what is that nimiety , that may properly be called superstition ? i answere , that if we will needes take superstition in that nature , then the most proper matter of it will be . first , the placing more virtue in some things then either naturally , or by the rule of gods word , or in the aestimation of purer ages of the church of christ may be thought to belong to them ; as the placing virtue or force in the signe of the crosse , and the womens parvula evangelia in s. jerom on mat. cap. 23. the opus operatum of the sacrament , and other christian performances . ( parallel to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or amulets among the heathen , to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the phylacteries among the jewes ( having their audi israel deut. 5. fastned to their wrists and foreheads ) to drive away devills , and to the precatiunculae the little prayers that the turke carries about with him , as a defensative against all dangers , the doing of which is eyther utterly groundlesse , and then it is folly ; or else it fastens some promise on christ which he hath not made in the gospell , or some doctrine on the antient church , of which that is not guilty neither , and so is a nimiety : or else , secondly , ( that to which the literall importance of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} referr's ) an excesse of feare , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being afraid of god , when we neede not , thinking our selves bound ( or obligeing others ) as from god , when god immediatly neither commands nor forbids , nor the lawfull power under which we live ( which would be mediatly the command of god also ) of this kind is the doing or absteining religiously ( i. e. upon pretence of divine praecept or prohibition ) from those things which the word and the lawe of christ doth neither immediatly , nor by consequence of commanding obedience to the higher powers , command nor interdict us . i say not , the simple doing and abstayning ( for that may be simply lawfull ) nor the doing & abstayning upon ground of command or prohibition from our lawfull superiours , ( for if there be any such , we are bound by the word of god to such obedience , and the not paying thereof is as truly , i will add , as immediatly a breach of gods lawe and sinne against god , as any act of theft or adultery , or sinne against the second table : for though the commands of the magistrate , are but mediatly the cōmands of god , yet the disobeying of those commands is an immediat disobedience to god , in the fifth commandement which commands to honour , i. e. to obey him , and then to be most exact and praecise in caution never to sinne against that obedience , cannot be superstition , or fault , though perhaps by being in a man that makes little conscience of greater disobedience , it be an ill symptome of that hypocrisy which consists in strayning at gnats and swallowing camels ) but the doing or absteyning religiously ( which is in effect dogmatizing col. 2. 20. laying burdens upon our selves , and others as from christ ) where christ hath wholly left us free . as if a private man should thinke himselfe obliged by ( or a magistrate presse upon others by virtue of the mosaicall praecept , the obligation of ) the iewish lawe long since abrogated by christ , or any other outdated or not-yet-given command ; this might be called superstition , under this notion of nimiety , because that man add's to the commands of christ ( as the former to the promises ) annexed to the christian religion , to the gospell rule , those things which belong not to it , and so is an exceeder in the feare and service of god , doth things in obedience to god , which hee neither immediatly nor mediatly commands , and so walkes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ephes. 5. 15. circumspectly , but as a foole , fearing where no feare is , doing some things servilly ( that is , fearing damnation if he should not doe them ) wherein christ hath left him free , and no authority of the church or lawfull magistrate restrain'd that liberty . and this is a culpable or criminous excesse , not in doeing what god commands not ( for that may be innocent enough ) but in affirming ( as a false teacher ) god to command when he doth not command , or to forbid when hee doth not forbid ; and so inthralling himselfe or others , whom god hath freed . which way of dogmatizing , or imposing as necessary such things as the lawe of christ hath not made necessary ( no , nor so much as the higher powers authorized by christ , nor the primitive or universall church of christ , which will have authority amongst all sober men ) and so proceeding to make such things marks and characters to condemn others and illustrate themselves by , is the speciall kinde of superstition , which i have reason to beleeve any kinde of protestants to be guilty of . yea and the only one , unlesse it be that ridiculous one of making groundlesse observations of ominous things , inauspicious events , unlucky daies , and such like old-wives divinations , to which one part of theophrastus his character of superstition , and of agellius his notion of it , and of s. austins also referrs ; which yet is rather beleeving firmly what we have no ground to beleeve , and so an excesse of credulity , then doing what we are not bound to do , & so an excesse of religion ; or if you wil , a civill superstition ( being not in any order to the worship of god ) in an affected retayning or embracing of some old heathen traditions , taken up by the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , first foolish in them , and then of evill report for us to continue from them , being so much better instructed then they were ; and if taken up upon their authority , and continued under that notion , then also possibly matter of scandall ( as the eating of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} things offered to idols , was 1 cor. 10. 29. ) but then still th is is rather an effect of naturall magick , or heathenish perswasions , then an excesse of the christian religion ; and not at all the thing which is now a daies prest with that odious title of superstition , and therefore it may suffice to have named this without farther enlarging on it . as for those other things which are so ordinarily brended under this name , by many that are now ill pleased with the legall state of things in our church , though i shall not descend to the particular consideration of them , and vindication of each , yet this it will not be unseasonable to have advertised in this place , that that maine proofe and common way of evidencing the superstitiousnesse of some observances or performances among us ▪ only because either wee doe place ( or others have placed ) holynesse in them , is , ( whatsoever may be said of it in thesi ) in hypothesi or application to the particular cases generally very false , or impertinent . for , whensoever in any such particular i shall be thus accused , i shall first aske what is meant by holynesse ? any reall inherent virtue ? or only ( according to the * hebrew , and so scripture notation of the word ) separation from common uses ? for the first of these , that reall inhaerent holynesse , no protestant that i have heard of , affirmes it of any created thing , but only of persons , as god , in the high degree , and saints of his , in a lower and imperfect degree , by way of communication from him . either therefore the charge must be false , or else by holynesse must be meant that second kinde of it , separation to holy , from common uses ; and thus times , & things , and actions , &c. may be truly called holy , and if we place no more of this holinesse in them , then thus truly belongs to them , then sure we offend not againe , nor are to be defamed ( for superstitious in so doing . in this case the only thing behinde for inquiry will be , by whom and how farre this thing what ever it is , is thus separated , and that i shall suppose will be found to be done either by christ or the apostles , or the universall church in the purest ages , or the particular church ( and rulers thereof ) wherein we live ; or if by none of these , then ( being left free and at our owne disposing ) by our owne voluntary act , or that confirmed with a resolution , or vow perhaps in some cases . now if these or any of these be the authors of the separating any thing , then to discerne whether we exceede in any of these , and whether we place more holynesse then is due to them ; it will not be very difficult : for , if that ; which is thus separated by christ , i shall count holy in that degree , and conceive my selfe obliged to it virtute praecepti divini , by virtue of divine praecept , i surely offend not . and so in the second , if i count my selfe obliged by the apostolick pracept , or in the third by the example or praecept of the primitive universall , or in the fourth , of the particular church , ( each of which ought to have their authority with us , though that in different degrees ) all this while i offend not , because the holinesse which i place in them is still proportioned to the ground of it , the authority of him that thus separated them . and so againe , if my voluntary oblation i performe as a voluntary oblation , and only expect that god that hath promised to accept such , will , if it be as it ought , accept this ; and in case of resolution and vow , add that respect in my performance , which is due to such , all this while i am not blame-worthy . but if i straine either of these any degree above its ranke , elevate an ecclesiasticall or humane constitution into a divine praecept , &c. then i shall acknowledge this a fault , and that fault perhaps capable of the title of superstition : which yet must not be extended thus farre , that the giving of the like obedience to one as the other , is this fault , ( for obedience being due to both divine and humane lawes ( keeping their termes of subordination ) i am alike bound by christ to obey both , and i must not make any difference in that obedience , but do both for conscience sake ) but that the confounding the grounds or foundations of my obedience , which ought to be distinguished , is in it selfe an error , and that which may prove of ill importance , by making me equall them , when perhaps they come in competition with ( and so thwart ) one another ; in which case the inferiour ought to give place to the superiour . if to this it be replyed , that though i doe not elevate this above its pitch , do not thus attribute more holynesse to this or that then it deserves , yet papists or other superstitious persons have done so , and therefore the thing is become superstitious , and consequently must be forborne by me also . to this i answere first , that the ill use of any will not , corrupt a thing in it selfe either commanded , or but laudable , or only innocent before ; and consequently though the papists be superstitious , yet will not every thing from them be sufficiently proved to be superstitious unlesse it have some other crime beside their using it , for otherwise , not only the creede and pater-noster , but even the scripture it selfe must be superstitious also . this inconsequence being acknowledged , i ad , secondly , that there is nothing which can obliege me to abstein frō that which they have used superstitiously , unlesse either the danger that i be thought to doe so too , to be as superstitious as they , or the possibility that others following me in doing it , may follow them in doing it superstitiously , and either of these dangers being supposed , will not yet come home to prove it superstitious , ( which is the only thing we have now to consider ) the most that they can doe , is to make it scandalous , and ( beside that this belongs to another matter and is abundantly handled in another discourse on that subject ) i shall add one thing more that this consideration of the danger or possibility , is not so much a religious as a prudentiall one ( for an act of prudence it is to weigh and ponder whether this be a probable danger or no ) and so belongs to the higher powers to consider of ( not to every private man ) who if they thinke fit by lawe to forbid it , i must not then venter on it ; if ( non obstante this appearance of danger ) to command it , though 't is possible they may doe amisse in so doing , yet i ( having nothing to doe in that act of theirs , unlesse i am of counsell advised with in it ) may be innocent enough in so obeying , and if they have thought fit neither to command nor forbid , then am i left free in my owne particular , and may doe either , so i doe it with those cautions , that in the tract of scandall are set downe . to which if it be replyed , that though this bee true in thesi , yet in hypothesi 't will not be pertinent in this kingdome . the lawes of this kingdome have taken away all ceremonies used in the roman church , save those that are named in those lawes , and so have left no man any such liberty . i answere , they have taken away the obliegingnesse , but not lawfulnesse of them , unlesse of those which eyther our church or some higher principle hath pronounced unlawfull ; my meaning is , that whatsoever laudable performance was taken up by the papists , and by them commanded , now though that command be taken away , and so we free from the obliegingnesse or burthen of it , yet 't is not therfore made unlawfull or prohibited to us ( for that were to restraine our liberty also , and only to exchange one burthen for another ) or if it were , i should then thinke my selfe oblieged to absteine also . the conclusion from all this discourse will be , that if some men , as they will abide no rites , so they would avow no quarrels but what scripture will give them particular directions or commands for , and consequently if they would not judge or damn their brethren , when neither christ and his writ , nor the authority of the primitive universall church , nor the orders of the particular within which they live , nor the indecency of the thing it selfe ( of which yet every private man must not bee alowed a competent judge ) condemns them , it might be hoped that truth and peace and justice and charity that have taken their joynt flight from this earth together , might together returne to it againe , which till it be done it must be still expected that they who have learn't one of the divels attributes , that of satan , adversary , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} enemy man , will also advance to another , that of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} calumniator , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} accuser ( as of the brethren . i. e. true beleevers soe ) of every christian or innocent action of theirs , and that if there bee no known playne sinne to be charged on them with any probability , then some unknowne , obscure , misunderstood name shall supply that place , and as once aerodius observed that there was a lawe made that no crime should bee capitall but treason , but then every the least misbehaviour , or even innocent harmlesse action , in such whom they had a minde to punish , was brought in under the title of treason ; and so every thing became capitall by that meanes , so now it being by some men resolved ( if the testimony of the rest of their lives may be beleeved ) that there is no capitall damning sinne , worth heeding , or abstaining from but superstition , every rite or gesture or motion in them whom they please to quarrell with , shall be accused and arraigned and sentenced under that title . it were to be wish't that the paines that is taken in defaming all bodily worship , under the morma of superstition , were more profitably employed , either in finding out meanes to encrease our inward attention and fervor in performing that great duty of prayer ( to which purpose ( i am confident ) fasting , and humility of bodily gestures , those two maine branches of the moderne superstition , will not bee found unprofitable ) or else in the search of that spirituall pride and uncharitablenesse and contention , that filthinesse of the spirit , which is apt to steale into and defile the best mens hearts , and if it may please , of one reall , blasting , damning , and yet ( as if out-dated ) little considered sinne , you may take your option , eyther that of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} sacriledge . ro. 2. 22. or that other of irreverence and prophanenesse . take heede that no man deceive you with vaine words . finis . errata . pag 2. lin. 35. read {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . p 3. l. 35. r rom. 1. 25. p. 4. in marg. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . p. 5. in marg. char. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . p 5. l. 15. p. 5. l. 15. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} p 7. l. 3 . for , men we , r. many so . p. 9 l. 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . l. 9. r. ●ome beyond . l. 11. for , soules r. gaules . l. 13. r. there lies ( saith he ) in their temples ● . l. 22. r. not touching . p. 12. l. 37. r superstitiosus . p 15. l. 36. r. since that others . p. 21. l. 4r . have placed ) p. 22. l. 36. for them r. thence . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45429e-130 § 1. § 2. § 3. § 4. de ver. relig. § 5. § 6. § 7. § 8. § 9. § 10. § 11. a pausan. in atticis p. 15. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} p. 22 philostratus if apollonius l. 4. c. 6. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . & strabo . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . &c. max. tyr. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . strom. p. 377. § 12. § 13. char. cap. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : in alex ▪ §. 14. cic. l. 2. academ. quaest . sic ille deum opere magno liberat , & me timore ; quis enim potest , cum existimet a deo se curari non & numendivinum horrere ? &c. cic. ib. intelligitur a beatâe immortalique naturâ & iram & gratiam segregari qut quibus remotis nullos a superis impendere metus . cic. l. 1. de nat. de . l. de fin : imposuistis in cervicibus nostris sempiternum deminum quem dies & noctes timeremus , quis enim non timeas omnis providentem , curiosum & plenum negotij deum ? hinc {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hinc {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} qui tanta imbueremur superstitione , si vos audire vellemus at , &c. his terro ibus ab epicuro saluti non metuimus eos , quos intelligimus nec sibi fingere ullam molestiam , nec alteri quaerere &c. cic. l. 1. de nat. de : §. 15. §. 16. § 17. § 18. § 19. § 20. § 21. § 22. § 23. § 24. § 25. § 26. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . § 27. § 28. § 29. § 30. § 31. § 32. § 33. § 34. § 35. § 36. § 37. § 38. § 39. § 40. § 41. § 42. § 43. § 44. § 45. § 46. § 47. § 48. § 49. § 50. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} § 51. § 52. § 53. § 54. § 55. § 56. § 57. § 58. ektenesteron, or, the degrees of ardency in christs prayer reconciled with his fulnesse of habitval grace in reply to the author of a book, intituled, a mixture of scholastical divinity with practical / by h. hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1656 approx. 94 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70315) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49843) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 533:8) ektenesteron, or, the degrees of ardency in christs prayer reconciled with his fulnesse of habitval grace in reply to the author of a book, intituled, a mixture of scholastical divinity with practical / by h. hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 10 p. printed for r. royston ..., london : 1656. first word of title in greek characters. bound and filmed previous to the author's euschēmonos kai kata taxin, or, the grounds of uniformity from i. cor. 14:40. london : printed by j.g. for richard royston, 1657 (wing h541). reproduction of original in bristol public library, bristol, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesus christ. jeanes, henry, 1611-1662. -the mixture of scholasticall divinity with practicall. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-11 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion εκτενε'στερον . or the degrees of ardency in christs prayer reconciled with his fulnesse of habitval grace . in reply to the author of a book , intituled , a mixture of scholastical divinity with practical . by h. hammond . d. d. london , printed for r. royston at the angel in ivie-lane . 1656. the degrees of ardency in christ's prayer , &c. § . 1 i was very willing to hearken to the seasonable advice of many , and to wholly withdraw my self à foro contentioso , to some more pleasing & profitable imployment ; but discerning it to be the desire of the author of the book , intituled , a mixture of scholastical and practical divinity , that i should reply to his examination of one passage of mine against mr. cawdrey , i shall make no scruple immediately to obey him , not only because it may be done in very few words , but especially because the doctrine , which he affixeth to mee , seems ( and not without some reason ) to be contrary to the truth of scripture , which i am to look on with all reverent submission and acquiesce in , with captivation of understanding , and so not assert any thing from my own conceptions , which is but seemingly contrary to it . section 2 the proposition which he affixes to mee , is * this ; that christs love of god was capable of farther degrees , and that he refutes , as being contrary to that point ( a truth of scripture ) which he had in hand , viz. the dwelling of all fulness of habituall grace in christ . section 3 by this i suppose i may conclude his meaning to bee , that i have affirmed christs love of god ( meaning thereby that habituall grace of divine charity ) to have been capable of further degrees , so as that capacity of further degrees , is the denyall of all fulness of that habitual grace already in him . section 4 and truly , had i thus exprest my self , or let fall any words , which might have been thus interpretable , i acknowledge i had been very injurious not onely to the verity of god , but also to my own conceptions , and even to the cause which i had in hand , which had not been supported , but betrayed by any such apprehension of the imperfection of christs habitual graces . section 5 this i could easily shew , and withall how cautiously and expresly it was fore-stall'd by mee ; but to the matter in hand , it is sufficient , that i professe i never thought it ; but deem it a contrariety to expresse words of scripture in any man who shall think it , and in short , that i never gave occasion to any man to believe it my opinion , having never said it in those words which he sets up to refute in mee , never in any other that may be reasonably interpretable to that sense . section 6 first , i said it not in those words , which he undertakes to refute ; these are p. 258. of his book thus set down by him . this point may serve for confutation of a passage in dr. h. against mr. c. to wit , that christs love of god was capable of farther degrees ] . section 7 these words i never said , nor indeed are they to be found in the passage , which he sets down from mee , and whereon he grounds them ; which , saith he , is this : dr. h. p. 222. in the next place he passeth to the inforcement of my argument , from what we read concerning christ himself , that he was more intense in prayer at one time than another , when yet the lower degree was sure no sin , and prepares to make answer to it . viz. that christ was above the law , and did more then the law required , but men fall short by many degrees of what is required . but sure this answer is nothing to the matter now in hand , for the evidencing of which , that example of christ was brought by mee , viz. that sincere love is capable of degrees . this was first shewed in severall men , and in the same man at several times , in the severall rankes of angels , and at last in christ himself , more ardent in one act of prayer than in another . section 8 here the reader findes not the words [ christs love of god is capable of further degrees ] and when by deduction he endeavours to conclude them from these words , his conclusion falls short in one word viz. [ further ] and 't is but this , that the example of christ will never prove d. h. his conclusion , unlesse it inferre , that christs love of god was capable of degrees . ] section 9 this is but a slight charge indeed , yet may be worthy to be taken notice of in the entrance ( though the principal weight of my answer be not laid on it ) and suggest this seasonable advertisment , that he which undertakes to refute any saying of another , must oblige himself to an exact recital of it to a word , and syllable ; otherwise he may himself become the onely author of the proposition , which he refutes . section 10 the difference is no more than by the addition of the word [ further . ] but that addition may possibly beger in the readers understanding , a very considerable difference . section 11 for this proposition [ christs love of god was capable of further degrees ] is readily interpretable to this dangerous sense , that christs love of god was not ful , but so farre imperfect , as to be capable of some further degrees than yet it had ; and thus sure the author i have now before mee , acknowledges to have understood the words ; and accordingly proposeth to refute them from the consideration of the all-fulness of habitual grace in christ , which he could not doe , unlesse he deemed them a prejudice to it . section 12 but those other words , which though he findes not in my papers , he yet not illogically inferres from them [ that christs love of god was capable of degrees , more intense at one time than at another ] are not so liable to be thus interpreted , but onely import that christs love of god had in its latitude or amplitude severall degrees , one differing from another . see magis & minus , all of them comprehended in that all-full perfect love of god , which was alwayes in christ so full , and so perfect , as not to want , and so not to be capable of further degrees . section 13 the matter is cleare ; the degrees of which christs love of god is capable , are by me thus exprest , that his love was more intense at one time than at another ; but still the higher of those degrees of intensness , was as truly acknowledged to be in christs love , at some time , viz. in his agonie , as the lower was at 〈◊〉 ; and so all the degrees , which are supposed to be mentioned of his love , are also supposed , and expresly affirmed to have been in him at some time or other ; whereas a supposed capacity of further degrees , seems at least ( and so is resolved by that author ) to inferre , that these degrees were not in christ ( the direct contradictorie to the former proposition ) and so that they were wanting in him , & the but seeming asserting of that want is justly censured , as prejudiciall to christs fulness . here then was one misadventure in his proceeding . section 14 but this is but the proaemial , part of my reply , there is another more material branch of it still behind , which may yet seem necessarie to be added , viz. to mind him of ( what he well knowes ) the distinction between habits and acts of virtues , or graces ; and that love the genus doth equally comprehend both these species , and that his discourse of all fulness belonging to the habitual grace of christ , i speak distinctly of another matter , viz. of the degrees of that grace discernable in the several acts of it . section 15 this distinction i thought legible enough before , both in the tract of will-worship , and in the answer to mr. caw . section 16 in the former the * refuter confesseth to finde it , reciting these words of mine , it is possible for the same person constantly to love god above all , and yet to have higher expressions of that love at one time than another . where the expressions at one time , and at another , must needs referre to the severall acts of the same , all-full habituall love . onely i guesse not what temptation he had to choose that expression , which he there makes use of , viz. [ that there d. h. minceth the matter , and speaketh more cautelously ] adding [ that what he there saith is nothing to the matter now in hand ] whereas 1. those of will-worship being the first papers written on that subject , are sure very pertinent to ascertain him of the meaning of the latter , written in defense of them ; and secondly the early cautelous speaking there , might have made further later caution unnecessary : and 3ly , i could not be said to mince ( which to vulgar eares signifies to retract in some degree what i had said before , ) and again , speak more cautiously , when that was the first time of my speaking of it . section 17 mean-while it is manifest , and his own confession , that there these were my words , and those so cautious , that this sense of the words which he undertakes to refute , could not be affixt on them . and this i should have thought sufficient to have preserved my innocence , and forstalled his vse of confutation . section 18 but the answer to mr. c. which occasioned it was , i think , as cautious also , 1. in the words recited by the refuter , viz. that christ himself was more ardent in one act of prayer then in another . 2. in the words following in that answer , but not recited by him , viz. that the sincerity of this or that virtue exprest in this or that performance , is it we speake of when we say it consists in a latitude and hath degrees ; where the [ this or that performance ] are certainly acts of the virtue , consisting in a latitude and the having degrees ( viz in that latitude ) no way implies him that hath that virtue in that latitude ( viz. christ ) to want at present ; and in that sense to be capable of farther degrees . section 19 i am willing to look as jealously as i can on any passage of my own , which falls under any mans censure ; and therefore finding nothing in the words set down by him as the ground of the refutation ) which is any way capable of it , i have reviewed the whole section , and weighed every period , as suspiciously as i could ; to observe whether i could draw or wrest that consequence from any other passage , not recited by him . section 20 and i find none in any degree liable , except it should be this in the * beginning of the sect. where setting down the argument , as it lay in the tr. of will-wor . i say t is possible for the same person which so loves god ( i.e. with all the heart ) to love him , and expresse that love more intensely at one time than another , as appeared by the example of christ . section 21 if this be thought capable of misapprehension , by reason of the [ and ] disjoyning love from the expressions of it , and so the expressions belonging to the acts , the love be deemed to denote the habitual love ; i must onely say ; that this is a misapprehension , for that by loving with all the heart , in the first place , i certainly meant the sincere habit of love , by love in the latter place , the inward acts of love , and by the expressions of love , the outward expressions of those inward acts , and of those acts onely i speak , and of those expressions , when i say they are more intense at one time then another . section 22 the word love , as i said , is a genus , equally comprehending the two species , habitual and actual love , and equally applicable to either of the species , to the acts as well as habit of love . and so when i say love is capable of degrees , the meaning is cleare , the generical word love restrained to the later species , i. e. considered in respect of the acts of love , gradually differenced one from the other , is that respect , capable of degrees , both inwardly and in outward expressions , that act of love , that poured out , and exprest it self in the more ardent prayer , was a more intense act of love , then another act of the same habitual love , which did not so ardently expresse it self . section 23 i shall explain this by the refuters own confession . the death of christ , saith he , was an higher expression of christs love of us , then his poverty , hunger , or thirst . to this i subjoyn that such as the expression was , such was the act of inward love , of which that was an expression , it being certain that each of these expressions had an act of internal love , of which they were so many proportionably different expressions ; and from hence i suppose it unavoidably consequent , that that act of internal love , exprest by his dying for us , was superior to those former acts , which onely exprest themselves in his poverty , and so the same person that loved sincerely , did also love , and expresse that love more intensly at one time then at another , which was the very thing i had said in another instance . but this i have added ex abundanti more then the refuters discourse required of me . section 24 it now onely remaines , that i consider whether this refuter have in the process of his discourse added any thing , wherein i may be any whit concern'd . section 25 and 1. saith he , the falsehood of such an assertion is evident from the point there handled and confirmed , the absolute fulnesse of christs grace , which by the general consent of the fathers and school-men was such , as that it excluded all intensive growth . section 26 but to this the reply will bee easily foreseen , from the premisses , that as the point by him handled and confirmed was distinctly the all-fulness of habituall grace in christ , so his proofs of it by the consent of fathers and school-men belong still to that fulness of habitual grace . section 27 witness one for all , aquin. is ser. 3. qu. 7. art . 12. ad secundum , licet virtus divina possit facere aliquid majus & melius quàm sit habitualis gratia christi , non tamen — though the divine power may make somewhat greater and better , than is the habitual grace of christ , yet — so 't is plain he speaks of the fulness of the habituall grace . and ad tertium . in sapientia & gratia aliquis proficere potest dupliciter ; uno modo secundùm ipsos habitus sapientiae & gratiae augmentatos , & sic christus in eis non proficiebat . alio modo secundùm effectus , in quantum aliquis sapientora & virtuosiora opera facit , & sic christus proficiebat sapientia & gratiâ , sicut & atate , quia secundùm processum aetatis perfectiora opera faciebat , — et in his quae sunt ad deum , et in his quae sunt ad homines . one may increase in wisdome and grace two waies , one way according to the habits of them increased , and so christ increased not ; another way , according to the effects ; when any doth more wise and virtuous workes ; and so christ increased in wisedome and grace , as he did in age , because according to the processe of his age , he did more perfect workes , and that both in things belonging to god , and men also . section 28 and thus are the schoolmen understood by the refuter himself , in his producing their testimonies , as appeares by the expresse words [ habitual grace p. 260. lin . penult . and holiness , and the image of god in him ] p. 261. lin . 13. and so 't is most cleare , their consent belongs not , even in his own opinion , to the matter i had , and have in hand , no way denying but asserting a capacity of degrees among the acts of christs love of god , and the expressions of it . section 29 secondly , he will heare the doctors objection , and consider of what weight it is . objection ? against what ? against the fulness of habitual grace ▪ in christ ? sure never any was by me urged againstit . and he cannot now think there was . the degrees of intenseness observable in the several acts of christs love , his praying more ardently at one time then another , was all that i concluded from that text , luke 22. 44. and that is nothing to his habituall love . section 30 but even to this he is pleased to frame answers ( though i hope his doctrine of the fulnesse of christs habitual grace be no way concern'd in it ) and to these i shall briefly attend him , as my last stage in this no very long voyage . section 31 and 1. saith he , the vulgar translation renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prolixius ; and if this version bee good , then there is no place for the doctors objection . but though i seek no advantage by that vulgar reading , yet thinking it a duty of reverence to that version , to take leave civilly , whensoever i depart from it ( wherein i shall have the suffrage of protestants as learned in both the languages * hebrew and * greek , as any ) and that i may to the utmost observe the refuters steps , i shall not utterly reject it . section 32 't is certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth primarily signifie extension , and that properly belongs to length , and so the comparative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a greater degree of that length . and if it bee granted , that it so signifie here , there will yet be place equally for my conclusion . section 33 for in every act of prayer , be it but the shortest ejaculation , sent out by christ , i suppose ( and my refuter must not doubt of it ) there was some degree of ardency or intension ; and then sure according to the multiplying of those acts , lengthening that prayer , there must still in christ ( i say not in every one of us ) be a proportionable multiplication of those degrees , and so parallel to a greater length ; a greater intension . section 34 this is cleare , and i need not adde ( what else i might ) that the very multiplication of more acts of any virtue , supposing it equally sincere in the habit ( and such is the length of prayer , when it is in christ ) is more valuable in the sight of god ( and that argues it more excellent ) than the smaller number of those acts would be , and proportionably more abundantly rewarded by him , who rewardeth every man not onely according to the sincerity of his heart , but also secundùm opera , according to the multiplied acts or workes , the more abundant labour proceeding from this sincerity . and so that will suffice for his first answer . section 35 but then 2. saith he , suppose we stick unto our own translation , yet the place may fairly be so interpreted , as that it may no wayes advantage the purpose of the doctor . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more earnestly , may be considered in reference unto either the object unto whom he prayed , god ; or the matter , against which he prayed , the evils with which he conflicted in his agony . 1. then , saith he , he did not in his agony pray more earnestly then at other times , if we consider his prayer in reference unto the object , unto whom it was , god. the religion , and inward worship of his prayer , was for degrees alwayes alike equal . his trust and dependance upon god , love of zeal and devotion towards god , from which all his prayers slowed , were not at one time more intense then at another . but now 2. he prayed more earnestly in his agony then at other times , in regard of the matter , against which he prayed , the evils which he encountred with , which if they were not greater , then those that he deprecated in the former prayer , v. 42. yet at least they made a greater impression upon his humane nature ; for they put him into a bloody sweat . being in an agony , he prayed more earnestly , and his sweat was as it were great drops of blood , falling down to the ground . section 36 these are the words of his second answer , and they are in the second part , the very distinct confession of all that i pretend in this matter ( and therefore i need not make any reflections on the first part of them ) for whatsoever , or how great soever the occasion of the increase of his intension was ( which i am willing to beleeve proportionable to the degree of the intension , a very weighty occasion that thus inflamed his ardency ) yet still , 't is confest , that on this occasion , he now prayed more earnestly then at other times , that which now approached made a greater impression on his humane nature ; which what is it but a proof of the point by me asserted , that christ himself was more ardent in one act of prayer ( this in his agonie ) then in another . section 37 as for the greatnesse of the occasion , so confest●ly great as to cast him into that prodigious sweat , falling 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were drops of blood , that may testifie , but it cannot prejudge the ardency , which was occasioned thereby . section 38 t was not in christ ( he will easily suppose with me ) as it is oft discernable in many of us , that those which have really no sincerity of love or zeal to god , can yet like the mariners in the tempest , by some pressing fear or danger be awaked to but formal , and , be they never so loud , but hypocritically zealous prayers . section 39 the ardency in christ was sincere ardency , accompanied with acts of love and trust of the same temper ; and the heightning it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was an addition of degrees to that act of ardency , and so of prayer , and proportionably of love and trust in god , above either what there was , or what there was , occasion for , at other times . section 40 of this i shall hope it is possible to finde some instances among men ( of whose graces it can be no blasphemie to affirm , that they are capable of degrees ) suppose we a sincerely pious man , a true lover of god , and no despiser of his poor persecuted church , and suppose we , as it is very supposeable , that at some time the seas roar , the tempest be at its hight , and the waves boat violently upon this frailbrittle vessel , may it not ▪ be a season for that pious mans ardency to receive some growth ? for his zeal to be emulous of those , waves , and poure it self out more profusely at such , then at a calmer season ? i hope there be some at this time among us , in whom this point is really exemplified , if it be not , it is an effect of want , not fulness of love . but i need not thus to inlarge ; it is not by this refuter denied of the person of christ , and that is my intyre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in reference either to mr. c. or to him , the utmost that i undertook to demonstrate then , or to justifie now . section 41 and so . i shut up this hasty paper , hoping that he which invited , and promised it a welcome , in case it were given him in a fair and scholastical way , having nothing to accuse in it , as to the first epithet , will abate somewhat in reference to the second , and allow it a friendly , though being unqualified , it pretend not to a more hospitable reception . the end . ἐυσχημόνως καὶ κατὰ τάξιν ▪ or , the grounds of uniformity from 1 cor. 14. 40. vindicated from mr jeanes's exceptions to one passage in the view of the directory . by h. hammond d. d. london , printed by j. g. for richard royston , at the angel in ivy. lane , m.dc.lvii . 1 cor. 14. 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . decently , and according to appointment . section 1 since the publishing that answer to mr j. concerning the degrees of ardency in christ's prayer , i am advertised of another passage in that volume , in which i am concern'd , relating to some words of mine in the view of the directory pag. 19. on the head of vniformity in gods service , and particularly respecting my rendring of the apostle 1 cor. 14. 40. let all things be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . section 2 these indeed i thus rendred [ decently , and according to order , or appointment ] and affirmed the importance of that place to be , that all be done in the church according to custome , and appointment , rendring this reason of the former , because it was implied in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decently ( custome being the onely rule of decency &c. ) and of the latter , because the words do literally import this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. according to order or appointment . section 3 to the former of these he makes his first exception , thus , [ he dares not affirm that this is the immediate sense of the place , but onely that it is implied ; it cannot be denied but that decency doth imply such customes , the omission of which necessarily infer indecency , but that the omission of such ceremonies as ours , doth infer undecency , the doctor & all his party can never make good ; what undecency can the doctor prove to be in the administration of baptisme without the cross , as also in publick prayers and preaching without a surplice ? but of this see farther in ames in the places but now quoted ; the doctor may perhaps look upon him as an inconsiderable adversary . but we shall think his arguments considerable , until the doctor , or some other of his party give a satisfactory answer unto them . in the mean while let us examine the proof that the doctor brings for this sense : and it is , because custome is the onely rule of decency . this prop●sition , though very strange ▪ is prooflesse ; and therefore we might as well reject it , as the doctor dictates it . but i shall add a confutation of it from these following arguments . 1. if custome be the onely rule of decency , then nothing else can be a rule thereof besides custome ; but this is false , for the light and law of nature , is also a rule thereof , and that infallible . 2. nothing can be undecent , that is agreeable unto the onely rule of dicency . but divers things are undicent , which yet can plead custome : and this is so evident , as that . i will not so much undervalue the doctors judgment as to endeavour any proofs thereof . it is impossible that the onely rule of decency should be undecent : but yet it is very possible that many customes should be undecent , and therefore i shall conclude that custome is not the onely rule of decency . 3. lastly , unto custome , as you may see in both aristotle and aquinas , the frequent usage of a thing is required . but now there may be decency or handsomeness in the first usage of a thing ; and of this decency custome is not the rule , and therefore it is not the onely rule of decency . section 4 the first thing here charged on me is timidity , that i dare not say , what i said not , and this attended with a concession ( in a limited sense ) of the truth of what i did say ; the second , is the impertinence , or unsufficiency of that , in that limited sense , to prove what he conceives i would have from it , viz. that the omission of our ceremonies doth infer indecency ; and the proof of this charge twofold , 1. by way of question , founded in two instances , the crosse in baptisme , and the surplice in publick prayer and preaching ; 2. by reference to ames , and resolving to think his arguments considerable , till a satisfactory answer be given them . and his third charge is , my using an unsufficient proof to prove my interpretation , viz. this because custome is the onely rule of decency ] which he confutes by three argument . section 5 these three charges i shall now very briefly examine , and if i mistake not , clearly evacuate . the first by assuring him , 1. that i did dare to say , and indeed said ( as i then thought , perspicucusly ) the full of what i meant , but that it was no way incumbent on me , to say either what i did not mean , or what mr j. or any other should be justly able to charge of want of truth in the least degree . and 2. if what i said cannot , as he confesses , be denied , to have truth in it in one sense , i demand why must it be a not daring ( which is wont to signifie timidity , or cowardice ) that i affirmed it not in another sense , wherein be doth not consent to it ? section 6 to make short , and prevent all possibility of his , or any mans farther mistaking my words , i shall hasten to tell him the full of my meaning in that passage , that [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decently ] implies [ according to custome ] viz. that in such things as these , of which then i spake , gestures , habites and the like circumstances of gods publick service , wherein the apostle prescribes care of decency , 't is necessary to observe the customes of the place wherein we live : this i then thought sufficiently explicated by exemplifying in mens wearing long hair , which the apostle proved indecent by its being against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. saith suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a custome of some continuance in that place ( which yet in women there , and in men in other places , where that custome prevail'd not , had nothing indecent in it . ) section 7 but this exemplification of my meaning he thought fit to conceal from the reader , and supply that vacuity onely with an &c. yet reciting at length , to a word , what was immediately before , and after it . his design in so doing i judge not , but shall endeavour to undeceive the reader for the future , by farther inlarging on it . section 8 all people , i think , in the world have some outward significations , and expressions of reverence , but all have not the same , but according to topical customes some different , some contrary to others . we of this , and all our neighbour nations express reverence by uncovering the head , the turkes do the contrary . again among christians , 't is customary for men so to express their reverence , but for women , saith the apostle , it is not , but the contrary ; and so still it is among us . nay it was once among some hethens ( that worshipt mercury ) in act of the highest reverence , even of adoration , to throw stones at their god , among others to cut themselves with lances , when they were a praying to him . and it can be no news to mr j. that these customes were not observed by other countreys ; the jews that threw stones at christ , and the damoniack that cut himself with them , were neither of them interpretable to worship him . section 9 this therefore was no dark , but visible foundation of what i said ; in affigning any rite or ceremony for the service of god , decency , saith the apostle , was to be observed , the onely rule to judge of that , is , say i , to consider the customes of that particular place , of which we consult . where bowing the knee , or kneeling on the ground , is customarily used as a token of reverence , where putting off or keeping off the hat , there the choice of ceremonies must be made with respect to those particular customes ; here 't is evident that i mean not the frequent usage of that ceremony , in opposition to a first usage of it , as mr j. is willing to mistake me , and sound one of his arguments on that mistake , but the standing custome of the place , by which , as by an argument or evidence , such a ceremony is demonstrated to be a reverential respect , and so ( for the service of god to whom all reverence is due ) decent in that place , though in nature , or in the estimation of all other men , it be not so . section 10 certainly this is so evident in it self , and so undeniably the importance of my words , that there can be no need farther to inlarge on it , much lesse to examine the weight , or meaning of his concession , that it cannot be denyed but that decency doth imply such customes , the omission of which necessarily infers indecency . ] section 11 this saying of his some readers may look on with reverence , as not readily comprehending the importance of it , others may chance to despise it under the appearance of a tautologie . but upon pondering , it will appeare that the author had a meaning in it , which he designed should bring in some advantage to his cause , and without which he was not likely to advance far , or succeed in it . section 12 some customes we know there are , which are so highly decent , as that the omission of them necessarily infers indecency ; but what are they ? why , such as the law of ( at least lapst ) nature prescribes , covering of nakednesse , and the like ; of which t is evident among all that have not learnt of carneades industriously to rase out all natural measures of honest and dishonest , that the omission of them inferres indecency , yea and necessarily inferres it , this sort of decency being natural to all men , that ever were , or shall be in the world , born and educated in what nation , or inured to what customes soever , and this the very first houre after our first parents fall , before any custome had been contracted which might recommend it to them . section 13 and as of these his rule is true , that the omission of these necessarily inferres undecency , so it is in a manner proper to these , and belongs not to any other sort of things , whose decency flowes but from some positive command though it be of god , or custome or command of men . to such things whose decency flowes from any command either of god or man , this rule cannot be fully applied , for that command might have been not given , or there might be a space before it was given , or a people to whom it was not given , and then in any of those cases , the omission would not be indecent to whom the law was not given ; and so it doth not necessarily and absolutely , but onely dependently on that law , and conditionally , inferre indecency ; so in like manner the rule holds not in those things , whose decency is introduced onely by custome , for that , as mr. i. truely saith , arising from frequency of actions , it must again be granted , that there was a time when that which now is custome , was new , and so not custome , and again there are , or may be nations , with whom that custome ( whatsoever can be inflanced in ) hath not prevailed , which prejudges still the necessity spoken of , that such omission should inferre indecency . section 14 and so we see the summe of mr i. his liberal concession , viz : that decency implies naturall decency , or such customes , which are naturally decent , and so the omission of them naturally indecent ; and if the dr. or his party do not prove , or make good , that the administration of baptisme without the crosse , is against the law of nature , that the preaching without the surplice beares analogy to the disclosing of nakednesse , he is utterly refuted by mr i. in his interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or notion of decency . section 15 that this is indeed his meaning ( though somewhat darkned in that his expression ) will appear but consequent to the two things , which he hath premised in this matter , from amesius his notion of decency , p. 64. in marg : 1. that decency requires not that any sacred things be instituted de novo , but onely that those things which are instituted by god , be used in that manner which is agreeable to the dignity of them , 2. that as order so decency belongs to civil offices , as well as sacred things , in which indecorum est vitium oppositum debito illi modo , qui requiritur ad eorum justum finem et usum consequendum , indecency is a vice opposed to that due manner , which is required to the obtaining the just end and use of those things . now if in the former of these , the mode , he speakes of , as agreeable to the dignity of those things which are instituted , be it self supposed by him to be instituted by men , then must he acknowledge humane power of instituting ceremonies , which being so contrary to his design , i must resolve not to be intended by him ; but rather that as the sacred things are instituted by god , so the mode , which is consentaneous to their dignity is instituted by god also , and that nothing is decent in sacris , which is not so instituted . and so likewise on the second head , that of civil offices . for that indecency , which is a vice or sin , must be contrary to some law of gods , and so also that which is opposed to the due manner which is required , and so is necessary either necessitate medii , or praecepts also , to obteining a just end , this sure is more than the omission of an indifferent custome , which may or may not be continued without any offence against nature , even the omission of strict universal duty , either natural decency , or somewhat that beares proportion with it . section 16 now this being thus far explained , it is time to close with mr i. and mind him , what he cannot but know , that the decency which i said implied custome , is certeinly another thing from natural decency , and hath place onely in those things , the omitting of which doth not necessarily inferre indecency . that omission which necessarily inferres indecency , inferres it in all that e-ever did , or shall omit it ; we know in logick , that no proposition is necessary , which is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , true in the whole species , of all , and every one , and i leave it to his judgement , whether he think the dr. and his party ( i. e. praelatists , i suppose , ) do conceive , that adam ( whether in , or out of paradise ) noah in , or out of the arke , &c. were obliged to pray in surplices , under pain of indecency ? and so ( in his other instance ) that john baptist , that christ , or ( because the text saith that he baptized not but his disciples ) that those disciples , even before the death of christ , might not baptize any without the sign of the crosse , but under the same penalty ? section 17 nay ti 's allready past question , that mr i. in his first argument against my dictate ( as he calls it ) saith , that the light and law of nature is also a rule of decency , and so not onely custome : and if so , then custome is a rule of decency also , and not onely the law and light of nature , and where custome , and not the light of nature is the rule , there the omission of that doth not necessarily inferre indecency . and of such decency alone it is evident that i spake , on the head of vniformity , ( and could not speake sense , if i spake , either of any other , or of the general notion of decency , which is competible to any other ) and from thence it followes demonstratively , that of that decency of which i spake , ( though not of that , of which it is certain i spake not ) still custome is the onely rule of decency . this therefore i hope may serve in answer to his first charge , that of my timidity , that i dared not say , what i said not ; together with a view of his concession of the truth of what i did say , and the wary limitation of that concession . section 18 secondly then to his second charge , the unsufficiency of that limited truth ( which is the utmost he will yield my proposition ) to prove what i would have from it ] it will soon appear of how little force it is , when 1. my meaning was quite another thing from what he affixt to my words , or yielded me in his limited concession , as hath already been largely manifested ; and 2. my conclusion is regularly consequent to that which was alone my meaning . this latter the addition of a few words will clear also . section 19 my conclusion designed in that section , was the justifying of vnformity of ceremonies in the service of god , and one of the grounds to support that , the decency of those ceremonies , wherein all should joyn , and that decency ruled , and judged of by the custome of the place , in which such or such a ceremony was an usual indication , and expression of that reverence , which being due from all inferiours to their superious , is much more due from all christians to god. section 20 in these it is certain , custome is the rule and the onely rule of decency ; neither nature nor gods law obliges all man-kind to this , or that expression of reverence . several nations have their several manners of doing it ; onely nature tells us , that the most reverened manner of treating is best becoming god , and that it cannot be decent , to treat god in that manner as we would not do any superior beside , and gods own expostulation about the offering polluted bread upon his altar , and of sacrificing the lame & the sick , mal. 1. 8. is a confirmation of that , offer it now , saith god , unto thy governour , will he be pleased with thee ? section 21 apply this to a particular case , to a nation , where 't is customary to address to kings , kneeling , and there the analogie will hold exactly , ( but not where that is not custome . ) among such i may say , did ever any man that had his limbs and health , offer a petition to his prince in the gesture of sitting , or lying along upon a table ? and if he did not , then i must , i suppose , regularly conclude from custome , the one rule of decency in such matters , that according to gods arguing it cannot be decently done in his service , which is the tendring our petitions or requests to that infinite majesty . and so proportionably in other things . section 22 this i did not there apply to the cross in baptisme , and the ministers using of the surplice , as being not pertinent to that place . another head was set apart for those , and proceeded to § . 28. the cross expresly named , and the surplice implied under the title of other ceremonies , of which it may there be seen , what my conclusion was , not what is here deem'd incumbent on me to prove , that the omission of them infers indecency , but that standing on those grounds , whereon they are known stand , conscience duly instructed cannot think it necessary or tending to edification to cast them causlesly out of this church , or the whole liturgie for their sakes . ] section 23 and yet if mr j. shall now desire to know what the grounds of those two ecclesiastical rites are , which alone he is pleased to name , on perswasion , i suppose , that they were as fit , if not fitter then any others , for the disproving my position , of [ custom being the onely rule of decency ] i shal now render him a brief account of them , such as may in some degree confirm the truth of it . section 24 and first for the crosse in baptisme . 1. 't is known to all that our christian course is a spiritual warfare under christ our great general ; now it is , and alwayes hath been customary over the world , that in a militia there should be some banner , or insigne , to which every one should resort and fight under it . this hath custome made decent among all , and supposing that custome , the omission of it in an army is indecent , yet not so , as things dishonest , or breaches of the law of nature , are indecent . section 25 and the crosse on which christ was crucified , the embleme also of that state that every christian enters into , a constant couragious patience for all afflictions was by the primitive christians thus used , as their a symbol or insigne , and every man that is inrolled in the christian militia , is by him that inrols him , signed with it ; and this practice being thus founded , and received in the church , saint augustines words are worth remembring , and cannot be denied to have truth in them , b signum crucis nisi adhibeatur , sive frontibus credentium , sive ipsi aquae quâ regeneramur &c. nihil ritè perficitur , unless the sign of the cross be used either to the foreheads of the believers ( who are baptized ) or to the water it self by which we are regenerate , it is not duly performed , i. e. with such ceremonies , as by custome of the church the rule of decency , belong to it ; and , crucis signo in fronte hodie tanquam in poste signandus es , omnesque christiani signantur ( de catechiz . rud . c. 20. tom . 4. pag. 915. ) thou must be signed now in the forehead with the sign of the cross , as the israelites on their door-posts , and so must all christians . in the forehead head particularly c in fronte figat ubi sedes pudoris ) because the seat of shame is there , which we render in token that the baptized shall rot be ashamed — . section 26 secondly , the usage of this ceremony of signing with the cross , was we also know , frequent in the church ( while the gifts of healing continued ) in d curing diseases , and casting out devils , so that athanasius frequently affirmes of it , e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the sign of the cross all magick and witchcraft is brought to nought , all the idol temples laid waste and empty . section 27 and then baptisme being the exorcising of devils ( the ancient catechists we know were called exorcists ) the rescuing a person from the power of satan into gods sonship and family , what can be more proper , or agreeable , or exactly symbolical , then the use of this in baptisme , according to that of tertullian , de resurr . carn . caro signature ut anima muniatur , the flesh or body is signed , that the soul may be defended or fortified . section 28 and if instead of the f frequent use of it among the ancients , even g before the cumbersome weight of ce emonies came in ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the author of the quest . and resp . ascribed to justin martyr , qu. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 364. in time of prayer we sign those that have any need of it , those that are any way ill affected ) we in this our church retein it , onely in our solemne entrance into christs camp , in token that we mean valiantly to fight under his banners , and in confidence that he that thus signed to constantine victory from heaven ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this overcome ) will thus give grace , and seal to us victory over our ghostly enemies . what question can there ever be of the perfect decency of this usage among us ? section 29 and then for the surplice : it is no news i hope for several sorts of men to have solemn garments for solemn actions , which they do not use at other times . the judges upon the bench , or the lords at their coming to parliament , are a sufficient evidence of this , who weare not those robes in common occasions which there they do , as betokening their quality and the imployments they are about . and then what is thus customarie in civil matters ( viz : to difference persons and imployments , yea and dayes by distinction of garments ) and is allowed to be decent therein , this by analogie undeniable , is as fitly and decently from thence derived to solemne sacred actions also , such are the publick offices of the priest ; and the commands of our superiors being added to this decency of the matter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is , i am sure , more than undecent for inferiors to be obstinate , and deny obedience to them . in the choice of the garment there hath been also , as neare as may be , a resemblance observed of those garments , which in scripture are mentioned for the like solemnities , long , shining , i. e. white robes , or garments ; and if the constant usage of other churches beside this of ours , eastern as well as western , for so many centuries together , be considered , it will be competently able to establish an ecclesiastical cust me also , which , in things of this nature , were external ornaments , and formalities , is a more rational ground , and rule or measure of decency , then any mr j. ( or amesius to boote ) will readily be able to produce for the rejecting of them , or breaking , and casting away those bands , which tyed no harder a yoke than this upon their shoulders . section 30 in this case i believe ( though not in the garments themselves ) there is place for that decency , the omission of which necessarily inferres indecency , and for such order the breaking of which must soon end in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which mr i. saith , st. paul opposes to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) viz : down right confusion . section 31 having sa'd thus much ex abundanti , above what was incumbert on me , i shall flatter my self , that i may now spare any larger paines , in survey of amesius's arguments , which mr j. is resolved to think considerable , and to speake very magnificently of them , as proving that the text is 1 cor. xiv . 40. rightly understood doth not onely not authorize any humane institution of ceremonies , but on the contrary plainly condemnes them , and this , saith he , was so well managed by him , that he hath quite beaten out of the field bishop morton and his second , dr j. burges : section 32 here is triumph indeed . and i suppose the reader already discernes , what are the grounds of it , viz. that amesius acknowledges nothing decent , but that , the omission of which necessarily inferres indecency , i. e. as hath been shewed , nothing but natural decency , the omission of which is a vice contrary to that , by consequence , that there is no such thing , as an indifferent gesture or garment , which either civil , or ecclesiastical custome , or obedience to our lawfull superiors may render decent ; that whatsoever some eternal law of nature commands not , the doing of that , if it be but wearing such a garment , which the canons of any church prescribe , nay , by parity of reason , a cloake or a buttond doublet , is absolutely unlawfull by force of 1 cor. xiv . 40. section 33 this being the bottome of those arguments of amesius , i may safely tell mr j. that they could no otherwise beat either bishop morton , or dr j. burgesse out of the field , than that they thought them utterly unworthy their making replies to ; he that thinkes there is nothing indifferent , nothing lawfull , the omission of which is not sin , doth certainly use other dictonaries than we do ; discernes no difference betwixt lawfull , and necessary , and as the assertors of fatall production of all things will not allow a cause to be sufficient to produce any effect which it doth not produce , and so produce , that it cannot not produce it , which is to tell me that i sit , and walke at the very time , when i stand still , it being certain , that i am equally able to do both those , when yet i really do the third onely , so he will not allow any thing morally possible , which is not morally necessary , which is certainly the giving new lawes to words ( making the word [ lawfull or possible ] which was wont to be interpreted that which may or may not be done , to signifie onely that which must be done , and may not be emitted ) and not new reasons to confirme old paradexes . section 34 this argument of amesius against things indifferent , that learned bishop was well acquainted with , by his familiar conferences with mr. lapthorne a vehement disputer against ceremonies , and whom the bishop thought fitter to refute by trifling instances , of unbuttoning , and buttoning his cass●ck ; than by more serious attempts of conviction , i.e. in plain termes to despise and smile at , than to dread ; and if mr j. have really read mr hooker , whom he somwhere intitles our patrone of ceremonies , he may in him remember a discourse of lawes , which will supersede all necessity , or benefit of my farther inlarging on it . section 35 meane while , to the reproch of my great stupidity , i willingly acknowledge , that it cannot enter into my understanding , what sense that text is capable of , which with the best ( possible ) managery can be taught plainly to condemne all institution of ceremonies in the church , i. e. by what prosyllogismes , or supplies or advantages of art this enthymeme shall be rendred concludent . the apostle commands that all things be done decently and in order . ergo , he condemnes all institution of ceremonies for gods worship . he that can maintain this consequence not onely to be true , but ( as mr j. affirmes of him ) plain and evident , will be a formidable adversarie indeed , much better deserving that title , than one whom he knowes not , and therefore honours with it . section 36 his third and last impression now remaines , wherein he undertakes to prove by 3. arguments that custome is not the onely rule of decency ; and his first argument is , because the light and law of nature is also a rule of decency . to this i answer , that in those things , whereof alone he knowes i there speak , in the § . concerning vniformity , i.e. in things indifferent , gestures and other ceremonies in gods service , the law of nature is no rule at all , and , i suppose , he cannot think ; i am sure , he pretends not to prove , or so much as affirme , it is , and therefore though not simply in all sorts of things , of which i spake not , nor can by any rules of discourse be supposed to have spoken , yet as to the matters then before me , wherein ecclesiastick conformity consisted , custome and onely custome was the rule of decency . section 37 his second argument is wholly deceitfull , and must be discovered to be so by reducing it to rules of art . 't is by him variously formed into two several syllogismes . the first is this . nothing can be undecent , which is agreeable to the onely rule of decency . but divers things are undecent , which yet can plead custome . the conclusion now must be , therefore custome is not the onely rule of decency . section 38 but this is no regular syllogisme , 't is in no mood or figure , nor readily reducible to any , and therefore t was his onely way to presume it evident , and never to endeavour any proof thereof . section 39 but he hath thought fit to vary this syllogisme , and give it in other termes , and then one might hope it would be exactly form'd . 't is thus , it is impossible that the onely rule of decency should be undecent . but yet it is very possible that many customes should be indecent . therefore he shall conclude that custome is not the onely rule of decency . section 40 but this is no syllogisme neither , being far removed from the measure that logicians exact , and such as by which i will prove any thing true , that is the most distant from it . for example , it is a granted truth , that law is the onely rule of justice , yet this i shall disprove by a syllogisme exactly formed by mr j. his model , thus , it is impossible that the onely rule of justice should be unjust . but yet it is very possible that many laws should be unjust . therefore i shall conclude that law is not the onely rule of justice . section 41 to discover this deceit then , the syllogisme which is now no syllogisme must be somewhat better form'd , according to the rules of logick , and reduced , as near as it can , into a true syllogisme . thus , whatsoever is it self undecent , cannot be the onely rule of decency . but custome is it self undecent . therefore custome cannot be the onely rule of decency . here before it can be defin'd whether this be a regular syllogism , or no , it must be demanded , quanta est minor , is the assumption vniversal or particular ? if it be particular , then either the conclusion must be particular also , or else t is a false syllogism . and if the conclusion be particular , then it infers no more then that some undecent custome cannot be the only rule of decency , which is willingly granted by me , who do not at all affirm it of undecent customes ; but if the minor be vniversal , then 't is a false proposition , for certainly all customes are not indecent . the short is , nature may be the rule of one sort of decency , & custom the only rule of another ; yet if the custom be in it self indecent , then of such indecent custom it is not pretended , that it is either onely , or at all the rule of decency . and so still my proposition may stand good , which as it belonged not to natural decency , so much less to what is by nature , or in it self undecent , never imagining it reasonable , that what gestures were against those laws of nature , or scripture , or any other law of decency , or rather of natural comliness and honesty , should by pretence of any custome whatever , be introduced into gods worship ; 't is sufficient that some customes may be decent , or in themselves not indecent , and that all decency in the service of god , is to be regulated and judged of by conformity with them : for i said not that all customes were the rule of decency , but that some were , and that there was no other rule , but custome . this , i hope , hath discovered the invalidity of his second argument . section 42 his last argument [ because there is dicency in the first usage of some things ] falls upon that mistake of my words , which i discoursed of , and cleared at the beginning , for i never said , that a thing must be customary , before it is decent in any kind ; ( knowing unquestionably that there is a natural decency ) but that the decency of any ceremony in gods service , wherein god and nature have prescribed nothing particularly , must be regulated according to those measures , which the customes of any place do allow to be reverential among them ; or , in yet plainer words , the civil customes of any nation , by which this or that sort of gesture is rendred a token of reverence , are the onely rule , by which the decency of indifferent gestures , &c. is to be judged of , in order to god's service . and so much for the last argument also , and consequently for the first part of his exception , that against my interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decently . section 43 but there is yet a second charge behind against my rendring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to appointment ] which he hath managed in these words . section 44 as for the other part of the words , let all things be done in order , ames in the place forementioned sheweth that order requireth not such ceremonies as ours , and he giveth this reason , because order requireth not the institution of any new thing but onely the right placing and disposing of things which are formerly instituted : and this he makes good from the notation of the word , from the definitions of order , which are given by philosophers and divines &c. from the context of the chapter , and from the usage of the word elsewhere . but the doctor , that the words may give some countenance unto our ceremonies , adventureth upon a new interpretation of them . the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he , ) literally import according unto appointment , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifies to appoint , as mat. 28. 16. act. 22. 10. and 28. 23. and we may here upon argue à conjugatis , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be sometimes rendred appointment . but because it may sometimes be rendred appointment , will it therefore follow that it must be so rendred in this place ? we may say as will as the dr. that the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literally import according unto order , as order is taken strictly for the right placing or ranking of things one before , another after , and this we have confessed even by dr john. burgesse in his rejoynder unto ames p. 78. a book published by the special command of the late king. moreover this sense is favoured by the coherence , for . v. 31. we have a particular instance of order in this acception of the word , ye may all prophesie one by one &c. and not all or many speake at once . 2. we have the opposite of order taken in this sense . 1. v. 33. confusion . let all things be done in order , then is as much as , let all things be done without confusion . and i hope confusion may be avoided in the worship of god without such ceremonies as ours . but we will for once suppose , though not grant , that the clear importance of the words , is , that all be done in the church according to custome and appointment . yet the dr hath a hard taske to performe , before he can come nigh his conclusion , that the words of paul are a proofe of the more than lawfulnesse of prescription of such ceremonies as ours in a church : for he must prove that custome and order here are taken in such a latitude , as that they include not onely the customes and appointments of the apostolical churches ▪ but also of all the churches of god in succeeding ages : and the performance of this he will find not to be so easie , as he may imagine . i am sensible that i have by this discourse provoked a very learned and formidable adversary , but it is onely love of the truth hath ingaged me in so unequal an incounter , and therefore i hope the dr will pardon and excuse my boldnesse . if he can by dint of argument prove the truth to be on his side , i shall not be sorry or ashamed to be overcome by him . section 45 to this my answer will be very briefe , 1. by giving the reason of my rendring , 2. by evidencing , that if the vulgar were acknowledged the righter rendring , yet my conclusion would very regularly , follow thence , and that therefore i have no need to contend with any gainsayer , about my rendring . section 46 for the first , it is manifest to any that knowes but the elements of greeke , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literally and properly signifies [ according to ordination or appointment ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies [ according to ] not [ in ] and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ an ordinance or constitution ] millions of times in authors , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orderly , or in order ] lying more consonant with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no reason can be rendred , why if that had been the designed meaning , that word should not have been used there . section 47 that it may so signifie mr j. acknowledges , and so i have obtained all i seek in my first proposal , which was not , that it must necessarily thus signifie , but that this being the literal regular rendring of it , i had sufficient reason to render it thus . section 48 i proceed then to the second thing , that if what he pretends to be possible also , were indeed the onely possible , or ( by way of supposition , but not concession ) if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] did really import no more than [ in order ] as that is opposed to disorder or confusion , yet i say , it will soon appear , that the apostles commanding such order or orderlynesse , and forbidding all confusion in ecclesiastical affaires , must by consequence be interpreted to command the instituting and observing uniformity of ceremonies in a church . this i thus deduce . section 49 first there is no possibility of worshipping god externally and publickly , without use of some ceremonies or circumstances of time , place , and gesture , &c. secondly there is no possibility of order in a multitude , without uniformity in the same circumstances , thirdly , there is as little possibility of vniformity among many , without either agreement one with another , or direction of some superior to them all , what shall by all be uniformely performed . fourthly the agreement one with another , if it be onely voluntarie , and such , as by which none are obliged , no way secures the end ; but if it be such an agreement , that every single person is obliged to observe , then still is that a law of that body , as of a councel , &c. and as truely so , as the constitution of a single praelate can be thought to be . and so the conclusion regularly followes , that to the preserving but of order , or orderlynesse in a church , it is necessary , there be appointment , what shall by all be uniformely performed ; confusion unavoidably coming in , where no certain rules are prescribed for vniformity . section 50 what can be denyed in this processe , i fore see not , yet when ti 's granted , one reserve mr j. hath still left him . for saith he , if it were granted that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies appointment or ordination , yet still it will be incumbent on the dr. to prove , that this extends not onely to the customes and appointments of the apostolike churches , but also to the churches of succeeding ages . and my answer to this will conclude this whole debate . section 51 first then i acknowledge , that , it is not here necessarily ordained by the apostle , that all the churches of god in succeeding ages should institute ceremonies in worship , for , provided those ceremonies were once instituted , all that this text inforces , is uniforme obedience to them . section 52 but then secondly , when for many circumstances of gods worship , there is no order particularly taken by christ and his apostles , as in what gesture publick supplication shall be addrest , in what , lauds and hymnes , and confession of the faith , &c. and yet the rule is given by them , that all shall be done according to appointment , and moreover in other places that obedience be paid to those superiors which watch over our souls ; and when those rules are not given onely to the persons that then lived in the church of corinth , &c. but to all that should ever live in that , and all other churches , it cannot then be deemed , either that there were no superiors designed to succeed christ , and his apostles in the ordering of his church , or that they should not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 set in order the things that were wanting , such as the apostles had left undisposed of , or that inferiors should not be bound to obey them uniformely when they thus gave orders to them . section 53 when we are commanded to obey our parents , civil as well as natural , by a law given by god to moses , or by christ to his disciples , can it be strange , that we that lived not in either of those ages , should thereby be obliged , when god in his providence hath given us fathers of both kinds ( as well as them ) regularly presiding over us , and making use of that liberty that is presumed in all parents , viz : to give commands , and expect obedience from their children ? certainly it cannot , and as little can it be doubted , either whether our ecclesiastical parents have power to institute in things omitted , and thereby remitted to their care by the apostles , or whether we their obedient children , that are commanded to act 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to appointment , should from time to time be disobliged , and free to disobey them in whatsoever they appoint us . section 54 t is granted him , if he please , that what christ , and his apostles have already prescribed , should not be repealed by those that thus succeed them ; should they rashly assume that power , they would not in so doing act 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether regularly or according to appointment ; but for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which they have made no rules , but left order to titus , &c. ( i.e. by parity of reason , to the bishops in every isl●nd ) to make them , here what power is left them , may certainly with perfect safety be exercised by them , and that necessarily inferres our obligation to yield obedience to their exercises of them . section 55 this is all the observance mr j. seemes to expect of me at this time , unlesse his intimation to all admirers of mr. hooker , that they should vindicate their great patrone of ceremonies , may passe for an admonition to me , who acknowledge my self a thankfull adorer of gods graces in that godly learned man , and so exact a few lines more above the regular account . section 56 this will detain me no longer than whilest i mind the reader that in a discourse of the ben●fits which we receive from christ in the sacrament , and otherwise , mr hooker undertakes to set down how christ in his human nature is communicated to us , and so present with us ; to this end 3. things he shewes at large , 1. that as nothing created can be unlimited , or receive any such accident from any as may really make it infinite , so neither the soul nor body of christ , nor christ as man , nor according to his humane nature , can possibly be every where present , no nor the substance of the body of christ , which neither hath nor can have any presence but onely local . 2. that this cannot be rendred possible either by the grace of union with deity , nor by any other possible means , as he at large excellently deduceth it , pag. 300 , 301 , 302. 3. that it may peradventure be well enough granted in some sense , and after a sort , that christ is every where present , as man , viz. 1. in respect of the conjunction of the humane nature with the deity , which conjunction is extended as far as the deity , the actual position being restrain'd and tied to a certain place , and 2. by cooperation with deity , and that in all things . section 57 now on this third head , ( without reflecting on the two former , which assure us of the authors meaning in it ) two passages mr j. takes hold of , which , if he know any thing in either philosophy or scholastical divinity , are both guilty of a gross mistake , and cannot be sufficiently wondred at by him , that they should fall from so learned a pen. section 58 but i suppose there is no great skill in either of those learned faculties , required , to distinguish betwixt that which truly and properly is , and that which may in some sense , and after a sort , and in two respects onely ( neither of which belong to the propriety of being ) be well enough granted , and that with a [ peradventure ] also , to have influence on all these . section 59 and what severity is this , to require of every learned man , that hath most largely refuted an adversary , to be so averse from all thoughts of peace and reconcilation with him , that he may not allow him to speak truth , or but perhaps to speak truth in a sort , and in some sense , and in two onely respects ? all which are still more than intimations , that he thinks him to be absolutely ( and in simplicity and propriety of speaking ) in a gross errour , impossible even to the power of god to have truth in it . section 60 if any should chance to say of an eloquent man , that you might hear an angel speak in him , and i should reply , that it might peradventure be well enough granted in a sort , or in some sense , that when he spake you might hear an angel , assuring you at large of my opinion , that no bare man can truly be an angel , nay that it was impossible for god himself to bring to pass , that at the same time he should be an angel , and not an angel , a man , and not a man , or which is all one , a bare man , and yet an angel , or ( in fewer words ) when christ saith he is a door , and a vine , if i should say , that in a sort and in some sense , and that in two respects , each of these had truth in them , would mr j. think fit to leave his subject , and let loose for three leaves together , and pawn all his philosophy and scholastical ( not considering what the consequence also may be to his practical ) divinity , to accuse and wonder at , and never to give over wondering , and withall solemnly to refute this or that improper figurative speech , so perfectly acknowledged by the speakers to be such ? section 61 if he have that great leisure , and any prevalent temptation thus to lay it out , i shall onely assure him , that i have not so much of either , as to attend these his motions , nor any other lover or admirer of mr hooker , that i know of , and therefore beseech him contentedly to rest in this general return to his charge of that learned man , without expecting any more explicit● or particular survey of it . and so much for mr h. also . section 62 i have thus without any other obligation , than what my desire to undeceive the author and his readers , laid upon me , paid him now this my second observance ; and may be allowed to think it time , that he who hath been so liberal of his uses of publick refutation of others words , should find some vacancy for one use of more private ( if not reprehension , yet ) examination of his own actions ; and then i shall offer to his consideration , how much more agreeable to the laws of brotherly kindnesse or candor it had been , to have proposed his exceptions in such a manner of friendly address , as might have brought him home the same satisfaction , and saved others the importunity of these uselesse , because personal debates . when he hath sincerely observed in himself the motive of his other distant choice , i have obtained the end of my charity in mentioning it to him , and have no more to return to him at this time . the end . errata in the first reply to mr jeanes . pag. 1. l. 2. dele to . p. 3. l. 4. r. change . l. 28. r. another , see ▪ magli . p. 6. l. 11 , r. is in that . p. 10. l. 30. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . errata in the second reply to mr jeanes . pag. 11. l. 1. r. known to stand . p. 13. l. 28. r. meer external . p. 15. l. 6. r. mr hynde , and mr glapthorne two vthement disputers . p. 16. l. 23. r. measures . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70315-e150 * of the fulness of christ . p. 258. * p. 259. * p. 221. n. 1. p. 259. * paulus fagius , praf . in vers . chal. paraph. in pentat . * joh. boys eliens . vet , interpr . cum . beza-collat . notes for div a70315-e7410 a sign● crucis actio christiana describitur . aug. de doctr. chr. l. 4. b in joh. tr. 118. c tom. 10 p. 289. b. d see aug. de civ . d●il . 22. c. 8. e de incarnat . tom. 1. pag. 84. so pag. 101. d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and pag. 102. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and contr . arian . or. 1. pag. 285. a. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and praesente signo crucis obmutescit paganitas . aug. t. 4. 229. b. and 832 b. daemonia nominatâ cruce christi terrentur , si impensius fiat , fugantur . dii paganprum metu crucis responsa dare non possunt . f ad omnem progressum frantem crucis signaculo terimus . tertul. de cor. mil. c. 3. g vide narrat● . hippolyti apostolorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apud pallad . hist . laus . pag. 1049. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 144. eccl. pal. l. 5. sect. 55. p. 139. p. 140. of scandal hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45425 of text r32475 in the english short title catalog (wing h562). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 85 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45425 wing h562 estc r32475 12697057 ocm 12697057 65904 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45425) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65904) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1527:25) of scandal hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45425 of text r32475 in the english short title catalog (wing h562). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [2], 30 p. printed by henry hall ..., oxford : 1646. attributed to hammond by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng christian life. conduct of life. a45425 r32475 (wing h562). civilwar no of scandall. the second edition. hammond, henry 1646 14875 8 370 0 0 0 0 254 f the rate of 254 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-10 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of scandall . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the second edition . oxford , printed by henry hall printer to the vniversitie . 1646. of scandall . § 1 he that would know the true proper full importance of the word scandall or offence , or to be offended or scandalized ( as they are taken for the same ) need not seeke into many authors for it . the new testament , and the apocryphall bookes , and the greeke translation of the old testament , are the prime authors that have used these words , and all other later christian writers may justly be thought to have had them from that fountaine ; ancient prophane writers not affording them . § 2 from hence 't will be sure just to inferre , that in as many senses as the scripture canonicall & apocry phall hath used the words , in so many they may be justly used , and in no more . now the uses of the word scandall among them are either naturall ( as generally in the old testament , ) or borrowed , i. e. metaphoricall , ( as cheifely in the new . ) it naturally signifies 3 things . 1. a trapp , a gin , or snare to catch any thing : so in the greek translation of psal. § 3 69. 22. the word is us'd , ( being joyn'd with 2 other words which signify snare and gin , ) and in our new translation is rendred a trapp : wherefore in the place of rom. 11. 9. where the same words are cited out of the septuagints translation , and not out of the hebrew text of the psalme , i should conceive it should be rendred by analogy , not stumbling blocks , but gin , or some other word belonging to this first signification . in this sence it is used 1 mac. 5. 4. where it is all one with snare , and it is farther interpreted by ( laying wait by the way ) to catch them treacherously . so againe wisd : 14. 11. the word is used , and explained by another word , signifying a trapp , or snare , the very same that was used in the psalmes , and to the romans . § 4 2. it signifies any obstacle or hindrance laid in a mans way , by which the passenger is detain'd or stopt , peculiarly a sharpe stake , such as in time of warre men were wont to put in the fields where their enemy should follow , to wound their feet or leggs in their passage : against which being so ordinary in war , they anciently used greaves of brasse to defend their feet or leggs . 1 sam : 17. 6. to which you may referre that epithite so frequent in homer , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : to signify those greaves brasen or otherwise , that the grecians used ; described by that poet , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} made of tin , and covering the whole legg to the knee , of so firme a substance that it made a loud noise at the stroake of the weapon on it . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} saith he . thus is the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} used , judith . 5. 1. where we render it impediments , a word somewhat too generall to signify those sharpe stakes or other instruments to wound or gall the passengers , which are known to every body : for which i beleive we have some proper english word , i thinke it is a gal trapp . § 5 3ly . the word signifies a stone or blocke in the way , at which men are apt ( if they be not carefull , or if they go in the darke ) to stumble and fall : and thereupon in the old testament it is taken for a fall : and so sometimes for sinne , the fall of the soule , as judith 12. 2. ( where these words [ left it be an offence ] would more clearely be rendred out of the greeke , left it become an offence , 1. a sinne or pollution , as you may see in the same matter which is there treated of dan. 1. 8. tob. 1. 11. and 1 sam. 25. 31. ) and sometimes for ruine or destruction , the fall of the whole person , which we are brought to by sinne , as judith 5. 20. our english renders it ruine , and ps. 49. 13. where though we read folly , the septuagint read scandall , by that rendring an hebrew word which signifies both folly and ruine . i confesse this last acception of the word for ruine , is somewhat rare ( yet authoriz'd by our english in the place of judith ) and therefore if any dislike it , i shall not stand much upon it ; because in both those places last mentioned it may well enough signifie sin , as that is a snare or stumbling blocke , an occasion of ruine , or falling , or destruction , in which sense i conceive 't is used , judg : 8. 27. where 't is rendred a snare , i. e. a sinne ensnaring or occasioning ruine . § 6 beside these 3 significations , in which the word in greeke retained in our language , is read in the old testament , i am confident there is no other , save once psal. 50. 20 , for slander , or calumny , or defamation , ( for so the hebrew there signifies ) a sense which is vulgar amongst us in english ; by a scandall meaning a slander : but that sense being but once met with in the whole bible , or twice at most ( eccl. 27. 23. where yet i conceive the translation might be mended ) will not deserve to be taken into consideration . § 7 now for the use of the word in the new testament : 't is first observeable , that the best nomenclature for hard words in that is the observing the use of them in the greeke of the old , for the writers of the new testament , being jewes not greekes , wrote in an idiom proper and peculiar to them only , and those other jewes that wrote also in greeke , somewhat differing from that of the atticke , or naturall greeke writers . and therefore we may well resolve , that the uses of the word , which we have there found and already observed , will be very instrumentall to the understanding of the same word , and others derived from it in the new testament . and so much the rather because , as i said , no prophane greeke writer before the scripture , is knowne to have used it ; only arist ophanes once a word neare it . this being premised , 't will be worth our paines ( at least by so doing we shall put the whole matter beyond exception ) to survey breifly all the places in the new testament , where the word is used . § 8 to that end i shall beginne with the first in my concordance which is matt. 13. 41. the angells shall gather out all scandalls : 't is in a sence borrowed from the second mentioned signification of a sharpe stake , which he who hath once met with and been gall'd by it , is wont to gather up and cast into the fire , as there it followes the angels for our sakes should do , v : 24. ( to which saint paul also seemes to allude 2 cor : 11. 29. in putting scandalizing and burning together ) and denotes simply whatsoever may wound or gall us in our christian course , and by that meanes foreslow our pace , cause us to slacken , or give over , or lye downe in the service of christ , so mat. 17. 27. christ paies tribute , that he may not offend the jewes , i. e. that they might not thinke him a contemner of the temple , to which the tribute was due , and so forsake and not beleeeve in him ; that he might not discourage them from following him . so mat. 15. 12. the pharisees hearing a doctrine that gall'd them particularly , were offended and forsooke him , that doctrine drave them away from following him . so againe ( mat. 18. 7. ) it must needes be that offences come , which seemes to referre to false doctrines and heresies , if you compare that verse with 1 cor : 11. 19. there must he heresies ( and rom. 16. 17. where offences are said to be contrary to the apostles doctrine , and that they must be avoided , as the heretick must tit : 3. 10. ) the venting of which of all things most hinders others in their christian course , but whether it be meant peculiarly of heresies , or exemplary sins , it matters not . to which soever you apply it , another place , luk. 17. 1. will belong unto it also , being the place directly parallel to it . so mat : 18. 6. he that shall offend one of these little ones . i. e. he that shall occasion their falling off into any sin ; or , which the place especially imports , by contemning them , discourage them from the study of piety . for so on the contrary side to receive them , v. 5. is by saint marke 9. 41. exprest to consist in doing them kindnesse , to encourage them in the wayes of godlinesse . so christ crucified is said a scandall to the jewes , i. e. they that were otherwise not ill opinion'd of him , and so followed him with the multitudes , when they saw him crucified , were quite discourag'd , and fell away from him , ( as they that are so gall'd by those stakes are faine to give over the pursuit , to returne ) and so resolv'd , seeing him dye , that he was not the messias whom they expected , a glorious temporall deliverer . to which belongs that notable place mat. 11. 6. luk : 7. 23. blessed is he that shall not be offended in me , i. e. shall not be gall'd and discourag'd , and so fall off by seeing the sufferings that befall me , and await my disciples or followers . so againe mat : 13. 57. mark . 6. 3. it is said , that the consideration of his knowne and meane birth occasioned their being offended in him , i. e. their deserting and not beleeving of him , when the miracles which he had done inclin'd them somewhat to a valuing of him . so john 6. 61. when christ talkes of eating the flesh of the son of man , they were offended , ( that is ) that speech carnally understood ( either that christ was to dye , ( which the eating his flesh presupposed , and they did not like to heare of ; dreaming of a temporall glorious messias ) or that they were to turne caniballs , and eate mans flesh , ) discourag'd them from following him , at least from taking him for the messias . so gal : 5. 11. persecution is called the scandall of the crosse , or that upon which so many are discourag'd from professing the crucified saviour , according to that in the parable of the sower , mat : 13. 21. mark : 4. 17. upon the coming of persecution presently he is offended , i. e. gall'd and falls off , and mat. 24. 10. on the same occasion , and in the same sence . so mat. 26. 31. mark . 14. 27. this night ( to wit of my attachement ) ye shall all be offended because of mee . i. e. fall backe , for sake me : and so in saint peters answer , v. 23. although all men should be offended , yet will i never be offended : upon which , that which christ rejoynes ( before the cocke crow ; i. e. before morning , or day breake , all one with this night , v 31. thou shalt deny me thrice ) is an interpretation of the word offended , and shewes , that to be offended , is to deny christ . and so joh. 16. 1. these things have i spoken unto you , that ye should not be offended ; where christ foretells the persecutions that should befall them , that they might be forewarn'd too , and not fall off , when they befall them . § 9 these are the cheif , if not all the places to which the second old testament acception of the word scandall in a metaphoricall borrowed sence belongs , and of all of them , and each , you may observe . § 10 1. that scandall signifies either some sin , the occasion of farther sin in others ; or else somewhat else , which though it be not sinne , yet occasions sinne in others , though very indirectly sometimes , as the crosse of christ : and whether in one or other , the rule will be , that he that is offended or scandalized , doth directly commit some sinne , and that , for most of the places , the sinne of infidelity , or forsaking , or denying christ . § 11 2. that the being scandaliz'd , falling off from christ , ( or the effect which followes that occasion , ) hath no reflection or influence ( in any of the places ) on that which was the occasion ; so as to make it sinfull or avoydable , if it were not so before , ( as will appeare to any that will survey the places ) and consequently that anothers being scandaliz'd is not sufficient to lay a charge on him whose action ( otherwise not chargeable or criminous ) was the occasion of his being scandaliz'd . let the crosse of christ , with which so many were in this sense scandaliz'd , suffice for a proofe of this . § 12 other places there are which must be interpreted by bringing the metaphore from the first of the 3 senses , as it signifies a snare or gin to catch one in . so mat. 16. 23. thou art an offence unto me , i. e. by expressing thy detestation against my sufferings , thou labourest to bring me into an horrour and feare of suffering , and so in effect temptest me to sinne ; where you must marke , that though peter were an offence to christ , that is , tempted him , laboured to ensnare him , yet christ was not scandaliz'd , offended , ensnared , or overcome by the temptation . in the same sense is that revel : 2. 14. of balaam who taught balaack {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it to cast a stumbling block ; but sure it is most clearely , to lay a snare before the children of israell , to intice them by their daughters to idolatry , and by idolatry to intrap and destroy them . § 13 in this sence scandall is so perfectly all one with temptation , that , as a learned man hath observed , the ethiopick interpreter of the new testament , instead of scandall puts a word that signifies temptation , and the same that in the lords prayer is put for temptation : in this sense is that of the eye and the foot offending us . mat. 5. 29. 18. 8. mark : 9. 47. i. e. when a mans eye , or any other member of his body proves a snare to him , an inlet to temptations , a meanes of bringing him to any sinne . § 14 and of those places you may observe againe . 1. that no man is said to be offended , but he that commits the sinne to which he is tempted , and therefore christ is not said to be offended , that is , really to be wrought upon by that scandall : but as satan tempted him , matth. 4. yet he yeilded not , but overcame the tempter : so here he uses that other satan : for to have beene offended in this sence had beene all one with being overcome by a temptation . § 15 2. that the agent , or he that is said to lay the snare or to offend , sinneth also ( as in all the places it will de facto appeare that they did ) though no body be taken in it , as he that tempteth to evill commits a sinne , though his temptation prove not effectuall . the setting of a snare being a positive act , a note of a treacherous designe , though it do not succeed . and therefore in 1 macchab. 1 , 36. the laying of snares for to intrap the israelites , or bring them from observing the law , is call'd there by the devills name , an evill adversary , or as the greeke hath it , a devill to israel . § 16 a third and last sort of places there are that referre to the third mention'd acception of the word , as it signifies a stumbling blocke , so when the word stone is joined with it , or the greeke word that signifies stumbling , so rom. 9. 33. christ is called a stumbling blocke , a rocke of offence , i. e. an occasion of fall , or sinne in many , and consequently of increasing their condemnation , as he saith , if he had not come , &c. they had not had sinne , i. e. had not beene so great sinners , had not beene guilty of the great sinne of unbeleife , and crucifying of christ : and therfore simeon prophecies of christ , that he would be for the fall of many in israel ; many sinnes his coming should be the occasion of . so rom. 14. 13. that no man lay a stumbling blocke , or scandall ( which we render an occasion of falling ) in his brothers way , that is , do or practise any thing , that may bring another that comes after him , upon his nose , or to commit any sinne . so 1 pet. 2. 8. christ is called a stone of stumbling , and rocke of offence , at which to stumble is to be disobedient to christ , so ro. 14. 21. stumbleth , or is offended , or is made weake , i. e. by following thee , doth fall , commits some sin , doth some act unlawfull for him , ( though simply it were not for thee ; it being against his conscience , though not against thine ) and so by falling bruises & weakens himselfe , makes himselfe lesse able for gods service , then he was : for so every sin against conscience being a greiveing the spirit , is consequently the spirituall weakening of the man , or if you will ( as in st james {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies c. 5. 14. ) the wound or disease of the soule . so againe , 1 cor. 8. 9. stumbling blocke to the weake , & v. 13. where the case is clearely the same that we last mentioned : that if any man by doing any indifferent thing ( which he in conscience is inform'd to be perfectly lawfull for him to do ) shall occasion another mans sin by doing that after him which he is not resolv'd to be lawfull , that man offends against that charity due to his brother , and therefore must thinke fit to deny himselfe the use of that liberty which christ hath given him . to this may belong that other place , 1 jo. 2. 10. where that phrase ( there is no scandall in him ) seems to signify , fals not into those sinnes that ignorant men or uncharitable ( who are said in the antithesis , v. 11. to walke in the darke ) are subject unto . one place more there is belonging to this purpose , where though the word scandall be not used in the text , yet {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , offence , is used , and that i confesse to be all one , and it is 2 cor. 6. 3. giving no offence in any thing ; where yet offence is interpreted by beza , quippiam ad quod possint impingere any thing that others may stumble at , or be alien'd from the gospell by ; as if we faile in any christian duty ( mentioned v. 4. 5. 6. ) they that see us , would be apt to doe : and so that which followes imports also ( that the ministry be not blamed ) that is , that our actions be not justly reprehended or found fault with , but in all things approving our selves , &c. § 17 and of this third sort of places 't is observable againe , 1. that be that is offended , sinnes himselfe , stumbles , and falls , and bruises himselfe , and 2. that he that is the occasion of his fall doth not alwayes sin ( for christ , and grace , and that which should have been for their wealth , proves to many an occasion of falling ) but yet sometimes he doth : as if he purposely in a matter indifferent , when he might have chosen , doth any thing which another whose conscience is doubtfull , doth after him ▪ and so sinnes ; nay if he do not absteine from that indifferent action , when he sees that consequent likely to follow ; nay if he be not carefull to observe , whether the consequent be likely to follow , and if so , to absteine . this third sort of scandall you see is applyed peculiarly to one kinde of actions , those by the doing of which another coming after , and doing the same , fals into sinne , as when either the example was sinfull , or being indifferent in it selfe is against the other mans conscience , and so being imitated by him , is in him a sinne against conscience , and not indifferent . and then § 18 another sort of actions there are which may though not so directly , yet not improperly be referr'd to this head , as , when i do any thing in its selfe not unlawfull , yet very apt to be mistaken by other men , for somewhat else which is unlawfull ; and see it strongly probable , that those which will be apt so to mistake , will be as apt also by occasion of this action of mine , to commit that other sin which they conceive me to have committed , or to confirme and harden themselves in that sin thorow that mistaken example of mine , which they might otherwise probably have reformed , if they had not received encouragement by this action of mine ; and if question be made , what is to be thought of this . i answer , that although i am not sure that that place of scripture in our english bibles which commands [ to absteine from all appearance of evill , ] doth come home to this purpose , ( because {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which we render [ from all appearance ] may beare another sence , and signify no more then from every kinde or sort of evill , for so both the greeke {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and latine species import ; and with all , appearance of evill is so uncertaine , and inconstant a thing , that to absteine from it universim cannot be matter of any possible command . and againe , though i dare not from that other precept of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , whatsoever is of good report , phil. 4. 8. conclude it unlawfull to do any thing which hath the ill lucke to be of ill report , i. e. to be mistaken for a sinne ( because 1. there is no prohibition in that place interdicting the doing of every thing which is of ill report , 2. no analogy of other christian rules to inferre such prohibition , it being rather the fate of all christian virtues to be evill spoken of , and the receiving the praise of men , being branded by christ as unreconcileable with beleiving , 3. because some actions of christ were of ill report , particularly that of eating and drinking with publicans and sinners , ( which rendred him suspected for a glutton ) and that of casting out of devils ( which was defamed for sorcery or compact with beelzebub , ) 4. because that which is of ill report with one , may be of good report with a thousand others , and there the judgement of that one will not be considerable against those thousand to defame an innocent laudable action ) yet still i conceive that the great obligation to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , loving of all men , and desiring the good of their soules , which lies upon all christians ( by force of christs example , and legacy , and precept of charity ) will extend so farre , as to have the force of precept , that every man absteine from such purely indifferent actions ( being so in themselves , and then by the magistrate uncommanded ) which he foresees will be thus mistaken for unlawfull by those who are likely to be moved by his example to commit those sinnes which they conceive him to have committed ; this being an inseparable attendant of my charity to my brothers soule , to use all lawfull meanes which my conscience tels me will be to his ghostly health , or preservation . § 19 meane while some diff●rence may be observed in things indifferent , some being commendable , though not commanded ; of use , though not of necessity ; and such as extra causam scandali i should on pious considerations be moved to choose , or practice : and in this case , if it be demanded whether that sole feare of scandall ought to restraine me from that which all other motives rather incline me to , and so make me absteine ; or whether i should rather claime the priviledge of my christian liberty , and that make me not to absteine . i answer , that a middle course may yet be better , then either extreme crudely taken : that is , that i ought to do my best to free this laudable indifferent action of mine from the evill colour that it is capable of , by rectifying his judgement whom i discerne to be mistaken in it , and by declaring ( either expresly , or by some significative character of my intentions fastened to my action ) the clearenesse and innocency of my purposes to any other that may be so mistaken ; and by so doing if i cannot free my selfe from his uncharitable censure , yet i shall be sure to keepe him from any danger of following me to that sin ; for sure my very disclaiming of that sin which he suspects me guilty of , will divest that sin of all authority which it may receive from my committing it , and not invite , but rather deterre and fortifie others from falling into that sinne , which they see disavowed and disliked by me . for if my authority be of any force with them , it will perswade them to absteine from that which i disclaime , and professe my selfe to hate ( who certainly know my owne minde best ) rather then to do , what they only conceive i do , but i professe i do not . and therefore the case being thus set of the commendable usefull indifferent , not of the meere frivolous unconsiderable , when the use and gaine of my action to me is certaine , and the danger of being mistaken by others at most but possible , and that also preventable by these other meanes , neither piety nor prudence will advise to absteine from that healthfull food , which if it be by accident unhealthfull by others , hath yet an antidote administred with it . which will be yet farther heightned also , if this laudable indifferent fall out to be such as the examples of holy men in scripture , or the practise of the church in purer times have given countenance to , especially if the perpetuall current of antiquity have commended it to us : for certainely these will be of great authority with all prudent pious men , and the more early and catholique that practice , the greater that authority . § 20 't is true , very strict rules in many particulars the judaicall law of the old testament did prescribe , forbidding many indifferent things , on this only ground , because the using them might seeme a complyance with the heathen customes of idolaters . such was that prohibition ex. 34. 26. thou shalt not seeth a kid in the mothers milke , in the sacrifice of the in-gathering ; given no doubt in opposition to the gentile practice of those which at the time of gathering in their fruits , solemnely used this custome of seething a kid in the dammes milke , and then in a magicall way sprinckled their trees and fields , and gardens with it to make them fructifie the next yeare , as abrab●nel , and others out of jewish writers have observed . such was also the prohibition . lev. 19. 27. against rounding the corners of their heads , in reference to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the round cut used by the arabians , saith herodotus , and thereupon forbidden the jewes , and a woe pronounced jere. 9. 26. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. on every one that was so cut round , si adjuverit tonsorem , saith maimonides , if he directed , or willingly permitted the barber to put him into that heathenish guise : and many others in the old testament of the like nature , and the following rabbins have added many more directions , if not precepts of the same nature . that one booke of maimonides concerning idolatry will furnish the reader with store of examples : but some such as do not so well become the gravity of that author ; as that , if the jew hath a thorne in his foot , when he is neer an idoll he must not stoope to take it out . if a tree have been worshipt , or an idoll set in it , it is not lawfull to sit in the shade of the trunke or body of that tree , though of the boughes or leaves it be lawfull , if there be any other way it is not lawfull to passe under it ; if none , then he must run by it , dionysius vossius in his notes on that author hath added some parallel passages out of other jewish writers as that of r. menasse . who being shewed an idoll , did in contempt cast stones at it , which action of his , because the image was the image of mercury ( who was wont to be worshipt by the heathens after that manner , by throwing stones at it , or scattering stones before him , to which custome or ceremony the mercuriall statues refer , saith phornutus {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} was therefore noted , accused , brought before the judge , and by him pronounced to be unlawfull , because it was the proper worship of that idoll , though used in despight , not civility by that man . so againe , if there be but one way to an idolatrous city , it is unlawfull to go that way , aboda zara c. 1. § . 4. and so , saith he , the hebrewes in robbot mention a tradition , that the reason why mordochai would not bow to haman was because there was woven in his garment the image of a false god . § 21 some instances also might perhaps be brought out of the practice of the ancient christian church ( mentioned by tertullian de cor. mil. ) to this purpose of absteining from things indifferent , for feare of any appearing complyance with the heathens . of which yet it must be observed 1 that this was in things of no manner of spirituall use or profit , neither commendable , nor advantageous , in things of ancient christian prescription , or practise of purer times . 2 that it was in matters of such a quality , as that complyance would have seemed a dissembling or renouncing of the christian faith , ( and not of imitating of former purer christians ) and so contrary to that great christian duty of confessing christ before men , which they could not be said to do , who when that confession was persecuted , did thus comply with or not professe open dislike of the actions of those persecuters . and so those instances will not be so proper to the matter of scandall , as to that other head of christian duty the necessity of confessing of christ before men , ( those especially who are the greatest oppugners of him , to which matter also those other judaicall instances do belong ) unlesse that non-confessing of christ , may by the example scandalize also . 3 that the same men thought it not amisse , or unlawfull at other times to comply with other as great enemies of christianity , as the gentiles , namely with the jewes in observation of some of their out-dated ceremonies , nay thought themselves obliged so to do , when in prudence they conceived it more likely to gaine those enemies by that meanes , then to confirme them in their dislikes of christianity , or drive others to those dislikes . 4 that even with the heathen themselves they could in other things think fit to comply also , when prudence dictated that complyance as more instrumentall to christian policy ; and from these premises 5 that this whole matter is to be referred to the christians pious discretion or prudence , it being free to him either to absteine or not to absteine from any indifferent action ( remaining such ) according as that piety , and that prudence shall represent it to be most charitable and beneficiall to other mens soules ; and he that shall not thus regulate his actions by what he is convinced will be thus most conducting to that grand christian end , the saving , or not destroying , or not suffering sin upon his brother , shall not by me be excused from the guilt and blame of having scandaliz'd his brother in this last new testament sence , at least in some other which is not far distant from it ; though after all this it must be observed , that he which thus is betrayed to , or confirmed in any sin by conceiving me to have committed it , when i have not , ( this easy prostitute seducible sinner who will thus sinne upon any , upon no occasion ) is not saint pauls weake , i. e. doubtfull-conscienc'd christian , of whom he takes such care , that he should not be scandaliz'd . § 22 for such is he onely , that for want of knowledge of his just christian liberty , thinks it unlawfull to do those things , which being indifferent in themselves , are only unlawfull to him , which beleives them so , or is not satisfied that they are lawfull ; this weaknesse in faith , ( a kind of disease of the mind , and so in the new testament phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) being onely want of knowledge or of orthodox instruction , as will appeare by comparing rom. 14. with 1 cor. 8. where the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in one , is all one with the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the other , weakenesse in faith , with want of knowledge . § 23 the only matter of question or difficulty behind in this particular will be , why those who are in such judaicall errours are sometimes appointed by st paul to be so tenderly handled , not to be vilified , or set at naught ro. 14. 3. but care taken that they be not scandaliz'd in the end of that chapt : and 1 cor. 8. and yet in the epistle to the galatians , they are by the apostle reviled [ o foolish &c. ] c. 3. 1. and chid and reproached out of their judaicall performances , and no care taken of not scandalizing them . the answering of this will require us to consider the different estate of those galatians from those romanes . the galatians had beene formerly gentiles , and ( though as it seems not improbable from gal. 4. 9. formerly converted to judaisme , yet ) by saint paul thoroughly converted from thence and baptized into christianity , as that is opposite both to judaisme and gentilisme also , i. e. fully instructed by him in the nature of christian doctrine , and liberty , and had given up their hearts as well as names unto it , only after they had been begotten by saint paul in the gospell , had begun in the spirit , gal. 3. 3. had come to an absolute abrenunciation of all their former jewish perswasions , and to some good progresse in christianity , some false judaizing teachers began to corrupt & poison them , gal. 3. 1. & 5. 7 and to bring them backe againe to that yoke , that they had beene taught to cast off ; and these taires the apostle could hope by reprehensions and sharpnesse to root out without endangering the wheate , and therefore sets severely and heartily to it , thinkes not fit either in civility or charity to use any compliances , or condescendings , or softer medicines , ( knowing their errors to be contrary to the doctrine to which they had been baptized , and consequently that they might in reason give place unto it , and there was no feare that the rooting out of these would root out christianity with them , as it might probably do , if they had been sowed or planted together , but imployes all his vehemence and bowels of kindnesse toward them , in conjuring out that evill spirit that had so lately got possession of them , and doubts not but christianity that was earlier planted in them , ( and that by him who had begotten them in the gospell , and so had a paternall authority with them ) then these vaine legall dreames , that some false teachers had lately instilled into them , might be able to survive them also . and in this case being to deale with adversaries and false teachers , not with weakelings , but corrupters , had the apostle used any compliance , had he circumcised titus gal. 2. 3. ( as at another time he did timothy ) had he then given place but for an houre , v. 5. suspended the use of his liberty then , when liberty was decryed , this had beene scandalous in the apostle , this had probably beene the confirming of the erroneous , the incouraging of the adversary , the misleading of the doubtfull , shaking the faithfull , and disturbing what he had before setled among them . § 24 whereas on the other side the romans at their first conversion to christianity had not all of them been taught to put off the opinion of the necessity of legall abstinences {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith saint chrysostome in prooem. ad ep ad rom. but continued their obligation to the law after receiving of the faith . being some of them ( as may appeare by the matter of saint pauls disc●urse to them , in the former part especially of that epistle ) naturall jewes , dispersed thither ; who could not be easily brought to assent to such doctrine , but would probably have refused to embrace christianity , if it had been offered them on such hard conditions , some others of them ( who were gentiles by birth ) being perhaps proselytes to moses and christ together , partakers of the infelicity of those who are mentioned , act : 15. 5. that by the doctrine of the pharisee . christians ( or beleivers of the sect of the pharisees ) had at their entrance on the faith , a necessity of receiving judaisme also prest upon them . this saint paul testifies clearely of saint peter , gal. 2. 14. that he constrained the gentiles to judaize , to receive the mosaicall as well as christian law , and himselfe durst not converse or eat with the gentiles whilst any jewish christians were by , v. 12. by which whether doctrine or complyance of saint peter , it was no strange thing if it came to passe , that those which were by him converted to the faith , ( as eusebius and other ecclesiasticke historians agree that the romans were , vid. ec. hist. l. 2. c : 14 , & 15. ) although they were christians in the positive part , acknowledging so much as was answerable to the now-articles of the creed , &c. yet being not so in the negative , concerning the evacuating of the judaicall law ( but rather perswaded of the contrary ) could no more eate swines flesh , then a meere jew could do ; and therefore 't is saint chrysostome's opinion that these being so wedded to those judaicall observances , rather then they would eate forbidden flesh , would in universum eate no flesh at all , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and so came to eate nothing but hearbes , rom. 14. 2. § 25 of these therefore that were thus weake in faith , v. 1. that is either infirme , feeble , uninstructed christians , babes not men ; or else ; ( as the fathers enlarge the sence , and as weaknesse {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} mostly imports in the new testament ) sick & diseased in mind , brought up in this judaicall error , the apostle ro. 14. gives these directions . 1. that the stronger , healthfuller , i. e. more knowing and more orthodox christians should {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( the vulgar read assumere ) take them to them , first freindly to afford them communion , and not seperate from them for this errour , 2. labour to cure their malady , get them out of their errour , and not leave them in the pride and folly of their owne hearts , to judge and censure those who have done nothing amisse , but rather desire their good ( which saint chrysostome understands by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and so saint jerome also , intending it thus , nolite secundum vestras cogitationes , quae lex non judicat judicare , alius enim credit &c. ) and from that verse observes , that though the apostle exhorts the strong , yet he covertly reprehends , and on their backs as it were whips , the weak or erroneous judaizers , first in saying they are sicke , 2. in bidding {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which is an evidence saith he , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that they are in very ill case , and 3. in mentioning {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which notes ( saith he ) that they judge and censure those that least deserve it , and that are willing to communicate with them , and labour the curing of them ; and indeed that these weake ones did so judge the strong is plaine , v. 3. where the exhortation is distinct , let not him that eateth not , judge him that eateth . ) 2. that the knowing againe should not vilify or set at naught the weaker [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} v. 3. ] not call him racha , empty sencelesse fellow , not reproach or scoff at his scrupulous conscience , but in charity suppose it to proceed from want of knowledge onely , and consequently to have the excuse and benefit of that gospell antidote , weaknesse or ignorance to plead for it , 3. that the stronger christians ( which although they have liberty , yet are not obliged alway to make use of it ) absteine from those lawfull enjoyments which those weake ones , which count them unlawfull , may yet by their example be embolden'd against conscience to venture on . § 26 but then on the other side , the weake or sicke erroneous christian , that cannot with a good conscience use that liberty himselfe , is commanded . 1. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that he do not judge or censure the strong , upon a reasons : 1. because {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , v. 3. god hath by calling him to the faith , assumed or received the strong ( as that strong had beene exhorted to do the weake v. 1. ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to freindship or communion first , ( as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is used philem. 12. ) then to helpe and cure him of his former defect or disease , and bring him to perfect health & growth in christianity : and 2dly . because he is gods servant and domesticke , and stands and falls to his owne master v. 4. 2ly . that he be sure never to do any thing against conscience , or which he is not fully perswaded in minde , that it is lawfull for him . § 27 having thus seene the state of those romans , it will be superfluous to adde much about the corinthians in the almost parallel place 1 cor. 8. this only difference will be worth noting between them , that ( as there were two sorts of proselytes among the jewes , one of justice , or of those that undertooke the observation of the whole judaicall law ; the other of the gates , those that received only the precepts of the sons of noah , of which the absteining from things offered to idols was one , and as when the difference was betwixt the brethren , act. 15. whether the gentile-converts should be circumcised v. 1. i. e. be admitted proselytes of justice , or only receive the 7 precepts of noah , absteine from things offered to idols &c : v. 19 it was determin'd in the councell of the apostles , that it should suffice , if they were proselytes of the gates , and therefore they tell them that if they thus be entred , absteine from things offered to idolls , &c. they shall do well , so ) the romans being either jewes , or under the first head of jewish proselytes , in st chrysostomes opinion , and so thinking themselves bound to all legall mosaicall abstinences , the corinthians were only under the second , and so by their principles , which they had received of those , who converted , baptised , and begot them in the faith , ( and that according to the result of that apostolick consultation act. 15. ) did continue to thinke it unlawfull to eate any thing offered to idols , or that came from an idoll feast ( which yet by the way st paul resolves was but an errour in them , 1 cor. 8. 4. and by that judgement of his you see the unobligeingnesse of that interdict , act. 15. ) and therefore ( in like manner , as before ) those , that were better instructed then they , ought to have that charity to them , as not to do any thing in their presence which might by the example draw them to venture on that which was against their conscience , especially considering , that they had not knowledge or understanding enough to judge how nothing an idoll was v : 7. § 28 , having thus compared the romans and corinthians with the galathians , and given some account of the reason of their different usage , it will not be amisse to add what st chrysostome observes to be the cause of the like difference in saint pauls behaviour to the colossians from that fore-mentioned to the romans . it is a speciall passage in his prooeme to the epistles . where having mentioned the order wherein the epistles were written , different from the order of setting them in our bookes , concludes that this was no unprofitable disquisition , for thereby many passages in the booke would be interpreted : as , that rom. 14. he condescends to the weake brethren , but not so col. 2. which saith he was for no other reason , but because , that to the romans was written before the other , and therefore as physitians and masters deale not so sharply with scholers or patients at first , as afterwards , so the apostle in the beginning {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , adding that he was not so familiar with the romans as yet , having never been amongst them at the time of writing that epistle to them , as appeareth ro. 115. § 29 by all this 't is cleare indeed , that those which are thus weake ( either in the notion of babes or sicke men ) so that they are not able to discerne lawfull from unlawfull ( as the idoll to be nothing 1 cor. 8. 7. ) meerely for want of sufficient instruction , or somewhat proportionable to that , principles of understanding , or the like ; but especially if they received those errors or mistakes together with their christianity from the apostle , or from the church which gave them baptisme , they must then , 1 in meekenesse be instructed , and cured of their ill habit of soule : 2. not be vilified or reproacht : yea thirdly be so charitably considered , that till they have received satisfaction of conscience and reformation of error , we are not to do any thing in their presence , that may by the example bring them to do what their conscience is not perswaded to be lawfull , or if we do , we are said to scandalize a weake brother , i. e. an erroneous christian . but then withall 't is as cleare : 1 that those who have first received the true doctrine , and are for some good time rooted in it , that are otherwise taught by the church that gave them baptisme , are not within the compasse of this the apostles care , but ( as the galathians ) to be reprehended , chid , and shamed out of their childish errors , these diseases of soule that their owne itching eares have brought upon them : 2 that they that have knowledge in other things , nay are able to distinguish as critically as any , even to divide a person from himselfe , and obey one when they assault the other , ( and by their subtlety in other matters demonstrate their blindenesse in this one to be the effect of malice , of passion , of lusts , of carnality , and not of any blamelesse infirmity or impotence , ) are againe excluded from the apostles care : and so thirdly that they that are come to these errors by the infusions of false teachers , which not the providence of god but their owne choice hath helpt them to , preferring every new poyson before the ancient dayly food of soules , have no right to that care or providence of the apostle , any farther then every kinde of sinner hath right to every thing in every fellow christians power which may prevent or cure his malady , i. e. by the generall large rule of charity , and not the closer particular law of scandall . nay fourthly , that the case may be such , and the adversaries of christian liberty , the opposers of the use of lawfull ceremonies so contrary to weake blamelesse mistakers , that it may be duty not to allow them the least temporary complyance , but then to expresse most zeale in retaining our lawfull indifferent observances , to vindicate our liberty from enslavers when the truth of christ would be disclaimed by a cowardly condiscending , the adversaries of our faith confirmed and heightned , and the true weakeling seduced , ( a copy of which we read in st peters {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gal. 2. 12. and barnabat and the jewish converts being carried away with it . v. 13. falling by his example into the same fault of dissimulation pusillanimity , non-profession of the truth ) which is a most proper kind of scandall , as frequent and incident , as any , and so being as dangerous , as fit also to be prevented . to which i might add a fifth proposition also , that the apostles speech of scandall rom. 14. and 1 cor. 8. hath been thought by holy men among the ancients to have much of civility in it , at the most to be but an act of apostolicall care for those weak ones , ( proportionable to those which in other places he prescribes for every other kinde of sinner ) both which are farre enough from being able to infer any claime or challenge of those weak for themselves , any farther then what the first part of it amounts to , that of instruction ; or at least the second , that of not being vilified , as the sicke hath right to the physitian , to cure him and not to reproach him , civilly to get him out of his malady , i. e. to rectifie not to scoffe at his mistake . for that he should challenge any right to the third part of that care , that he should restraine me from the use of my lawfull liberty , because else he will sin against his owne conscience , do after me what he resolves unlawfull to do , supposes a willfull sin of his to be to him a foundation of dominion over me , & so that every man that will thus damne himselfe , doth for that merit and acquire command over me , which if it be supposed , is sure as wild an extravagant irregular way to power , as that of its being founded in gratia , or any that these worst daies experience hath taught us . § 30 having thus farre expatiated on this last kinde of scandall , and taken in that which is proper to it , and also that which is more distant from it , i shall now resolve it necessary to add yet one thing more , instrumentall to the understanding of this kind of scandall in the stricter notion of it , by way of farther caution and restraint , and 't is this , that § 31 this being offended , stumbling and falling in this third and last sence , is not to be extended to all kinds of sins , which a man may commit upon occasion of another mans indifferent action ; but only to that one kind , that consists in doing that after him , either doubting or against conscience , which he did with an instructed conscience ; or at most to this other kind also , of doing some unlawfull thing which anothers lawfull action was yet by mistake conceived to give authority to ; and which that man probably would not have done , had not that mistaken example thus embolden'd him . for if all sinnes that by any accident might be occasioned by my indifferent action , should come under the nature of being offended or scandaliz'd , consequently i must be interdicted all indifferent actions at all times , because at all times each of them may occasion ( by some accident ) some sin in another : and 't will be impossible for me to foresee or comprehend all such accidents that may occasion such sins . an action of mine may by accident produce a contrary effect ; my fasting from flesh may move another ( that dislikes me ) by way of opposition to me , to eate flesh , though in conscience he be perswaded he ought not ; as in philosophy there is a thing call'd antiperistasis ( by which excessive cold produces heat ) and equivocall generations , as when living creatures are begotten of dust and slime : and for such accidentall , perhaps contrary productions , no law makes provision , no care is effectuall : only for those effects , that per se , of their owne accord are likely to follow ( as transcribing a copy is a proper consequent only to the writing of it ) these the law of the apostle belongs to , and to them our care and spirituall prudence must be joined , so that we do nothing , though to us never so lawfull , which we have reason to feare , that another who thinkes it unlawfull , may yet , without satisfying his conscience , be likely to do after us , or on occasion of which he may probably do something else , which otherwise he would not venture to doe . § 32 having thus far dealt in the retaile & gone over all the kinds of scandall single , we may now ascend to the consideration of all in grosse , and then also these corollaries will be found true , that from all the kinds of scandall it is cleare . 1. that no man is offended or scandaliz'd , but he that fals into some sin , and therefore to say i am scandalized , in the scripture sense is to confesse i have done that which i ought not to have done : and then my onely remedy must be repentance and amendment . § 33 2 that to be angry greived , troubled at any action of another , is not [ to be offended ] in the scripture sense , nor consequently doth it follow , that i have done amisse in doing that which another man is angry at , unlesse my action be in it selfe evill . for if it be not , then he is angry without cause , and that is his fault , not mine ; yea and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he judges or censures his brother that hath done no hurt , which the weake is forbid to do . rom. 14 3. and secondly , he is of all men most unlikely to do that after me , which he is angry at me for doing , and therefore i have least reason to feare , or possibility to foresee , that he will be scandaliz'd in the scripture phrase : which feare or foresight were the onely just motive to me to absteine from any justifiable indifferent action . § 34 the occasion of the mistake ( or in the philosophers stile the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) the reason that men thinke it a fault to doe any indifferent thing that another is angry or displeased at , is first the equivocallnesse of the english phrase to be offended , for that in english signifies to be displeased : but in greeke ( the language wherein the new testament is written ) it signifies no such matter , unlesse by accident , when being displeased with christ , makes a man deny him and forsake him : but then also 't is not the being displeased , but the forsaking or denying him that is meant by being offended , that is scandaliz'd . § 35 or 2. the use of a word that sounds like this in that notable chapter concerning scandall ro. 14. for there indeed v. 15. this phrase is used , [ if with thy meat i. e. with thy eating , thy brother is greived , or made sorry . ] where yet 1. i hope 't will be much more just that that one single word should receive its importance from the whole context , then the whole context from that one word . the whole context from the 13. to the last v. belongs to the 3 sort of scandall , when a weak brother seeing me eat what is lawfull for me , because my conscience is instructed , followes me , & eats too , though it be with a doubting or resisting conscience ▪ and so fals into sin ; as appeareth v. 14. to him that thinketh a thing uncleane or unlawfull , to him it is so , and therefore if he shall do it , he sins by so doing , & v. 23. he that doubteth is damned if he eat , and therefore in all probability that must be the meaning of the 10 verse also . [ is greived ] i. e. wounded , or fals into sin . ] explained by 3 words v. 21. stumbling , being offended , and being weak or sick . and so it may easily be resolv'd to signify . for secondly {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , greife , may be taken for the cause of greife , a disease , or wound , or fall &c. as feare in scripture signifies danger , which is the cause of feare , according to a vulgar hebraisme ordinary in the new testament , where for want of the conjugation hiphil , which in hebrew signifies [ to make to do any thing ] the greek is faine to use the active to do . an observation which hugo grotius makes use of to explaine that phrase ( i shall not enquire how truly ) mat. 19. 9. and resolves that there {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} [ committeth adultery ] must signify [ maketh her from whō he divorceth to commit adultery ] parallel to what we read , mat. 5. 23. so also {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to bewaile 2 cor. 12 ▪ 21. signifies to punish , to use sharpnesse , which will cause greife , or wailing in them that suffer it . the word is very neare this other of which now we speake , and therefore hesychius ( the best glossary for the new testament ) renders {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} both by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} calamity , & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} greife , i. e. greife and the cause of greife ; which is also very observable in the use of this very word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the septuagint ; the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which signifies infirme or weak , or sick , being rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , lam. 1. 22. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , where we render my heart is faint , and so is . 1. 15. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the whole heart is faint , by faintnesse meaning sicknesse , which is the cause of greife ; and therefore the same hebrew word , is in other places rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , affliction or pain , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} disease deut. 7. 15. agreeable to the 21 verse of that ro 14. where stumbling or being offended is explained by being made weak , which phrase is not to be taken in the sense that weakenesse is used in , v. 1 , a. that of infirmity or errour ( for such he is , before stumbling ) but in this other , as weaknesse and disease , i. e. sin , are all one . so also another hebrew word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which signifies perdition , and destruction , and is frequently rendred by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is once interpreted {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} pr. 31. 6. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for which our english read , ready to perish ▪ very agreeable to which doth st paul here interpret greiving the brother by destroying him , i. e. bringing him into some snare or sin ; the notion of scandal , which all this while we speake of . from all which observations , and analogies it will be no rashnesse to conclude , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being greived , in that place , is perfectly synonymous with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( which we there render is made weak , and indivers places of the new testament signifies {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} disease , or sicknesse , and is so rendred by us jam. 5. 14. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is any man sick ) and with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 1 cor. 8. 11. in the same matter , thy brother is weak , and dieth , or perisheth through weaknesse , and with the like phrase in this chapter also , in the end of v. 15. all which clearly denotate the disease or perishing of the soule , i. e. sin , which will destroy , if repentance and mercy intervene not . § 36 the 3 ( which is indeed the maine ) occasion of the mistake , is an ordinary but an unjustifiable humour of men , to accuse & condemn all whom they do not like , i. e. a desire to lay some crime to the charge of them , with whom they are angry , if it be but se defendendo , that they may not be said to be angry without a cause , and when they cannot find any such reall crime , then they fly to the case of scandall , and mistaking that for offending , or displeasing , or occasioning anger and dislike , their being angry with them , must make them with whom they are angry , criminous ; which what a circle it is , first to be angry without a cause , and then to make that a cause of anger , ( i. e. a sin in the other ) because i am angry , i conceive will not be hard for any to understand . § 37 i will only add , that if another mans displeasure or anger at my indifferent action , should make that my indifferent action a sin against him , then any mans sin of uncharitablenesse against me must make me to be uncharitable , for so i should be , if i sinned against him in scandalizing him ▪ but if i were not so before , his sin ( being utterly accidentall and extrinsecall to me ) shall not , i hope , make me to be so now . § 38 to all which i shall here insert this appendage , that even for proper-scripture scandals , the criminousnesse of them is not to be measured by the event , but by the naturall scandalousnesse , or aptnesse to give scandals inherent in them ; for i conceive god passes judgment upon sinners by intuition , not by prevision , by seeing what the sin is in it selfe , and in the aggravating circumstances that are inseperable from it ( as that it is apt to give scandals &c. ) not by the casuall consequents that may possibly either follow or not follow . and i conceive , that that opinion of the papists ( on which they lay part of the foundation of their purgatory ) that men may after their deaths sin , and have more acts of sin lying on them , ( by reason of other men sinning by the scandall which they gave in their lives ) then they had at their death , and so require in just recompence , some punishments increasable above what they could be adjudg'd to at their death , is but a phansy or schoole notion , that hath some shew of truth , but little substance , seeing god punisheth every man by the verdict of his owne conscience ; and therefore that other sin , which my sin is apt to produce in another , will be by way of aggravation , laid to my charge by god , that sees my heart , and the inherent scandalousnesse of that action of mine , ( though that other man by the grace of god do resist the temptation which my scandall gave him ) as much as if he had not resisted it , & so as his not sinning shall not excuse & lessen my fault which was apt to have brought him to sin ; so in like manner , if he do not resist the temptation , or if by occasion of it , he fall by accident ( i. e. by the motion of some other part of his temper ) into some other sin , to wit that of causlesse anger ( which no action of another can be said apt to produce ; for if it might , the anger would cease to be causlesse ) this accidentall fall of his shall not add to the sinfulnesse of my act , any more then his former not sinning did detract from it , nor consequently make it sinfull , if of it selfe it were not so . § 39 you will best judge of this truth by an example . that heliodor a bishop committed a fault , first in writing , then in setting forth an amorous light fiction or romance , and then improving that fault by choosing rather to loose his bishoprick then to subscribe the condemnation of his worke , is and may be reasonably acknowledged ; that some men also by reading that author have since been transported to the commission of some sins , may not improbably be imagined ; but having granted all this ( and withall that the aptnesse to give such scandall , was matter of aggravation to his sin ) let me now suppose , that immediately after his death that book had been burnt ( as before his death it was condemn'd ) when he was no longer able to preserve it , would the councels condemning and committing that execution upon that worke , any whit have mitigated his sentence in heaven ? to affirme that , were to suppose purgatory , or somewhat like it , or else that god by his foresight of that act of the councell should have allowed him that mitigation at the day of his particular judgment , i. e. imputed the casuall future actions of others to the present acquitting of him ; and then , besides the many inconveniences that might attend such concessions it must also follow , that every reprinting of that book since that time , hath been a damnable sin ( not only of giving scandal to such as have been since infected by it , but especially ) of uncharitablenes to that poor dead bishop , in increasing his torments , or making them capable of increase ever since , by giving him a capacity of corrupting more readers ; which humanity and charity , and our great obligations to the nature of which we partake , would not permit any good christian to do willingly ; and besides though our prayers may not be allowed to be able to fetch soules out of purgatory , yet such a not reprinting of his book might do somewhat like it , prevent the enlargement of his paines , though not make expiation for him . so againe when those obscene pictures that historians mention ( as i remember in tiberius his time ) after the authors death were burnt , and not permitted liberty to corrupt the eyes of posterity , but aretynes have had that lucke to do it , it would by that schoole reason follow , that aretyne though in the worke and the designe but equall sinner , were yet by this mishap of not perishing , become far more criminously guilty , then that other author ; which sure to affirme were a very irrationall nicety . § 40 , 3. a third corolary , from the view of all the places together will be this , that to give scandall is then most criminous , when it signifies by my example to bring another man to a sin , especially if this scandalous action of mine be of it selfe a sin , abstracted from the sin adherent of scandall ; and then let any indifferent man judge in what degree may those be truly said to scandalize or offend others ( or indeed how they can be excused from that crime ) who by being angry with me without a cause , and so committing that sin against christ's law , mat. 5. 22. do also by so doing not only provoke and tempt me to anger back againe , which is a sin in me , if i yeild to it , and that more then accidentally caused by them that provoke me , eph. 5. 4. but give other men , who have a good opinion of their judgment and sanctity , a plaine patterne of that sin of uncharitablenesse to transcribe & copy out , i meane , to sin also by causlesse anger . § 41 4. that the great sin of scandall in the use of things indifferent , that saint paul speaks of , and resolves against , ro. 14. is the sin of uncharitablenesse , or pride in despising and not condescending to the weake brother meaning by the weake brother not every one that may fall into any sin ( for so everyone living will come under that title ) but particularly in him that is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} weake and ignorant and unsetled in the faith ; as it is opposed to the strong . i. e. the knowing christian . § 42 and then let any judge whether this can belong to them who professe themselvs leaders of others , and would be unwilling to be counted ignorant , and particularly who in the points wherein they professe themselves to be offended , are so knowingly resolv'd , that they will never be induced to do that after me which they affirme themselves scandalized at : which you may discerne , because they are angry and inveigh against me for doing of it , and do not so much as pretend that they are by my example inclined to do what i do , and so scandalized ; but only angry at me , or my action , and so offended . § 43 mean while i cannot but confesse that any mans wilfull sin , though it cannot be called weaknesse in our vulgar notion ; yet in the other notion of weaknesse , for disease of soule , it may well passe ; and deserve to be the object of my charity and compassion , as much or more then weaknesse is : and therefore the uncharitablenesse of my brother or his causlesse anger against me being such , i conceive my selfe bound to use any lawfull meanes which i can hope may be able to prevent any such sin in him , or to get or recover him out of it ; especially if that sin of his may become probably over and above his uncharitablenesse , a meanes to stop or hinder him in his course of reformation , or farther growth in piety ; as probably it will be , if i against whom he is thus unjustly wrath , be his lawfull pastor ; for then that causlesse anger or rage of his against me may , through his farther default , occasion in him some vow or resolution , never to heare me , never to be moved or perswaded by me in any thing , that out of the pulpit or in private reasoning or exhortation , i shall ( never so convincingly ) propose unto him . § 44 in this case it may be demanded , whether i ought in charity to absteine from this indifferent action , which i foresee will be the matter , though not the cause of all this sin in him , of uncharitablenesse and non-proficiency in his christian course , and whether if i do not so absteine this be not to scandalize my brother ? to which i breifly answer , 1. that this anger or uncharitablenesse of his , is not the being scandaliz'd in the scripture sence , nor consequently in that respect my action a scandall , though it be the matter of the anger , or that which he is angry with . § 45 secondly , 't is true indeed that his resolving against my preaching is in him to be scandaliz'd , i. e. to fall and be stopt in the service of god : but this only in a generall sense ; as every other such hard-hearted obdurate resisting of gods grace is , or may be called also : and that which occasions this being scandaliz'd , is not my indifferent action , but his anger or uncharitable conceit of me for it , unlesse equivocally , or remotely , as my action is the object of that anger , which anger is the author of that profane resolution . § 46 yet thirdly , if i might foresee that my indifferent action would occasion , though unjustly , his anger , and his anger produce the effect before mentioned , i thinke i should doe well to absteine from that indifferent action , in charity to him . § 47 but that with these cautions , 1. unlesse my indifferent action be ordinable to some good christian use , and designed by me to it ; for then , as the jewes resolve that a tree set for fruit though it chance to be worship't , is not made unlawfull by that meanes , so that indifferent usefull action of mine will not be made unlawfull by the possibility of that ill consequent : or secondly unlesse that action in it selfe indifferent , by lawfull authority be commanded , and so cease to be indifferent to me who am under that authority : or thirdly , unlesse my absteining may as probably prove matter of anger to some other of contrary perswasions . or fourthly , unlesse that my absteining , or receding , or undoing what before i had done , be more likely to confirme him in his errour ( which otherwise in time being not yeilded to , he may forsake ) then to prevent or allay his causlesse anger and those effects of it . or fifthly , unlesse i use some meanes in prudence not only sufficient , but probable to prevent this sin of unjust anger in him before , or to reform it afterward . § 48 but if my absteining be like to fall into all or any of these inconveniences , then sure i ought not thus to absteine ; because when these consequences doe attend my absteining , they are nearer and more immediate to my absteining , then his resolving against my preaching , is to my doing of it . § 49 and another consideration also may be taken , that he that will so causlesly be angry and resolve against the ordinary meanes of his salvation , will by the suggestion of the devill or temptation of his owne corrupt humour , be likely to find out some other matter of quarrell against me & my preaching , i. e. against his owne salvation , though i by absteining from that particular action , deprive him of that . § 50 and lastly , though i shall not define , yet i would have it considered , whether he that is so disposed in soule and affection , that so gives up the reines of his passions , as upon every or no occasion to breake out into causlesse anger , uncharitablenesse , and the effects of it forementioned , be at all the more innocent or lesse culpable in the sight of god by the not committing of some one act of that sin , only through wanting that or any other one occasion of committing that act . for as in good things god accepts the will for the deed ( if it be a firme & ratified will , a full actuall intention , & want nothing but opportunity to shew it selfe ) & againe accepts him that hath exprest that will by ten only acts , being by want of opportunity deprived of a possibility of adding one act more to the number , aswell as him , which having the opportunity that the other wanted , hath exceeded him in the number of outward acts . so there may be some reason to feare , that an unresisted unrestrained propension or consent to evill , that wants nothing , but an occasion to actuate it , will be as criminous in the sight of god , as if ( without any improvement or change , but only by meeting with that occasion ) it break forth into act : or that an habituall inclination to sin in one man ten times actuated in the members , having no more occasions to actuate it , shall be as sadly punished , as the same degree of inclination and intention through presence of occasion once more actuated . § 51 the same consideration will be proper to other particulars incident to the matter of scandall . as when any thirsty drunkard actually importunate in the pursuite of his espoused sin , shall by occasion of my feast fall into an open act of that sin , ( and a hundred the like . ) the question then may be , whether supposing him bent to excesse , and not only habitually guilty of it , but actually intent upon it , & only kept off by want of occasion , he would have had lesse guilt upon his soule , if i had not then invited him . i conceive it hard to maintaine the affirmative , for though with men , who see not the heart , no sin is punishable but that in the members ( unlesse in case of treason ) yet with god the sin of the heart and the hand seems to be equally great , the act of the mind & the act of the body ; and the minutely preparations of that to sin as punishable , as the minutely execution of this . as in the schoolmens resemblance the pressing of the stone to the ground is as great when it is withheld by my hand , as when it is actually moving toward the center . § 52 i confesse there is somewhat to be said , and perhaps with probability , on the other side . and i thinke saint augustine somewhere expresseth his opinion , that though in good things god mercifully accepts the will for the deed , yet out of the same mercy and indulgence he punisheth not so in evill things ; yet because saint augustine may perhaps meane the incompleate and not perfect act of the will , ( which though we yeild to be lesse then the outward act , yet the compleate act of the will , wanting nothing but opportunity of execution , may still be as great , ) or however , because there are not such demonstrable grounds of resolution , as to yeild cleare conviction to all in this matter , and to assure the christian , that such an addition of any outward act of sin shall make the punishment the heavier to the habituall sinner , and so the absence of that outward act alleviate it ; therefore , although i said i thinke he should doe well to absteine , i dare not yet affirme that he is bound in charity to do so ; nothing but charity binding him to it , and the man that still hath that propension unresisted , being ( upon this supposition , which we have made not improbable ) like to reape little profit from that charity . as free , and not using your liberty for a cloake of maliciousnesse , but as the servants of god . 1 pet. 2. 16. but i say unto you , that whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause shall be in danger of the judgement . mat. 5. 22. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45425e-120 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . so in polycarpus's epist. to the philipp . p. 20. where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is joyned with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. lud : de deiu {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 1 thess. 5. 22. thal. c. 8. de idol . c. 12. c. 3. c. 7. maimov . d : i. col . c. 5. of conscience by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45417 of text r25406 in the english short title catalog (wing h549). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 117 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45417 wing h549 estc r25406 08951305 ocm 08951305 42068 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45417) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42068) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1286:6) of conscience by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 30 p. printed for r. royston, london : 1645. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng conscience. a45417 r25406 (wing h549). civilwar no of conscience. by h. hammond. hammond, henry 1645 20770 15 610 0 0 0 0 301 f the rate of 301 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-11 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of conscience . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . by h. hamond , d. d. london , printed for r. royston , at the signe of the angel in ivie-lane . 1645. of conscience . § . 1 among the many practicall errours which are gotten abroad into the world , a very large proportion there is of those which have either suckt their poison from , or disguised it under that specious venerable name of conscience . that which the philosophers could call their guardian angell , and justifie the phrase by vouching none but angelicall dictates from it : that which some good-natured atheists did so revere that they defined the onely deity in the world , and in proportion phansied nothing but god-like of it , is now by some christians ( like the true god among the heathens ) worshipt in so many corporeous shapes , that there is at length scarce any thing so vile ( phansie , humour , passion , prepossession , the meanest worldly interest of the ambitious or covetous designer , like the calves , the cats , the crododiles , the onions , the leeks of egypt ) but hath the favour or luck to be mistaken for conscience , and receive all the respect , that i say , not adoration , that belongs to it . § . 2 't will be then but an act of justice and mercy , justice to truth , and mercy to the abused world , and withall a speciall preparative to a prudent reformation , to rescue so divine a man from such heathenish usage , to restore it to its naturall primitive simplicity , and cast out all the false formes which it hath been forced to appeare under . to which purpose all that i shall designe will be reduced to these two enquiries : 1. what is the proper notion of conscience . 2. what is required to entitle a man to a good conscience . § . 3 for the former of these , what is the proper notion of conscience , i shall labour to finde out not among the scholasticall definitions or divisions of it among humane writers , but onely by observing the force and use of the word in the scripture , particularly the new testament . and he that shall meet it there 32 times , and but take a view of it at every meeting , will sure come to some degree of acquaintance with it , and find upon judgement reason to resolve , what for his ease i shall now lay before him . § . 4 that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , conscience , is no more then science or knowledge , ( and therefore being but once used by the greek translators of the old testament , eccles. 10. 20. it is there set to expresse a word which is otherwise by them commonly rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) onely with a peculiar relation added to it , as that knowledge is in order to action . thus tit. 1. 15. when {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mind and conscience are distinguished , t is obvious to any to discerne the ground of that distinction , that former being properly the denotation of the faculty meerly speculative , or intellectuall ; this latter , of the practicall judgement , or that whether act or faculty of the understanding soule , which extendeth to practice ; the apostle by that phrase , [ the mind and conscience are defiled ] meaning distinctly this , that this errour in mens judgements , ( which is the defiling of their mind ) carryes un-christian practice along with it , ( which is the defiling of the practicall faculty ) this judaicall mistake in th●●r understanding is attended with judaizing actions in their lives ; the former apportioned to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the false judaicall doctrines , which relate to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the mind , the second to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the commands of men perverting the truth , v. 14. which relate to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the conscience . § . 5 for the clearing of which ( that it is such a practicall knowledge in the acception of the scripture ) if there need any light , you may have it from the survey of every place severally , and in speciall from this one , 1 pet. 2. 19. this is thank-worthy , if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for conscience of god a man suffer griefe , &c. i. e. if for this obedientiall practicall knowledge of god ( this knowledge of truth attended with a resolution not to disobey god , though it cost a man never so deare ) he suffer g●iefe , &c. § . 6 this being premised , there is but one thing more to be added to this matter , and it is this ; that we take notice of the severall wayes of aspect that conscience hath upon practice ; one forward in the direct line , another backward , or by way of reflection ; which are ordinarily exprest by the double office of conscience , 1. as a custos or monitor , advising and instructing and keeping us to our duty ; 2. as a witnesse testifying to our selves and to god what we have done ; which is in plainer termes no more but this , that there are two sorts of conscience ; 1. conscience of duty to be performed , or full perswasion that such a thing ought to be done , or not to be done by me , a being resolved of the necessity or unlawfulnesse of any thing , and 2. conscience of having performed , or not performed it , a knowing or judging my self to have done well or ill . and under these two notions , all the severalls in the new testament , ( and the one sole place of the apocryphall bookes of the old ) will be contained , if you please , you may see how . § . 7 to the former kind belongs that famous place , rom. 13. 5. you must be subject ( to the supreame powers , v. 1. ) not onely for wrath , i. e. feare or danger of punishment , the effect of wrath ( the magistrate being gods minister , an avenger for wrath , or punishment to him that doth evill , v. 4. ) but also {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for or because of conscience , i. e. because it is the command of god , and consequently that which all inferiours ( every soule ) may , if they be not wilfully blind , know to be their duty , [ to be thus subject . ] § . 8 so 1 cor. 8. 7. for some with conscience of the idol , i. e. being resolved in mind , that it is not lawfull to eate or taste of any {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , part or portion of the idol-feast ( whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , at the idoll table , or having bought it at the shambles , as it seemes , was the fashion for those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ to be sold there at second hand c. 10. 25. ) accounting it unlawfull to eate any meat consecrated to that use , doe yet eate that which is of this nature , and by so doing , their weake i. e. uninstructed conscience is polluted , i. e. they sinne against their conscience , doe that which they are perswaded they may not doe , which although it be never so innocent a harmlesse thing in it selfe ( an idoll being simply nothing ) yet to them which doe it , when they think it unlawfull ( and all have not knowledge , saith he in the beginning of the verse , i. e. are not sufficiently instructed in their duty ) it is pollution or sinne , according to the fore-mentioned place tit. 1. 15. to the pure all things are pure [ all things ] i. e. all things of that nature of which he there speaks , though in themselves indifferent , [ are pure ] i. e. may lawfully be used [ by the pure ] i. e. by them which are rightly instructed , but to the polluted and unbeleevers ( i. e. to them that are misled by jewish fables , or by the dogmatizing of false teachers , and brought to beleeve things to be prohibited by god , which are not prohibited ) to them that are guilty of this kind of judaisme , and ( as it is interpretative ) unbeliefe there is nothing pure , but their mind and conscience are polluted , both their understanding is in an errour , taking falsity for truth , and their practicall resolution is sinfull also , nay obliged to sin , which way soever they turn themselves , whether they abstaine superstitiously , when they are not bound by god to abstaine , ( which is the sinne of those that are subject to ordinances , col. 2. 20. of which i have spoken at large in another place ) or whether they abstaine not , when they are perswaded that they ought to abstaine , which is sin against conscience . § . 9 from whence by the way you may observe the miserable lot of those which have not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} knowledge in the beginning of that verse , which are missed to think any thing unlawfull which is lawfull , and continue in that errour without seeking of light , which are thus impure ( for to such {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} nothing is pure ) they are , as long as they remaine so , obliged to sinne , which way soever they take to , abstaine or not abstaine . for though in things indifferent and uncommanded , simply to abstaine were no sinne , yet then to abstaine {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as from a thing abominable or unlawfull , is both by scripture and the ancient councels , in case of marriage and meats , every where condemned as sinfull : and yet on the other side to eate without , or against faith , i. e. being doubtfull whether it be lawfull or no , or being perswaded it is unlawfull is sin , ( saith the apostle ) and there is great necessity to such of seeking , ( and in others great charity of helping them to ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} instruction , or right information in this case , which is the onely cure for this unfortunate malady . § . 10 so againe ver. 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the conscience of him that is weake , or ( which is the same ) v. 7. and v. 12. the weake conscience ] signifies the false perswasion of him that is in an errour , an erroneous conscience , weaknesse noting sicknesse in the scripture stile john 5. 14. 1 cor 11. 30. and errour being the disease or sicknesse of the soule , and that with a little improvement growing destructive and mortiferous ; as in case he that hath that erroneous sick conscience , doe act somewhat against conscience , and so adde sinne unto errour , for then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} v. 11. that sick man dyes , perishes of that disease . soch . 10 , 25 , 27 , 28 , 29. the word conscience is still in the same sense , for conscience or consideration of duty , and so 1 pet. 2. 19. forementioned . § . 11 so likewise 1 pet. 3. 21. where baptisme is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the answer of a good conscience to goa , the good conscience signifies conscience rightly instructed in its duty , as in baptizing those of full age it is supposed to be ; which conscience is then to answer and consent to all gods proposals in baptisme ( or the ministers in gods stead ) such as [ wilt thou forsake the devill , &c. ] and so the words will be interpreted in a sense proportionable to that of denying ungodly lusts , tit. 2. 12. which there the appearing of christ is said to teach us . for as lust proposes ungodly questions to us , which we are bound to deny ; so god in baptisme is supposed to propose good questions to us , which we are bound to grant , and stipulate the performance of them , and that is the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the answer of a good conscience to god or to his questions proposed in baptisme , after the manner of ancient pacts among the romans made by way of question and answer , as part of the ritus solemns or formalities of them . § . 12 but then for the second acception of the word , as it notes conscience of what we have performed , or passing judgement on my selfe for what i have done , ( and that either for any one individuall act , or for the maine of our lives , our state ; and that againe either 1 acquitting or 2 condemning or 3 considered in a third notion common to both those , passing sentence in generall ) so shall you find it in many other places , and indeed in all the rest which we have not hitherto named . § . 13 for the first of these three species as it acquitteth , you have it act. 23. 1. i have lived , ( or behaved my selfe in all my conversation towards men {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in all my politique , or publique relations ) with or in all good conscience , in such a manner , as i cannot excuse my selfe of any thing done contrary to my christian profession , or dignity of my apostolicoll calling . so 1 cor. 9. 12. the testimony of our conscience is exprest by what followes , that in simplicity &c. we had our conversation in the world . so good conscience is taken 1 tim. 1. 5. and 19. and 3. 9. and 2 tim. 1. 3. heb. 13. 18. 1 pet. 3. 16. but above all you have a speciall place belonging to this first branch of the second in act. 24. 16. [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] we render it a conscience void of offence , the meaning is , a confidence and assurance that he hath done nothing subject so much as to the censure of having scandalized others ; for saint paul being there accused by the jewes v. 5. 6. for 3 crimes , sedition , heresie , and profaning of the temple , he answers to the first v. 12. to the second v. 14. to the third v. 16. 18. and his being purified in the temple after the jewish manner he makes an evidence of his innocence in that particular , a proofe of his not having scandalized any jew , which to have done would have been a fault in him , whose office it was to become all things to all men , that he might gaine or save all , and not to discourage or deter any who might be gained by complyance ; and the doing so , is it which is called being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 1 cor. 10. 32. giving none offence to the jews , the very word in the place of the acts . § . 14 in the second place , the accusing or condemning conscience is often mentioned also ; john 8. 9. convicted by their conscience , or reproved some for one sinne , some for another . so by intimation heb. 9. 9. where t is said of the legall sacrifices that they could not make perfect as pertaining to conscience , where the word [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] rendred to make perfect , signifies in the sacred idiom [ to consecrate , ] to make a priest , whose office being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to draw neare to god , proportionably {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to perfect or consecrate as pertaining to conscience signifies to give accesse with boldnesse to god , by taking off that guilt which formerly lay upon their conscience , the same that v. 14. is called , to purge the conscience from dead works , to wash off that guilt of sin past , which hinders their approach to god , obstructs all entrance to their prayers ( for we know that god heareth not sinners , joh. 9. 31. and is . 1. 15. ) whereupon t is observable , that heb. 13. 18. when he bespeaks their prayers for him , he adds this reason to encourage them to doe so . for we trust we have a good conscience , that good conscience being necessary there to have other mens prayers heard for them , as here to give themselves accesse to god in prayer . so heb. 10. 2. conscience , or conscienciousnes of sins , and v. 22. evill conscience , and so wisd. 17. 11. there is mention of wickednesse condemned by her own witnes and prest by conscience . § . 15 and of the last sort , in the latitude common to both , are rom. 2. 15. rom. 9. 1. 2 cor. 4. 2. and 5. 11. and 1 tim. 4. 2. all cleare enough without the help of our paraphrase to adde light to them . § . 16 having thus marshalled all these places of scripture into ranks , and given some hints of generall insight into them , it now remaines that we return a while to the neerer survey of the two generall heads , and first of the former acception of the word , as it imports a monitor , or director of life , by which our actions must be regulated , and from the mistaking of which the chiefe inconvenience doth arise . § . 17 to which end , it will be absolutely necessary to settle and resolve but one question , what is that rule or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of conscience , from whence it must receive its regulation . for he that draweth a line of direction for another , must have a rule to draw it by , and that a straight exact one , or else the directions will not be authentique , and they which walke {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} exactly or conscientiously , must {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} walk by rule , phil. 3. 16. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} have their eye or thought alway upon that one thing , their rule of direction , or else be they never such {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the beginning of that verse , such forward proficients , their end may be perdition v. 19. this when once we have done , the difficulty will soone vanish . and to this purpose i shall take that for granted which in thesi i never heard any doubt of , § . 18 ( though many of our actions look otherwise in hypothest ) that law is this onely rule ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rule and law being words of the same importance , and nothing fit or proper to regulate our actions , but that which the law giver , to whom obedience must be payed , hath thought fit to rule them by . to which purpose it is ordinarily observed that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sin , or aberration from that rule by which we ought to walke ( for so that word naturally signifies ) is by saint john ▪ 1 epist. 3. 4. defined {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which we render a trangression of the law . in which place of saint john , though the truth is , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} denoting more then the bare commission of sinne in that author generally , viz. the wilfull perpetration of it , and an indulgence in , and habit of so doing ) the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must proportionably also signifie not onely transgressing , but wilfull habituall contemning the law , being an exlex , or without law ( as the idolatrous atheist is said to be without god in the world ) i. e. without any account or respect of it , ( and so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} joh. 31. 3. notes the greatest degree of sinfulnesse , we render it workers of iniquity , and so very frequently in the septuagint we finde {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , where we render the hebrew by mischiefe ) yet still the observation stands good , that law is the rule , in aberration from which all sinne consists , and so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in both senses , the least degree of sinne a deviation from the law , and a malicious contentious sinning a malitious contemptuous deviation , or transgression , and so saint paul hath also resolved it , that where there is no law , there is no transgression , no {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. 4. 15. no going awry , when there is no rule proposed to goe by . § . 19 this being so cleare in is selfe , and yet through the mistakes , yea and impieties of the world b●come so necessary to be thus farther cleared ; two things there are which will hence inevitably follow , the first negative , the second positive ; the first or the negative , that whatsoever undertakes to direct , or guide our actions , to tell us our duty , that this we must , that we may not doe , and hath not some law , ( in force , and still obligatory to us ) to authorize those directions by , is not conscience , whatsoever it is . § . 20 first , humour it may be , to think our selves bound to doe whatsoever we have a strong inclination to doe ; it being a matter of some difficulty to distinguish between my naturall and my spirituall inclinations , the motion of my sensitive appetite , and my diviner principle , my lower , and my upper soule , and the former commonly crying louder , and moving more lively , and impatiently , and earnestly then the other . § . 21 secondly , phansie it may be , which is a kind of irrationall animall conscience , hath the same relation to sensitive representations ( those lawes in the members ) which conscience hath to intellectuall ( those lawes of the mind ) and then , as aristotle saith , that in those creatures which have not reason , phansie supplyes the place of reason ; so they which have not , or will not have conscience to direct them , phansie most commonly gets into its place . or § . 22 thirdly , passion it may be ; our feares will advise us one thing , our animosities another , our zeale a third , and though that be perhaps zeal of god , yet that zeale is a passion still , one of those which aristotle hath defined in his rhetoricks , being not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to knowledge or conscience , rom. 10. 2. for the hebrew word , as i told you , is rendred by those two words promiscuously , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , knowledge and conscience . or § . 23 fourthly , diabolicall suggestion or infusion it may be , an enthusiasm of that black spirit ; as it is , ( or of some thing as bad in effect ) infallibly , whensoever rebellion , sedition , murther , rapine , hatred , envy , vncharitablenesse , lying , swearing , sacriledge , &c. come to us under the disguise of religion and conscience ; and therefore the spirits must be searcht whether they be of god , or of the devill ; and no surer way to doe it , then by these and the like symptomes , these fruits and productions of that infernall spirit , which so perfectly represent and owne their parent , that none but blind or mad men or daemoniacks can beleeve them in earnest to come from god . or § . 24 fiftly , false doctrine it may be , and that againe set off either by the authority of the teacher , or by the dignity of some eminent followers and practicers of it , and then the apostle calls it [ having mens persons in admiration ] or by the earlinesse of its representation , being imbibed and taken in first , swallowed and digested before the truth was offered to us , and then it is prejudice or prepossession , and this again alwayes assisted by the force of that old axiom , [ intus existens &c. ] and by that which is naturall to all habits , to be hardly moveable , and yet further improved sometimes by pride and obstinacy , alwayes by selfe-love , which makes us think our own opinions ( i. e. which we are already possest of ) the truest ; which in this case is in effect to think our luck the best luck , and the same which was observed in one worst sort of heathens , who , whatsoever they saw first in the morning , worshipt that all the day after ; a choosing of perswasions as country men choose valentines , that which they chance to meet with first after their coming abroad . § . 25 besides these , many other things it may be , and so , 1. it is oddes enough that it will not be conscience , which pretends to be so , and 2. it is certainly not conscience , unlesse it produce some law for its rule to direct us by . and this was the negative or first thing . § . 26 the second or the positive thing which followes from the premises , is this , that conscience of duty in any particular action is to be ruled by that law which is proper to that action ; as for example : the christian law is the rule of conscience for christian actions ; the law of reason , or morall saw , for morall ; the law nationall , municipall , or locall , for civill ; the naturall , law of all creatures , for naturall actions ; and the law of scandall , ( a branch of the christian law ) for matters of scandall ; and the law of liberty , for indifferent free actions . and as it is very irregular , and unreasonable to measure any action by a rule that belongs not to it , to try the exactnesse of the circle by the square , which would be done by the compasse , and in like manner to judge the christiannesse of an action , by the law of naturall reason , which can onely be judged by its conformity with the law of christ , superiour to that of nature ; so will there be no just pretence of conscience against any thing , but where some one or more of these lawes are producible against it ; but on the other side , even in the lowest sort of actions , if they be regulated by the law proper to them , and nothing done contrary to any superiour law , even by this god shall be glorified , 1 cor. 10. 31. a kind of glory resulting to god from that readinesse of submission and subordination of every thing to its proper rule , and law , to which the great creator hath subjected it , and of all lawes to that supreme transcendent one , the law of christ . and though some touches there are in the scripture of each of these lawes , some fibrae or strings of them discernibly there , so farre , that there is nothing almost under any of the heads forementioned , but by the scripture some generall account may be given of it , and againe , though that of scripture be the supreame law of all , and nothing authorizeable by any inferiour law , which is contradicted or prohibited by that , yet is not that of scripture such a particular code o● pandect of all lawes , as that every thing which is commanded by any other law , should be found commanded there , or be bound to prove its selfe justifiable from thence , any further then that it is not there prohibited , or thereby justly concluded to be unlawful . § . 27 from whence by the way , i conceive direction may be had , and resolution of that difficult practicall probleme , what a man may doe in case he be legally commanded by his lawfull superiour to doe what he may lawfully doe , which yet he is perswaded he may not doe , or doubteth whether he may or no . for in this case if he be not able to produce some plaine prohibition from some superiour law , as from that of scripture , he cannot be truly said to be perswaded in conscience , ( which implyes knowledge ) of the unlawfulnesse of that thing , nor consequently hath he any plea for disobedience to that lawfull command of his superiours . all that may be said , is , that he may from some obscure place misunderstood have cause or occasion to doubt whether he may doe it or no , and then , although doubting simply taken ( i. e. where no command interposes , ) may keep me from doing what i doubt , yet it ought not to be of that weight , as to keep me from my lawfull superiours lawfull command , because that very command is a sufficient ground to supersede my doubting , when i have no plaine prohibition of scripture to the contrary , ( which in this case i am supposed not to have , for if i had , then , first , it were not a lawfull command , and secondly , i should not doubt but be assured ) it being my duty , and part of my christian meeknesse , in doubtfull matters to take my resolution from those whom god hath placed over me , and it being the sinne of dogmatizing to affirme any thing for me or others to doe , which some law of god , &c. still in force , doth not prohibit ; which sin being added to that other of disobedience to my lawfull superiours , will s●re never be able to make that commence virtue , which was before so far from any pretentions to that title . § . 28 having proceeded thus far in the search of the ground of conscience , 't were now time to reduce this operation to practice , and shew you , first , what directions conscience is able to afford from every of those lawes for the ruling of all actions of that kind ; and secondly , what an harmony and conspiration there is betwixt all these lawes , one mutually ayding and assisting the other , and not violating or destroying . but this were the largest undertaking that could be pitcht on in the whole circle of learning , aerodius's pandectae rerum ab omni aev● judicaturum , and all the schoolmens and casuists volumes , de legibus , de jure & justitia , and on the decalogue , would be but imperfect parts of this ; i shall give you but one taste or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of it , by which the reader will be perswaded to spare me , or rather himselfe that trouble . § . 29 the prime of these , the christian law , is the rule of all actions that come within that spheare , sets downe the nature of all christian duties of piety , and love of our brethren in generall , and more particularly of faith , hope , charity , repentance ; selfe-denyall , taking up the crosse , &c. of humility , meeknesse , mercifulnesse , peaceablenesse , obedience to superiours , patience , contentednesse , and the like ; and the relation of a christian being a grand transcendent relation , there is no action imaginable , but may either in respect of the matter , or motive , or principle , or circumstances , offend against one of these , ( and then , malum ex qualibet defectu , the least of these defects blemisheth it ) and so conscience directed by that rule or law , will direct me either to doe it , or not to doe it in that manner , and then t is not any complyance with , or agreeablenesse to any or all other lawes , which will make this action christian , which hath any such notable defect or blemish in it ; not to pursue this any farther , having thus named it , and shewed you the vastnesse of the sea it leads to , it will suffice to our present designe to tell you , that from what is said these 3 corollaries , to omit many others , will be deducible . § . 30 1. that it is not possible for conscience ( be it never so strongly perswaded ) to make any action lawfull , which is not regulated by those rules , or lawes which are proper to it , and reconcileable with the grand rule , the christian law . conscience can never transforme profanenesse into piety , sacriledge into justice or holinesse , rebellion into obedience , faction into humility , perjury , or taking of unlawful oathes into religion , rapine into contentednesse , inhumanity into mercifulnesse , adultery , fornication , divorces , ( save in case of adultery ) or any uncleannesse into purity , labouring to shake a kingdome , ( to remove the crosse from my owne shoulders to another mans ) into taking up of the crosse ; but contrariwise , if it be truly and univocally conscience of duty , it will tel me that every one of these foule titles belongs to every such action ( the scripture being so cleare in these particulars , that there is no place or excuse for ignorance or mistake ) and by setting before me the terrors of the lord , perswade me not to venture on any one such action upon any termes ; or if i have ventured , it will smite and wound me for it , and drive me to timely repentance ; or if it doe not , t is either a cauterized insensate conscience , a reprobate mind , or else some of these images , which even now i mentioned , mistaken for conscience ; or if it be a full perswasion of minde , that what i thus am about , i am obliged to doe , ( if that be a possible thing in such matters and under so much light ) t is then in the calmest style an erroneous conscience , which is so far from excusing me ( unlesse in case of ignorance truly invincible , which here is not imaginable ) that it brings upon me the most unparalleld infelicity in the world , an obligation to sinne which way soever i turne my selfe , on one side appearing and lying at my doore the guilt of committing that sinne which i have so mistaken , and on the other the guilt of omitting that ( though sinne ) which my conscience represented to me as duty ; and nothing but repentance and reformation of judgement first , and then of practice , will be able to retrive the one or the other . § . 31 the second corollary will be this , that it is the most unreasonable insolence in the world , for them that can swallow such camell-sins as these without any regrets , nay with full approbation , and direction ( perhaps ) of conscience ( it that may be called conscience which is so divided from , and contrary to knowledge ) yet to scruple and interpose doubts most tremblingly , and most conscientiously in matters of indifferency ; not so much as pretended to be against the word of god , ( and so within the law of christian liberty , that they may be done if he will ) and yet over and above their naturall indifferency commanded by that authority , in subjection to which the christian vertue of obedience consists ; and all this either first upon no ground of conscience at all , but only that it is contrary to their phansy , their humour , their prepossessions ; or secondly because it is a restraint , upon their christian liberty , which yet christ never forbid to be restrained quoad exercitium , as farre as belongs to the exercise of it , but hath permitted sometime the care of not offending the weak brother , i. e. charity , and sometime obedience , to lawfull superiours , to restreine it , ( for if in things indifferent they may not restreine , there can no obedience be payed to them ; ) or thirdly because they are offensive ( though not to them , yet ) to others , who are perswaded they are unlawfull . whereas i that perswasion of those others is erroneous , and not sufficient to justifie disobedience in themselves , much lesse in other men , in case of lawfull humane command , and 2 that their censuring of such indifferent actions , i. e. being angry without a cause , may bee greater matter of scandall , and so more offensive to others , and more probable to work upon them to bring them by that example to be so argry also , then the doing that indifferent action , mistaken by others , and condemned for unlawfull , would be to bring them to transcribe that reprobated samplar , i. e. to doe what they thus condemne ; all men being farre more apt and inclinable to break out into passions , then into acts against conscience , and so more likely to be scandalized or offended , or insnared , by following the former , then the latter example , to sinne ( for company or after another man ) by censuring whom he censures , which is being angry without a cause ; then by doing what they are advised and resolved they ought not to do , which is sinning against conscience . or fourthly , because they are against their conscience to doe , whilst yet they produce no law of god or man against them , and so in effect confesse there is nothing in them against conscience ; unlesse , as before was noted , they wilfully aequivocate in the word conscience ; which will and skill of theirs , as it will not make any thing , unlawfull , which before was indifferent , so will it not conclude ought , save only this , that they which are so artificious to impose on others , and forme scruples where there were none , would not be thought the likeliest men to swallow grosse sinnes under the disguise of vertues , or if they doe so , will have least right to that onely antidote of invincible ignorance to digest them . § . 32 the third corollary will be this , that scrupulousnesse of conscience in some lighter lesse important matters ( if it may be supposed excusable , as a weaknesse of an uninstructed mind , joyned with that good symptome of tendernesse of quick sense , yet ) can never hope to be accepted by god by way of commutation or expiation for grosser sinnes , so that he that falls foulely in any confessed sinne , should fare the better at the great day of account , or be in lesse danger of being cast out of gods favour for the present , because he is over-scrupulous in other things : for sure this were a strange way of supererogation to pay one arreare to god by running into another with him , to discharge a debt by owing more . and yet this is an errour which may seem worth the paines of preventing , it being so notoriously seen , that some men , which professe to have care of their wayes , and must in charity be beleeved to have so , goe on confidently in greivous sins , which they cannot but know will damne without repentance , ( the sentence of not inheriting the kingdome of god , gal. 5. being so distinct , and punctuall , and absolute , and indispensable against them ) and yet have no antidote to relye on for the averting that danger , but onely this of their exactnesse and scrupulousnesse in things indifferent ; which if they shall say they doe not confide in , they are then obliged , in conscience , and charity to their brethren ( who may follow them to this precipice ) either to give over hoping , or to set to purifying , without which there is no true ground of hope . this hint puts me in mind that there is another part of my design still behind , belonging to the second notion of conscience , to examine § . 33 what it is that is required to entitle a man to a good conscience ; which will briefly be stated by premising what before was mentioned , that the good conscience belongs either to particular single performances , or to the whole state of life and actions . to the first there is no more required , but that that particular action be both for matter and circumstance regulated by the rule , or rules which are proper to it , and have nothing contrary to any superiour transcendent rule . as that my meale be with sobriety and thanksgiving , my almes with chearfulnesse , liberality , discretion , done in gratitude and obedience to god , and mercifulnesse to my brother , without reflexion on my own gaine or praise in this world . but for the good conscience , which belongs to the whole state of life and actions , which is called a good conscience in all things , heb. 13. 18. or a good conscience consisting in having a good conversation in all things , ( for so the punctation in the greek will direct rather to render it , [ we have a good conscience , willing to live well , ( or have an honest conversation ) in all things ] there the difficulty will be greater . and yet two texts there are which tend much to the clearing and disinvolving of that one , 1 pet. 3. 16. where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , good conscience in the beginning of the verse , is explained in the close by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a good conversation in christ , or a good christian conversation , or such as now through christ , by the purport of the second covenant may and shall be accepted for good . where the word [ conversation ] denoting first the actions and behaviour both toward god and man , and secondly , the whole course and frame of those actions , ( wherein it seems a good conscience consists , i cannot better be explained then either by the apostles , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an accurate exact walking , eph. 1. 15. or the phrase to titus , c. 2. 12. living soberly and righteously and godly in this present world ; the first respecting our duty to our selves , or actions , as private men ; the second , our duty to our brethren , in our more publique capacities ; the third , our duty to god as creatures , men , and christians ; or saint lukes character of zachary and elizabeth , luk. 1. 6. walking in all the commandements and ordinances of the lord blamelesse ; walking blamelesse , in all : universall sincere obedience , ( not entire or perfect without ever sinning , but ) considered with the rules of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or moderation of strict law , ( which is now part of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the gospel-law , by which a christian is to be nyed , as equity is a part of the municipall law of this land ; such is mercy for frailties , and infirmities , and grosser lapses recovered and retracted by repentance ) now under the gospel , so as to be acceptable to god in christ ; which was intimated ( as in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in christ , 1 pet. 3. so ) in the former part of that verse , and their character {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , righteous before god : which phrase [ before god ] hath a double intimation worth observing in this place , first of the perseverance or perpetuity of that righteousnesse ( as opposed to the temporary of the hypocrite ) for the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} [ before him ] refers to the shew bread of old , exod. 25. 30. which was to be set before god alway ; and therefore is sometime called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the bread of faces , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} bread before his face , literally {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , before him , and sometimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} perpetuall bread , and secondly , of the acceptation or reception in the sight of god , for that againe was the end of setting the bread alwayes before god , that god looking on it might accept them ; and so righteousnesse before god , is such righteousnesse as god will please in the gospel to accept of , as when visiting the fatherlesse , &c. jac. 1. 27. is called , religion pure and undefiled before god the father ; it noteth such a degree of unblemisht purity , not as excluded all sinne , but as god in christ would ( or hath promised to ) accept of . and the same phrase therefore is in another place of the same chapter , luk. 1. 75. rendred by our church in the gospel for midsummer day by these words , such as may be acceptable for him . § . 34 which being all taken into the description of a good conscience , that it is such a continued good conversation as god now under the gospel promiseth to accept of ; the onely difficulty behind will be , what that is which god promiseth to accept of ; to which end , it will be very instrumentall to take in that other place which i promised , and that is that forementioned , heb. 13. 18. where the good conscience is evidenced ( or the ground of confidence that he hath a good conscience , demonstrated ) by this [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] willing , or resolving , or endeavouring to live honestly , or to have honest conversation in all things . from whence the onely thing which i desire to collect is this , that the sincere resolution or endeavour to live honestly in all things ( which i remember , one of our ancientest church-writers saint cyrill of jerusalem calls , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and opposes it to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , works ) is the scripture nomination of a good conscience , or the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that great treasure of confidence to all which have it ; that ground of mature perswasion for any , that he hath , or shall by god be allowed , and acknowledged to have a good conscience . § . 35 and if it be farther demanded what is necessarily required , ( and how much will be sufficient ) to denominate a man such , what is the minimum quod sic of this sincere resolution , or endeavour , although that , i confesse , will be hard if not impossible , to define in such a manner , as shall come home to every particular , ( the proportions of more or lesse , knowledge or strength , the inequality of the talents of illuminating and assisting grace still interposing and making a variation ) yet will it not be matter of much difficulty to give some generall advertisements , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which will be acknowledged as soone as mentioned , and being put together , and by each man single applyed to his particular case , by way of self examination , will be able to tell him in some measure , whether he hath a good conscience or no . and the first of these will be , that § . 36 acts and habits of sinne in the former ( heathen or unregenerate ) part of the life , of what nature ( and clothed with what aggravations ) soever , if they are now retracted and renounced by repentance ( as that signifies not onely a sorrow , but a thorow change ) are reconcileable with a good conscience . the truth of which is cleare , first , because the gospel allowes place for repentance , and promises rest to the heavy laden , so he come unto christ , and mercy to him that confesseth and forsaketh . secondly , because the sincerity of resolution and endeavour now , ( which is all that is required to a present good conscience ) is reconcileable with past sins , even of the largest size . thirdly , because saint paul himselfe , which was once a saul , can yet say confidently , that he hath a good conscience . and fourthly , because ( which i shal a little enlarge on ) the sinne against the holy ghost , which alone is by the gospel made uncapable of remission , is , as i conceive , no act , no nor course of any speciall sinne , but a state of final impenitence , a continued persevering resistance of all those saving methods which are consequent to the descent , and are part of the office of the holy ghost . § . 37 to which purpose i shall give you one hint which may perswade the preferring of this opinion before the contrary , and it is by observing the occasion of christs delivering those words concerning the irremissiblenesse of speaking against the holy ghost . those words are delivered by christ both in saint matthew and saint mark upon occasion of that speech of the jewes , that christ cast out devils , by the prince of devils , which was clearly a blaspheming or speaking contumeliously against christ himselfe , or the sonne of man , and there is no passage in the text which can conclude that that speech of theirs was by christ called the blasphemy against the holy ghost , but rather the contrary that it was a blasphemy onely against the sonne of man ; for t is apparent that christ mat. 12. 15. for the space of six verses sets himselfe to convince them of the falsity of that speech ( which probably he would not have done , if they , to whom he spake had been in an irrecoverable irreversible estate of blasphemy . for that he should take such paines onely to leave them unexcusable , 1. there was no great need , in this case they were so already . 2. it is a mistake to think that christ doth so at any time , they are bowels of mercy and not designes of mischieving , or accumulating their sinne , and judgements , which incline him to call and knock , and labour to convince sinners ) and having done that , doth both invite them to repentance by shewing them the possibility of pardon yet , and give them an admonition able to shake them out of all impenitence , by telling them the danger which attended , if the only last method of working on them which was yet behind , did not prosper with or work upon them , this is the importance of that 31 and 32 verse concerning the speaking a word , i. e. standing out against the sonne of man on one side , and the holy ghost on the other ; the summe of which is this , there shall be by the coming of the holy ghost a possibility of pardon and meanes of reformation for those that resist and hold out and even crucifie christ ( as by the coming of christ , there was for those that should beleive on him , though they had formerly lived disobedient unto god the father , resisted those methods of mercy used on them under the old testament ) for them that speak a word . i. e. by an hebraisme doe an action ( of affront , of injury , of contumely ) against christ , yea that resist and beleive not on him , but conceive and affirme him to cast out divels by the power of beelzebub , ( which was as contumelious a thing as could be said of him ) but when christ shall be taken from the earth , and the holy ghost shall be sent down to convince the world of that great sinne of crucifying christ , and to settle in the church of god such an orderly use of all gospell-meanes that may tend to the bringing sinners to repentance ( the use both of the word and sacrament and censures and all other things necessary to that great end of working on the most contumacious ) that if this prevaile not , there is little hope left of ever working on such perversenesse , then it is to be resolved , that those that thus stand out against all those saving methods of gods last oeconomy , shall be left uncapable of any good , of any whether meanes of yet-farther working on them , or of pardon either in the church or in heaven , there being no more persons in the god-head now behind ( unlesse we will change the christians trinity into pythagorasses {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) nor consequently meanes in the providence of god , for the reducing of , or obtaining mercy for such . by this it will appeare that this blasphemy against the holy ghost is not any one act no nor habit of sin ( particularly not that speaking against christ there , which you will also guesse by saint luke , who mentions not that speech of theirs concerning his casting-out divels by the prince of divels , and yet sets down this speech of christ , of the irremissibility of this blasphemy against the holy ghost , luke 12. 10. which argues that this hath no neare relation to that ) but a finall holding out against , and resisting the whole office of the holy ghost , and all those gracious methods consequent to it . § . 38 to which i shall only adde in reference to my present purpose ( that there may be no place of doubting even to him which will not receive my interpretation of this place ) that even by those which conceive it to be some speciall kind of finne , yet the unpardonablenesse of it is acknowledged to arise from thence , that it is impossible for any such to repent , yet not for any that repents to find pardon and mercy , which is sufficient for the confirmation of my present proposition . 't is true indeed , that he that is sold a slave of sinne , the unregenerate carnall man , is , whilst he is so , in a most hopelesse , comfortlesse estate , and if he have any naturall conscience left him , it must needs be a kind of seind and fury with him , no peace to such wicked , saith my god , and it is as true that the recovery of such a man out of the grave of rottennesse , that lazarstate in sinne , is a miracle of the first magnitude , a work of greatest difficulty ( christ groanes at the raising of him that was 4 dayes dead and putrified in the grave ) and costs the sinner much dearer to be raised out of it . saul is strucke down in his march towards damascus , blind and trembling before his conversion ; but yet still when this conversion is wrought , he may have a good conscience what ever his foregoing sins were . § . 39 and although the apostles censure heb. 6. 6. and 10. 26. light yet heavier upon those who after the knowledge of the truth and gust of the life to come , and participation of the holy spirit relapse to their former sinnes , it being there affirmed that there is no possibility to renew them , or ( as the greeks read it ) for them to renew or recover to repentance , and consequently the sacrifice for sinne [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] no longer belonging to or remaining for them , yet doth not this hinder the truth of the present proposition ; for i those places to the hebrews belong not to the sins of the unregenerate life , which only now we speak of , but of the relapse after the knowledge of the truth , 2. even in those places speaking of those sinnes , the doctrine is not , that there shall be any difficulty of obtaining pardon for them upon repentance , ( for the subject of the apostles propositions is the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} men considered exclusively to repentance , as abiding in sinne unreformed impenitent , and to such we designe not to allow mercy ) but that this is so great a grieving and quenching of the spirit of god , that it becometh very difficult , and in ordinary course impossible for them that are guilty of it to repent , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} again to recover to repentance : it being just and ordinary with god upon such sinnes of those to whom he hath given grace , to withdraw that grace againe , according to his method and oeconomy of providence exprest in the parable of the talents , [ from him that hath not made use of the grace or talent given , shall be taken away even that which he hath ] and wisd. 1. 5. the holy spirit of discipline will not abide where unrighteousnesse cometh in ; and so being thus deprived of that grace , it is consequently impossible that those should {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in a neutrall sense , renew and recover , or in an active reciprocall renew or recover themselves to repentance , though yet for god to give a new stock of grace it is not impossible , but only a thing which he hath not by revealed promise obliged himselfe to do ; and therefore whether he will doe it or no , is meerly in his own hand and dispositive power , and that which no man hath ground to hope and title to challenge from him . all which notwithstanding our present proposition stands firm , that where there is repentance , or true thorow change , those former retracted acts or habits are reconcileable with good conscience . § . 40 the second this , that sinnes of weaknesse of all kinds , whether first , of ignorance , or secondly , of naturall infirmity , the one for want of light , the other for want of grace , or thirdly , of suddaine surreption , such as both by the law of [ si quis praecipiti calore ] in the code of iustinian , and by the municipal laws of most nations , are matter of extenuation to some crimes , to discharge them from capitall punishment , at least to make them capable of pardon , or fourthly , of dayly continuall incursion , either for want of space to deliberate at all , or because it is morally impossible to be upon the guard to be deliberate always , ( opere in longo fas est obrepere somnum ) or fiftly , which through levity of the matter passes by undiscerned , and the like , are irreconcileable with a good conscience , because againe , be a man never so sincerely resolute and industrious in endeavour to abstaine from all sinne , yet as long as he carries flesh about him , ( which is such a principle of weaknesse , that ordinarily in the new testament , the word flesh , is set to signifie weaknesse ) such weaknesses he will be subject to , such frailties will be sure to drop from him . this , i remember , parisiensis illustrates handsomely , first , by the similitude of an armed man provided with strength and prowesse , and wrestling with another in lubrico , on a slippery ground , who though neither weapons nor strength nor courage faile him , yet may be very probably fall , the slipperinesse of the footing will betray him to that ; or secondly by an horseman mounted on an unmanaged or tender-mouth'd horse , who cannot with all his skill and caution secure himself : from all misadventures , the beast may upon a check come over with him , or getting the bit into the mouth runne into the enemies quarters ; or thirdly , by a city that is provided for a siege with workes , and men , and victuals , and ammunition , and yet by a treacherous party within may be betrayed into the enemies hands ; there is a principle of weaknesse within like that slippery pavement , that tender-mouthed beast , that insidious party , which will make us still lyable to such miscarriages , and nothing in this contrary either to courage or diligence , to resolution , or endeavour . and for such as these frailties , ignorances , infirmities , &c. so they be laboured against , and the meanes of preventing or overcomming them sincerely used ( which if it be done , you shall find them dayly wain in you , and if they doe not so in some measure , you have reason to suspect , and to double your diligence ) there is sure mercy in christ to be had , obtaineable , by dayly confession , and sorrow , and prayer for forgivenesse of trespasses ) without any compleat conquest atchieved over them in this life . it being saint pauls affirmation , very exactly and critically set downe , rom. 5. 6. that christ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we being weake , dyed for the ungodly , to note the universal benefit of his death for such weak ones and such sinnes as these to which meer weaknesse betrayes them . the very doctrine which from that text at the beginning of our reformation our reverend bishop martyr did assert in his excellent preface to his explication of the commandements . § . 41 to which purpose i shall onely adde one proofe more , taken from the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or rationall importance of saint pauls exhortation rom. 15. 1. we that are strong , saith he , mus beare the weaknesses , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of them which are not strong , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and not please our selves , for v. 3. christ did not so , but &c. which reason sure must come home to both parts , the affirmative as well as the negative ( or else the logick will not be good ) and so the affirmative be that christ bare the infirmities of the weake ; and so again v. 7. [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] applyed to the same matter he took us up when we were thus fallen . i might adde more , but i hope rather that i have said too much in so plaine a point , and abundantly evinced the irreconcileablenesse of such frailties with a good conscience . § . 42 a third thing is , that the lusting of the flesh against the spirit is reconcileable with a good conscience , so it be in him that walketh in the spirit , obeys the desires and dictates of that , and fulfilleth not the lusts of the flesh , gal. 5. 16 , 17. there is no spiritually good thing that a man ever doth in his life , but the flesh hath some mutinyings , lustings , and objections against it , there being such a contrariety betwixt the commands of christ and the desires of the flesh , that no man , which hath those two within him , doth the things that he would . ( for so t is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that you doe not , not that you cannot doe ) [ the things that he would ] ( i. e. the things , which either he resolves to doe , or takes delight in ) those he doth not , i. e. either purely without some mixture , or still without some opposition of the contrary , or ( as againe the place may be rendred ) this opposition of these two one against another tendeth to this , that we may not doe , or to hinder us from doing every thing that we would , as indeed we should doe , were there not that opposition within our owne brests . this is the meaning of that 17 verse , which notwithstanding it followes verse 18. that if we be led by the spirit , if that be victorious over the contrary pretender ( as it may , though tother lust against it ) if the production be not works of the flesh , adultery , &c. v. 19. but the fruit of the spirit love , peace , &c. v. 22. against such there is no law , no condemnation , no accusation of conscience here , or hereafter . § . 43 for it must be observed , that there is great difference betwixt this lusting of the flesh against the spirit in them that are led by the spirit , gal. 5. and the warring of the law in the members against the law in the mind , which bringeth into captivity to the law of sin , i. e. to it selfe , rom. 7. for those in whom that latter is to be found , are there said to be carnall , sold under sinne ( as a slave was wont sub hasta to be sold ) and so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to be led by the flesh and fulfill the lusts of the flesh , which is of all things most unreconcileable with that mans state ; against whom there is no condemnation in christ , rom. 8. 1. and so with a good conscience . § . 44 and if the resistance of the minde , or the law morall , of the spirit , or the law christian , be sufficient to excuse that action or habituall course which is committed and lived in , in opposition to both of these , or while both of these check and contradict , then sure are sins against conscience become ( if not the most excusable sinnes , yet ) the more excusable for this , that they are against conscience ; that woulding or contending of the mind , or the law of the mind being no other but the dictate of the instructed conscience , ( in them which know the law , rom. 7. 1. which he that obeyes not , but followes the law or command of sin against it , hath not sure a good conscience , in our second sence as that signifies a conscience of well-doing or doing nothing against rule of conscience , for that this man in terminis is supposed to doe . § . 45 having now proceeded thus farre in the affirmative part in shewing what sinnes are reconcileable with a good conscience , i should now proceed to the negative part and shew what are not reconcileable therewith . but before i advance to that , there is one classis or head of sinnes , about which there is some question and difficulty of resolving , to which of the extreames it should be reduced , i. e. whether it be reconcileable , or unreconcileable with a good conscience . and that is the single commission of some act of knowne sinne , which hath not the apology of weaknesse to excuse it , and yet is not indulged or persisted , or continued in , ( for of those that are so , you shall hear anon in the 8 proposition ) but without delay retracted by humiliation and reformation ; for the stating and fatisfying of which it will be necessary first , to observe that § . 46 any such act of wilfull sinne first , hath in it selfe a being , and so is capable of a notion abstracted from the retraction of it . yea secondly , is a work of some time , and though it be never so suddenly retracted by repentance , yet some space there is before that retraction ; and if we speak of that time or space , there is no doubt , but that act , first , is contrary to good conscience , and contracts a guilt , and consequent to that , the displeasure of god and obligation to punishment , which nothing but repentance can do away ; yea and secondly , is a naturall means of weakning that habit of good , of sauciating and wounding the soule , and for that time putting it in a bloody direfull condition , and should god before repentance strike , for ought we know there would be no remission , and so , fearfull would be the end of that soule . § . 47 but then secondly , if before god thus visit in justice , repentance interpose , ( as in this present case we suppose it doth ) if this plank be caught hold on instantly upon the shipwrack , if he that hath committed this act of carnality , &c. lye not down ( after the manner of the grecian horses in saint ambroses expression , qui cum ceciderint , quandam tenent quietis & patientiae disciplinam , are taught , when they fall in the race , not to strive or endeavour to get up again , lye still on the ground with great stilnesse and patience ) walk not after the flesh , ro. 8. 1. then presently is he set right again in gods favour , upon ( performance of the solemnities , as it were , payment of the fees of the court ) humiliation , contrition , confession , and lowly supplications to god for pardon in christ , and so then to him thus repaired there is no condemnation ; beside the forementioned effects that attended that sinne at the time there is no future arrear behind in the other world . § . 48 as for the other effect of sinne in this life , the wasting of the conscience , or provoking of god to withdraw his grace ; though any such act of wilfull sinne may justly be thought to do that also in some degree , first , to stop god from going on in his current of liberality , and secondly , to cast us back from that plenitude and abundance , which before in the riches of gods bounty in christ was afforded , and so much weaken our stock of grace , leave us much more infirme then wee were before the commission ; yet wee find not any threat in scripture that god will , upon this provocation of one single act not persisted in , presently withdraw all grace , but we have reason to hope what the article of our church supposes , that in this case he leaves sufficient grace to enable that child of his , that thus falls , by that his grace to return again . § . 49 and if that sad presage , heb. 6. 6. seem to any to withstand this , the answer will be prompt and easy , by observing that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , there [ the fallers away ] signifies more then some one single act of sinne presently retracted againe , even a generall apostacie in their practice , ( if not in their faith ) a return to their former unregenerate sinnes , ( as the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , [ they being entangled are overcome ] notes 2 pet. 2. 20. a place perfectly paralell to this , and ) as in this place the ancients have generally interpreted . and then though such indulgence in sinne , such returning to the vomit or mire againe in that other place , doe provoke god to withdraw his grace necessary to enable them to repent , yea and cast them back into a worse estate then they were in , not onely before such sinning , but even before their conversion , 2 pet. 2. 20. yet that god will so punish with totall desertion any one act or commission presently retracted againe , it is not affirmed here nor anywhere else , that i have observed , but rather on the contrary , that he will visit them with chastisements which are a grace and a meanes to recall them , without any utter for saking or taking of his loving kindnesse from them , psal , 89. 33. 35. § . 50 that this matter may be throughly cleared , i shall suppose this objection made against what hath hitherto been said of it , that it may seem by this doctrine , [ that the regenerate man may bee under gods displeasure ] that hee that remaines sanctified may be unjustified , for so he will be , if all his sinnes be not forgiven him , which they are not , if this act of sinne not yet repented of , be not forgiven . in answer to this , i shall reinforce my affirmation , that of necessity it must be granted , if we believe the scripture , that any such act of sinne unretracted by repentance , doth certainly stand upon the sinners score unremitted ; for that god ( as some affirme ) doth at the first act of my being justified , forgive all my sinnes not only past , present , but also future too ; cannot be said , but upon a supposition that that man will never commit any such sinne against which the gospell threatens perishing , i. e. any deliberate presumptuous sinne , ( which supposition if it were true , would inferre an impossibility of the regenerate mans thus sinning , not an assurance of his pardon without ( or abstracted from the consideration of ) his repentance , which is the only point , in hand ) for if he doe , then upon confession and forsaking there is promise of mercy , and not otherwise ; and in briefe , without repentance there is no remission : and therefore it is observeable , that they which thus affirm , find themselves enforced to fly to gods omnipotence and immensity , to whom all things are present ; by help of which they can conceive and resolve that at the time of that sinnes being upon him unrepented of , god yet seeing his future repentance as present , may scale his pardon , and then may by the same reason do so also before the commission ; the weaknesse of which arguing , i shall no farther demonstrate then by this rejoynder , that by the same reason it might be said , that a man is justified before he is borne , which yet the objectors doe not affirme , but that at the time of his first conversion , be it at such a sermon or the like , he was justified , and then all his sins past , present , and to come forgiven him , which is as contrary to the notion of all things being present with god , as to say that this act of commission is not forgiven till it be repented of , for sure the time before that mans birth , and the time after it , are as truly present to god before all eternity , as the time of this commission and that repentance . § . 51 the onely way for us to understand our selves or any thing that belongs to gods actions concerning us , is that which the scripture supposes and commands us to walk in , not the way of gods secret counsels , ( which if we knew , were no longer secret ) not the way of gods immensity , ( which if it were intelligible by us , were not immensity ) but the way of his revealed will , which is , that whensoever the sinner repenteth him of his sinne , and amends his life , he shall have his sin blotted out and put out of gods remembrance , i. e. forgiven unto him and not till then : and to suppose he may have remission before such repentance , is to suppose god perjured who sweares he shall not , and to lay falsity to the charge of the whole gospel , which resolves , except ye repent , ye shall all perish . § . 52 to all this i might farther adde that gods justifying the faithfull man , is the approving his fidelity upon tryall of it , and so acquitting him ( upon a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or probation ) from suspicion of hypocrisie , pronouncing him faithful , or evangelically righteous , and upon that , owning him as a friend , entring into league with him , as might appeare by gods justifying abraham and calling him friend ( in the sense wherein they are christs friends , which doe whatsoever be commands them , so approve themselves unto him ) if it were now seasonable to examine that businesse . this being supposed , it would be most evident , that such an act of knowne deliberate sinne committed in time of tryall , is quite contrary to justification , even as contrary as abrahams refusing to beleeve gods promise first , or after to sacrifice isaac , you may suppose would have been . of which the least that can be said , will be this , that such a failing is a shrewd blemish to sincerity , which will make it necessary for him that is guilty of it , to repaire his credit with god by expressing a great sence of his miscarriage , and by many future performances of constancy , and resolution , if ever he hope to be approved , or justified by him . § . 53 but now having thus far confirmed this , and so rather strengthned , then weakned the objection , the next thing i shall desire may be observed is this , that every non-remission of a sinne for some time , every displeasure of gods , every not-imputing to righteousnesse , is not an utter intercision of justification , is not a calling all the former forgotten sinnes to remembrance , for to such onely an apostacy , or continued falling away from god betrayes the soule . for , the whole current of my life may approve my fidelity to god , though some one action be very contrary to it : nay secondly , a father may be displeased with his sonne for some one fault , and yet not difinherit him , nay upon farther provocation he may cast him out of his family , and yet afterward receive him into it againe . § . 54 so that there are three degrees observable in this matter , first displeasure , secondly wrath , thirdly fury . first withdrawing of the fathers favour , suspension of pardon , so t is in case of any such single act of sinne presently repented of , considered before its retractation . second , casting out of the family , totall intercision of mercy for that present , so t is in case of such sin persisted in indulgently . third , utter finall irreversible abdication , so t is in case of finall obduration . § . 55 this may be illustrated , 1. by a vulgar , then by an ecclesiasticall resemblance . among friends 1. there may be a matter of quarrell , dislike , displeasure , and one friend justly frowne upon the other , yea and keep some distance from him , and be really angry with him , for some act of injury done by him , contrary to the lawes of friendship , which till he hath some way repaired , the friend may justly not pardon him , and so absteine for that present from the former degree of familiarity with him : but then 2. the injurious friend may continue as injurious still , and go on and persist in that course of falsenesse or unfriendlinesse , and then the injur'd friend wholly forsakes his company , breaks off those bands of friendship with him , yet so as that upon the others relenting and amending , he may yet againe returne to him , and so that totall separation prove no finall one , 3. there is , upon obduration or no manner of relenting , a finall irreversible breach . § . 56 the ecclesiasticall resemblance is , that of the three degrees of excommunication among the jewes , the first or lowest , was niddui separation , not totall turning out of either sacred or civill society , but remotion to a distance , that the offender should not come within foure cubits of any other , and so be denyed the peace of the church , and the familiar kind of communion , which others enjoy . above this there was cherem which was a totall exclusion or distermination with anathemas or execrations joyned with it , but yet was not finall , then thirdly there was schammatha giving up to destruction or desolation , delivering up to gods comming in judgement , and that was irreversible . § . 57 now for the full satisfying of the argument , ( having already shewed you the state of this offender in respect of justification ) it will onely be necessary to adde one thing more , that the state of the same man as it respects sanctification , is parallel and fully proportionable to the state as it respecteth justification , and so the objection will quite fall to the ground . § . 58 to the clearing of which you must know that sanctification may be conceived in a double notion : 1. as a gift of gods , 2. as a duty of mans . to prevent mistake , this i meane , god gives the grace of conversion and sanctification , and he that is effectually wrought on by that grace , is converted and sanctified , this is it which i meane , by the first notion of sanctification , as it is a gift of gods : but the man thus converted and sanctified , i. e. thus wrought on and effectually changed by the spirit of god , is bound by the gospl-law , to operate according to this principle , to use this talent , and this is called , to have grace , heb. 12. 28. i. e. to make use of it to the purpose there specified of serving god {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( i. e. either well pleasedly , cheerfully , willingly , or well pleasingly , so as god may and will accept ) in righteousnesse and godly feare , according to the notion of having in the parable of the talents , where t is said that to him that hath shall be given , i. e. to him which makes use of the talent intrusted to him , operates accordingly , doth what that enables him to doe , offends not against it by idlenesse , or by commission of contrary sinnes , which he that doth , is the non habens , he that hath not there , from which shall be taken away , &c. and this having of grace is it which i meane by the second notion of sanctification , as it is a duty of mans , which i conceive is meant by the apostle , when he saith , this is the will of god , even your sanctification , and he which hath this hope purifies himself , and let us cleanse our selves from all filthinesses perfecting holinesse , all which places suppose the thing spoken of , to be the duty of man , which by the help of christ strengthning him , he is able to performe , and therefore upon the supposition of gods working in him both to will and to doe , to will , by sanctifying , to doe , by assisting grace , he is incited and exhorted by the apostle , to work out his owne salvation . § . 59 this being thus cleared , t will be easily granted in the second place , that every such act of deliberate commission as we now speak of , is contrary to sanctification in this latter notion , contrary to the duty of the sanctified man , from which breach of duty it was , that we bound him before under that guilt , which nothing but repentance could rid him of , and if you mark it , that is the onely thing which contracts a guile , the doing somewhat contrary to duty , and so the want of this second notion of sanctification it is , the want of sanctified operations , which interposes any rubs in the businesse of our justification , and not so properly that wherein god onely was concerned , his not giving grace , guilt being still a result from sinne , and sinne being a breach of the law , a contrariety to duty and not to guilt ; and though he that hath not received the gift of sanctification be not justified , yet the cause of his non-justification then , is not , in proper speaking , gods not having given him grace to sanctifie , ( for that is but a negative thing , and cannot produce non-justification , which is in effect a positive thing by interpretation , signifying condemnation , two negatives making an affirmative , non-justifying being non-remitting of sinne , and that the actuall imputing of it to condemnation ) but the sinnes of his former and present impenitent unsanctified life . § . 60 this also being thus cleared , i shall onely adde a third thing , and then conclude this matter , that in the same proportion that any such act of sinne doth unjustifie , it doth unsanctifie also , i. e. shake and waste , though not utttrly destroy , that sanctified state that before the man was in , by the gift and grace of god . § . 61 for as there were three degrees of provocation in the matter of justification , so are there also in this of sanctification , the first , grieving the spirit of god , eph. 4. 30. resisting it , trashing of god in his course of grace and bounty towards us , putting our selves under niddui , as it were , in respect of gods grace , as well as his favour , and so weakning our stock of sanctity , and this the deliberate act of sinne may be thought to doe . the second , is quenching of the spirit , 1 thes. 5. 19. putting it quite out , rebelling and vexing his holy spirit , is . 63. 10. a totall extinction of grace , the cherem that brings the present curse , or anathema along with it ; and this is not done by one sin not persisted in , but onely by a habit or indulgent course of sin ; and the third , is the despighting , or doing despight to the spirit of grace , heb. 10. 29. that which is proportioned to schammatha , that makes the finall irreversible separation betweene us and gods sanctifying grace , the first did not wholly deprive the sinner of all grace , no nor of sufficient to enable to repent ; the second , did so for the present ; the third did so finally also . § . 62 if you will now demand what are the effects and consequents of that displeasure of god , which this single act of sin brings upon the offender ; i answer , that i have in some measure answered that already , shewed you at the beginning many lugubrious effects of it ; and if that be not sufficient to satisfie you , or to shew the non-remission of such sinne till it be recracted by repentance , i shall then proceed one degree farther yet , to tell you , § . 63 that the method of gods dealing in this case ( of such single acts of commission ) seemeth by the scripture to be after this manner . upon any such commission , satan is wont to accuse that man before god , [ such or such a regenerate child of thine is falne into such a sin , and so into my hands as the lictor ) then to desire , or require solemnly , to have him to winnow , by inflicting punishments upon him , and god yeelds many times to this demand of satans , delivers the offender up to him in some limited manner . § . 64 to which delivering though temptations ( or afflictions which ordinarily are signified by temptations in scripture ) are constantly consequent , yet not utter desertion or withdrawing of grace , but allowing of strength sufficient to victory , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ability to beare , 1. cor. 10. 13. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , passage out of those difficulties in that same place , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sufficient grace , 2. cor. 12. 9. and assistance of his faith , that it faile not totally , ( which is the importance of christs having prayed for peter , luk. 22. 32. his intercession being a powerfull intercession ( as may appeare by his [ father , i knew that thou hearest me alwayes , iob. 11. 24 ] and so in effect , the obtaining from his father , and actuall conferring on his disciples the grace which he prays for ) and therefore it is observable , that as those which are thus accused and demanded by satan are generally such as , were it not for this present particular commission , would passe both with god and him , for faithfull disciples , and good christians , and therfore do stil retain that title ( as appears by the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , when satan is called the accuser of them , rev. 12. 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the accuser of the bretheren , or the faithfull , it seems they are faithfull still , though they have been guilty of some act , for which he thus accuseth them , and so he is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 1 pet. 5. 8. the plaintiffe or enemy , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of you , i. e. the elect , to whom he writes , c. 1. ● . ) so the end of yeelding to satans request in delivering them up to him is also fatherly and gracious {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that they may be disciplined , or taught not to blaspheme , 1 tim. 1. 20. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that he may be ashamed , 2. thes. 3. 14. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that the spirit may be saved , 1. cor. 5. 5. whereupon it is , that the fathers so clearly resolve it far better , and more eligible to be delivered up to satan , then to be delivered up to ones selfe , or ones owne affections or desires ; the first of them being the ordinary punishment of some act , or acts of sinne on purpose to recall to repentance ; the second being the great plague of spirituall desertion , inflicted on indulgent continuers in fin , the first of them a mark of their not-yet-totall abdication , their continuance in sonne-ship whom god thus chastens here , that he may not condemne them with the world ; the second , of their being cut off from that prerogative , whom god thus forsakes . § . 65 to which purpose , of gods dealing mercifully with his servants in case of single trespasses presently retracted by repentance , ( so farre as not to inflict any grand spirituall punishment upon them , such as absolute desertion , or utter disinherizon ) i conceive an image represented to us in christs command to his disciples , how oft they should forgive the trespassing brother , luk. 17. 4. if he trespasse against thee seven times a day , and seven times a day returne againe to thee , saying , i repent , thou shalt forgive ; where trespassing seven times is a phrase , for [ how oft soever he trespasse ] the word [ forgive ] notes the obligation to punishment without forgivenesse , and the interposing the word [ repent ] proportioned to every trespasse , shewes the necessity of that condition to wash off that guilt ; and the word [ turne ] prefixt to that , argues the repentance unavailable , if it containe not turning in it ; upon which , forgivenesse being there commanded , if we shall now adde that other place mat. 6. 36. where gods mercy to us is made the measure of our mercy to our brethren , the argument will come home to prove that god doth so deale with us , and consequently that every such act of sinne contracts a guilt , which is never pardoned but upon repentance , that upon the speedy performance of that duty the patient is preserved from any heavy spirituall punishment , which would otherwise attend that sin . § . 66 what we have hitherto said on this particular , will shew the danger of every act of deliberate sinne , and yet withall the difference betwixt such single acts presently retracted by repentance , and the like persisted , or continued in . to which purpose it will be worth the while to behold what we finde recorded of david . he , we know , had been guilty of severall acts of sinne , markt and censured in the word of god ; and some of them such , as for them he was in a manner delivered up to satan to be contumeliously used ( as he seemes to conceive from shimei's cursing of him , 2 sam. 16. 10. for shimei being an instrument of satans in cursing , and satan thereto permitted by god upon some crime , for which he had accused him to god , he there calls it , gods saying to shimei , curse david , ) and yet because he continued not with indulgence in any of them , ( his heart presently smiting him , as in the case of numbring the people , and recalling him to instant reformation ) save onely in that concerning uriah the hittite ( wherein it appears that he continued neere the space of a yeere , from before the conception till after the birth of the child , as is cleare by the time of nathans comming to him , 2 sam. 12. 1. ) t is therefore left upon record by god , that david did that which was right in the sight of the lord , and turned not aside from any thing that he commanded him all the dayes of his life , save onely in the matter of uriah the hittite , 1 king. 15. 5. § . 67 from whence although i shall not conclude , that god saw no other sinne in david but that in the matter of uriah , ( because i know he saw and punisht that of numbring the people , and for that other though not acted , yet designed under oath against nabal . 1 sam. 25. 22. abigail discernes that it was a causelesse shedding of blood , and an act of revenge , v. 31. ( and so no small sinne in gods sight ) yet t is cleare , that the sin in the matter of uriah , that onely sinne continued in for any long time , made another manner of separation betweene god and david , contracted another kind of guilt , ( and was a farre greater waster to conscience ) then any of those other more speedily retracted sinnes did , was the onely remarkable {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} drawing back , or turning aside from obedience to god , the onely grand defection , shaking off gods yoke , and so the onely chasme in his regenerate state . § . 68 these 4 propositions being premised , whereof 3 were affirmative , and this last of a middle nature , the rest will be negative ; as § . 69 fiftly , hypocrisie is not reconcileable with a good conscience . i mean not hypocrisie which consists in the concealing from the eyes of men the sins or frailties he is guilty of : for supposing those frailties to be what they are , i. e. acknowledging in them a guilt proportionate to their nature , i cannot see why the bare desire to conceale them from the eyes of men ( separated from the sins or frailties themselves , and from any treacherous designe in such concealing ) should be thought to superadde any farther degree of guilt ; when on the other side the publicknesse of a sinne is an aggravation of it , makes it more scandalous , and so more criminous also . nor againe doe i meane that hypocrisie , which is the taking in any thought of the praise of men ( and the like ) in our best actions : for as long as we have flesh about us , some degrees of this will goe neare sometimes to insinuate themselves , and then though they prove blemishes to those best actions , and by anticipating the payment and taking it here before hand , robbe us of that heavenly reward hereafter , which would otherwise be rendred to us according to those works , yet stil being but spots of sons , reconcileable with a regenerate estate , ( as the straw and combustible superstruction , is ( in saint paul ) compatible with the true substantiall foundation , ) they will be reconcileable with good conscience also , which is alwayes commensurate to a regenerate estate . § . 70 but the hypocrisy which i meane , is , first , that which is opposite to ( and compatible with ) sincerity : first , the deceiving of men , with a pretence of piety , putting off the most un-christian sins , having no more of christianity then will serve to mischieve others , i. e. onely the pretence of it to disguise the poyson of a bitter heart . secondly , the deceiving of god , or thirdly , his owne soule , not dealing uprightly with either , and nothing more contrary then this to a good conscience . § . 71 secondly , the maimed mutilate obedience , the compounding betwixt god and satan , the samaritanes fearing the lord and serving their owne gods , joyning others with god , and paying to them a respect equall or superiour to that which they pay to god , serving mammon and god , or mammon more then god . or § . 72 thirdly , the formall profession , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or outside-garbe of godlinesse , not joyning the inward , but making a meer pageant of piety , denying the power thereof . or § . 73 fourthly , the hypocrisy of the wisher and woulder , that could wish he were better then he is , could be well pleased to dye the death of the righteous , to have all the gainfull part , the revenue and crown of a good conscience , but will not be at the charge of a conscientious life ; or § . 74 fiftly , the hypocrisy of the partiall obedient , that is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of duty , chooses out the easy , smooth , plyable doctrines of christianity , the cheap or costlesse performances , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , will serve the lord his god of that which costs him nothing , will doe some things that have nothing contrary to passions in generall , or particularly to his passions , like herod that could heare iohn baptist gladly , be present at as many sermons as he could wish , ( and many the like painlesse performances ) but when the weightier matters of the law expect to be taken up also , cannot submit to such burthens . or § . 75 sixthly , the hypocrisy of the temporary , which abstaines onely as long as the punishment is over his head , and awes him to it , or as long as he meets with no temptations to the contrary ; both which what place they have in the death-bed repentance even when it is not onely a sorrow for sinne , but a resolution of amendment also , i leave it to be considered . or § . 76 seventhly , the hypocrisy of those which commit evill that good may come of it , who venture on the most vn christian fins for gods glory , accept the person of the almighty , doe injustice for his sake , or rather suppose him impotent , and fetch in the devill or their owne vile lusts to releive and assist god , of whom the apostle pronounceth their damnation is just , rom. 3. 8. or § . 77 lastly , the hypocrisy of him which keeps any one close undeposited sinne upon his soule . these are each of them contrary to some part of the ground of good conscience , to the foundation of christian confidence , some to the sincerity , some to the resolution , and some to the obedience , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in all , and some to the perseverance which is absolutely necessary to the good conscience . § . 78 a sixth proposition is , that a supine wilfull course of negligence and sloth , whether in duties of mans particular calling , or more especially in the duties of the generall calling as we are christians , that sinne of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is not reconcileable with a good conscience , ( omissions being destructive , such they may be as well as commissions ) whether it be omission of the performance of morall or christian precepts ( christs improvements of the law in the sermon on the mount , being not onely as counsells , but precepts obligatory to christians ) or whether it be onely the wilfull supine slothfull neglecting the meanes of knowledge , such as are agreeable to my course of life : or the neglecting to make use of those meanes which are necessary to enable me to get out of any sinne : ( one act of which nature was by christ noted and censured in his disciples , their not fasting and praying to cast out that devill that would not otherwise be cast out . ) or the not avoyding such occasions which are apt to betray me to it ; such acts as these , are ( as christ saith to those disciples ) acts of faithlesnesse and perversenesse , mat. 17. 17. and cosequently the continued course of them contrary to the sincerity of endeavour , and so unreconcileable with a good conscience . § . 79 the seventh proposition is , that all habituall customary obdurate sinning is unreconcileable utterly with a good conscience . i adde the word [ obdurate ] which signifies the hardning of the heart against the knowledge of the truth , against exhortations , against threats of gods word , against checks of naturall conscience , or illuminations of grace , against resolutions and vowes to the contrary , for this will make any habit certainly unreconcileable with a good conscience ; whereas it is possible that some customary sinning may be through ignorance of the duty , and that ignorance if it be not contracted by some wilfulnesse of mine may be matter of excuse to me , and so reconcileable with a good conscience by force of the second proposition . but the obdurate holding out against gods spirit , either knocking for admittance but not opened to , or checking and restraining from sin after conversion , and not harkned to , resisting all gods methods of working on us and still resolutely walking after the flesh , this is by no means reconcileable with a good conscience , nay nor any habit of sin simply taken ( for that is exclusive of the habit of piety necessary to the good coscience ) unlesse it have that authentique plea of faultlesse ignorance to excuse it . § . 80 the eighth proposit on is , that any deliberate presumptuous act or commission of any sin , against which damnation , or not inheriting the kingdome of heaven , is pronounced in the new testament , being not immediately retracted by repentance , humiliation , and all the effects of godly sorrow , 2 cor. 7. 11. is wholly unreconcileable with a good conscience . such are gal. 5. 19. adultery , fornication , uncleannesse , lasciviousnesse , ( foure distinct degrees of incontinence ) idolatry , witchcraft , ( two degrees of impiety ) hatred , variance , emulation , wrath , strife , sedition , heresies , envyings , murthers , ( nine degrees of the pride of life , or that other branch of carnality flowing from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or the irascible faculty ) drunkennesse , revelling , ( the species of intemperance ) and such like : and the same with some variation and addition , 1 cor. 6. 9 , 10. and eph 5. 5. every one of these at the very commission have the nature of peccata sauciantia , wounding the sinner to the heart , letting out a great deale of good blood and vitall spirits , and weakning the habit of christian vertue , of peccata clamantia , crying sins , the voice of conscience so wronged by them , calling to heaven for judgement against such oppressours , or perhaps satan carrying an accusation thither against such offenders ; and if upon this they be not straight retracted by an earnest contrition , humiliation and repentance , they then proceed farther to be ( any one act of them ) peccata vastantia conscientiam , sins wasting & despoiling the conscience , betraying to some sadder punishment , even desertion , and withdrawing of grace , and delivering up to our own hearts lusts , a consequent of which are all vile affections , rom. 1. and that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , cursing , heb. 6. 8. § . 81 just as it was the manner of the jewes judicatures . he that was punished by their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} separation or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( not permirted to come neare any man within foure cubits ) if he did not thereupon shew and approve his repentance within the space of two moneths , on that contumacy was then smitten with their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the anathemation or execration , and sometimes cast into prison . so is gods dealing with the sinner remaining imperitent for such a space , substraction of gods grace and spirit , the curse of the gospel is his portion . § . 82 for the clearing of which truth yet fa●therr , t will be observable that the danger that arises from one sinne of the first magnitude , against which the sentence is pronounced , that they who are guilty of such , shall never inherit eternall life , is or may be to him that after the knowledge of the truth relapses into it as great as that which is incurred by many lesser sinnes , or by a relapsing into a generality of impure life , and therefore the remaining in that one sinne , will be as unreconcileable with a regenerate estate , as the remaining in many other , and proportionably one act of it as noxious and wasting to conscience , as apt to provoke god to withdraw his spirit , as many acts of those lesser sins , and though neither any single act either of lesser or greater sinne in a sincere lover of christ , presently retracted , ( as it will be if he continue so ) doth so grieve , as to quench gods spirit utterly , so provoke god , as to make him wholly withdraw his grace and totally desert him ; yet if that one sin be continued in , favoured and indulged to , either by multiplying more acts of it , or by no : expressing repentance for it by all those means which the apostle requires of his incestuous corinthian , or which are named as effects of godly sorrow , 2 cor. 7. 11. this direfull punishment of desertion is then to be expected as the reward of any one such sinne , and from thence will follow any impossibility for that man so diserted ever to return to repentance again , gods speciallayde , which is now withdrawne , being absolutely necessary to that . § . 83 where yet of those , that thus remain in any such sin , there is some difference ; for some that so remain in sinne , doe so remain that they desire not to get out of it , hate to be reformed ; others thoughensnared so in sin that they cannot get out , yet are very earnest and sollicitous to find out some means to break through and escape out of those snares , and then this latter state of soul though it be not sufficient to give claime or right to mercy , ( the victory over the world , the actuall forsaking of all such sins being necessary to that , and not only our wishes that we were victorious ) yet is it a nearer and more hopefull capacity of the grace of repentance , more likely to be blessed by the returning of gods spirit enabling to repent , then that former state of contemptuous continuers in the same sin appeares to be . § . 84 for though in both these states there is no repenting without gods new gift of grace , and no absolute promise that god will be so gracious to such sinners , yet there is a place , 1 iohn 5. 16. which makes a difference betweene sinne unto death , and sinne not unto death ( both of them states of impenitence and persisting in sin , but differing as the two latter degrees of excommunication did among the iewes , cherem and scammatha both noting a totall separation , but the latter a finall also , and by the composition of the word intimating death or desolation , giving up the sinner to divine vengeance , as hopelesse or contumacious , in reference to which the phrase is here used , a sinne unto death , whereas the other , of impenitence , not arrived to that desperate contumacy , is a state of curse under cherem and anathema , but not unto death yet ▪ and allowes this priviledge to the prayers of faithfull men for others , that they shall obtain life for those that have sinned not unto death , where that [ the not being to death ] of a sinne , is to be taken not from the matter of the sinne , but from the disposition of the sinner , and so from this desiring to get out , though he remain in it , or somewhat answerable to that , might , if any doubt were made of it , be proved as by other arguments so by putting together the peculiar use of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in that authour , for abiding and continuing in sinne , and the no extenuation that such abiding is capable of ( so farre as to make one such abiding so much lesse then another such abiding , as that one should be called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the other not ) save only this of wishing and heaving and labouring to get out , ( which supposes some remainder of exciting , though not of sanctifying or assisting grace ) while the other goes on without any care or love or desire of reformation . § . 85 and though still there be no promise that such a relapst unreformed sinners prayers shall be heard for himselfe upon that bare desire to get out , which his praying for grace will suppose ( there being no such promise of grace to the relapst person upon his prayer , as there is to any else ) yet it is cleare from that place of saint iohn , that this priviledge belongs to the prayers of other faithfull penitents , for such a more moderate degree of unfaithfull impenitents upon their request god will give life to such , i. e. such a degree of grace as shall be sufficient to enable them to recover back to repentance , of which being given them upon the others prayers , if they make use , ( as infallibly they will if they were and continue to be really sollicitous to get out of that state ) they shall undoubtedly live eternally . § . 86 the practice of which doctrine of saint iohns thus explayned , you shall see every where in the stories of , or canons for the paenitents , where they that for any sinne of ecclesiasticall cognizance were excommunicated , did return to the peace of the church , ( an image of the peace of god ) by severall degrees , of which the first was , to stay and oft lye without the church doores , and in the portch at houres of prayer ; and desire those that retained the honour of being accounted faithfull , and so had liberty to go into the church , to pray to god for them . which as the secure supine negligent impaenitent was not likely to doe , so was he not to expect the benefit of it , nor the christian brother obliged to pray for him , though yet by saint iohns [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i say not of that or concerning that state of sinne that he shall pray ] i am not convinced that it were unlawfull so to doe . § . 87 by all this thus set and bounded with its due limitations , the truth of my eight proposition will appeare , of the unreconcileablenesse of such presumptuous acts of such branded sinnes unretracted , with a regenerate estate or good conscience , as being indeed quite contrary to every part and branch of the premised ground of a good conscience . § . 88 to which all that i shall adde is onely this , that he that tenders but the comforts of this life , i. e. of a good conscience , will be sure never to comm●● deliberately and presumptuously , or having by surreption fallen , never to lye downe or continue one minuit unhumbled unreformed in any such sinne , on which that direfull fate is by christ or his apostles inscribed [ shall not inherit the kingdome of heaven ] where yet as i shall not affirme that non● shall subject us to that danger but those which are there specified , ( for there is added and such like , and other sins there may be committed with the like deliberation and presumption , and so as contrary to conscience ) so shall i not say that all that commit any one act of any of these without that deliberation and presumption , or that are presen●ly by their own heart smitten and brought to repentance for them , shall incur that danger ; for the words {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the doers and committers of them signifie the deliberate committing and indulgent yeelding to them , contrary to which the use of surreption ▪ at the time and the instant subsequent retractation of them ( by contrition , confession , forsaking , and reinforcement of greater care and vigilance for the future ) will be sure meanes to deliver from that danger . § . 89 whereto yet this caution must be annext which may passe for § . 90 a ninth proposition . that the frequency or repetition of any such acts after such contrition and resolution is an argument of the unsincerity of that contrition , of the deceavablenesse of that pretended greater care , and so a symptome of an ill conscience , as the spreading of the skall or leprosie after the priests inspection is sufficient to pronounce the patient uncleane . levit. 13. and as that disease in the relapse may be mortall which at first was not . § . 91 other more particular niceties i confesse there are , the distinguishing of which might be usefull for some mens states , and help disabuse them both out of an erroneous and a secure , yea and an over trembling conscience . but because that which would be thus proper to one , being laid down in common , or cast into the lottery , might have the ill hap to be drawn by him to whom it is not proper , ( as that physick which would purge out a distemper from one , wil breed a weaknesse in another ) and because no wise man ever thought fit to take lawes out of generalities , i shall resolve rather to obey such reasons , and to be directed by such examples , not to descend to particulars , then to be in danger first of tempting the readers patience , then of interrupting his peace . pray for us , for we trust we have a good conscience , in all things willing to live honestly . hob. 13. 18. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45417e-150 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . tatian . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . tr. of wil worship . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hooper . vid. coch. exe . gem. sanh . p. 148. & buxtorf . instit. ep. p. 75. a vindication of dr. hammonds addresse &c. from the exceptions of eutactus philodemius, in two particulars concerning [brace] the power supposed in the jew over his owne freedom, the no-power over a mans own life ; together with a briefe reply to mr. iohn goodwins gbeisodikai, as far as concernes dr. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45473 of text r35984 in the english short title catalog (wing h615). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 128 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45473 wing h615 estc r35984 15585294 ocm 15585294 103955 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45473) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103955) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1150:3) a vindication of dr. hammonds addresse &c. from the exceptions of eutactus philodemius, in two particulars concerning [brace] the power supposed in the jew over his owne freedom, the no-power over a mans own life ; together with a briefe reply to mr. iohn goodwins gbeisodikai, as far as concernes dr. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 44 p. printed for r. royston ..., london : 1649. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng hammond, henry, 1605-1660. -addresse to the generall and counsell of war. ascham, antony, d. 1650. -original and end of civil power. goodwin, john, 1594?-1665. -gbeisodikai. war -religious aspects -christianity. a45473 r35984 (wing h615). civilwar no a vindication of dr. hammonds addresse, &c. from the exceptions of eutactus philodemius, in two particulars. concerning the power supposed i hammond, henry 1649 21705 18 280 0 0 0 0 137 f the rate of 137 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of dr. hammonds addresse , &c. from the exceptions of evtactvs philodemivs , in two particulars . concerning the power supposed in the jew , over his owne freedome . the no-power over a mans own life . together with a briefe reply to mr iohn goodwins {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as far as concernes dr. hammond . london , printed for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane . 1649. a vindication of dr. hammonds addresse , &c. § . 1. the late author of the originall , and end of civill power , under the name of eutactus philodemius , hath thought fit to question two things set downe by doctor hammond in his addresse to the generall , and counsell of war . the first is this affirmation , that the jew under gods own government might wholly give up himselfe , and his freedome to his masters will ( the power of life being onely exempted ) and by having his eare bored , might of a free-man , become a slave for ever . § . 2. the second is this question , whether ever any man was by god or nature invested with power over his owne life , i. e. to take away his owne life , or to kill himself ? § . 3. this affirmation , and this question , he willingly acknowledges , and is content that the question shall be interpreted a down-right negation , that never any man was by god , or nature invested with power over his owne life , or power to kill himselfe . and having thus confest the citation , as farre as concernes him , it remaines , that i proceed to justifie , both parts of it . and to that end , i shall think my selfe sufficiently fortified by two advantages , which that authour hath been pleased to allow me in this matter . § . 4. first , that it is not any opinion of doctor hammond , but the plaine words of scripture , which are under his name , thus opposed by this authour in both places . the former is in terminis , exodus 21. at the beginning , if the servant shall plainly say , i love my master , &c. i will not goe out free , then his master shall bring him to the judges , &c. and his master shall bore his eare thorow with an awle , and he shall serve him for ever . and againe , deut. 15.16 . and it shall be , if he ( i. e. the servant set free at the sabbatick year ) say unto thee , i will not goe away from thee , &c. then thou shalt take an awle , and thrust it thorow his ear unto the door , and he shall be thy servant for ever , and also to thy hand-maide thou shalt doe likewise . § . 5. that a plaine place of scripture should be thus mistaken for an assertion of doctor hammond , i am not permitted to suspect , because that author hath to his mention of the doctors name added the testimony of gen. 21. which , though it be a mistake , i suppose , of the printer , for ex. 21. will yet be a competent testimony of that authors opinion , that doctor hammond had moses on his side , and consequently , that both were to be involv'd by him in the same condemnation . § . 6. the same , i suppose , i may assume of the other negation questioned by him , that 't is in doctor hammond , but the repeating of the 6. commandement [ thou shalt not kill ] according to the latitude , wherein all jewish , and christian writers have interpreted it to the prohibition of self-murder , as hath been shewed by him at large in another place . § . 7. having mentioned this first advantage against this author , sufficient certainly to secure doctor hammond from his blame , and to make any apologie for him unnecessary , and well-nigh scandalous ( the word of god being able to plead its owne cause , without the assistance of any humane advocate ) i have yet the benefit of a second kindnesse allowed me by this unknowne adversary ; which , though scripture were not of authority with him , would encourage the doctor not to fear the falling under his displeasure . that is , the unreconcileablenesse of those two opinions ( the one with the other ) which he is pleased to confront to doctor hammond , viz. that it should be unlawfull for a jew to give up his freedome , ( and that servitude should be , as he calls it , an unnaturall servitude ) and yet that it should be put in his power by god and nature ( for that is to affirme it lawfull , and agreeable to nature ) to take away his own life , or to kill himselfe . for it being by job mentioned as an aphorisme of common nature , that a man will for his life give all he hath ; and in the accounts and practises of all men , that of liberty being part of that all ; it will consequently be unreasonable , and impossible for him that hath once affirmed the parting with ones freedome to be an unnaturall servitude , to deny the killing of himself to be an unnaturall murther ; and therefore , having so faire advantages before me , not onely the scripture in terminis on my side , but this adversary , by so easie a consequence , become my second also , i am ( not unwillingly ) perswaded to tender a brief reply to those reasons , which seeme to have drawn this author into this casuall dispute , and to endeavour the preventing of those errours ; to which , a philodemius , or popular disputer may in such an age of licentiousnesse betray others . § . 8. to the case of the jewish servant , giving up his freedome to his master , ( which was by the doctor mentioned out of moses ) the authour hath framed three answers . § . 9. the first , that it cannot be affirmed upon good and pregnant grounds , that from nature the jew had any such power , but that god onely permitted it to be so ; and the jew , by this unnaturall servitude to his master , was a fit type of that slavery that man should be in unto sin , to obey it in the lusts thereof ; for his servants we are whom we obey . § . 10. to this i answer , that the affirmation of moses in the scripture , [ that this was permitted by god to the jewes ] is to me a good and pregnant ground that the jew had this power under gods own government , which is all that he affirmes to be affirmed by doctor hammond in that place ; and therefore , the putting in those other words [ of the jewes not having it from nature ] seemes to be on purpose designed to take off from the clearnesse , and the pregnancy of the probation , and so onely to darken , but not to invalidate the argument . § . 11. but then secondly , i adde , that gods permitting any thing to any man , is a pregnant argument , that from nature that man hath that power : if by power we mean a morall power , or power of doing it without sin ; and if by gods permission we understand his approbation , as of a lawfull fact . for , thus it is certaine , that god never so permits , as to approve ( or not prohibite ) any thing , which by the law of nature may not be done without sinne . for the law of nature being the law of god , as truly as any positive law of his promulgating ; and god in all his lawes being constant to himselfe , so farre as never to prohibit , and permit the same thing at the same time to the same men ; it is most certaine , that what god thus permits , nature permits also , i. e. leaves it lawfull to be done , or possible without sinne . § . 12. but if by permission this author meanes no more then dispensation , or grant of present impunity , such as in the jewish common-wealth was ( for the hardnesse of their hearts ) allowed in the businesse of divorce , or ( for the multiplying of them ) in polygamy , then it will sure rest upon him to prove , and not only , as he saith , to suppose , that god thus ( and thus only ) permitted it to be so : but this i shall suppose impossible to be proved , though it cannot lie upon me to demonstrate the negative , nor shall i so much fear the probablenesse of his unprov'd groundlesse supposition , as to endeavour it . for indeed , what degree of likenesse is there betwixt those divorces and polygamies , ( which were such inordinate liberties ) and this other of divesting himselfe of liberty ? only the same that is betwixt two contraries . § . 13. i shall not need further to insist on this , both for the plaine words of scripture , and because it is the acknowledgment of this very author , page 18. that this may lawfully be done for the obtaining of a greater good , which being compared with rom. 3. ver. 8. makes up a demonstration , that a man hath this power , i. e. that he may lawfully doe it . for 't is not the intuition of the greatest morall good , much lesse of the greatest advantage to my self , or any other , that may make that lawfull which in it self is unlawfull , or which by nature man hath not power to doe . § . 14. and therefore , when he addes , [ that in this the jew was a fit type of mans slavery to sinne ] as t' will be easily granted , that he was ( as type signifies image or embleme ) so sure it will not prove that this servitude of the jew , was an unnaturall servitude , any more then any other parts of the judaicall law , ( which either in the intention of the law-giver , or by the wit of man can be made an image of any present state , or condition of men ) can by that one argument be proved to be unnaturall . for , sure all types are not by that one evidence of their being types demonstrated to be sinfull , especially when they are instituted , or permitted by god , and by that appeare to be agreeable to his will , in opposition to , or variation from which all sinne , or obliquity consists : or if this charge must fall singly on this type , but not on all others ( as sure the passeover , which was a type , was not yet unnaturall , and so of the rest ) then must this charge be proved by some other medium , then by this onely , that it is a type ; and till that be produced , i must think this way of discourse ( which first supposes this giving up of the jewes liberty to be a type , and then concludes it unnaturall for being such ) to be the proving of quidlibet ex quolibet , the same with his , which first supposes a live man to be a picture , and then sends him a challenge for being such : certainly such reasoning is too very loose , and light , to set any good character on that cause that wants such supporters . § . 15. his second answer is yet a little more strange , and such as could not yet easily have been foreseene , or expected , that his having his ear bored was a punishment for his contempt of that liberty , &c. t is sufficiently known that this boring of the ear was the ceremony of receiving a servant among the jewes ; and therefore , when david saith of christ , but mine eare hast thou opened , 't is acknowledg'd , that thereby was denoted his taking on him the forme of a servant . this boring of the ear with an awle was no very painfull thing , sure not so much as circumcision ; and yet 't would be a little strange , that when a proselite was received among the jewes with circumcision , that should be deemed a punishment on him for his not continuing a gentile , or that his conversion to judaisme , of which this was the ceremony , should be thereupon counted an unnaturall sinne : the answering such arguments as these , would require a more chearfull , and pleasant humour , then the times , or occasion of these debates will well permit . § . 16. the last answer lookes a little more demurely , that his giving himselfe up to be a slave for ever , did referre to , and terminate in the year of jubilee , &c. and that he did not make himself irrecoverably a slave , &c. [ that this was to terminate in the year of jubilee ] is said without farther proof , then onely of this untestified affirmation in a parenthesis , that that was the year of his freedome from that servitude which the corruption of his own will had brought upon him , which is the proving a thing by a bare repeating of it in other words , and onely throwing a little durt upon it . for how doth it appear that it is a piece of corruption ( for a man that loves his master , as the text saith , and is better pleased with his service , then with his former liberty ) thus to choose that which he likes best ? or how comes the casting off liberty to be a corruption of the will , when casting off yokes , and servitude is made capable of so good a character ? had the words of saint paul , speaking of servants , [ if thou canst be free , use it rather ] been brought to back this bare assertion , there had been some tolerable excuse for such a begging of the question as this : but those words extend not to a command , that every man should be obliged to be free , that can , but onely to a permission , that , if he will rather use it ( i. e. preferre this liberty ) he most lawfully , and commendably may . but this authour hath not thought fit to make this interpretation , or account of that place necessary to be given him . as for the truth of his affirmation , that this bondman with his ear bored , was released at the year of jubilee , 't is that , which , as it doth not well consist with the words of moses , [ he shall serve him for ever ] exod. 21.6 . and deut. 15.17 . so it is not proved by any other place , or made probable that [ for ever ] is not an absolute [ for ever . ] one place in leviticus , there is chap. 25.41 . which saith , that the poor brother that is sold to be a bond servant , shall be free at the year of jubilee , and proportionably the servant ( spoken of by me in exodus and deuteronomy ) is to be set free from that servitude , to which he was sold ( i. e. the forced and constrein'd , not purely voluntarily servitude ) in the seventh , or sabbatick year , and so by the same reason in the jubilee , which is the great sabbatick ( made up of seven times seven ) in the place of leviticus . § . 17. but this author must mark , that this person thus set free , is not the jew of whom doctor hammond spake , but the other that hath made the voluntary surrender of his liberty , he that , when the sabbatick yeare comes ( or consequently the year of jubilee , which offers him the same release ) resolves , that he will not goe out free , refuses to make use of the advantage of a jubilee , and so hath no more releases behind ; and consequently by this act of his is in an irreversible estate , remains a servant for ever . and so this more specious answer appeares to have as little of truth , or substance in it , as the two former . § . 18. to which , yet i might further adde , that in case it were granted , that the next year of jubilee gave this man release also , yet would not this avoid the concludency of this place for the lawfulnesse of giving up our liberty ( which is the onely point in hand ) because he that can doe it for seven , or for fifty yeares , can surely doe it : and although having done it , he shall have liberty , after that number of yeares , to retract , if he please , yet is this no obligation that he shall retract , but onely a priviledge that he may , which priviledge he may againe as lawfully deny himselfe to make use of , as before he did of his first liberty . § . 19. mean while the conclusion , or close of this authors reasoning is a little more extraordinary yet . for having from ( the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of ) the jubilee , inferr'd that he did not make himself irrecoverably a slave , he proceeds . [ and if so ( i. e. sure , if he made not himselfe a slave irrecoverably ) where is the warrant from god , or nature , from passiing away his freedome , or liberty at all ? and if so , how without recall , and irreversibly ? ] is it possible this author could think these conclusions demonstrated so logically , as that he should set them downe by way of question , which supposes them irrefragable at the first asking ? § . 20. for the first of them , is not the contrary most demonstrable ? that if he were a slave till the year of jubilee , ( as t is confest he was , and withall that he was so by gods permission ) then there is warrant from god for passing away his liberty in some degree , and for some space , though not irrevocably . doth not he serve at all , that serves not eternally ? or is that no warrant at all , which is such for a limited time only ? then sure are we not at all permitted to be men , or warranted by god ▪ or nature , to live in this world , because we have our jubilee too , our time of manumission from hence . § . 21. and for the second , what is that but a plaine circle , first to infer the [ not at all ] from the [ not irrevocably ] and then in same breath , the [ not irrovocably ] from the [ not at all . ] how reconcileable this is with the authours popular title of philodemius i dispute not , but resolve , it is not the particular merit which bestowed on him that other more regular of eutactus . § . 22. and for the dexterity that is exprest in the conclusion of the whole section , [ that therefore , that absolute , and unreserved resignation of a mans native liberty , &c. without any just condition , or adaequate exchange , ( which saith he , is hereby pleaded for by the doctor ) can have no rise , or origination from god , or reasonable nature ] ( imposing on the doctor directly against his sense , those words of so irrationall importance , [ without any just condition , or adaequate exchange ] i shall suppose that this was an effect of the necessary wants of his cause , and a discreet praevision that his conclusion could not subsist without such supplies , which made him venture on such indirect meanes . § . 23. for doctor hammond is not such an enemy to man-kind , as to plead for such irrationall actings , or to become his advocate that makes imprudent , or unthrifty bargaines , ( though by the strength of his free will to evill , he may possibly do so sometimes , and be obliged by his owne act , and justly suffer the inconveniences , and smarts of it ) but resolveth , that both the campanians in their dedition , and the barbarians in their request to the romans , that they might have leave to become their servants ; and the jew in moses's supposition , that loved his master , and preferr'd his service before his manumission , ( i shall adde my selfe also , who professe to prefer ( in my choice for my selfe ) subjection before absolute liberty , nay , before soveraignty it selfe , and believe it a farre more sober , and consequently rationall speech in saul , 1 sam. 9.21 . which exprest some aversation to samuels proposal about anointing him , then that other of absolons , o that i were a judge , or king , &c. ) did all part with their liberty upon adequate exchanges , such , as they ( which were the fittest judges what themselves thought ) did conceive to be the full worth of the commodity they parted with : and such a rationall power of parting with absolute liberty for somewhat that i like better , ( i. e. for subjection to government , which is , 1. in it selfe , farre removed from slavery ; and 2. is the onely way to secure men from the danger of it ) is all that that addresse had occasion to assert , or plead for at that time . § . 24. one thing more there is , which i may be allowed to adde , ( having thus farre reply'd to all his answers ) that the conclusion which was in the addresse inferr'd from that practice of the jewes , was farther confirm'd by the practice of diverse heathens , who can neither be excused by the pretence of a permission , or speciall dispensation from god to doe unnaturall things ( as he thinks may be affirmed of the jew ) nor yet were observed by the most rational historians to have done any thing contrary to reason or nature , in changing absolute liberty for somewhat which seemed better , and more advantagious to them , to wit , for security , and protestion , i. e. in changing a state of common hostility , ( the unhappiest lot in nature ) for that other ( set down by the apostle as the object of their christian * pursuite , and emulation , and * contention ) a quiet setled peace . the advantage of which change , he that is not inclined to acknowledge , must be of a temper of minde , or body so distant from that , which god hath given me , that i shall not wonder , that that which seemes to me most demonstractively asserted , is to him so farre from being acknowledged such . i shall adde no more to the vindicating of the first proposition , till i meet with the temptation of better , or more dangerous arguments against it . § . 25. i proceed as briefly to the second , which is proposed in the addresse by way of question , whether ever any man was by god , or nature , invested with power of his owne life , i. e. with power to take away his owne life , to kill himselfe ? the vindicating of which , i must acknowledge a taske , to which i did not expect , that the doctor should be call'd ; having not , till now , been so fully convinced of the danger , and ill consequences of favouring the excesses of those mens wits , who have maintained paradoxes , or of the improvidence of those that have tempted others by the publishing of them . § . 26. for certainly about two yeares since , before the time , that the postthumous {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : was set out , a man might in this nation have adventur'd to have asked so calme a question [ whether a man might lawfully kill himself ? ] and not have feared a challenge in print for this injury , or encroachment upon the liberty of our nature . and i conceive those lawes of our land , which have look'd on this selfe-slaughter , as an inhumane crime , and punish'd it after death , with the deniall of christian buriall , & a marke of reproach upon the grave , might , when time was , have been able to have come in to the assistance of so known a truth ; had not the sacred rites of christian buryall been now so despised , and profaned , that the wanting them hath ceased to be esteemed a punishment among us ; had not the custome of killing other men so harass'd our consciences , and obliterated all the remainders of written , and unwritten lawes , that we need not be wondred at , if the swords , which have been so flesht abroad , mistake their way sometimes , and return on the owners brests . and lastly , had not the deduction been so prone , and easie from the generall , to the particulars , from the lawfulnesse of a nations destroying it selfe , to a single persons going and doing likewise , from the justifying of civil intestine slaughters of the publicke , to that other more tolerable crime of a single violence . § . 26. as it is , i shall not endeavour to perswade my selfe ( as the pyrrhonian in sextus empiricus , would teach me to do ) that i was in a dream , when i read d. hammond cited , and confuted for thus affirming ; i must rather provide for the encounter , and hasten to answer the arguments , which this author hath offered against this branch of the sixt commandement ( as he met with it in the doctors hands ) or else t will be possible this opinion may gather proselytes also in this age , wherein nothing can be said so incredible , which some men doe not make a shift to take up , and believe very contentedly . § . 27. his first argument is drawne from the doctors concession , that man hath power from god and nature over his owne body to cut , and lance it , and over his owne freedome to passe it away , from whence , if he doe any thing , he must undertake to conclude , that therefore he hath power over his life also ; and to doe that , he must make good these three things : § . 28. 1. that since the confutation of the former proposition , he hath now chang'd his minde , and agrees with doctor hammond , that a man hath from god or nature power over his freedome to passe it away , ( for otherwise , though it will be an advantage against doctor hammond , who confest it , yet will it not be of use to himself who professeth the contrary ) and again that he hath forgotten , what in his very last period he had affirmed [ that god doth not intrust and allow any man to have power to destroy his owne image , i. e. to take away mans life , but him , or them whom he makes gods , i. e. magistrates to whom he deputes his owne place ] for sure it cannot be thought , that every private man in the community of nature , is such a vicegerent of god , or magistrate . § . 29. 2. that the argument , à minori ad majus affirmativè , is valid , against all logicke , viz : that he that hath power over the body , or over freedome , is supposed to have power over life also , and so that the surgeon , that may scarify the flesh , or cut off an arme , may therefore as lawfully slash the throate , and cut off the head also , and in like manner that the master by being such , is become the judge of his servant , and hath among christians that power of his life , which he hath seldome been allowed among the worst of heathens . § . 30. and 3. that god , which hath put something in our power , is thereby obliged to reserve nothing to himselfe ; or that by giving us the usus fructus , or benefits of life , he hath giving us the absolute dominion , and propriety of it also . § . 31. but without either of these 3 more difficult undertakings , the authour hath attempted an easier way , by supposing that neither cutting of flesh , nor parting with freedome may be endured by god or nature , unlesse they referre to such an end , whereby a farre greater good is to be enjoyed , and obtained : that cutting or lancing ( without this necessary circumstance of a greater good ) is a step or degree toward selfe murther , &c. from whence the conclusion , i suppose , must be , that by the same reason the killing of ones selfe , may then also be conceiv'd allowable by god , when it is referr'd by me to such an end , whereby a far greater good is to be enjoyed , and obtained , but never else . § . 32. to which i shall make these clear replyes , 1. that a thing directly forbidden by god , cannot be thought approveable by him , upon the referring of it to a morall ( much lesse if it be but an advantagious or profitable ) good end . their damnation is just , that say , they may doe evill that good may come : and that this is not a begging of the question ; but that , indeed , self-homicide is evill , and forbidden by god , will be clear by remembring these three things , 1. that the command of not killing , is indefinite ; and that he that kils himselfe , doth certainly kill , that he that sheds his own bloud , sheds the bloud of a man : and 2. that the image of god residing on him ( which is the ground of this prohibition in moses , gen. 9.6 . ) is as truly so , when 't is beheld in the reflexion , as when in the direct line , in my self , as in any other man . 3. that the power of life is reserved a peculiar to god , and not communicated to the creature , ( save onely to his vice-gerent ) which may thus appear . god as the creator of the world , and sole doner of life must be acknowledged to have the dominion over it : this dominion consequently is communicated to none but to those to whom by god it is communicated ; to the magistrate this power is given by that law of god , whereby he prescribes the putting certain malefactors to death ; and whereby he constitutues the magistrate his vice-gerent on earth , and so the executioner of that law , an avenger for wrath , rom. 13. and whosoever will challenge the like power , must shew the like charter , and evidence ; and if he cannot doe that , that is sufficient to prove that he hath it not ; as 't is sufficient to convict any man of the injustice of any his claime to my estate , that he cannot shew any deed whereby it was convey'd to him from me ; and there need no other affirmative proof against such an one , then that it was once in me , and it appeares not how it parted from me to any other . and therefore , till some evidence be produced , ( which i suppose will never be ) that this power of life is made over from god to every private man , the demonstration is abundantly clear , that that power is not in any private man any more over himselfe then others . and it is observable to this very purpose , that though the stoicks , to teach their disciples apathy , or courage against whatsoever events did talk of that sure remedy against all temporal pressures , the going out , or killing themselves , ( looking on it favourably as a refuge , or sanctuary from all those things which might otherwise be phansied unsupportable ) yet when they considered it this other way , ( as every thing , they said , had two handles ) i. e. in respect of god , who placed them here ; it was generally resolved by them , viz. by seneca , and the wisest of them ( and the more foolish of that sect , are seldome found to practice the contrary ) that we must not on our own heads desert our station , but maintaine that ground on which our generall hath set us , and waite with courage and patience , till he think fit to command us off againe . as for the other two , power over the flesh , and the freedome , the cutting of one , and parting with the other , they are no degrees toward the taking away life , but on the contrary are used on purpose for the preserving of it , in its being , or well being , the one by the rules of physick , the other of policy ; and therefore is the power of those allowed us by god , and nature , because they are thus instrumentall to that end , and submitted to our discretion , because they may be so . thus are some things referred to the stewards judgement , and put into his power , to dispose for the good of the family , and yet others reserv'd peculiar , and sacred in the masters own hands . thus are my writings put into my lawyers hand , for him to use to the preserving of my estate ; yet is not my estate put into his power to dispose of it at his pleasure for some greater end . and the argument would be very infirme , because that power which the steward , or lawyer hath intrusted to him , ought not to be used by him , but in order to some good end ; that therefore , that which is not so entrusted to him , may be thus assumed also . some rayes there have alwayes been communicated from heaven to this earth of ours ; and yet some flowers of of that celestiall crown , which have been reserved as sacred , and incommunicable . and so there will be no kind of weight or concludency in this present way of arguing , this ballancing of flesh or liberty with life , till it appear also from the same , or equall evidence , that those are reserved by god , as life appears to be . this certainly without any more help , is a full satisfaction to this argument . § . 33. but then secondly , & ex abundanti , the killing my self is no way ordinable to good , 1. 't is not ordinable to mine owne present worldly advant●ge , as lancing , and subjection may be , that is clear ; and that is a reason why god should not give us this liberty , ( though if we were not able to render reasons , the wisdome of the law-giver were reason enough ) and for future advantages to my selfe , the being with christ , which is farre better , 1. that cannot be taken notice of by bare nature , till that be christianized : and then 2. according to the christians rules , we have all reason to resolve that 't will not be purchast by any other way , but by that which god hath prescribed toward it , i. e. by lawfull unprohibited courses . it being evident , that the crown which is held in gods hand shall not be dispenced to any , but those which doe {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , strive lawfully , and that patience of waiting till god calls , is one of the lawes that are thus prescribed in our {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . § . 34. as for advantages to others , the publick-weal , or peace , 't is not imaginable , how the killing my self can be directly , or otherwise then by accident , ordinable to that ; whatsoever can be conceived of it , will be as sufficiently provided for by the magistrates having power of life ; and that he may have from god immediately , as well as he can be supposed to have it from any act of collation from me , if 't were in my power . § . 35. lastly , for any morall , or christian virtue , or yet farther , the illustrating of the glory of our creatour , ( which alone deserve the title of good ends ) 't is not the having an unlimited power , that immediately , or directly contributes to these , but the making use of the limited powers we have , the imploying the lives which he hath given us , according to his will , and not the destroying them contrary to it , i shall not need to prosecute this . all that is in this place pretended by the author to this purpose , is onely this , that a man may freely consent , and willingly expose his life to death for a greater , or publiker good . § . 36. where by consenting i shall suppose him to mean a consent of the will to that action which immediately followes , i. e. to the exposing his life to death , ( and if by consent he should mean any thing else , as the consenting , that the other shall kill him , or the making it free and lawfull to that other , to take away his life , then hath he put two very distant things together , and so 't is but the ordinary fallacy plurium interrogationum , and in that notion of consenting i shall anon shew that man may not , i. e. hath not power so to consent . ) and to the proving of this , it is , that his remaining endeavours ( as farr as concernes doctor hommond ) are directed . and accordingly he saith , he will be so bold as to state the question as it ought , i. e. to remove it from the words and sence wherein doctor hammond proposed it ( and in which it is that his whole discourse is grounded ) to those other words of his owne , most extreamly distant in sound and sence ; and in which i am as confident , that the truth is on his side , ( if consent signifie no more then i take it to signifie ) as i am , that that truth doth not contradict those other truths , which by doctor hammond are superstructed on his foundation ; or that the proposition , as 't is stated by the doctor , is all that is necessary to be affirm'd for the founding of the rest of his discourse . § . 37. for i desire to know , whether there be no difference betwixt killing my self , and exposing my life to death ? if so , then it must be not onely lawfull so to kill my self ( which is all the author demands ) but sometimes an act of duty , and necessity also : for so certainly ( in the assisting my soveraign , or country to hazard , and expose my life , when i am thereto lawfully called ; and so againe , to suffer martyrdome in the confession of christ , or discharge of any christian duty , is not onely lawfull for me to doe , but i sinne if i doe it not . and yet i doe not perceive that this authour hath laid this obligation , or necessity on himselfe , or any man else in any case to kill ( or lay violent hands upon ) himselfe , and so i suppose he is still of the doctors mind , ( though he be willing to conceal it ) that there is a difference between these . § . 38. and if there yet want any farther light to the clearing of this difference between this [ having power of my owne life so as to kill my selfe , and that [ having power of my life , so as to expose it , or venture it in a good cause ] i shall ( for the concluding of this paper ) propose the plaine difference betweene them . § . 39. and that may be taken from the nature of the word [ exposing ] for that we know signifies no more , then to submit it to an hazard , and so to expose my life , is to hazard my life : in doing so , all that can be affirm'd of me , is no more then this , that i am willing , or content ( and by my actions expresse that willingnesse ) to lose my life , if god please to permit it to be taken from me . § . 40. when my life is thus lost , three things must necessarily concurre to it , 1. the violence of the invader ; 2. the providence of god permitting him to invade ; and 3. my not resisting , or my not using the meanes ( which were naturally possible for me to use ) to prevent , or avoid the violence of this invasion , as when christ might have used angels ( and another slight , and a third complyance , and caution ) but chooseth not to doe so . of these three the onely efficient cause of the action ( of killing ) is the malicious violent invader ; sure neither the providence of god in permitting , nor my owne meeknesse , or obedience to christ in following him , though it be to the very crosse . § . 41. in this case , supposing that it be for a good end that i now expose my life ; it is also supposed , that the pursuance of that end is either duty in me , a thing that i am absolutely bound to , as the confession of christ , &c. or else that t is excesse of charity , to which , though it be not under particular precept , yet the intuition of some great , and glorious end doth so invite , and incline me , that t is heroicall virtue in me to doe it , and that which ( though god doth not so require it of me , as that i sinne , if i doe it not , yet ) he hath promised to reward abundantly , whensoever 't is done for his sake . § . 42. in the former of these cases , when the pursuance of that good end is strict duty , as in case i am commanded to confesse christ , or to assist my prince in protecting my country , there as my endeavour is required of me by that precept , so is my utmost endeavour , such as i must not remit , whatsoever the danger be ; and if that danger prove to be the utmost danger , even of my l●fe it selfe , yet the command of constancy , of not fearing , or fainting , and the character of perfect love given by saint john , that it casts out fear , and the denunciations against the fearfull , or cowardly , doe all joyne to extend my obligation , to pursue this so necessary end without any receding , and if the crosse it self lie in my way toward this end , to take it up , i. e. willingly to submit to gods providence , which hath thought fit to call me to this tryall , if it be even of resisting unto bloud . and so still all that i doe , is the constant , patient , chearfull submission to gods will ( in his providentiall disposing of my life , and in permitting the injurious to take it from me ) and nothing else ; an absolute choise of obedience , but not of death ; a sacrificing to duty all desire of life , but not otherwise undertaking to dispose of it . § . 43. hence is it that my venturing of my life doth not clear , or free the invader , from any degree of sinne , or guilt in thus taking it away from me . 't was but a sarcasme or trope in julians souldiers , to say , they did not wrong the christians by killing them , but onely hasten them to their desired home : and the fathers were able to answer the paralogisme by the rule in ethickes , distinguishing betwixt a mixt , and absolute will ; and so concluding their slaughters to be injuries , though they were willingly embraced , the persecutors to be persecutors still , though the other were martyrs . § . 44. which is a demonstrative proof , that 't is the invader , not sufferer , whose act the killing is supposed to be , and so that i am not in this case of exposing my life , supposed to give any consent that he shall kill me , or consequently to divest my self of the power of my life , or indeed to have any such power over it . for whatsoever is absolutely in my power to dispose of , that i may lawfully consent to part with ; that if i doe part with it , ipso facto , and jure * becomes his , to whom i part with it ( and if there be any errour in it , 't is chargeable on the giver , who was thus profusely liberall above the proportion : ) and consequently for him to take and use it , is in him no sinne ; as that part of my estate which is in my power , may by me be past over to another by gift , and being so , is lawfully possest , and enjoy'd by the receiver . § . 45. and therefore , i say , if the lawfullnesse of the exposing my life would conclude me to have a power over it , it must be as perfectly lawfull for the tyrant , into whose hands my life ( in the confessing of christ ) is by me exposed , to take that life from me , as 't is for the poor man into whose hands my goods are by me put ( in obedience to christs command of mercifulness ) to receive , and carry away those goods ; which being an absurdity too grosse to be defended by any , will , i suppose , incline this author to discerne the distance betwixt the questions , as the one is by him , and as the other was by doctor hammond proposed . § . 46. and in like manner also , when the end pursued by me , is ( though not absolutely necessary , yet ) better and more excellent ; there the precept of being faithfull unto death , and the promise of reward made to him tht layes down , or loses his life for christs sake , doe as much oblige to constancy , at least , as much assure that such constancy shall be acceptable to god , ( and that the more by how much greater the hazards , and terrours , and temptations are to the contrary ) as when the particular matter of the action was under precept . and so that other accidentall difference will make no variation in the main , nor make it at all probable , that exposing my life heroically was not warranted by god , when exposing it necessarily , was supposed to be so : it being as certain that god doth warrant me to doe that which he commends , as what he strictly commands to me : and therefore what was said in the case of duty , doth as truly hold ( and so needes not to be repeated againe ) in this case of [ more excellent ] also . § . 47. having thus far proceeded , it will now be unnecessary for me to answer the arguments which this author addes in this matter , because the question being by him changed from that , which was proposed by doctor hammond ( and stated negatively ) to another , which no man can be more ready to affirme , and assert then that doctor ; it would be an impertinent nicenesse in him to refuse to have his opinion confirmed by another mans reasons ; i shall rather wish that all his proofs were demonstrative , and effectuall to conclude , what doctor hammond affirms with him ; and onely briefly shew , that they are ineffectuall to prove what that doctor denies , and that will soon be done by the most cursory mention of them . § . 48. for first , i grant with him that god permitted his owne sonne to be put to death by the hands of violent , and unjust men , but see no consequence from thence , that christ , as a man might lawfully have taken away his own life ; as for the phrase of laying down the life for the sheep , that sure signifies not the killing himself , for the goodnesse of the shepheard consists not in that ) the cutting his owne throat , when the wolfe invades the flock ; but the making use of his life to the utmost , wherein it may be advantageous to the sheep , and venturing , and hazarding it in their defence , or quarrell ; yea , and contentedly suffering ( not acting in ) his own death , that he may be able to avert theirs . for this is the meaning of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to lay downe the life , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to venture himselfe voluntarily into danger , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in the notion in which the greek glossaries explain the phrase , from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i. e. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in hesychius , and the latine , parabelanum animae suae esse , i. e. all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) to expose it , not to be so solicitous for the defence of it , as to forgoe da●y , or charity , or care of the poor sheep intrusted to him , for the preserving of it . § . 49. a second argument is by this author touched on ( though not formally urged by him ) that the preserving whole societies from perishing is a good , and a publick end , and that the impunity of offenders being the readiest way to the dissolution , and destruction of societies , nature is supposed to dictate that one man should rather justly die , than whole societies unjustly perish . this conclusion , and premisses , the doctor doth , as the author foresaw , most willingly acknowledge , but withall discernes not , how it proves that a man hath power over his owne life : it will be sufficient if god by any other meanes ( as by instating it in the prince &c. ) do place that power of life in others . the utmost which this way of arguing can pretend to conclude , is , 1. that whatsoever any man hath in his own power , that t is reasonable for him to deliver up into the governours hand , ( thus to make it easie , or possible to discharge his trust , and by these advantages to contribute to the publike quiet and weale . ) nay 2. that god that hath the power of life , and sees how usefull 't is to have that vested in governours , should consequently be supposed so to vest it ( and that he doth so , is the clear acknowledgment of the addresse . ) § . 50. but sure it cannot extend so farre , as to make a man give ( or have ) that which he hath not , nor to restraine god from having the sole originall power of that , which otherwise might be acknowledged to be vested in him . § . 51. as for the supposition , which the author here addes on the back of this , [ in case 10 men in the community of nature chose one to rule over them , and one of them thus spontaneously subjected shall murther one of his fellow subjects ] ( whereupon he demands whether the ruler so set up may not by his own consent by virtue of that power he received from him among the rest , put such a murtherer to death ) to this i answer , that the governour may in this case put the murtherer to death , but this not by virtue of any power , or consent of the murtherer , but by authority from god , who alone hath the power of life ; in relation to which it is that the governour is styled {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a minister of god , in this very notion , as he is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an avenger for wrath or punisher of offenders . § . 52. that which is in the subjects power the governour may have by the subjects consent , and by virtue of the power which he received from him ; and therefore it is that the power of violent resisting invaders , the right of repelling force by force , which god and nature hath given the single man in community of nature , is now , in case of submission to the governour , parted with , and deposited by him , so far as refers to the governor , and though it be founded in selfe-defence , yet he that thus violently resists the powers , shall receive to himselfe damnation . § . 53. but still that which is not in the subjects power , is not , nay cannot be vested by the subject in the governour , but flowes from an higher principle ( from him that really hath the power ) and comes from the subjects consent , onely , as from the causa sine quâ non , or by way of resultance ; that as god communicates not this power of life to any but the governour ; so that mans consent , that hee should be his governour , doth remotely ( and by way of condition , or qualifying of the subject to a capacity of receiving that power from god ) concurre to the vesting of that power in that person . thus doth the temper of the aire contribute to the qualifying the slime , or putrid matter to receive influences from the sunne , and then those influences beget life in it , and endow it with that higher principle , which the temper of the aire , that contributed all it could , ( having not thus much in its power ) could not be affirm'd to contribute to it . § . 54. and so you see the doctors way of stating this question doth as fully provide for the punishing of malefactors , and preserving of communities , as the supposing the power of life to proceed originally from the people , would be able to doe ; as he that affirmes the soule in every birth to be infused by god , makes as sure a provision for generation , and consequently for the preservation of the humane species , as they that suppose the soul to be traduced from the parents , as well as the body . § . 55. his last argument is from rom. 5.7 . for a good man one would dare to die , i. e. saith he , would with the presence of a resolved spirit die ; the word [ daring ] saith he , noting a presence of minde terrified with no dangers . to this argument againe , as far as by the author it can be extended , i. e. to the acknowledgement , or concluding of the lawfullnesse of a valiant couragious suffering of death , either for a publick good , or for some act of eminent private charity , i am fully of the authors mind . § . 56. but the word [ dying ] in that place , signifying no more then submission of the will , contentednesse , or willingnesse to suffer death , not by his owne , but by some other mans hands , an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a taking those blowes ( though never so sharp and mortall ) on his owne shoulders , and brest , which were meant by the enemy to another ( to the mercifull , or good man in that text ) there is no logick can conclude from hence , that a man hath any power over his owne life , to take it away from himselfe by any act of force , ( as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} among the attick writers , is , saith phrynicus , used {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he that kils himselfe , takes upon him an independent authority over himselfe ) or to give it into another mans hands , so that he may without any farther authority ( without any investiture of the power of the sword from god ) lawfully take it from him . i shall conclude this with an observation of boethius , that the love of life is not seated in the will of the creature , but in the principles of nature . that so our lives may not be ventured on the uncertainties & hazards of our owne passions , or satieties , which may incl●ne the will to prefer death sometimes , but in the instincts of that more constant immutable rule , which alwayes prescribes the preserving of those treasures , by god and nature entrusted to us . § . 57. having made this short , and suddaine returne to this authors reasonings , doctor hammond will leave the matter most willingly , where this author hath placed it , at the feet of all ingenuous , and unprejudiced readers , and will endeavour ( as unpassionately as any man ) to approve himself a servant of reason , and embracer , or friend of truth , wheresoever he meets with it ; upon which score , he is content to acknowledge some obligations to this author , who hath occasioned this farther survey of his former affirmations , and given all other men some cause to be more confirmed in the perswasion and assurance of the truth of them . and thus much i conceive is sufficient to have said upon this occasion . § . 58. but it seemes the readers quiet is not to be obtain'd so easily ; for while that which hath been thus said was under the printers hand , mr. john goodwin's {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} came forth , and by the mention of doctor hammonds name twice in his title page , gave reason to delay this vindication so long , till it might appear whether 't would be usefull to adde any thing to it ( upon this new occasion ) by way of post-script . and herein it hath proved a little unluckily , that this second advocate of the same cause falling upon this passage in the addresse ( the subject of our present discourse ) hath yet in his judgement upon it so varied from the former author , that as he hath yeilded the question hitherto debated , and confest that no man hath by nature the power over his owne life ; so he hath provided a new task for me , by denying the doctors consequence from hence , [ that then this power cannot be derived to kings by men , or from the people . ] this i confesse is somewhat strange that that should be imagined derivable by men , or from the people , which at the same time 't is confest no man hath . i have lately learn'd a * scotch proverb from master henderson , and finde by search the meaning of it to be this plaine english , that nothing is derivable from any place , which was never there : and mr. goodwin acknowledges the strength of that consequence to stand in the authority of this maxime , nihil dat quod non habet , nothing gives that to another which it hath not it selfe . and truly , i shall never desire a firmer basis for any conclusion of mine then such an acknowledged principle as this . should i finde any part of my possessions in m. goodwins hands , and he justifie his title to it , by pretending the donation , or sale from philodemius to him , and i produce evidence that this was never in the possession of philodemius , would there be any more required of me , to conclude consequently , that 't was not derivable from philodemius to him ? would it not be a strange reply , to say , that this consequence depended on the authority of a topick maxime ? the word [ topicke ] i suppose to be here prefixt by him upon a designe of diminution , as topicall is equivalent with probable , and oppos'd to demonstrative . but i hope this is not thus a topick maxime . can any demonstration be more convincing , then that which is built upon a principle , as acknowledg'd as any in the mathematicks , and the contrary of which implies a contradiction [ to have , and not to have ? ] § . 59. as for the reason of denying this consequence , which master goodwin renders , because [ though no particular man hath by nature this power over his owne life , yet as a member of community he hath , not simply a power , but a necessity lying upon him by way of duty , &c. to consent with others , that his life shall be taken from him ] 1. 't is not to me imaginable , that he should have a necessity of duty lying upon him ▪ who hath not simply a power , meaning , as here he must , a power of doing it lawfully . and 2. for this power , or necessity of consenting onely ( as that differs frōthe power of giving ) this will be of no kind of force , unlesse it also appear that the magistrate derives the power of life ( which is suppos'd to be in him ) from this consent of theirs , or that it is this consent of theirs , and nothing else which gives him that power . but this is so far from being proved , that it is not so much as affirm'd by master goodwin : and on the other side 't is clear , that the bare consenting that a thing shall be taken out of my hands , is very distant from the taking upon me to give it ; the latter pretends and supposeth a possession , or investiture in the giver , the former doth not in the consenter ; and so , though the latter would be of some use ( if granted ) to inferre mr. goodwins conclusion , that the power is originally from the people , yet the former will be no way able to inferre it . § . 60. the matter will be very visible by example in any trust , or stewardship . the lord intrusts to his steward the keeping of a summe of money , after that he assignes it over to some other man by bill of attorney , and legally vests his right in that other . in this case the steward formerly intrusted consents , that that other shall take what is thus by the lord assigned to him , and indeed a necessity lies upon him by way of duty so to doe . in this case i shall ask m. g. from whom this money is deriv'd to this other ? from the lord , or from the steward ? i hope he will acknowledge from the lord : the same againe , when the king delivers a castle by way of trust , to be kept by one of his subjects , and after assignes it over to his sonne , and the subject that kept it , consents that the sonne should have it , and so the sonne enters upon the possession ; the case is clear , that 't is not from the subject that the sonne derives this possession ( though 't is as true that the subject consents to deliver it up ) but from the king onely : and that act of the subject is no expression of any right in him , from him conveyable to the sonne , but onely of his trust , and subordination to the king . and this is generally the difference betwixt investitures and trusts : what is vested in me , i may give , or derive to another , what is intrusted onely , i cannot : the servant cannot dispose of his masters goods , yet that his masters disposall may stand good , he may , and ought to give his consent . this is so grossely true , that 't is pitty any longer to insist on it ; and yet 't is the very thing that the whole point in hand depends on , and was therefore , i conceive , so industriously involv'd , and obscured by mr. goodwin . § . 61. after this , master goodwin insensibly glides into another peice of artifice ; the power of life , saith he , is eminently and virtually in the people collectively taken , though not formally . and againe , a man , and a body of men , have power over their owne lives radically , and virtually , though not formally . this period of master goodwin seemes to be a new way of answer , by applying distinction to the antecedent , as the former was by denying the consequence . the antecedent was [ that no man hath by nature the power over his owne life , &c. ] from whence the addresse concludes that therefore [ this power cannot be diriv'd from the people ] to this master goodwin first returnes his acknowledgement , that if the consequence be right , it is a clear case , that regall power is not originally in the people , but conferr'd on the ruler immediately from god . this is an acknowledgement in him of the truth of the antecedent , and a doubt onely of the consequence , which accordingly he immediately proceedes to invalidate : and therefore 't is a little strange ( and an argument that his first attempt was not very successefull to him ) that he should now so soone returne to deny the antecedent ▪ at least to distinguish of it , having before so absolutely granted it . but to passe over this , and allow him this liberty of recalling his bounty , let us examine the force of his distinction . § . 62. the force of this distinction doth not , i conceive , respect the subject [ the people ] ( as if that might be taken in two notions , either singly , or collectively ) because presently , without that distinction , he speakes indifferently of [ a man ] and [ a body of men ] but it belongs to the copula , or word [ is ] and then it must be thus dissolv'd . the power of life may be said to be in a man two wayes , 1. formally , 2. eminently and virtually , and radically . this distinction of formaliter , and eminenter hath been apply'd by philosophers to the sun , and heavenly bodies : of which it being by them resolv'd , that they are simple and free from those mixtures to which our sublunary bodies are subject , and yet it being apparent , that they warme and heat other things , it is thereupon defined , that they have not heat , or other qualities in them formally , ( i. e. in that manner , or kinde , that fire is hot , or we are hot ) but virtually , and eminently , i. e. that they have some other virtue , or faculty in them , higher , or more eminent then that heat which is in inferiour bodies : and that that doth enable them to warme other things , though they are themselves such pure creatures , as not to have those grosse qualities in them . whether this be rightly affirm'd , or onely nicely conjectured by philosophers ( for i suppose there is little known of those distant bodies beyond conjecture ) i shall not now enquire , but onely desire to be taught by mr. goodwin , how this can be made appliable to the matter in hand , i. e. to the power of life and death . this power , we know , is in god first , and if in any eminently , and radically , and virtually , certainly in him : and in the supreame magistrate formally , being actually inherent in him , though not originally , nor in so eminent a degree as in god it is . but can it thus be said also to be eminently , &c in the people , i. e. that the people have in them some higher , and more eminent virtue , or faculty then the power of every man over his own life ; and that that supplies the place of that formall power , and that by it the people beget , or produce the power of life in the supream magistrate , as truly , as , if they had it formally , they could doe ? this is the meaning of the distinction in the ordinary , and onely notion of it , and must be it , if it be rightly appliable ; but mr. goodwin interprets his meaning of it , so farre from this , so farre from importing , or concluding the people to have such an higher power or faculty ( to which [ eminently ] and [ virtually ] in opposition to [ formally ] belongs ) that 't is indeed by him set downe as much inferiour to that power formally inherent . for thus he interprets it , a man , and a body of men , have power over their owne lives radically , and virtually , in respect whereof , they may render themselves to a magistrate , and to lawes , which , if they violate , they must be in hazard of their lives , &c. by this i discerne two things , 1. that by this eminent , virtuall , radicall power , mr. goodwin understands that ( which is farre enough from the meaning of those words , and ) which logicians call a remote , or indirect power , ( as that is oppos'd to an immediate , or direct ) or rather a power , to which this effect is meerly accidentall , as if the patient were said to have power to cure himselfe , meaning thereby that he hath power to submit himself to the physitian , who is able to cure him . and for mr. goodwin to assume the liberty of speaking thus largely , was not , i suppose , his want of knowledge in propriety , but his willingnesse to receive advantage from this abuse of words : and then 2. if this be the onely meaning of the four hard words , ( eminently , virtually , radically , and formally ) viz. that 't is in the power of men ( or the people in community of nature ) to render themselves to a magistrate , and to lawes , to which rendring 't will be consequent , that they shall hazard their lives upon violating those lawes , then , i say , are mr. goodwin , and doctor hammond very well agreed ; for this his explication of that distinction is very reconcileable with those words of the addresse . this giving up their ( i. e. the peoples ) liberties to one , or more , makes that man , or men , a ruler over them , and being a ruler , to him belongs ( deriv'd from god , not from them ) the power of life which gods decree hath instated in the supreame power , or ruler , who is therefore in that relation of avenger for wrath or punishment , a minister of god , rom. 13. &c. for whence is it that their rendring themselves to a magistrate , in mr. goodwins stile , brings upon them that hazard of lives , in case of violation of lawes , unlesse it be that he that hath power of their lives , placeth that power in that magistrate to whom they have rendred , or subjected themselves ? that this is god , and not the people , i will not conclude to be mr. goodwins opinion , because 't is his maine designe to prove the contrary , but that those words of his , and his distinction so explained will bear that sense , i mean , that they will be true , and acknowledg'd by him , that acknowledges the power of life to be onely in the supream governour , deriv'd from god , i conceive sufficiently manifest ; & consequently , that though this power be said to be in the people remotely , improperly , and indirectly , and so in mr. goodwins notion of eminently , &c. yet 't is not from the people , but from god onely , that the governour hath it . § . 63. the reply will be as ready , and easie also to all force , or concludency of his next argument , that which is taken from the peoples power , to make , or consent to the making of capitall lawes . for 1. mr. goodwin cannot be ignorant that it hath been sometimes in the power of kings to make lawes , without the addition of any consent of the people : such were the principum placitae among the romans : and after it was thought fit by princes to lay some restraint on themselves , both that they might be better advised , and more readily obeyed , then , though the peoples consent hath been deem'd necessary , yet doth this belong onely to the regulating , and modifying the exercise of this power : the fundamentall power it selfe of life , being in the supream governour , before the making these lawes ; now 't is very easie to distinguish betwixt these two , the power , and the regulating of the exercise of that power ; the power in the grosse , and the determination of that power to this , or that particular action . the interposition of man in the latter of these , doth no way prejudge the sole priviledge of god , in the donation of the former of them : as the grace of god is his peculiar , and proper gift ; and yet man may give directions , and rules , how we are to act by that principle , what use it will best become us to make of that pretious talent entrusted to us . and therefore , for the great noon-day-truth which mr. goodwin induceth from these , and the like considerations , viz. [ that men by nature have such a power over their lives , as voluntarily , &c. to expose them to the stroke of publique justice , in case they shall offend , &c. ] this being granted , is of no force against doctor hammond , but doth with him rather suppose a publique justice able to strike , i. e. a power of life already vested in the magistrate , before this consent of the people , or abstractedly , without respect unto it . and so still it is not from this consent of the people , that this power is deriv'd to the hand of publick justice , but from some other higher principle , viz. that of god , to whom {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the avenging , or punishing of offenders , peculiarly belongs , and no other , but in subordination to , and substitution from him . § . 64. and what if the king , as m. goodwin next alledgeth , have no power to take away the life of his subjects without cause , or for every cause , but onely such as by law are punishable with death ; what if he cannot command them to be their own executioners ? doth it follow from hence , that therefore , he hath the power of life from the people , not from god ? doth the power of god so consist in doing causelesse , or irrationall things , that nothing which is exercis'd moderately , or ordinately , can be imagin'd to come from him ? i shall suppose that god himselfe hath perfect dominion over the world ; and yet that he observes rules of all-justice , and goodness in the exercise , and dispensing of that power , and hath not power of doing any thing contrary to those rules of eternall justice ; which he hath prescribed to himself ; which to do by all wise men hath been counted an act of imbecility , not of power . and consequently , how naturall is it that he should thus determine , and limit his deputies also ? give them power of life over their subjects , and yet command them to exercise that power with that just temperament , which either naturall , or civill , or municipall lawes shall dictate , and prescribe them ? and therefore master goodwins arguing is very loose , and unconcluding ; [ that if the power which the king hath over the lives of the poeple , were immediately from god , then he might lawfully execute the same , and take away the lives of men , without any mediating direction , or warranty from any law . ] for sure the same god that gives the magistrate the power of life , doth command him also not to throw away that pretious trust causelesly , makes him his minister for wrath to them that doe evill , and contrary wise a rewarder to them that doe well , and though he subject him not to any earthly superior , but reserve him to his own severe tribunall , yet he subjects him to reason , and rules of justice , and ( when he hath undertaken to governe by that standard ) to the positive municipall lawes of that particular kingdome also , and hath been as particular in prescribing lawes to the prince , to avoid oppression , or acts of height , as to subjects to abstaine from resistance . § . 65. as for that proofe which mr. goodwin produceth to enforce his arguing , viz. [ that the execution of no commission immediately issued by god , ought to be suspended upon , or determin'd , or regulated by any comission , or constitution of men . ] it is as far from truth , as it could well have been contriv'd to be : as will appear if it be considered ; that the word [ commission ] 1. signifies not an absolute , or positive command , but onely a power , or investiture of authority ; or if a command , yet that 2. onely an affirmative precept , the nature of which is , that it binds not ad semper , and so consequently , may be suspended at some time , by the free will of him that hath the commission , much more if any weighty reason interpose to determine his will . 3. that this commission is onely generall , and indefinite , without application to particular cases , referring that application to the conjuncture and concurrence of circumstances , ( which ordinarily are humane , and politicall ; ) and consequently to the discretion of rulers judging by those circumstances : the intervenience of which circumstances makes the particular exercise of that commission convenient , and seasonable in one place , and at one time ; and consequently , where they do not intervene , there the exercise of it may be at that time , and place suspended as unseasonable . as when the shedder of blood is by god commanded to be put to death , and yet some men accidentally , and invountarily fall under that title , it must be in the power of the magistrate , to suspend the execution of that sentence , or else the innocent must loose the benefit of the citty of refuge , and run the same fortune with the most murtherous designer . § . 66. after this manner 't is clear , that christ had a commission from heaven to worke miracles , to cure diseases ; yet 't is particularly affirm'd of the infidelity of his country-men , that that suspended the exercise of his power for some time ; he could not doe many mighty works there because of their unbelief , yet , i hope , this will no way be thought to argue , that christs commission issued from his country-men , or from the belief of men , ( though that were necessary , to the exercise of it ) or that christ did ill in suspendi●g the exercise of his commission . in like manner the people of israel had from god not onely a commission , but command to put the nations to death , deut. 20.10 . and yet on those of them that were left , 1 kings . 9.20 . solomon suspended the act of that commission , and onely levied a tribute of bond-service ver. 21. once more ; i shall suppose a generall to receive power of martiall law from the soveraigne in any kingdome , this power he is not willing to exercise , but by a cognizance of each malefactors cause before a councell of warre . here 't is plain that that councell of warre suspends that exercise of the generalls power upon a particular man ; but sure it will no way follow from thence , that that commission , which was suppos'd to issue to the generall from the soveraign , doth now issue not from the soveraigne , but that councell of warre ; and then no more will the possibility of suspending the exercise of the kings commission by law , &c. conclude that commission to issue from the people , and not from god . and therefore in the case which mr. goodwin hath been confident to referre to doctor hammond to arbitrate [ whether the king hath any regular or just power over the lives of men , other then that which is proportion'd , &c. by the lawes of the state ] i suppose the doctor may agree with mr. goodwin , and yet never be enforc'd , or concluded by that concession , to question the originall of the power from god , the difference being discernible between the power it self , and every particular exercise of that power ; and the suspension of the latter , farre from including the evacuation , or cancelling of the former . § . 67. the same answer will clear mr. goodwins succeeding plea , pag. 26. that if the power of kings over the lives of men , were by immediate derivation from god , then must this power be uniforme , &c. in all kingdomes whatsoever . ] this consequence is farr from all appearance of truth ; because the power may be from god , and yet that god that gives the power , may leave it in the particular exercises of it , to be determined either by the arbitration , and free will , and prudence of the governour , where there are no lawes , or by the regulation of lawes , where there are such ; the dimensum , or proportion of power over the lives of the subjects , which a governour claimes , consists not in indivisibili , in any certain , or definite point , but is that which may enable him to discharge his office of ruler , i. e. to protect his people , and restraine their inordinacies . and as farre as reason , and ( which are supposed to be a branch of that ) paticular lawes , ( subordinate to gods word ) see it fit to extend the exercise of that power , so far may that ruler regularly extend it ; and whatsoever proportion it be , that he is intrusted with by god , 't is not reasonable that he should irrationally extend the exercise of it . and this regulation of indefinite power by such prudent limits as these ( i. e. by the vniversall law of reason and justice , or by the particular conclusions , which the wisdome of law-givers hath thought fit to deduce from thence ) cannot justly be quarrell'd , as a retrenchment of power , any more , then the infinite goodnesse of god which permits him not to be able to do any thing which is contrary to that attribute , is a manicling , or restraining his omnipotence , but is onely a cultivating and dressing of it , a paring off the excesses , and exorbitances of it , and leaving it a form'd channell , instead of a vast or unbridled ocean . § . 68. and thus i suppose the nature of angels or men , which have bounds of virtue and conscience , and lawes prescribed them , within which they are to move , and not to range unlimited in the desert of their owne uncertain proposals , cannot thereby be said to have lost the liberty of their species , or to have received no powers from god in their creation , though some regulations ( it must be acknowledged ) they are under , and consequently , determinations and suspensions for the exercise of their powers . and what inconvenience the affirming of this will bring upon the doctor , what hazard of blaspheming of god , &c. i must professe my self so tame , as not to fore-see , or imagine , howsoever m. goodwins {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} hath helpt him to phansie such invisible mormos , and anakims in our passage . § . 69. next , it is but affirm'd , and not at all made probable by mr. goodwin , that the affirming the kings power over the lives of the people to be by immediate derivation from god , is to smite them with blindnesse , &c. and not to discover to them the dan and bersheba ( i suppose he meanes by this trope , the due bounds and limits ) of such their power ] i am sorry mr. goodwin should think it fit that such popular harangues should be admitted to supply the place of reason , and shall briefly reply , that they that affirme the power of the sword to be from god derived to magistates , doe at the same time define , and affirme , that those magistrates are to remaine rationall creatures , and to continue under the soveraignty of reason , and all the branches of that , as farre as their particulars are concerned in it , i. e. to be ruled by the vniversall lawes of justice and equity , by the civill sanctions which tend to the preserving of societies , and consequently by the particular locall , or municipall lawes of any country , which are supposed to have a peculiar propriety toward the preserving , and regulating of that people . § . 70. 't will now be to little purpose to prove that these two affirmations are reconcileable , the one deriving the power of life to the ruler from god , the other acknowledging the regulation of this power by these bounds ; for there is no kind of repugnance , or contradiction , nothing but accord and amity between them : the very hand of god that conferres this power , gives this very direction , and law for the exercise of it , that they that rule other men should themselves be guided by reason in all their actions : and what that reason is in each particular emergent , they are not alwayes , or onely , the judicialls of moses , which are fit to direct us , but the wisdom sometimes of particular laws , and law-makers . and so there is small danger either of ensnaring kings , or disturbing states , ( as he seemes willing to fear ) by this doctrine ; which though it define the originall of this power to be from heaven , can yet allow the regulation of this power for the exercise of it to be of an inferiour , humane , politicall orgination . § . 71. one argument more mr. goodwin is pleased to take in to disprove the immediate derivation of this power of life from god . because , saith he , that derivation which is immediate from god , can by no wayes be assisted , furthered , or promoted by any creature , or second meanes , but this derivation of that power of life is at least furthered by the act of the people in electing , &c. ergo , i shall not examine the force of his ensuing probations , which have frailties enough in them , but shall be content to suppose the most he can wish , or imagine , viz. that the people doe elect , or choose their king ; in this case , saith the doctor , the people give not the power of their lives to that king , but by giving up their liberties , &c. to him , nominate him to that office of supreame power , which , wheresover it is , god superinvests with the power of life . this is the doctors stating of the question in his andresse , and thereby the separation is evident between the act of the people in electing the person of the ruler , and the act of god in conferring this power of life . all that can be said of the former of these is that that act of the people is the meanes of determining the generall decree of god ( that rulers shall ( as his deputies ) have the power of life ) to this particular person , not that it is an assistent , or sociall cause in conveying this power to the ruler , much lesse that it shall undertake to wrest this power out of gods hands , and assume it into their owne ; but , i say , as a causa sine quâ non , or a previous preparation of the subject , by their choise qualifying the person to be thus invested , and impower'd by god . and so , though the people in this case are supposed to doe somewhat , i. e. to elect , and that election to determine this power of gods to this person , yet is this power derived solely from god , as the addresse hath sufficiently explain'd , and not from any act of the people : and therefore the word [ furthering ] in mr. goodwins argument , may be taken ( as an equivocall word ) in a double sence , either to denote actuall assistance , or contribution of force , or efficacy , toward the production of the effect , viz. of the power of life in the ruler : and in that sence it is not true , that the act of the people in electing , doth further this power , it being the sole act of gods decree to give that power , and nothing else . or else the word [ furthering ] may be taken to signifie no more then preparing , or qualifying the subject to a capacity of receiving this power from god , ( as john baptist prepared mens hearts for the receiving of christ , when he came , but had nothing to do in the mission of him , which was the sole work of god ) and thus indeed , the election of the people may further the derivation of this power from god to such a particular ruler ; and there is nothing more ordinary then for gods workes to be thus furthered by second causes , or meanes , even his work of grace , which he ownes most peculiarly . the resemblance made use of in the addresse , is very commodious to clear this whole matter . in the generation of a child , the parents are acknowledged to contribute much , to be not onely furtherers , but even efficients in the production , yet is it commonly agreed , that god creates , infuses , and inspires the soul immediately . i need not examine , or attest the truth of the ordinary opinion , that the soule comes from heaven , not from the parents ; because i now use it as a resemblance onely , and that it may be allowed to be , though it should not be true , and thus far at least it will be argumentative , that the electing of the person of the ruler by the people , doth no more conclude that the power of life is not superinfused and derived to the ruler ( so chosen ) from heaven , then the parents begetting of the child is an argument , that the soule is not superinfused from god . our phoenomena may be all very happily solved by this way of setting it ; and m. g. exceptions superseded , and the conclusion cleared , which was the onely one , which the addresse desired to infer by this consideration , viz. that whatsoever were supposed of the peoples electing their ruler , yet the supream power neither is nor can be in the community of the people by force , meerly of their originall , or naturall liberty , upon this firme ground ( not yet shaken by m. g. or philodemius ) that the power of life , which is part of the supream power , is not part of the naturall liberty , nor consequently either inherent in the community of men , nor by them communicable to any representative . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ the onely thing , which this rejoynder ( as the former discourse ) was designed to demonstrate most irrefragably . § . 72. and having proceeded thus farre to make returne to m. goodwins offers of reason , i shall not endeavour to make payment to his scoffes , pag. 28. or vindicate doctor hammond from his charge of overweeningnesse , &c. though 't is not at all intelligible to me , how those words in the addresse ( for it is possible that i may put you in minde of an evident truth , which perhaps you have not taken notice of ] should be chargeable with this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or interpretable to any farther sense , then onely this , that this truth so evident in doctor hammonds opinion , was not by him ●onceived to be sufficiently taken notice of , or laid to heart by them , to whom he then made his addresse . and if that doctor were therein mistaken , or if he be justly charged in his next page ( together with the rest of his perswasion , under the title of the whole legion of the royall faction ) as the first-borne of that evill generation of flatterers , for producing plain arguments of reason , and scripture to avert , that which appear'd to him a heavy sinne , and judgement , from a nation ; i must then betake my selfe to my prayers , that god will forgive me my more discernible sinnes , ( when innocencies , and good offices to mankind are become so culpable ) and get out of his company as soone as i can , who can so readily shift the discourse from reasoning to defaming , and supply with reproaches what was wanting in arguments . § . 73. i am now come to an end of this debate concerning the power of life , but cannot be so prudent , or thrifty of my paines , as to dissemble the other exceptions , which ( in this book ) master goodwin hath made to some other parts of the addresse ; i shall give you as brief an account of them as is possible . § . 74. the fitst , is his dislike of that critick annotation , as he stiles it , of the royall doctor , taking notice that the supream power , or ruler is stiled by the apostle , rom. 13. the minister of god , and not of the people ] how this comes to be stiled a critick annotation , ( which supposes it a grammaticall one , ( as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , are the parts divisive of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) where there is no use made of grammar to deduce it , nor indeed of any thing but of the plaine words , as they lie in the text ) i have not the skill , or sagacity to divine . all that doctor hammond affirmes is this , that the supream power , rom. 13. is stiled by the apostle , the minister of god , and not of the people . and is not this manifest to any that looks on rom. 13.4 . where he is twice stiled {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the minister of god , and is neither there , nor anywhere else stiled the minister of the people . § . 75. but , saith m. goodwin , this no way infringes the credit of his conclusion , that kings are the servants and ministers of the people . the apostles were the ministers of god , and yet they preach themselves also the servants of men , 2 cor. 4.5 . and ministers of the saints , rom. 15.25 . &c. to this i answer , that the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , minister of god , signifies a minister of gods ordination , and institution , and though it may signifie somewhat else , yet this is the onely notion wherein doctor hammond takes it in his addresse , according to rom. 13. of which he speakes , where the powers are said to be ordained by god , and to be his ordinance . now he that is thus a minister of god , cannot be so also of the people , because these two ordinations being incompatible , he that holds by one , must needs disclaime holding by the other . another notion there may be of the phrase , as it signifies performing of service to god ; and so indeed the same apostle that serves god , may be a servant of men also , and to that , all m. goodwins probations are directed , and though s. paules {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , his carrying of almes , and contributions to the poor saints , be no very proper instance to this purpose ; yet thus 't is acknowledg'd , that s. paul may be a servant of men , and performe offices of humility to them , ( though by the way this servant of theirs behaves himself sometimes very like a master , and comes with a rod when he sees it convenient . ) § . 76. but this is nothing to the purpose to infer the king to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a minister of the people in the former notion , i. e. a minister of the peoples institution ; and therefore all that m. goodwin addes of the reasons why the ruler , rom. 13. is not called the minister of the people , is very extrinsecall to that purpose . the utmost that he can enforce from that place is , that the king attends on the publique good . but sure that will availe as little to prove that he is not a minister of gods instituting , or one that hath the power from him , as the shepheards waiting over the flock , is a proof that he is ordeined , or instituted by his sheep . § . 77. the next undertaking of m. goodwin against doctor hammond , is to prove that the civill magistrate is by s. peter call'd {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; which he renders the ordinance , or creature of man because they receive their very being from the people as kings , and as magistrates . doctor hammond hath , i conceive , sufficiently vindicated that text of s. peter from this interpretation , and 't were easie to shew , that the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must by all analogy be rendred humane creature ; not ordinance , or creature of man ; by humane creature , meaning any part of mankind ; by creature of man , a thing of mans creating . the phrase to expresse the latter of these would be , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , taking creature for production , or work , and man for the artificer , or workman of it ; what is said in the addresse , is sufficient to direct any sober man to a right understanding of that place . and m. goodwins exceptions are very farre from perswading the contrary . as 1. [ that the king is there call'd supream , not in respect of the community of the people , as , saith he , the doctor supposeth , but as compar'd with subordinate rulers . ] but this is of no force against the doctor in that place , where all that he inferres from their title of supream , is , that they are the very persons that are enstiled the ordinance of god , ro. 13. & that is the signall character which he mentions in that text , without taking notice of any other aspect of the word supream , or drawing any nice conclusion from it . § . 78. his second exception is against the concludence of a negative argument . which i acknowledge an exception so far as to keep that argument from being demonstrative , in case all the force of it were fetcht from the negative ; but that argument from the negative ( or from the governours not being said to be sent by the people ) is but praelusory and preparative to another more forcible branch of the argument , viz. that ( on the contrary ) supremacy is affixt to the king , and subjection for the lords sake , commanded to be paid him , ( as mission from him is affirmed of all other magistrates ) and both those put together , the kîngs being supreme , ( i. e. inferior to none but god ) and subiection being affirmed to be due to him for the lords sake , ( i. e. because of the relation which he stands in to god , by whom he is said to be ordained rom. 13. ) may well enough passe for a character of some remarke upon the king , and keeep the pretended rendring of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from being the necessary importance of that text , or the supreme power from being concluded to be originally in the people . § . 79. as for the groaning of the creation , or creature ] rom. 8. which doctor hammond renders [ the hope of the heathen world ] t is not all m. goodwins {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that will render it an improbable interpretation . that the heathen world ( though without hope , i. e. in a desperate condition in respect of salvation , as long as they remained in their idolatries ) were yet so capable of receiving benefit of christs coming into the world , that christ is called desiderium omnium gentium , the desire of all nations , in haggai , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the expectation of the gentiles , in the septuagints rendring of jacobs prophecie ; that they seeing their owne impure condition , desired the meanes of restoring their lost treasure , and consequently are said to desire christ , without explicit foreknowing any thing of him , ( because that which they desired was no otherwise compassable , but by him ) is no nicety of the doctors invention , but largely insisted on by s. augustine in his bookes de civ : dei ; and this one consideration is reply sufficient to all the inconveniences which m. goodwin hath sprung in this interpretation . § . 80. as for the other difficulties which to him seeme to presse and resist the interpreting of the following words to this sense , they are not so solemnly mentioned by m. goodwin as to owne my impertinence , if i should enlarge on them ; though i can assure him , that d. hammond hath long since considered the whole context , and is ready to give an account of the agreeablenesse of it to his present notion , whensoever it shall be seasonable . only in favour to the reader , he doth not unnecessarily obtrude it on him at this time , meaning to expect a fairer opportunity for that , and other the like dissertations . § . 81. but m. goodwin upon the granting of this notion of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for the heathen world , hath falne upon a speciall {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that however , it signifies the world under the consideration of being the creature or creation of god . and then he wonders why {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} should not signifie the magistrate to be the creation of man , and how by this interpretation that conclusion of the kings being the creature of the people , is avoided . to this i answer punctually , that m. goodwin being the affirmer of this doctrine , [ that the king is the creature of the people ] and his proofe of it being those words of saint peter , where obedience is commanded to be paid {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as t is by him rendred , to every creation , or ordinance , or creature of man , it is certainly sufficient for d. hammond ( to disprove this conclusion so inferred from that place of saint peter ) if he shall be able to mention another probable interpretation of those words , from whence that conclusion will not be inferr'd ; especially if by other places of scripture he make it manifest , that that interpretation is most agreeable to the analogie of that and other scriptures . now this hath d. hammond done , by shewing that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is a phrase which needs not signifie any more then every man , or humane creature , not onely christian , but gentile , or heathen also . which if it be the entire notation of the phrase ( as at this time m. goodwin is content to grant ) then sure is there no ground for him from thence to conclude , that the king is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in that other so distant sense , an ordinance or creature of the people . as long as m. g. conclusion depends upon that one onely notion of the phrase , so long , unlesse that be acknowledged the genuine sense of it , ( as certainly t is not , when another so distant from that , is supposed possible to be it ) there is no stability to be expected to that conclusion , whose premisses are thus forfeited by his own concession . § . 82. as for the doctors answer to the supposed objection , ( where by the parallel command of honouring all , ver. 17. he infers the limitation of the subject , all to whom honour belongeth there , ( i. e. superiors , not inferiors ) and so here , every humane creature , ( i. e. every such , that is in place of magistracie ) certainly m. g. hath failed much in his attempt to invalidate it , by affirming that that apostle , in his command to honour all , supposeth a debt of honour due from every man to every man , according to that of the rom. 12.10 . in honour preferring one another . for to this i answer , that the meaning of 1 pet. 2.17 . cannot sure so properly be fetcht from rom. 12.10 . as it may from the circumstances of the text and verses on each side of it in the place of s. peter . in the former verses , 13. and 14. the words clearly refer to the doctrine of obedience to superiours , and so ver. 15. the mention of gods will [ that by well-doing we should put to silence the ignorance of foolish men ] ( i. e. that by obeying of our superiours we should take off the scandall that lay on christianity , as if it made men ill subjects , ver. 16. ) doth plenarily belong also to the same matter . so again , honouring the king in the end of the 17. ver. and servants obeying their masters , ver. 18. are very forward to concurre with this notion ; and the precept of loving the brotherhood , i. e. their fellow-christians , and of fearing god ▪ ( from which feare the honour divolves upon his vice-gerent ) will no way prejudice this notion of the honour there spoken of , that it belongs onely to the debt of inferiours to superiours ; and so that the [ all ] are onely those all that are thus capable of it . § . 83. as for the honouring of widowes ( by master goodwin mention'd from saint paul to timothy ) that sure is not appliable to this matter , since the honour there , is the relieving , or feeding of them , giving them that honour of supply , which is acknowledged to be another notion of the word , not that which in the fift commandement , and those other places , is the principall importance of it . § . 84. as little reason hath mr. goodwyn to conclude that the precept of being subject one to another , 1. pet. 5.5 . should not be a precept of obedience to superiors , when the words immediately precedent are , likewise ye younger submit your selves to the elders , and those elders , ver. 2. the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the pastors and bishops of the church . 't is possible indeed , that the [ one another ] may be , others beside superiors , but sure t is not so probably so , when that which immediately precedes , is submission to elders , to which the subjection here added , is not a phrase of diminution , but of addition rather , and when gods resisting the proud , that immediately followes , is , saith saint augustine , ( as in the poet , debellare superbos ) the direct contrary to subjectis parcere , the giving pardon , or grace to the obedient subjects . and thus i conceive the parallel words of saint paul , eph. ● . 21 . submitting your selves one to another ] are most probably to be interpreted , to those among you who are in any relation of superiority , for so it ▪ followes immediately , ver. 22. wives submit your selves to your own husbands , &c. whereas , when he rerurnes to the husba●ds duty toward the wife , it is not submission but love only , v. 25. other places i might easily mention , where the word ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) may very well signifie no more then others . so the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , confesse your faults one to another , jam. 5.16 . cannot farther be extended then to a direction to the sick to make confession of his sins , whether to others simply , or to those others whom he hath injur'd , but obligeth not them that are in health to tonfesse their sins reciprocally or back againe to the sick , and so in the next words [ and pray {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for one another ] that is , that the brethren in health should pray for them that are sick , and not reciprocally that the sick should pray for them in health , the end of the prayer there mention'd being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that ye may be healed ; which end , and close doth , i conceive , confine the discourse to the sick first to confesse , and to the healthy , after to pray for the sick and no more . and so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 1 pet. 4.9 . notes hospitality to the strangers that wanted , and not mutuall , reciprocall entertainments one of the other : for though it is possible that it might note the inhabitants civility to the travailer first , and then that travailers repayment of the like , when he comes to be a sixt inhabitant , yet the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , strangers , being ordinarily taken as a species of men in want ( as besides some places of scripture , i remember in just : mar : second apolog : speaking of the offertory , he saith that by that meanes the praefect became the guardian of strangers , &c. and of all that were in want ) i conceive {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is no more then kind to that sort of poore strangers , and that without any expectation of being entertain'd by them againe , for that the almes-giver should expect that returne from the poore , or stranger , is both unreasonable and unchristian also . so luke . 12.1 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} cannot be taken reciprocally , that they which trod on others were also trod upon by them , but that one trod upon another agreeable to our present sense : so act. 7. ●6 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; not that the person injur'd was injurious also , but onely that one injur'd the other . and yet more plainly , rom. 2.15 . their thoughts excusing or accusing , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , where it cannot be imagined that the thoughts mutually or reciprocally accuse or excuse , the accusation belonging to the conscience , which accuseth the erronious will , but not in like manner to the will , that that should accuse the conscience . these places are added ex abundanti ; that of ephes. 5. will be able alone to serve the turne , if these others should not be thought to be demonstrative . i have thus briefly reply'd to these other exceptions of mr. goodwin as far as concernes that place in saint peter , and i suppose have vindicated it from being the foundation of mr. goodwins beloved dogma ( which i shall desire him to shew to be the affirmation of any one ancient father or commentator on that place , or of any one place of scripture b●sides , which might helpe to countenance it ) that kings are the creatures of the people . § . 85. there are yet some old reckonings which mr. goodwin is willing to make even with the doctor , and i must b●g a very little patience from the reader to observe what account he hath given of them . § . 86. he begins with fair words of d. h. and acknowledgments , that having frequently heard of him , he never heard any thing but well and worthy of a man , his judgement in the grand state-question of the times onely excepted . that the discharge of his conscience in obedience to the fift commandement should be thus made an exception against the doctor , he hath sure learnt {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} neither to think strange , nor take ill at m. g. hands , remembring that some of the christians which were antiently in the world , in the absence of other visible crimes , were thought worthy of all reproaches for their common profession , or being christians . one thing onely i shall suppose , i have the doctors leave to assure m. g. that it was no speciall desire to engage m. g. which caused the particular mentions , and refutations of some passages in his bookes , but onely the opinion which he had , that they might probably prove matter of seduction to the reader ( and that seduction of a dangerous consequence ) if such necessary antidotes were not provided to avert , or prevent the danger . d. h. i suppose , is not over-fond of such disputes , or debates as these , and is never more in constraint , then when he lies under such engagements . § . 87. some passages in m. g. butchers blessing were a first great temptation to him , which , though resisted by the love of quiet , prepared him to receive more violent impressions from some remarkable sections in the anticavaleirisme , and at last the fire kindled , and his pen gave testimony of it . § . 88. the particulars he then took notice of in m. g. were 1. his dexterities in evacuating the force of tertullians testimonies concerning the patience , and non-resistance of the primitive christians , and these are at large refuted in the tract of resisting &c. pag. 10. to pag. 20. secondly , his strange affirmation of gods hiding from the first christians this liberty of resisting superiours , as part of his counsell to bring antichrist into the world , and his manifesting it to us now , as a meanes of casting antichrist out . the latter of these two , d. h. conceived as strange , and as dangerous a doctrine , as he ever met with , and therefore examined it to the bottome , resist . pag. 21. to 28. these two maine matters of difference d. h. acknowledges to have managed against m.g. but conceive without any thing of asperity , or excesse in any kind , which should look like a particular desire of engaging m. g. and m. g. hath thought fit for many yeares to let these reckonings sleep without ever giving the least reply to either of them . and now that [ of gods hiding of truths from the ancient christians , and the helping antichrist to his throne ] hath not the fortune to be taken notice of at all . and for the other of tertullian , though that be now mentioned , yet is it a little strange that no other return should be made to all the doctors answers , save onely the transcribing of two or three pages from m. rutterford , and m. pryn , as from a paire of royalists , in their two tracts of lex rex , and soveragine power of parliaments , which sure he could not believe will be of any authority with the doctor , though he is so pleasant as to mention the friendlinesse of their judgements , and the doctors in case of the late king : beside this transcription , there is but one passage in those dissertations of the doctors , to which he thinkes fit to make reply , and that is a grammaticall {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , taken notice of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by the doctor , viz. m. g. attributing to montanist , that he call'd himself the holy ghost . this d. h. did conceive to be hastily written by m. g. and not agreeably to the rules of the grammer , unlesse as in smectymnus , areopagi , are set for the areopagites , so è contra , montanist were set by m. g. for montanus . in this casuall incidentall charge m. g. thinks himselfe very neerly concern'd , more it seems , then in giving account either of his censure of tertullians testimony of the christians patience , or of gods hiding of truths , and assisting antichrist . for to justifie the grammaticalnesse of these words , [ montanist who called himselfe the holy ghost ] a great deale of paines is taken , and three whole pages spent on that affaire . t is not possible i should think fit to exercise my reader by continuing such a debate as this any longer , but shall think it abundantly sufficient to assure m. g. that the english remaines still unjustified , upon this ground , that the word montanist is no possessive , and if he still have inclinations to dispute it , i shall propose him this parallel : m. goodwin is a christian , who dyed for the sons of the world , and aske him , whether it be grammaticall sense to have said this . as for the deep recriminatior against d. h. for using the word [ resolve ] for concluding , or being satisfied within himselfe , &c. if this be any matter of ease on refreshment to m. g. 't were pitty he should be denyed the liberty to make use of it . § . 89. there now remaines but one particular , the doctors accusing m. g. of flattery in the elogies bestowed upon that action of the army , ( collected in the addresse , p. 6. ) whether they were thus guilty , i shall no farther dispute , but leave it to the reader to determine , having no other designe in this whole reply , then that m. g. may resume the consideration of his actions , and of his arguments , and remember that the matters of these debates , are of such an importance toward the publike peace , that men of our profession owe an account to god for them . and for other passages of this author , wherein the london-ministers are concern'd ; i leave them to answer for themselves , and so conclude this paper . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45473e-190 page 5. page 18. pract. cat. l. 2. sect. 5. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * data ●o ipso quo dantur , siunt accipientis . iurist . nam ne in animalibus quidem manendi amor ex animae voluntatibus verum ex naturae principiis venit , nam saepe mortem cogentibus causis , quam natura reformidat , voluntas amplectitur , &c. de consol. phil. l. 3. pros. 11. pag. 22. * that cannot be brought but , that is not the ben. vi . moschopul . gram. gr. tracts hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45470 of text r9409 in the english short title catalog (wing h608). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 123 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45470 wing h608 estc r9409 11808559 ocm 11808559 49485 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45470) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49485) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 495:22) tracts hammond, henry, 1605-1660. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. of conscience. [6], 30 p. printed by henry hall, oxford [oxfordshire] : 1645. imperfect: tracts 2-7 lacking on filmed copy. reproduction of original in bodleian library. 1. conscience -2. scandall -3. will-worship -4. superstition -5. resisting the lawful magistrate under colour of religion -6. sins of weaknesse, wilfulnesse -7. a late, or, a death-bed repentance. eng conscience. a45470 r9409 (wing h608). civilwar no tracts hammond, henry 1645 21752 52 630 0 0 0 0 314 f the rate of 314 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tracts of 1. conscience . 2. scandall . 3. will-worship . 4. superstition . 5. resisting the lawfull magistrate under colour of religion . 6. sins of weaknesse . wilfulnesse . 7. a late , or , a death-bed repentance . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . oxford , printed by henry hall , printer to the universitie 1645. the preface . it is a strong presumption that that religion is false which is apt to be made use of for secular advantages , that those opinions have somewhat of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ingredient in them , which are produced as the ground to justifie or authorize practices , otherwise impious and infamous , there is so little communion or complyance betwixt god and belial , that it is very hard even for satan himselfe , that great mpure artificer , to prostitute or debauch any truth of gods , ( which is really so ) to that meane of vile submission of yeelding it self pliable or instrumentall to any design or interest of his . he which can be corrupted or employed by an enemy is either not so honest or not so clear , either not so faithfull , or not so wary as might be expected . this one consideration would prejudge a great part of the divinity of these unhappy times , which in a perfect contrariety to the wisdome which commeth from above , jam. 3. or the fruits of the spirit , gal. 5. is so far from purity , peaceablenesse , gentlenesse , love , joy , long suffering , &c. that it is engaged to owne another extaction , to confesse it selfe his creature , and progeny , whom in the lineaments and features it so visibly resembleth . among the many severals of this kind i have long conceived that the vulgar notions of those foure names , which these ensuing treatises have taken confidence to examine , have had no small part of the guilt of those fatall evils under which this calamitous wretched kingdome now pants a prostrate gastly , and direfull spectacle . and consequently that the obstructing of these fountaines might possibly abate those streames and torrenes ( which have taken rise from thence ) of uncharitablenesse first and then of bloud . the mistaking of every phansy or humour , carnall or satanicall perswasion for conscience ( the acknowledged rule of action ) and the setting up upon too weak a stock for that high priviledge of a good conscience , hath emboldened most of the vices of the world , * petrified the practicall faculty , and made it insensible of any of those stripes , or threats , or discipline , which the law of nature or of christ hath provided for the restraint of their subjects . and from thence it daily happens that not only the most unchristian but unhumane practices , the most unnaturall savage barbarities of these last yeeres , ( which no parasite can flatter , or president extenuate ) are now avowed to be dictates and commands of conscience , and so not onely reconcileable with piety , but advanced and set up for the onely measure of it , and no man allowed to passe for conscientious which hath any remainder of morall or christian virtue ( in the ancient notion of the word ) discernible in his actions ; and so not onely zozimus his slaunder of constantine is become the reall guilt of too many professours , ( those sins confidently committed by them , for which no other religion allowes any expiation ) but , beyond the malice of that false tongue , the sinnes themselves resolved on as a speciall {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or purgative , an act of supererogating virtue , sufficient to sanctifie any other impurities . to these so grosse errours both in opinion and practice the present height o● animosity , and vehemence of the flame may possibly have betrayed men ; but what it should be that hath so heightned the passion , and first elevated it to this pitch of distemper , will not be discerned any otherwise then by conjecture from the quarrels which have been most insisted on , against the established government and discipline of the church , and the indifferent actions , and ceremonies , and observances either prescribed , or customary among us ; to which when no direct immediate blame or accusation could be affixt , it hath been the manner to object obliquely , somtimes that they have been matter of scandall , and that thought to have been sufficiently proved , if any could be produced who have disliked them , ( as if their being displeased were to be scandalized , or one mans being angry once without a cause , were for ever a just cause for others to be angry at that which were of it self most innocent ; ) sometimes that the crime of will-worship were chargeable on them , supposing first , ( but not proving ) will-worship to be a crime , and then every the least observance uncommanded ( though withall as perfectly unprohibited ) by scripture , to be the interpretation of that crime ; and sometimes that they have been superstitious ; by the equivocallnesse of that word , first perswading themselves and others that every excesse in religion comes under that title , and then that the uncommandednesse of any thing induces that excesse , and consequently involves in that guilt . to which three so inauspicious ( i may adde scandalous ) misprisions broached by satan , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to the fall , and so truly to the offending of many in israel , these ensuing treatises were designed as antidotes or cures ; to which end if they may prove in any degree successefull , the writer of them will never repent that he hath subjected them to the various & passionate censures of the many , hoping thereby that the mature and impartiall judgements of the few may be also provoked to interpose . by whose pleasure and serious examination , whether they shall stand or fall , they are in all humilitie submitted . h. hamond . of conscience . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . by h. hamond , d. d. london , printed for r. royston , at the signe of the angel in ivie-lane . 1645. of conscience . § 1 among the many practicall errours which are gotten abroad into the world , a very large proportion there is of those which have either suckt their poison from , or disguised it under that specious venerable name of conscience . that which the philosophers could call their guardian angell , and justifie the phrase by vouching none but angelicall dictates from it : that which some good-natured atheists did so revere that they defined the onely deity in the world , and in proportion phansied nothing but god-like of it , is now by some christians ( like the true god among the heathens ) worshipt in so many corporeous shapes , that there is at length scarce any thing so vile ( phansie , humour , passion , prepossession , the meanest worldly interest of the ambitious or covetous designer , like the calves , the cats , the crocodiles , the onions , the leeks of egypty but hath the favour or luck to be mistaken for conscience , and receive all the respect , that i say , not adoration , that belongs to it . § 2 't will be then but an act of justice and mercy , justice to truth , and mercy to the abused world , and withall a speciall preparative to a prudent reformation , to rescue so divine a man from such heathenish usage , to restore it to its naturall primitive simplicity , and cast out all the false formes which it hath been forced to appeare under . to which purpose all that i shall designe will be reduced to these two enquiries : 1. what is the proper notion of conscience . 2. what is required to entitle a man to a good conscience . § 3 for the former of these , what is the proper notion of conscience , i shall labour to finde out not among the scholasticall definitions or divisions of it among humane writers , but onely by observing the force and use of the word in the scripture , particularly the new testament . and he that shall meet it there 32 times , and but take a view of it at every meeting , will sure come to some degree of acquaintance with it , and find upon judgement reason to resolve , what for his ease i shall now lay before him . § 4 that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , conscience , is no more then science or knowledge , ( and therefore being but once used by the gre●k translators of the old testament , eccles. 10. 20. it is there set to expresse a word which is otherwise by them commonly rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) onely with a peculiar relation added to it , as that knowledge is in order to action . thus tit. 1. 15. when {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mind and conscience are distinguished , t is obvious to any to discerne the ground of that distinction , that former being properly the denotation of the faculty meerly speculative , or intellectuall ; this latter , of the practicall judgement , or that whether act or faculty of the understanding soule , which extendeth to practice ; the apostle by that phrase , [ the mind and conscience are defiled ] meaning distinctly this , that this errour in mens judgements , ( which is the defiling of their mind ) carryes un-christian practice along with it , ( which is the defiling of the practicall faculty ) this judaicall mistake in their understanding is attended with judaizing actions in their lives , the former apportioned to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the false judaicall doctrines , which relate to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the mind , the second to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the commands of men perverting the truth , v. 14. which relate to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the conscience . § 5 for the clearing of which ( that it is such a practicall knowledge in the acception of the scripture ) if there need any light , you may have it from the survey of every place severally , and in speciall from this one , 1 pet. 2. 19. this is thank-worthy , if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for conscience of god a man suffer griese , &c. i. e. if for this obedientiall practicall knowledge of god ( this knowledge of truth attended with a resolution not to disobey god , though it cost a man never so deare ) he suffer g●iefe , &c. § 6 this being premised , there is but one thing more to be added to this matter , and it is this ; that we take no●ice of the severall wayes of aspect that conscience hath upon practice ; one forward in the direct line , another backward , or by way of reflection ; which are ordinarily exprest by the double office of conscience , 1. as a cust●s or monitor , advising and instructing and keeping us to our duty ; 2. as a witnesse testifying to our selves and to god what we have done ; which is in plainer termes no more but this , that there are two sorts of conscience ; 1. conscience of duty to be performed , or full perswasion that such a thing ought to be done , or not to be done by me , a being resolved of the necessity or unlawfulnesse of any thing , and 2 conscience of having performed , or not performed it , a knowing or judging my self to have done well or ill . and under these two notions , all the severalls in the new testament , ( and the one sole place of the apocryphall bookes of the old ) will be contained , if you please , you may see how . § 7 to the former kind belongs that famous place , rom. 13. 5. you must be subject ( to the supreame powers , v. 1. ) not onely for wrath , i. e. feare or danger of punishment , the effect of wrath ( the magistrate being gods minister , an avenger for wrath , or punishment to him that doth evill , v. 4. ) but also {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for or because of conscience , i. e. because it is the command of god , and consequently that which all interiours ( every soule ) may , if they be not wilfully blind , know to be their duty , [ to be thus subject . ] § 8 so 1 cor. 8. 7. for some with conscience of the idol , i. e. being resolved in mind , that it is not lawfull to eate or taste of any {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , part or portion of the idol-feast ( whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , at the idoll table , or having bought it at the shambles , as it seemes , was the fashion for those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to be sold there at second hand c. 10. 25. ) accounting it unlawfull to eate any meat consecrated to that use , doe yet eate that which is of this nature , and by so doing , their weake i. e. uninstructed conscience is polluted , i. e. they sinne against their conscience , doe that which they are perswaded they may not doe , which although it be never so innocent a harmlesse thing in it selfe ( an idoll being simply nothing ) yet to them which doe it , when they think it unlawfull ( and all have not knowledge , saith he in the beginning of the verse , i. e. are not sufficiently instructed in their duty ) it is pollution or sinne , according to the fore-mentioned place tit. 1. 15. to the pure all things are pure [ all things ] i. e. all things of that nature of which he there speaks , though in themselves indifferent , [ are pure ] i. e. may lawfully be used [ by the pure ] i. e. by them which are rightly instructed , but to the polluted and unbeleevers ( i. e. to them that are misled by jewish fables , or by the dogmatizing of false teachers , and brought to beleeve things to be prohibited by god , which are not prohibited ) to them that are guilty of this kind of judaisme , and ( as it is interpretative ) unbeliefe there is nothing pure , but their mind and conscience are polluted , both their understanding is in an errour , taking falsity for truth , and their practicall resolution is sinfull also , nay obliged to sin , which way soever they turn themselves , whether they abstaine superstitiously , when they are not bound by god to abstaine , ( which is the sinne of those that are subject to ordinances , col. 2. 20. of which i have spoken at large in another place ) or whether they abstaine not , when they are perswaded that they ought to abstaine , which is sin against conscience . § 9 from whence by the way you may observe the miserable lot of those which have not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} knowledge in the beginning of that verse , which are missed to think any thing unlawfull which is lawfull , and continue in that errour without seeking of light , which are thus impure ( for to such {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} nothing is pure ) they are , as long as they remaine so , obliged to sinne , which way soever they take to , abstaine or not abstaine . for though in things indifferent and uncommanded , simply to abstaine were no sinne , yet then to abstaine {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as from a thing abominable or unlawfull , is both by scrip●ure and the ancient councels , in case of marriage and meats , every where condemned as sinfull : and yet on the other side to eate without , or against faith , i. e. being doubtfull whether it be lawfull or no , or being perswaded it is unlawfull is sin , ( saith the apostle ) and there is great necessity to such of seeking , ( and in others great charity of helping them to ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} instruction , or right information in this case , which is the onely cure for this unfortunate malady . § 10 so againe ver. 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; the conscience of him that is weake , or ( which is the same ) v. 7. and v. 12. the weake conscience ] signifies the false perswasion of him that is in an errour , an erroneous conscience , weaknesse noting sicknesse in the scripture stile john 5. 14. 1 cor. 11 30. and errour being the disease or sicknesse of the soule , and that with a little improvement growing destructive and mortiferous ; as in case he that hath that erroneous sick conscience , doe act somewhat againsgt conscience , and so adde sinne unto errour , for then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} v. 11. that sick man dyes , perishes of that disease . soch . 10. 25 , 27 , 28 , 29. the word conscience is still in the same sense , for conscience or consideration of duty , and so 1 pet. 2. 19. forementioned . § 11 so likewise 1 pet. 3. 21. where baptisme is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the answer of a good conscience to god , the good conscience signifies conscience rightly instructed in its duty , as in baptizing those of full age it is supposed to be ; which conscience is then to answer and consent to all gods proposals in baptisme ( or the ministers in gods stead ) such as [ wilt thou forsake the devill , &c. ] and so the words will be interpreted in a sense proportionable to that of denying ungodly lusts , tit. 2. 12. which there the appearing of christ is said to teach us . for as lust proposes ungodly questions to us , which we are bound to deny ; so god in baptisme is supposed to propose good questions to us , which we are bound to grant , and stipulate the performance of them , and that is the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the answer of a good conscience to god or to his questions proposed in baptisme , after the manner of ancient pacts among the romans made by way of question and answer , as part of the ritus solen●s or formalities of them . § 12 but then for the second acception of the word , as it notes conscience of what we have performed , or passing judgement on my selfe for what i have done , ( and that either for any one individuall act , or for the maine of our lives , our state ; and that againe either 1 acquitting or 2 condemning or 3 considered in a third notion common to both those , passing sentence in generall ) so shall you find it in many other places , and indeed in all the rest which we have not hitherto named . § 13 for the first of these three species as it acquitteth , you have it act. 23. 1. i have lived , ( or behaved my selfe in all my conversation towards men {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in all my politique , or publique relations ) with or in all good conscience , in such a manner , as i cannot excuse my selfe of any thing done contrary to my christian profession , or dignity of my apostolicoll calling . so 1 cor. 9. 12. the testimony of our conscience is exprest by what followes , that in simplicity &c. we had our conversation in the world . so good conscience is taken 1 tim. 1. 5. and 19. and 3. 9. and 2 tim. 1. 3. heb. 13. 18. 1 pet. 3. 16. but above all you have a speciall place belonging to this first branch of the second in act. 24. 16. [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] we render it a conscience void of offence , the meaning is , a confidence and assurance that he hath done nothing subject so much as to the censure of having scandalized others ; for saint paul being there accused by the jewes v. 5. 6. for 3 crimes , sedition , heresie , and profaning of the temple , he answers to the first v. 12. to the second v. 14. to the third v. 16. 18. and his being purified in the temple after the jewish manner he makes an evidence of his innocence in that particular , a proofe of his not having scandalized any jew , which to have done would have been a fault in him , whose office it was to become all things to all men , that he might gaine or save all , and not to discourage or deter any who might be gained by complyance ; and the doing so , is it which is called being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 1 cor. 10. 32. giving none offence to the jews , the very word in the place of the acts . § 14 in the second place , the accusing or condemning conscience is often mentioned also ; john 8. 9. convicted by their conscience , or reproved some for one sinne , some for another . so by intimation heb. 9. 9. where t is said of the legall sacrifices that they could not make perfect as pertaining to conscience , where the word [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] rendred to make perfect , signifies in the sacred idiom [ to consecrate , ] to make a priest , whose office being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to draw neare to god , proportionably {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to perfect or consecrate as pertaining to conscience signifies to give accesse with boldnesse to god , by taking off that guilt which formerly lay upon their conscience , the same that v. 14. is called , to purge the conscience from dead works , to wash off that guilt of sin past , which hinders their approach to god , obstructs all entrance to their prayers ( for we know that god heareth not sinners , joh. 9. 31. and is . 1. 15. ) whereupon t is observable , that heb. 13. 18. when he bespeaks their prayers for him , he adds this reason to encourage them to doe so . for we trust we have a good conscience , that good conscience being necessary there to have other mens prayers heard for them , as here to give themselves accesse to god in prayer . so heb. 10. 2. conscience , or conscienciousnes of sins , and v. 22. evill conscience , and so wisd. 17. 11. there is mention of wickednesse condemned by her own witnes and prest by conscience . § 15 and of the last sort , in the latitude common to both , are rom. 2. 15. rom. 9. 1. 2 cor. 4. 2. and 5. 11. and 1 tim. 4. 2. all cleare enough without the help of our paraphrase to adde light to them . § 16 having thus marshalled all these places of scripture into ranks , and given some hints of generall insight into them , it now remaines that we return a while to the neerer survey of the two generall heads , and first of the former acception of the word , as it imports a monitor , or director of life , by which our actions must be regulated , and from the mistaking of which the chiefe inconvenience doth arise . § 17 to which end , it will be absolutely necessary to settle and resolve but one question , what is that rule or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of conscience , from whence it must receive its regulation . for he that draweth a line of direction for another , must have a rule to draw it by , and that a straight exact one , or else the directions will not be authentique , and they which walke {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} exactly or conscientiously , must {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} walk by rule , phil. 3. 16. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} have their eye or thought alway upon that one thing , their rule of direction , or else be they never such {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the beginning of that verse , such forward proficients , their end may be perdition v. 19. this when once we have done , the difficulty will soone vanish . § 18 and to this purpose i shall take that for granted which in thesi i never heard any doubt of , ( though many of our actions look otherwise in hypoth●si ) that law is this onely rule ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rule and law being words of the same importance , and nothing fit or proper to regulate our actions , but that which the law-giver , to whom obedience must be payed , hath thought fit to rule them by . to which purpose it is ordinarily observed that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sin , or ab●rration from that rule by which we ought to walke ( for so that word naturally signifies ) is by saint john 1 epist. 3. 4. defined {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which we render a trangression of the law . i● which place of saint john , though the truth is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} denoting more then the bare commission of sinne in that author generally , viz. the wilfull perpetration of it , and an indulgence in , and habit of so doing ) the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must proportionably also signifie not onely transgressing , but wilfull habituall contemning the law , b●●ng an exlox , or without law ( as the idolatrous atheist is said to be without god in the world ) i. e. without any account or respect of it , ( and so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} joh. 31. 3. notes the greatest degree of sinfulnesse , we render in workers of iniquity , and so very frequently in the septuagint we finde {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , where we render the hebrew by mischiefe ) yet still the observation stands good , that law is the rule , in aberration from which all sinne consists , and so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in both senses , the least degree of sinne a deviation from the law , and a malicious contentious sinning a malitious contemptuous deviation , or transgression , and so saint paul hath also resolved it , that where ●here is no law , there is no transgression , no {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. 4. 15. no going awry , when there is no rule proposed to goe by . § 19 this being so cleare in i●s selfe , and yet through the mistakes , yea and impities of the world b●come so necessary to be thus farther cleared ; two things there are which will hence inevitably follow , the first negative , the second positive ; the first or the negative , that whatsoever undertakes to direct , or guide our actions , to tell us our duty , that this we must , that we may not doe , and hath not some law , ( in force , and still obligatory to us ) to authorize those directions by , is not conscience , whatsoever it is . § 20 first , humour it may be , to think our selves bound to doe whatsoever we have a strong inclination to doe , it being a matter of some difficulty to distinguish between my naturall and my spirituall inclinations , the motion of my sensitive appetite , and my diviner principle , my lower , and my upper soule , and the former commonly crying louder , and moving more lively , and impatiently , and earn●stly then the other . § 21 secondly , phansie it may be , which is a kind of irrationall animall conscience , hath the same relation to sensitive representations ( those lawes in the members ) which conscience hath to intellectuall ( those lawes of the mind ) and then , as aristotle saith , that in those creatures which have not reason , phansie supplyes the place of reason ; so they which have not , or will not have conscience to direct them , phansie most commonly gets into its place . or § 22 thirdly , passion it may be ; our feares will advise us one thing , our animosities another , our zeale a third , and though that be perhaps zeal of god , yet that zeale is a passion still , one of those which aristotle hath defined in his rhetoricks , being not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to knowledge or conscience , rom. 10. 2. for the hebrew word , as i told you , is rendred by those two words promiscuously , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , knowledge and conscience . or § 23 fourthly , diabolicall suggestion or infusion it may be , an enthusiasm of that black spirit ; as it is , ( or of some thing as bad in effect ) infallibly , whensoever rebellion , sedition , murther , rapine , hatred , envy , vncharitablenesse , lying , swearing , sacriledge , &c. come to us under the disguise of religion and conscience ; and therefore the spirits must be searcht whether they be of god , or of the devill ; and no surer way to doe it , then by these and the like symptomes , these fruits and productions of that infernall spirit , which so perfectly represent and owne their parent , that none but blind or mad men or daemoniacks can beleeve them in earnest to come from god . or § 24 fiftly , false doctrine it may be , and that againe set off either by the authority of the teacher , or by the dignity of some eminent followers and practicers of it , and then the apostle calls it [ having mens persons in admiration ] or by the earlinesse of its representation , being imbibed and taken in first , swallowed and digested before the truth was offered to us , and then it is prejudice or prepossession , and this again alwayes assisted by the force of that old axiom , [ intus existens &c. ] and by that which is naturall to all habits , to be hardly moveable , and yet further improved sometimes by pride and obstinacy , alwayes by selfe-love , which makes us think our own opinions ( i. e. which we are already possest of ) the truest ; which in this case is in effect to think our luck the best luck , and the same which was observed in one worst sort of heathens , who , whatsoever they saw first in the morning , worshipt that all the day after ; a choosing of perswasions as country men choose valentines , that which they chance to meet with first after their coming abroad . § 25 besides these , many other things it may be , and so , 1. it is oddes enough that it will not be conscience , which pretends to be so , and 2. it is certainly not conscience , unlesse it produce some law for its rule to direct us by . and this was the negative or first thing . § 26 the second or the positive thing which followes from the premises , is this , that conscience of duty in any particular action is to be ruled by that law which is proper to that action ; as for example : the christian law is the rule of conscience for christian actions ; the law of reason , or morall law , for morall ; the law nationall , municipall , or locall , for civill ; the naturall , law of all creatures , for naturall actions ; and the law of scandall , ( a branch of the christian law ) for matters of scandall ; and the law of liberty , for indifferent free actions . and as it is very irregular , and unreasonable to measure any action by a rule that belongs not to it , to try the exactnesse of the circle by the square , which would be done by the compasse , and in like manner to judge the christiannesse of an action , by the law of naturall reason , which can onely be judged by its conformity with the law of christ , superiour to that of nature ; so will there be no just pretence of conscience : against anything , but where some one or more of these lawes are producible against it ; but on the other side , even in the lowest sort of actions , if they be regulated by the law proper to them , and nothing done contrary to any superiour law , even by this god shall be glorified , 1 cor. 10. 31. a kind of glory resulting to god from that readinesse of submission and subordination of every thing to its proper rule , and law , to which the great creator hath subjected it , and of all lawes to that supreme transcendent one , the law of christ . and though some touches there are in the scripture of each of these lawes , some sibrae or strings of them discernibly there , so farre , that there is nothing almost under any of the heads sorementioned , but by the scripture some generall account may be given of it , and againe , though that of scripture be the supreame law of all , and nothing authorizeable by any inferiour law , which is contradicted or prohibited by that , yet is not that of scripture such a particular code or pandect of all lawes , as that every thing which is commanded by any other law , should be found commanded there , or be bound to prove its selfe justifiable from thence , any further then that it is not there prohibited , or thereby justly concluded to be unlawful . § 27 from whence by the way , i conceive direction may be had , and resolution of that difficult practicall probleme , what a man may doe in case he be legally commanded by his lawfull superiour to doe what he may lawfully doe , which yet he is perswaded he may not doe , or doubteth whether he may or no . for in this case if he be not able to produce some plaino prohibition from some superiour law , as from that of scripture , he cannot be truly said to be perswaded in conscience , ( which implyes knowledge ) of the unlawfulnesse of that thing , nor consequently hath he any plea for disobedience to that lawfull command of his superiours . all that may be said , is , that he may from some obscure place misunderstood have cause or occasion to doubt whether he may doe it or no , and then , although doubting simply taken ( i. e. where no command interposes , ) may keep me from doing what i doubt , yet it ought not to be of that weight , as to keep me from my lawfull superiours lawfull command , because that very command is a sufficient ground to supersede my doubting , when i have no plaine prohibition of scripture to the contrary , ( which in this case i am supposed not to have , for if i had , then , first , it were not a lawfull command , and secondly , i should not doubt but be assured ) it being my duty , and part of my christian meeknesse , in doubtfull matters to take my resolution from those whom god hath placed over me , and it being the sinne of dogmatizing to affirme any thing for me or others to doe , which some law of god , &c. still in force , doth not prohibit ; which sin being added to that other of disobedience to my lawfull superiours , will sure never be able to make that commence virtue , which was before so far from any pretentions to that title . § 28 having proceeded thus far in the search of the ground of conscience , 't were now time to reduce this operation to practice , and shew you , first , what directions conscience is able to afford from every of those lawes for the ruling of all actions of that kind ; and secondly , what an harmony and conspiration there is betwixt all these lawes , one mutually ayding and assisting the other , and not violating or destroying . but this were the largest undertaking that could be pitcht on in the whole circle of learning , aerodius's pandectae rerum ab omni aevo judicaturum , and all the schoolmens and casuists volumes , de legibus , de jure & justitia , and on the decalogue , would be but imperfect parts of this ; i shall give you but one taste or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of it , by which the reader will be perswaded to spare me , or rather himselfe that trouble . § 29 the prime of these , the christian law , is the rule of all actions that come within that spheare , sets downe the nature of all christian duties of piety , and love of our brethren in generall , and more particularly of faith , hope , charity , repentance ; selfe-denyall , taking up the crosse , &c. of humility , meeknesse , mercifulnesse , peaceablenesse , obedience to superiours , patience , contentednesse , and the like ; and the relation of a christian being a grand transcendent relation , there is no action imaginable , but may either in respect of the matter , or motive , or principle , or circumstances , offend against one of these , ( and then , malum ex quolibet defectu , the least of these defects blemisheth it ) and so conscience directed by that rule or law , will direct me either to doe it , or not to doe it in that manner , and then t is not any complaynce with , or agreeablenesse to any or all other lawes , which will make this action christian , which hath any such notable defect or blemish in it ; not to pursue this any farther , having thus named it , and shewed you the vastnesse of the sea it leads to , it will suffice to our present designe to tell you , that from what is said these 3 corollaries , to omit many others , will be deducible . § 30 1. that it is not possible for conscience ( be it never so strongly perswaded ) to make any action lawfull , which is not regulated by those rules , or lawes which are proper to it , and reconcileable with the grand rule , the christian law . conscience can never transforme profanenesse into piety , sacriledge into justice or holinesse , rebellion into obedience , faction into humility , perjury , or taking of unlawful oathes into religion , rapine into contentednesse , inhumanity into mercifulnesse , adultery , fornication , divorces , ( save in case of adultery ) or any uncleannesse into purity , labouring to shake a kingdome , ( to remove the crosse from my owne shoulders to another mans ) into taking up of the crosse ; but contrariwise , if it be truly and univocally conscience of duty , it will tel me that every one of these foule titles belongs to every such action ( the scripture being so cleare in these particulars , that there is no place or excuse for ignorance or mistake ) and by setting before me the terrors of the lord , perswade me not to venture on any one such action upon any termes ; or if i have ventured , it will smite and wound me for it , and drive me to timely repentance ; or if it doe not , t is either a cauterized insensate conscience , a reprobate mind , or else some of these images , which even now i mentioned , mistaken for conscience ; or if it be a full perswasion of minde , that what i thus am about , i am obliged to doe , ( if that be a possible thing in such matters and under so much light ) t is then in the calmest style an erroneous conscience , which is so far from excusing me ( unlesse in case of ignorance truly invincible , which here is not imaginable ) that it brings upon me the most unparalleld infelicity in the world , an obligation to sinne which way soever i turne my selfe , on one side appearing and lying at my doore the guilt of committing that sinne which i have so mistaken , and on the other the guilt of omitting that ( though sinne ) which my conscience represented to me as duty ; and nothing but repentance and reformation of judgement first , and then of practice , will be able to retrive the one or the other . § 31 the second corollary will be this , that it is the most unreasonable insolence in the world , for them that can swallow such camell-sins as these without any regrets , nay with full approbation , and direction ( perhaps ) of conscience ( if that may be called conscience which is so divided from , and contrary to knowledge ) yet to scruple and interpose doubts most tremblingly , and most conscientiously in matters of indifferency ; not so much as pretended to be against the word of god , ( and so within the law of christian liberty , that they may be done if he will ) and yet over and above their naturall indisterency commanded by that authority , in subjection to which the christian vertue of obedience consists ; and all this either first upon no ground of conscience at all , but only that it is contrary to their phansy , their humour , their prepossessions ; or secondly because it is a restraint , upon their christian liberty , which yet christ never forbid to be restrained quoad exercitium , as farre as belongs to the exercise of it , but hath permitted sometime the care of not offending the weak brother , i. e. charity , and sometime obedience , to lawfull superiours , to restreine it , ( for if in things indifferent they may not restreine , there can no obedience be payed to them ; ) or thirdly because they are offensive ( though not to them , yet ) to others , who are perswaded they are unlawfull . whereas i that perswasion of those others is erroneous , and not sufficient to justifie disobedience in thems●lves , much lesse in other men , in case of lawfull humane command , and 2 that their censuring of such indifferent actions , i. e. being angry without a cause , may bee greater matter of scandall , and so more offensive to others , and more probable to work upon them to bring them by that example to be so angry also , then the doing that indifferent action , mistaken by others , and condemned for unlawfull , would be to bring th●m to transcribe that reprobated samplar , i. e. to doe what they thus condemne ; all men being farre more apt and inclinable to break out into passions , then into acts against conscience , and so more likely to be scandalized or offended , or insnared , by following the former , then the latter example , to sinne ( for company or after another man ) by censuring whom he censures , which is being angry without a cause ; then by doing what they are advised and resolved they ought not to do , which is sinning against conscience . or fourthly , because they are against their conscience to doe , whilst yet they produce no law of god or man against them , and so in effect confesse there is nothing in them against conscience ; unlesse , as before was noted , they wilfully aequivocate in the word conscience ; which will and skill of theirs , as it will not make any thing , unlawfull , which before was indifferent , so will it not conclude ought , save only this , that they which are so a●tificious to impose on others , and forme scruples where there were none , would not be thought the likeliest men to swallow grosse sinnes under the disguise of vertues , or if they doe so , will have least right to that onely antidote of invincible ignorance to digest them . § 32 the third corollary will be this , that scrupulousnesse of conscience in some lighter lesse important matters ( if it may be supposed excusable , ●s a weaknesse of an uninstructed mind , joyned with that good symptome of tendernesse of quick sense , yet ) can n●ver hope to be accepted by god by way of commutation or expiation for grosser sinnes , so that he that falls foulely in any confessed sinne , should fare the better at the great day of account , or be in lesse danger of being cast out of gods favour for the present , because he is over-scrupulous in other things : for sure this were a strange way of supererogation to pay one arreare to god by running into another with him , to discharge a debt by owing more . and yet this is an errour which may seem worth the paines of preventing , it being so notoriously seen , that some men , which professe to have care of their wayes , and must in charity be beleeved to have so , goe on confidently in greivous sins , which they cannot but know will damne without repentance , ( the sentence of not inheriting the kingdome of god , gal. 5. being so distinct , and punctuall , and absolute , and indispensable against them ) and yet have no antidote to relye on for the averting that danger , but onely this of their exactnesse and scrupulousnesse in things indifferent ; which if they shall say they doe not confide in , they are then obliged , in conscience , and charity to their brethren ( who may follow them to this precipice ) either to give over hoping , or to set to purifying , without which there is no true ground of hope . this hint puts me in mind that there is another part of my design still behind , belonging to the second notion of conscience , to examine § 33 what it is that is required to entitle a man to a good conscience ; which will briefly be stated by premising what before was mentioned , that the good conscience belongs either to particular single performances , or to the whole state of life and actions . to the first there is no more required , but that that particular action be both for matter and circumstance regulated by the rule , or rules which are proper to it , and have nothing contrary to any superiour transcendent rule . as that my meale be with sobriety and thanksgiving , my almes with chearfulnesse , liberality , discretion , done in gratitude and obedience to god , and mercifulnesse to my brother , without reflexion on my own gaine or praise in this world . but for the good conscience , which belongs to the whole state of life and actions , which is called a good conscience in all things , heb. 13. 18. or a good conscience consisting in having a good conversation in all things , ( for so the punctation in the greek will direct rather to render it , [ we have a good conscience , willing to live well , ( or have an honest conversation ) in all things ] there the difficulty will be greater . and yet two texts there are which tend much to the clearing and disinvolving of that one , 1 pet. 3. 16. where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , good conscience in the beginning of the verse , is explained in the close by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a good conversation in christ , or a good christian conversation , or such as now through christ , by the purport of the second covenant may and shall be accepted for good . where the word [ conversation ] denoting first the actions and behaviour both toward god and man , and secondly , the whole course and frame of those actions , ( wherein it seems a good conscience consists , ) cannot better be explained then either by the apostles , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an accurate exact walking , eph. 1. 15. or the phrase to titus , c. 2. 12. living soberly and righteously and godly in this present world ; the first respecting our duty to our selves , or actions , as private men ; the second , our duty to our brethren , in our more publique capacities ; the third , our duty to god as creatures , men , and christians ; or saint lukes character of zachary and elizabeth , luk. 1. 6. walking in all the commandements and ordinances of the lord blamelesse ; walking blamelesse , in all : universall sincere obedience , ( not entire or perf●ct without ever sinning , but ) considered with the rules of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or moderation of strict law , ( which is now part of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the gospel-law , by which a christian is to be tryed , as equity is a part of the municipall law of this land ; such is mercy for frailties , and infirmities , and grosser lapses recovered and retracted by repentance ) now under the gospel , so as to be acceptable to god in christ ; which was intimated ( as in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in christ , 1 pet. 3. so ) in the former part of that verse , and their character {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , righteous before god : which phrase [ before god ] hath a double intimation worth observing in this place , first of the perseverance or perpetuity of that righteousnesse ( as opposed to the temporary of the hypocrite ) for the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} [ before him ] refers to the shew bread of old , exod. 25. 30. which was to be set before god alway ; and therefore is sometime called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the bread of faces , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} bread before his face , literally {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , before him , and sometimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} perpetuall bread , and secondly , of the acceptation or reception in the sight of god , for that againe was the end of setting the bread alwayes before god , that god looking on it might accept them ; and so righteousnesse before god , is such righteousnesse as god will please in the gospel to accept of , as when visiting the fatherlesse , &c. jac. 1. 27. is called , religion pure and undefiled before god the father ; it noteth such a degree of unblemisht purity , not as excluded all sinne , but as god in christ would ( or hath promised to ) accept of . and the same phrase therefore is in another place of the same chapter , luk. 1. 75. rendred by our church in the gospel for midsummer day by these words , such as may be acceptable for him . § 34 which being all taken into the description of a good conscience , that it is such a continued good conversation as god now under the gospel promiseth to accept of ; the onely difficulty behind will be , what that is which god promiseth to accept of ; to which end , it will be very instrumentall to take in that other place which i promised , and that is that forementioned , heb. 13. 18. where the good con●cience is evidenced ( or the ground of confidence that he hath a good conscience , demonstrated ) by this [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] willing , or resolving , or endeavouring to live honestly , or to have honest conversation in all things . from whence the onely thing which i desire to collect is this , that the sincere resolution or endeavour to live honestly in all things ( which i remember , one of our ancientest church-writers saint cyrill of jerusalem calls , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and opposes it to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , works ) is the scripture nomination of a good conscience , or the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that great treasure of confidence to all which have it ; that ground of mature perswasion for any , that he hath , or shall by god be allowed , and acknowledged to have a good conscience . § 35 and if it be farther demanded what is necessarily required , ( and how much will be sufficient ) to denominate a man such , what is the minimum quod sic of this sincere resolution , or endeavour , although that , i confesse , will be hard if not impossible , to define in such a manner , as shall come home to every particular , ( the proportions of more or lesse , knowledge or strength , the inequality of the talents of illuminating and assisting grace still interposing and making a variation ) yet will it not be matter of much difficulty to give some generall advertisements , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which will be acknowledged as soone as mentioned , and being put together , and by each man single applyed to his particular case , by way of self-examination , will be able to tell him in some measure , whether he hath a good conscience or no . and the first of these will be , that § 36 acts and habits of sinne in the former ( heathen or unregenerate ) part of the life , of what nature ( and clothed with what aggravations ) soever , if they are now retracted and renounced by repentance ( as that signifies not onely a sorrow , but a thorow change ) are reconcileable with a good conscience . the truth of which is cleare , first , because the gospel allowes place for repentance , and promises rest to the heavy laden , so he come unto christ , and mercy to him that confesseth and forsaketh . secondly , because the sincerity of resolution and endeavour now , ( which is all that is required to a present good conscience ) is reconcileable with past sins , even of the largest size . thirdly , because saint paul himselfe , which was once a saul , can yet say confidently , that he hath a good conscience . and fourthly , because ( which i shal a little enlarge on ) the sinne against the holy ghost , which alone is by the gospel made uncapable of remission , is , as i conceive , no act , no nor course of any speciall sinne , but a state of final impenitence , a continued persevering resistance of all those saving methods which are consequent to the descent , and are part of the office of the holy ghost . § 37 to which purpose i shall give you one hint which may perswade the preferring of this opinion before the contrary , and it is by observing the occasion of christs delivering those words concerning the irremissiblenesse of speaking against the holy ghost . those words are delivered by christ both in saint matthew and saint mark upon occasion of that speech of the jewes , that christ cast out devils , by the prince of devils , which was clearly a blaspheming or speaking contumeliously against christ himselfe , or the sonne of man , and there is no passage in the text which can conclude that that speech of theirs was by christ called the blasphemy against the holy ghost , but rather the contrary that it was a blasphemy onely against the sonne of man ; for t is apparent that christ mal. 12. 15. for the space of six verses sets himselfe to convince them of the falsity of that speech ( which probably he would not have done , if they , to whom he sp●ke had been in an irrecoverable irreversible estate of blasphemy . for that he should take such paines onely to leave them unexcusable , 1. there was no great need , in this case they were so already . 2. it is a mistake to think that christ doth so at any time , they are bowels of mercy and not designes of mischieving , or accumulating their sinne , and judgements , which incline him to call and knock , and labour to convince sinners ) and having done that , doth both invite them to repentance by shewing them the possibility of pardon yet , and give them an admonition able to shake th●m out of all impenitence , by telling them the danger which attended , if the only last method of working on them which was yet behind , did not prosper with or work upon them , this is the importance of that 31 and 32 verse concerning the speaking a word , i. e. standing out against the sonne of man on one side , and the holy ghost on the other ; the summe of which is this , there shall be by the coming of the holy ghost a possibility of pardon and meanes of reformation for those that resist and hold out and even crucifie christ ( as by the coming of christ , there was for those that should beleive on him , though they had formerly lived disobedient unto god the father , resisted those methods of mercy used on them under the old testament ) for them that speak a word . i. e. by an hebraisme doe an action ( of affront , of injury , of contumely ) against christ , yea that resist and beleive not on him , but conceive and affirme him to cast out divels by the power of beclzebub ( which was as contumelious a thing as could be said of him ) but when christ shall be taken from the earth , and the holy ghost shall be sent down to convince the world of that great sinne of crucifying christ , and to s●ttle in the church of god such an orderly use of all gospell-meanes that may tend to the bringing sinners to repentance ( the use both of the word and sacrament and censures and all other things necessary to that great end of working on the most contumacious ) that if this prevaile not , there is little hope left of ever working on such perversenesse , then it is to be resolved , that those that thus stand out against all those saving methods of gods last oeconomy , shall be left uncapable of any good , of any whether meanes of yet-farther working on them , or of pardon either in the church or in heaven , there being no more persons in the god-head now behind ( unlesse we will change the christians trinity into pythagorasses {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) nor consequently meanes in the providence of god , for the reducing of , or obtaining mercy for such . by this it will appeare that this blasphemy against the holy ghost is not any one act no nor habit of sin ( particularly not that speaking against christ there , which you will also guesse by saint luke , who mentions not that speech of theirs concerning his casting out divels by the prince of divels , and yet sets down this speech of christ , of the irremissibility of this blasphemy against the holy ghost , luke 12. 10. which argues that this hath no neare relation to that ) but a finall holding out against , and resisting the whole office of the holy ghost , and all those gracious methods consequent to it . § 38 to which i shall only adde in reference to my present purpose ( that there may be no place of doubting even to him which will not receive my interpretation of this place ) that even by those which conceive it to be some speciall kind of sinne , yet the unpardonablenesse of it is acknowledged to arise from thence , that it is impossible for any such to repent , yet not for any that repents to find pardon and mercy , which is sufficient for the confirmation of my present proposition . § 39 't is true indeed , that he that is sold a slave of sinne , the unregenerate carnall man , is , whilst he is so , in a most hopelesse , comfortlesse estate , and if he have any naturall conscience left him , it must needs be a kind of feind and fury with him , no peace to such wicked , saith my god , and it is as true that the recovery of such a man out of the grave of rottennesse , that lazarstate in sinne , is a miracle of the first magnitude , a work of greatest difficulty ( christ groanes at the raising of him that was 4 dayes dead and putrified in the grave ) and costs the sinner much dearer to be raised out of it . saul is strucke down in his march towards damascus , blind and trembling before his conversion ; but yet still when this conversion is wrought , he may have a good conscience what ever his foregoing sins were . and although the apostles censure heb. 6. 6. and 10. 26. light yet heavier upon those who after the knowledge of the truth and gust of the life to come , and participation of the holy spirit relapse to their former sinnes , it being there affirmed that there is no possibility to renew them , or ( as the greeks read it ) for them to renew or recover to repentance , and consequently the sacrifice for sinne [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] no longer belonging to or remaining for them , yet doth not this hinder the truth of the present proposition ; for 1 those places to the hebrews belong not to the sins of the unregenerate life , which only now we speak of , but of the relapse after the knowledge of the truth , 2. even in those places speaking of those sinnes , the doctrine is not , that there shall be any difficulty of obtaining pardon for them upon repentance , ( for the subject of the apostles propositions is the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} men considered exclusively to repentance , as abiding in sinne unreformed impenitent , and to such we designe not to allow mercy ) but that this is so great a grieving and quenching of the spirit of god , that it becometh very difficult , and in ordinary course impossible for them that are guilty of it to repent , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} again to recover to repentance : it being just and ordinary with god upon such sinnes of those to whom he hath given grace , to withdraw that grace againe , according to his method and oeconomy of providence exprest in the parable of the talents , [ from him that hath not made use of the grace or talent given , shall be taken away even that which he hath ] and wisd. 1. 5. the holy spirit of discipline will not abide where unrighteousnesse cometh in ; and so being thus deprived of that grace , it is consequently impossible that those should {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in a neutrall sense , renew and recover , or in an active reciprocall renew or recover themselves to repentance , though yet for god to give a new stock of grace it is not impossible , but only a thing which he hath not by revealed promise obliged himselfe to do ; and therefore whether he will doe it or no , is meerly in his own hand and dispositive power , and that which no man hath ground to hope and title to challenge from him . all which notwithstanding our present proposition stands firm , that where there is repentance , or true thorow change , those former retracted acts or habits are reconcileable with good conscience . § 40 the second this , that sinnes of weaknesse of all kinds , whether first , of ignorance , or secondly , of naturall infirmity , the one for want of light , the other for want of grace , or thirdly , of suddaine surreption , such as both by the law of [ si quis praecipiti calore ] in the code of iustinian , and by the municipal laws of most nations , are matter of extenuation to some crimes , to discharge them from capitall punishment , at least to make them capable of pardon , or fourthly , of dayly continuall incursion , either for want of space to deliberate at all , or because it is morally impossible to be upon the guard to be deliberate always , ( opere in longo ●as est obrepere somnum ) or fistly , which through levity of the matter passes by undiscerned , and the like , are irreconcileable with a good conscience , because againe , be a man never so sincerely resolute and industrious in endeavour to abstaine from all sinne , yet as long as he carries flesh about him , ( which is such a principle of weaknesse , that ordinarily in the new testament , the word flesh , is set to signifie weaknesse ) such weaknesses he will be subject to , such frailties will be sure to drop from him . this , i remember , parisiensis illustrates handsomely , first , by the similitude of an armed man provided with strength and prowesse , and wrestling with another in lubrico , on a slippery ground , who though neither weapons nor strength nor courage faile him , yet may he very probably ●all , the slipperinesse of the footing will betray him to that ; or secondly by an horseman mounted on an unmanaged or tender-mouth'd horse , who cannot with all his skill and caution secure himself : from all misadventures , the beast may upon a check come over with him , or getting the bit into the mouth 〈◊〉 into the enemies quarters ; or thirdly , by a city that is provided for a siege with workes , and men , and victuals , and ammunition , and yet by a treach●rous party within may be betrayed into the enemies hands ; there is a principle of weaknesse within like that slippery pavement , that tender-mouthed beast , that insidious party , which will make us still lyable to such miscarriages , and nothing in this contrary either to courage or diligence , to resolution , or endeavour . and ▪ for such as these frailties , ignorances , infirmities , &c. so they be laboured against , and the meanes of preventing or overcomming them sincerely used ( which if it be done , you shall find them dayly wain in you , and if they doe not so in some measure , you have reason to suspect , and to double your diligence ) there is sure mercy in christ to be had , obtaineable , by dayly confession , and sorrow , and prayer for forgivenesse of trespasses ) without any compleat conquest atchieved over them in this life . it being saint pauls affirmation , very exactly and critically set downe , rom. 5. 6. that christ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we being weake , dyed for the ungodly , to note the universal benefit of his death for such weak ones and such sinnes as these to which meer weaknesse betrayes them . the very doctrine which from that text at the beginning of our reformation our reverend bishop martyr did assert in his excellent preface to his explication of the commandements . § 41 to which purpose i shall onely adde one proofe more , taken from the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or rationall importance of saint pauls exhortation rom. 15. 1. we that are strong , saith he , must beare the weaknesses , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of them which are not strong , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and not please our selves , for v. 3. christ did not so , but &c. which reason sure must come home to both parts , the affirmative as well as the negative ( or else the logick will not be good ) and so the affirmative be that christ bare the infirmities of the weake ; and so again v. 7. [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] applyed to the same matter he took us up when we were tous fallen . i might adde more , but i hope rather that i have said too much in so plaine a point , and abundantly evinced the irreconcileablenesse of such frailties with a good conscience . § 42 a third thing is , that the lusting of the flesh against the spirit is reconcileable with a good conscience , so it be in him that walketh in the spirit , obeys the desires and dictates of that , and fulfilleth not the lusts of the flesh , gal. 5. 16 , 17. there is no spiritually good thing that a man ever doth in his life , but the flesh hath some mutinyings , lustings , and objections against it , there being such a contrariety betwixt the commands of christ and the desires of the flesh , that no man , which hath those two within him , doth the things that he would . ( for so t is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that you doe not , not that you cannot doe ) [ the things that he would ] ( i. e. the things , which either he resolves to doe , or takes delight in ) those he doth not , i. e. either purely without some mixture , or still without some opposition of the contrary , or ( as againe the place may be rendred ) this opposition of these two one against another tendeth to this , that we may not doe , or to hinder us from doing every thing that we would , as indeed we should doe , were there not that opposition within our owne brests . this is the meaning of that 17 verse , which notwithstanding it followes verse 18. that if we be led by the spirit , if that be victorious over the contrary pretender ( as it may , though tother lust against it ) if the production be not works of the flesh , adultery , &c. v. 19. but the fruit of the spirit love , peace , &c. v. 22. against such there is no law , no , condemnation , no accusation of conscience here , or hereafter . § 43 for it must be observed , that there is great difference betwixt this lusting of the flesh against the spirit in them that are led by the spirit , gal. 5. and the warring of the law in the members against the law in the mind , which bringeth into captivity to the law of sin , i. e. to it selfe , rom. 7. for those in whom that latter is to be found , are there said to be carnall , sold under sinne ( as a slave was wont sub hasta to be sold ) and so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to be led by the flesh and fulfill the lusts of the flesh , which is of all things most unreconcileable with that mans state , against whom there is no condemnation in christ , rom. 8. 1. and so with a good conscience . § 44 and if the resistance of the minde , or the law morall , of the spirit , or the law christian , be sufficient to excuse that action or habituall course which is committed and lived in , in opposition to both of these , or while both of these check and contradict , then sure are sins against conscience become ( if not the most excusable sinnes , yet ) the more excusable for this , that they are against conscience ; that woulding or contending of the mind , or the law of the mind being no other but the dictate of the instructed conscience , ( in them which know the law , rom. 7. 1. which he that obeyes not , but followes the law or command of sin against it , hath no● sure a good conscience , in our second sence as that signifies a conscience of well-doing or doing nothing against rule of conscience , for that this man in terminis is supposed to doe . § 45 having now proceeded thus farre in the affirmative part in shewing what sinnes are reconcileable with a good conscience , i should now proceed to the negative part and shew what are not reconcileable therewith . but before i advance to that , there is one classi● or head of sinnes , about which there is some question and difficulty of resolving , to which of the extreames it should be reduced , i. e. whether it be reconcileable , or unreconcileable with a good conscience . and that is the single commission of some act of knowne sinne , which hath not the apology of weaknesse to excuse it , and yet is not indulged or persisted , or continued in , ( for of those that are so , you shall hear anon in the 8 proposition ) but without delay retracted by humiliation and reformation ; for the stating and ●atisfying of which it will be necessary first , to observe that § 46 any such act of wilfull sinne first , hath in it selfe a being , and so is capable of a notion abstracted from the retractation of it . yea secondly , is a work of some time , and though it be never so suddenly retracted by repentance , yet some space there is before that retraction ; and if we speak of that time or space , there is no doubt , but that act , first , is contrary to good conscience , and contracts a guilt , and consequent to that , the displeasure of god and obligation to punishment , which nothing but repentance can do away ; yea and secondly , is a naturall means of weakning that habit of good , of sauciating and wounding the soule , and for that time putting it in a bloody direfull condition , and should god before repentance strike , for ought we know there would be no remission , and so , fearfull would be the end of that soule . § 47 but then secondly , if before god thus visit in justice , repentance interpose , ( as in this present case we suppose it doth ) if this plank be caught hold on instantly upon the shipwrack , if he that hath committed this act of carnality , &c. lye not down ( after the manner of the grecian horses in saint ambroses expression , qui cum ceciderint , quandam tenent quietis & patientiae disciplinam , are taught , when they fall in the rac● , not to strive or endeavour to get up again , lye still on the ground with great stilnesse and patience ) walk not after the flesh , ro. 8. ● . then presently is he set right again in gods savour , upon ( performance of the solemnities , as it were , payment of the fees of the court ) humiliation , contrition , confession , and lowly supplications to god for pardon in christ , and so then to him thus repaired there is no condemnation ; beside the forementioned effects that attended that sinne at the time there is no future arrear behind in the other world . § 48 as for the other effect of sinne in this life , the wasting of the conscience , or provoking of god to withdraw his grace ; though any such act of wilfull sinne may justly be thought to do that also in some degree , first , to stop god from going on in his current of liberality , and secondly , to cast us back from that plenitude and abundance , which before in the riches of gods bounty in christ was afforded , and so much weaken our stock of grace , leave us much more infirme then wee were before the commission ; yet wee find not any threat in scripture that god will , upon this provocation of one single act not persisted in , presently withdraw all grace , but we have reason to hope what the article of our church supposes , that in this case he leaves sufficient grace to enable that child of his , that thus falls , by that his grace to return again . § 49 and if that sad presage , heb. 6. 6. seem to any to withstand this , the answer will be prompt and easy , by observing that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , there [ the fallers away ] signifies more then some one single act of sinne presently retracted againe , even a generall apostacie in their practice , ( if not in their faith ) a return to their former unregenerate sinnes , ( as the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , [ they being entangled are overcome ] notes 2 pet. 2. 20. a place perfectly paralell to this , and ) as in this place the ancients have generally interpreted . and then though such indulgence in sinne , such retu●ning to the vomit or mire againe in that other place , doe provoke god to withdraw his grace necessary to enable them to repent , yea and cast them back into a worse estate then they were in , not onely before such sinning , but even before their conversion , 2 pet. 2. 20. yet that god will so punish with totall desertion any one act or commission presently retracted againe , it is not affirmed here nor anywhere else , that i have observed , but rather on the contrary , that he will visit them with chastisements which are a grace and a meanes to recall them , without any utter forsaking or taking of his loving kindnesse from them , psal , 89. 33. 35. § 50 that this matter may be throughly cleared , i shall suppose this objection made against what hath hitherto been said of it , that it may seem by this doctrine , [ that the regenerate man may bee under gods displeasure ] that hee that remaines sanctified may be unjustified , for so he will be , if all his sinnes be not forgiven him , which they are not , if this act of sinne not yet repented of , be not forgiven . in answer to this , i shall reinforce my affirmation , that of necessity it must be granted , if we believe the scripture , that any such act of sinne unretracted by repentance , doth certainly stand upon the sinners score unremitted ; for that god ( as some affirme ) doth at the first act of my being justified , forgive all my sinnes not only past , present , but also future too ; cannot be said , but upon a supposition that that man will never commit any such sinne against which the gospell threatens perishing , i. e. any deliberate presumptuous sinne , ( which supposition if it were true , would inferre an impossibility of the regenerate mans thus sinning , not an assurance of his pardon without ( or abstracted from the consideration of ) his repentance , which is the only point , in hand ) for if he doe , then upon confession and forsaking there is promise of mercy , and not otherwise ; and in briefe , without repentance there is no remission : and therefore it is observeable , that they which thus affirm , find themselves enforced to fly to gods omnipotence and immensity , to whom all things are present ; by help of which they can conceive and resolve that at the time of that sinnes being upon him unrepented of , god yet seeing his future repentance as present , may seale his pardon , and then may by the same reason do so also before the commission ; the weaknesse of which arguing , i shall no farther demonstrate then by this rejoynder , that by the same reason it might be said , that a man is justified before he is borne , which yet the objectors doe not affirme , but that at the time of his first conversion , be it as such a sermon or the like , he was justified , and then all his sins past , present , and to come forgiven him , which is as contrary to the notion of all things being present with god , as to say that this act of commission is not forgiven till it be repented of , for sure the time before that mans birth , and the time after it , are as truly present to god before all eternity , as the time of this commission and that repentance . § 51 the onely way for us to understand our selves or any thing that belongs to gods actions concerning us , is that which the scripture supposes and commands us to walk in , not the way of gods secret counsels , ( which if we knew , were no longer secret ) not the way of gods immensity , ( which if it were intelligible by us , were not imm●nsity ) but the way of his revealed will , which is , that whensoever the sinner repenteth him of his sinne , and amends his life , he shall have his sin blotted out and put out of gods remembrance , i. e. forgiven unto him and not till then : and to suppose he may have remission before such repentance , is to suppose god perjured who sweares he shall not , and to lay falsity to the charge of the whole gospel , which resolves , except ye repent , ye shall all perish . § 52 to all this i might farther adde that gods justifying the faithfull man , is the approving his fidelity upon tryall of it , and so acquitting him ( upon a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or probation ) from suspicion of hypocrisie , pronouncing him faithful , or evangelically righteous , and upon that , owning him as a friend , entring into league with him , as might appeare by gods justifying abraham and calling him friend ( in the sense wherein they are christs friends , which doe whatsoever he commands them , so approve themselves unto him ) if it were now seasonable to examine that businesse . this being supposed , it would be most evident , that such an act of knowne deliberate sinne committed in time of tryall , is quite contrary to justification , even as contrary as abrahams refusing to beleeve gods promise first , or after to sacrifice isaac , you may suppose would have been . of which the least that can be said , will be this , that such a failing is a shrewd blemish to sincerity , which will make it necessary for him that is guilty of it , to repaire his credit with god by expressing a great sence of his miscarriage , and by many future performances of constancy , and resolution , if ever he hope to be approved , or justified by him . § 53 but now having thus far confirmed this , and so rather strengthned , then weakned the objection , the next thing i shall desire may be observed is this , that every non-remission of a sinne for some time , every displeasure of gods , every not-imputing to righteousnesse , is not an utter intercision of justification , is not a calling all the former forgotten sinnes to remembrance , for to such onely an apostacy , or continued falling away from god betrayes the soule . for , the whole current of my life may approve my sidelity to god , though some one action be very contrary to it : nay secondly , a father may be displeased with his sonne for some one fault , and yet not disinherit him , nay upon farther provocation he may cast him out of his family , and yet afterward receive him into it againe . § 54 so that there are three degrees observable in this matter , first displeasure , secondly wrath , thirdly fury . first withdrawing of the fathers favour , suspension of pardon , so t is in case of any such single act of sinne presently repented of , considered before its retractation . second , casting out of the family , totall intercision of mercy for that present , so t is in case of such sin persisted in indulgently . third , utter finall irreversible abdication , so t is in case of finall obduration . § 55 this may be illustrated , 1. by a vulgar , then by an ecclesiasticall resemblance . among friends 1. there may be a matter of quarrell , dislike , displeasure , and one friend justly frowne upon the other , yea and keep some distance from him , and be really angry with him , for some act of injury done by him , contrary to the lawes of friendship , which till he hath some way repaired , the friend may justly not pardon him , and so absteine for that present from the former degree of familiarity with him : but then 2. the injuri●us friend may continue as injurious still , and go on and persist in that course of falsenesse or unfriendlinesse , and then the injur'd friend wholly forsakes his company , breaks off those bands of friendship with him , yet so as that upon the others relenting and amending , he may yet againe returne to him , and so that totall separation prove no finall one , 3. there is , upon obduration or no manner of relenting , a finall irreversible breach . § 56 the ecclesiasticall resemblance is , that of the three degrees of excommunication among the jewes , the first or lowest , was niddui separation , not totall turning out of either sacred or civill society , but remotion to a distance , that the offender should not come within foure cubits of any other , and so be denyed the peace of the church , and the familiar kind of communion , which others enjoy . above this there was cherem which was a totall exclusion or distermination with anathemas or execrations joyned with it , but yet was not finall , then thirdly there was schammatha giving up to destruction or desolation , delivering up to gods comming in judgement , and that was irreversible . § 57 now for the full satisfying of the argument , ( having already shewed you the state of this offender in respect of justification ) it will onely be necessary to adde one thing more , that the state of the same man as it respects sanctification , is parallel and fully proportionable to the state as it respecteth justification , and so the objection will quite fall to the ground . § 58 to the clearing of which you must know that sanctification may be conceived in a double notion : 1. as a gift of gods , 2. as a duty of mans . to prevent mistake ; this i meane , god gives the grace of conversion and sanctification , and he that is effectually wrought on by that grace , is converted and sanctified , this is it which i meane , by the first notion of sanctification , as it is a gift of gods : but the man thus converted and sanctfied , i. e. thus wrought on and effectually changed by the spirit of god , is bound by the gospl-law , to operate according to this principle , to use this talent , and this is called , to have grace , heb. 12. 28. i. e. to make use of it to the purpose there specified of serving god {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( i. e. either well pleasedly , cheerfully , willingly , or well pleasingly , so as god may and will accept ) in righteousnesse and godly feare , according to the notion of having in the parable of the talents , where t is said that to him that hath shall be given , i. e. ●o him which makes use of the talent intrusted to him , operates accordingly , doth what that enables him to doe , offends not against it by idlenesse , or by commission of contrary sinnes , which he that doth , is the non habens , he that hath not there , from which shall be taken away , &c. and this having of grace is it which i meane by the second notion of sanctification , as it is a duty of mans , which i conceive is meant by the apostle , when he saith , this is the will of god , even your sanctification , and he which hath this hope purifies himself , and let us cleanse our selves from all filthinesses perfecting holinesse , all which places suppose the thing spoken of , to be the duty of man ▪ which by the help of christ strengthning him , he is able to performe , and therefore upon the supposition of gods working in him both to will and to doe , to will , by sanctifying , to doe , by assisting grace , he is incited and exhorted by the apostle , to work out his owne salvation . § 59 this being thus cleared , t will be easily granted in the second place , that every such act of deliberate commission as we now speak of , is contrary to sanctification in this latter notion , contrary to the duty of the sanctified man , from which breach of duty it was , that we bound him before under that guilt , which nothing but repentance could rid him of , and if you mark it , that is the onely thing which contracts a guilt , the doing somewhat contrary to duty , and so the want of this second notion of sanctification it is , the want of sanctifi●d operations , which interposes any rubs in the businesse of our justification , and not so properly that wherein god onely was concerned , his not giving grace , guilt being still a result from sinne , and sinne being a breach of the law , a contrariety to duty and not to guilt ; and though he that hath not received the gift of sanctification be not justified , yet the cause of his non-justification then , is not , in proper speaking , gods not having given him grace to sanctifie , ( for that is but a negative thing , and cannot produce non-justification , which is in effect a positive thing by interpretation , signifying condemnation , two negatives making an affirmative , non-justifying being non-remitting of sinne , and that the actuall imputing of it to condemnation ) but the sinnes of his former and present impenitent unsanctified life . § 60 this also being thus cleared , i shall onely adde a third thing , and then conclude this matter , that in the same proportion that any such act of sinne doth unjustifie , it doth unsanctifie also , i. e. shake and waste , though not utttrly destroy , that sanctified state that before the man was in , by the gift and grace of god . § 61 for as there were three degrees of provocation in the matter of justification , so are there also in this of sanctification , the first , grieving the spirit of god , eph. 4. 30. resisting it , trashing of god in his course of grace and bounty towards us , putting our selves under niddui , as it were , in respect of gods grace , as well as his favour , and so weakning our stock of sanctity , and this the deliberate act of sinne may be thought to doe . the second , is quenching of the spirit , 1 thes. 5. 19. putting it quite out , rebelling and vexing his holy spirit , is . 63. 10. a totall extinction of grace , the cherem that brings the present curse , or anathema along with it ; and this is not done by one sin not persisted in , but onely by a habit or indulgent course of sin ; and the third , is the despighting , or doing despight to the spirit of grace , heb. 10. 29. that which is proportioned to schammatha , that makes the finall irreversible separation betweene us and gods sanctifying grace , the first did not wholly deprive the sinner of all grace , no nor of sufficient to enable to repent ; the second , did so for the present ; the third did so finally also . § 62 if you will now demand what are the effects and consequents of that displeasure of god , which this single act of sin brings upon the offender ; i answer , that i have in some measure answered that already , shewed you at the beginning many lugubrious effects of it ; and if that be not sufficient to satisfie you , or to shew the non-remission of such sinne till it be retracted by repentance , i shall then proceed one degree farther yet , to tell you , § 63 that the method of gods dealing in this case ( of such single acts of commission ) seemeth by the scripture to be after this manner . upon any such commission , satan is wont to accuse that man before god , [ such or such a regenerate child of thine is falne into such a sin , and so into my hands as the lictor ) then to desire , or require solemnly , to have him to winnow , by inflicting punishments upon him , and god yeelds many times to this demand of satans , delivers the offender up to him in some limited manner . § 64 to which delivering though temptations ( or afflictions which ordinarily are signified by temptations in scripture ) are constantly consequent , yet not utter desertion or withdrawing of grace , but allowing of strength sufficient to victory , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ability to beare , 1. cor. 10. 13. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , passage out of those difficulties in that same place , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sufficient grace , 2. cor. 12. 9. and assistance of his faith , that it faile not totally , ( which is the importance of christs having prayed for peter , luk. 22. 32. his intercession being a powerfull intercession ( as may appeare by his [ father , i knew that thou hearest me alwayes , ioh. 11. 24 ] and so in effect , the obtaining from his father , and actuall conferring on his disciples the grace which he prays for ) and therefore it is observable , that as those which are thus accused and demanded by satan are generally such as , were it not for this present particular commission , would passe both with god and him , for faithfull disciples , and good christians , and therfore do stil retain that title ( as appears by the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , when satan is called the accuser of them , rev. 12. 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the accuser of the bretheren , or the faithfull , it seems they are faithfull still , though they have been guilty of some act , for which he thus accuseth them , and so he is called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 1 pet. 5. 8. the plaintiffe or enemy , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of you , i. e. the elect , to whom he writes , c. 1. ● . ) so the end of yeelding to satans request in delivering them up to him is also fatherly and gracious ▪ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that they may be disciplined , or taught not to blaspheme , 1 tim. 1. 20. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that he may be ashamed , 2. thes. 3. 14. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that the spirit may be saved , 1. cor. 5. 5. whereupon it is , that the fathers so clearly resolve it far better , and more eligible to be delivered up to satan , then to be delivered up to ones selfe , or ones owne affections or desires ; the first of them being the ordinary punishment of some act , or acts of sinne on purpose to recall to repentance ; the second being the great plague of spirituall desertion , inflicted on indulgent continuers in sin , the first of them a mark of their not-yet-totall abdication , their continuance in sonne-ship whom god thus chastens here , that he may not condemne them with the world ; the second , of heir being cut off from that prerogative , whom god thus forsakes . § 65 to which purpose , of gods dealing mercifully with his servants in case of single trespasses presently retracted by repentance , ( so farre as not to inflict any grand spirituall punishment upon them , such as absolute desertion , or utter disinherizon ) i conceive an image represented to us in christs command to his disciples , how oft they should forgive the trespassing brother , luk. 17. 4. if he trespasse against thee seven times a day , and seven times a day returne againe to thee , saying , i repent , thou shalt forgive ; where trespassing seven times is a phrase , for [ how oft soever he trespasse ] the word [ forgive ] notes the obligation to punishment without forgivenesse , and the interposing the word [ repent ] proportioned to every trespasse , shewes the necessity of that condition to wash oft that guilt ; and the word [ turne ] prefixt to that , argues the repentance unavailable , if it containe not turning in it ; upon which , forgivenesse being there commanded , if we shall now adde that other place mat. 6. 36. where gods mercy to us is made the measure of our mercy to our brethren , the argument will come home to prove that god doth ▪ so deale with us , and consequently that every such act of sinne contracts a guilt , which is never pardoned but upon repentance , that upon the speedy performance of that duty the patient is preserved from any heavy spirituall punishment , which would otherwise attend that sin . § 66 what we have hitherto said on this particular , will shew the danger of every act of deliberate sinne , and yet withall the difference betwixt such single acts presently retracted by repentance , and the like persisted , or continued in . to which purpose it will be worth the while to behold what we finde recorded of david . he , we know , had been guilty of severall acts of sinne , markt and censured in the word of god ; and some of them such , as for them he was in a manner delivered up to satan to be contumeliously used ( as he seemes to conceive from shimei's cursing of him , 2 sam. 16. 10. for shimei being an instrument of satans in cursing , and satan thereto permitted by god upon some crime , for which he had accused him to god , he there calls it , gods saying to shimei , curse david , ) and yet because he continued not with indulgence in any of them , ( his heart presently smiting him , as in the case of numbring the people , and recalling him to instant reformation ) save onely in that concerning uriah the hittite ( wherein it appears that he continued neere the space of a yeere , from before the conception till after the birth of the child , as is cleare by the time of nathans comming to him , 2 sam. 12. 1. ) t is therefore left upon record by god , that david did that which was right in the sight of the lord , and turned not aside from anything that he commanded him all the dayes of his life , save onely in the matter of uriah the hittite , 1 king. 15. 5. § 67 from whence although i shall not conclude , that god saw no other sinne in david but that in the matter of uriah , ( because i know he saw and punisht that of numbring the people , and for that other though no● acted , yet designed under oath against nabal . 1 sam. 25. 22. abigail discernes that it was a causelesse shedding of blood , and an act of revenge , v. 31. ( and so no small sinne in gods sight ) yet t is cleare , that the sin in the matter of u●iah , that onely sinne continued in for any long time , made another manner of separation betweene god and david , contracted another kind of guilt , ( and was a farre greater waster to conscience ) then any of those other more speedily retracted sinnes did , was the onely remarkable {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} drawing back , or turning aside from obedience to god , the onely grand defection , shaking off gods yoke , and so the onely chasme in his regenerate state . § 68 these 4 propositions being premised , whereof 3 were affirmative , and this last of a middle nature , the rest will be negative ; as § 69 fiftly , that hypocrisie is not reconcileable with a good conscience . i mean not hypocrisie which consists in the concealing from the eyes of men the sins or frailties he is guilty of : for supposing those frailties to be what they are , i. e. acknowledging in them a guilt proportionate to their nature , i cannot see why the bare desire to conceale them from the eyes of men ( separated from the sins or frailties themselves , and from any treacherous designe in such concealing ) should be thought to superadde any farther degree of guilt ; when on the other side the publicknesse of a sinne is an aggravation of it , makes it more scandalous , and so more criminous also . nor againe doe i meane that hypocrisie , which is the taking in any thought of the praise of men ( and the like ) in our best actions : for as long as we have flesh about us , some degrees of this will goe neare sometimes to insinuate themselves , and then though they prove blemishes to those best actions , and by anticipating the payment and taking it here before hand , robbe us of that heavenly reward hereafter , which would otherwise be rendred to us according to those works , yet stil being but spots of sons , reconcileable with a regenerate estate , ( as the straw and combustible superstruction , is ( in saint paul ) compatible with the true substantiall foundation , ) they will be reconcileable with good conscience also , which is alwayes commensurate to a regenerate estate . § 70 but the hypocrisy which i meane , is , first , that which is opposite to ( and compatible with ) sincerity : first , the deceiving of men , with a pretence of piety , putting off the most un-christian sins , having no more of christianity then will serve to mischieve others , i. e. onely the pretence of it to disguise the poyson of a bitter heart . secondly , the deceiving of god , or thirdly , his owne soule , not dealing uprightly with either , and nothing more contrary then this to a good conscience . § 71 secondly , the maimed mutilate obedience , the compounding betwixt god and satan , the samaritanes fearing the lord and serving their owne gods , joyning others with god , and paying to them a respect equall or superiour to that which they pay to god , serving mammon and god , or mammon more then god . or § 72 thirdly , the formall profession , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or outside-garbe of godlinesse , not joyning the inward , but making a meer pageant of piety , denying the power thereof . or § 73 fourthly , the hypocrisy of the wisher and woulder , that could wish he were better then he is , could be well pleased to dye the death of the righteous , to have all the gainfull part , the revenue and crown of a good conscience , but will not be at the charge of a conscientious life ; or § 74 fiftly , the hypocrisy of the partiall obedient , that is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of duty , chooses out the easy , smooth , plyable doctrines of christianity , the cheap or costlesse performances , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , will serve the lord his god of that which costs him nothing , will doe some things that have nothing contrary to passions in generall , or particularly to his passions , like herod that could heare iohn baptist gladly , be present at as many sermons as he could wish , ( and many the like painlesse performances ) but when the weightier matters of the law expect to be taken up also , cannot submit to such burthens . or § 75 sixthly , the hypocrisy of the temporary , which abstaines onely as long as the punishment is over his head , and awes him to it , or as long as he meets with no temptations to the contrary ; both which what place they have in the death-bed repentance even when it is not onely a sorrow for sinne , but a resolution of amendment also , i leave it to be considered . or § 76 seventhly , the hypocrisy of those which commit evill that good may come of it , who venture on the most vn christian sins for gods glory , accept the person of the almighty , doe injustice for his sake , or rather suppose him impotent , and fetch in the devill or their owne vile lusts to releive and assist god , of whom the apostle pronounceth their damnation is just , rom. 3. 8. or § 77 lastly , the hypocrisy of him which keeps any one close undeposited sinne upon his soule . these are each of them contrary to some part of the ground of good conscience , to the foundation of christian confidence , some to the sincerity , some to the resolution , and some to the obedience , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in all , and some to the perseverance which is absolutely necessary to the good conscience . § 78 a sixth proposition is , that a supine wilfull course of negligence and sloth , whether in duties of mans particular calling , or more especially in the duties of the generall calling as we are christians , that sinne of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is not reconcileable with a good conscience , ( omissions being destructive , such they may be as well as commissions ) whether it be omission of the performance of morall or christian precepts ( christs improvements of the law in the sermon on the mount , being not onely as counsells , but precepts obligatory to christians ) or whether it be onely the wilfull supine slothfull neglecting the meanes of knowledge , such as are agreeable to my course of life : or the neglecting to make use of those meanes which are necessary to enable me to get out of any sinne : ( one act of which nature was by christ noted and censured in his disciples , their not fasting and praying to cast out that devill that would not otherwise be cast out . ) or the not avoyding such occasions which are apt to betray me to it ; such acts as these , are ( as christ saith to those disciples ) acts of faithlesnesse and perversenesse , mat. 17. 17. and cosequently the continued course of them contrary to the sincerity of endeavour , and so unreconcileable with a good conscience . § 79 the seventh proposition is , that all habituall customary obdurate sinning is unreconcileable utterly with a good conscience . i adde the word [ obdurate ] which signifies the hardning of the heart against the knowledge of the truth , against exhortations , against threats of gods word , against checks of naturall conscience , or illuminations of grace , against resolutions and vowes to the contrary , for this will make any habit certainly unreconcileable with a good conscience ; whereas it is possible that some customary sinning may be through ignorance of the duty , and that ignorance if it be not contracted by some wilfulnesse of mine may be matter of excuse to me , and so reconcileable with a good conscience by force of the second proposition . but the obdurate holding out against gods spirit , either knocking for admittance but not opened to , or checking and restraining from sin after conversion , and not harkned to , resisting all gods methods of working on us and still resolutely walking after the flesh , this is by no means reconcileable with a good conscience , nay nor any habit of sin simply taken ( for that is exclusive of the habit of piety necessary to the good coscience ) unlesse it have that authentique plea of faultlesse ignorance to excuse it . § 80 the eighth proposition is , that any deliberate presumptuous act or commission of any sin , against which damnation , or not inheriting the kingdome of heaven , is pronounced in the new testament , being not immediately retracted by repentance , humiliation , and all the effects of godly sorrow , 2 cor. 7. 11 is wholly unreconcileable with a good conscience . such are gal. 5. 19. adultery , fornication , uncleannesse , lasciviousnesse , ( foure distinct degrees of incontinence ) idolatry , witchcraft , ( two degrees of impiety ) hatred , variance , emulation , wrath , strife , sedition , heresies , envyings , murthers , ( nine degrees of the pride of life , or that other branch of carnality flowing from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or the irascible faculty ) drunkennesse , revelling , ( the species of intemperance ) and such like : and the same with some variation and addition , 1 cor. 6. 9 , 10. and eph 5. 5. every one of these at the very commission have the nature of peccata sauciantia , wounding the sinner to the heart , letting out a great deale of good blood and vitall spirits , and weakning the habit of christian vertue , of peccata clamantia , crying sins , the voice of conscience so wronged by them , calling to heaven for judgement against such oppressours , or perhaps satan carrying an accusation thither against such offenders ; and if upon this they be not straight retracted by an earnest contrition , humiliation and repentance , they then proceed farther to be ( any one act of them ) peccata vastantia conscientiam , sins wasting & despoiling the conscience , betraying to some sadder punishment , even desertion , and withdrawing of grace , and delivering up to our own hearts lusts , a consequent of which are all vile affections , rom. 1. and that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , cursing , heb. 6. 8. § 81 just as it was the manner of the jewes judicatures . he that was punished by their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} separation or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( not permirted to come neare any man within foure cubits ) if he did not thereupon shew and approve his repentance within the space of two moneths , on that contumacy was then smitten with their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the anathemation or execration , and sometimes cast into prison . so is gods dealing with the sinner remaining impenitent for such a space , substraction of gods grace and spirit , the curse of the gospel is his portion . § 82 for the clearing of which truth yet fartherr , t will be observable that the danger that arises from one sinne of the first magnitude , against which the sentence is pronounced , that they who are guilty of such , shall never inherit eternall life , is or may be to him that after the knowledge of the truth relapses into it as great as that which is incurred by many lesser sinnes , or by a relapsing into a generality of impure life , and therefore the remaining in that one sinne , will be as unreconcileable with a regenerate estate , as the remaining in many other , and proportionably one act of it as noxious and wasting to conscience , as apt to provoke god to withdraw his spirit , as many acts of those lesser sins , and though neither any single act either of lesser or greater sinne in a sincere lover of christ , presently retracted , ( as it will be if he continue so ) doth so grieve , as to quench gods spirit utterly , so provoke god , as to make him wholly withdraw his grace and totally desert him ; yet if that one sin be continued in , favoured and indulged to , either by multiplying more acts of it , or by no : expressing repentance for it by all those means which the apostle requires of his incestuous corinthian , or which are named as effects of godly sorrow , 2 cor. 7. 11. this direfull punishment of desertion is then to be expected as the reward of any one such sinne , and from thence will follow any impossibility for that man so diserted ever to return to repentance again , gods speciall ayde , which is now withdrawne , being absolutely necessary to that . § 83 where yet of those , that thus remain in any such sin , there is some difference ; for some that so remain in sinne , doe so remain that they desire not to get out of it , hate to be reformed ; others though ensnared so in sin that they cannot get out , yet are very earnest and sollicitous to find out some means to break through and escape out of those snares , and then this latter state of soul though it be not sufficient to give claime or right to mercy , ( the victory over the world , the actuall forsaking of all such sins being necessary to that , and not only our wishes that we were victorious ) yet is it a nearer and more hopefull capacity of the grace of repentance , more likely to be blessed by the returning of gods spirit enabling to repent , then that former state of contemptuous continuers in the same sin appeares to be . § 84 for though in both these states there is no repenting without gods new gift of grace , and no absolute promise that god will be so gracious to such sinners , yet there is a place , 1 iohn 5. 16. which makes a difference betweene sinne unto death , and sinne not unto death ( both of them states of impenitence and persisting in sin , but differing as the two latter degrees of excommunication did among the iewes , c●erem and sc●●matha both noting a totall separation , but the latter a finall also , and by the composition of the word intimating death or desolation , giving up the sinner to divine vengeance , as hopelesse or contumacious , in reference to which the phrase is here used , a sinne unto death , whereas the other , of impenitence , not arrived to that desp●rate contumacy , is a state of curse under cherem and anathema , but not unto death yet ) and allowes this priviledge to the prayers of faithfull men for others , that they shall obtain life for those that have sinned not unto death , where that ( the not being to death ] of a sinne , is to be taken not from the matter of the sinne , but from the disposition of the sinner , and so from this desiring to get out , though he remain in it , or somewhat answerable to that , might , if any doubt were made of it , be proved as by other arguments so by putting together the peculiar use of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in that authour , for abiding and continuing in sinne , and the no extenuation that such abiding is capable of ( so farre as to make one such abiding so much lesse then another such abiding , as that one should be called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the other not ) save only this of wishing and heaving and labouring to get out , ( which supposes some remainder of exciting , though not of sanctifying or assisting grace ) while the other goes on without any care or love or desire of reformation . § 85 and though still there be no promise that such a relapst unreformed sinners prayers shall be heard for himselfe upon that bare desire to get out , which his praying for grace will suppose ( there being no such promise of grace to the relapst person upon his prayer , as there is to any else ) yet it is cleare from that place of saint iohn , that this priviledge belongs to the prayers of other faithfull penitents , for such a more moderate degree of unfaithfull impenitents upon their request god will give l●fe to such , i. e. such a degree of grace as shall be sufficient to enable them to recover back to repentance , of which being given them upon the others prayers , if they make use , ( as infalsibly they will if they were and continue to be really sollicitous to get out of that state ) they shall undoubtedly live eternally . § 86 the practice of which doctrine of saint iohns thus explayned , you shall see every where in the stories of , or canons for the paenitents , where they that for any sinne of ecclesiasticall cognizance were excommunicated , did return to the peace of the church , ( an image of the peace of god ) by severall degrees , of which the first was , to stay and oft lye without the church doores , and in the portch at houres of prayer ; and desire those that retained the honour of being accounted faithfull , and so had liberty to go into the church , to pray to god for them . which as the secure supine negligent impaenitent was not likely to doe , so was he not to expect the benefit of it , nor the christian brother obliged to pray for him , though yet by saint iohns [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i say not of that or concerning that state of sinne that he shall pray ] i am not convinced that it were unlawfull so to doe . § 87 by all this thus set and bounded with its due limitations , the truth of my eight proposition will appeare , of the unreconcileablenesse of such presumptuou● acts of such branded sinnes unretracted , with a regenerate estate or good conscience , as being indeed quite contrary to every part and branch of the premised ground of a good conscience . § 88 to which all that i shall adde is onely this , that he that tenders but the comforts of this life , i. e. of a good conscience , will be sure never to commit deliberately and presumptuously , or having by surreption fallen , never to lye downe or continue one minuit unhumbled unreformed in any such sinne , on which that direfull fate is by christ or his apostles inscribed [ shall not inherit the kingdome of heaven ] where yet as i shall not affirme that none shall subject us to that danger but those which are there specified ; ( for there is added and such like , and other sins there may be committed with the like deliberation and presumption , and so as contrary to conscience ) so shall i not say that all that commit any one act of any of these without that deliberation and presumption , or that are presently by their own heart smitten and brought to repentance for them , shall incur that danger ; for the words {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the doers and committers of them signifie the deliberate committing and indulgent yeelding to them , contrary to which the use of surreption at the time and the instant subsequent retractation of them ( by contrition , confession , forsaking , and reinforcement of greater care and vigilance for the future ) will be sure meanes to deliver from that danger . § 89 whereto yet this caution must be annext which may passe for § 90 a ninth proposition . that the frequency or repetition of any such acts after such contrition and resolution is an argument of the unsincerity of that contrition , of the deceavablenesse of that pretended greater care , and so a symptome of an ill conscience , as the spreading of the skall or leprosie after the priests inspection is sufficient to pronounce the patient uncleane . levit. 13. and as that disease in the relapse may be mortall which at first was not . § 91 other more particular niceties i confesse there are , the distinguishing of which might be usefull for some mens states , and help disabuse them both out of an erroneous and a secure , yea and an over trembling conscience . but because that which would be thus proper to one , being laid down in common , or cast into the lottery , might have the ill hap to be drawn by him to whom it is not proper , ( as that physick which would purge out a distemper from one , wil breed a weaknesse in another ) and because no wise man ever thought fit to take lawes out of generalities , i shall resolve rather to obey such reasons , and to be directed by such examples , not to descend to particulars , then to be in danger first of tempting the readers patience , then of interrupting his peace . pray for us , for we trust we have a good conscience , in all things willing to live honestly . heb. 13. 18. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45470e-210 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . arrian . in ep. notes for div a45470e-650 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . tatian . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . tr. of wil-worship . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hooper . vid. coch. exe . gem. san● . p. 148. & buxto●s . instit. ep. p. 75. a continuation of the defence of hvgo grotivs, in an answer to the review of his annotations whereto is subjoyned a reply to some passages of the reviewer in his late book of schisme, concerning his charge of corruptions in the primitive church, and some other particulars / by h. hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45406 of text r17947 in the english short title catalog (wing h529). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 131 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45406 wing h529 estc r17947 11742084 ocm 11742084 48503 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45406) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48503) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 533:7) a continuation of the defence of hvgo grotivs, in an answer to the review of his annotations whereto is subjoyned a reply to some passages of the reviewer in his late book of schisme, concerning his charge of corruptions in the primitive church, and some other particulars / by h. hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [4], 44 [i.e. 46] p. printed by j. g. for richard royston ..., london : 1657. "a post-script," p. 31-44 [i.e. 33-46] "errata," 1 leaf at end. reproduction of original in bristol public library, bristol, england. eng grotius, hugo, 1583-1645. owen, john, 1616-1683. socinianism -early works to 1800. a45406 r17947 (wing h529). civilwar no a continuation of the defence of hugo grotius, in an ansvver to the review of his annotations. whereto is subjoyned a reply to some passages hammond, henry 1657 21045 4 625 0 0 0 0 299 f the rate of 299 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-01 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a continuation of the defence of hvgo grotivs , in an answer to the review of his annotations . whereto is subjoyned a reply to some passages of the reviewer in his late book of schisme , concerning his charge of corruptions in the primitive church , and some other particulars . by h. hammond d. d. london , printed by j. g. for richard royston , at the angel in ivy. lane , m. dc . lvii . to the stationer . mr royston , i have been so often called on for the reply to the review of grotius's annotations , that i am at length inclined to change my former purpose , and permie those few sheets ( prepared as soon as the review came to my hands , but then laid aside , on a perswasion that they might be safely spared ) to follow the former on that subject , rather then deny to any so easie a request . i am your friend , h. h. septemb. 4. 1656. a continvation of the defence of hvgo grotivs , in answer to the review of his annotations . 1. if he that hath read the review of the annotations of hugo grotius , which is offered as a reply to the second defence of that learned man ; seem from thence to have any new scruples infused into his mind , it will not cost him many minutes to deposite them , by observing with me this method . 2. first , by adverting ( on the first head that of the satisfaction of christ ) not onely what fair and large characters of his thoughts lie legible to all men in his book de satisfactione , written on purpose against sosinus on this subject , but also how those have been since back'd with indubitable evidences of a later and fresher date , taken from his own express words in his discussio ( the last thing he wrote ) and in a letter under his own hand ( dated after the time of his surmised change ) written on purpose to forest all this surmise , and to assure us of his constant adhering to that sense which he had delivered in his book de satisfactione . which two as they are most irresrugable proofs of the matter in hand , being testimonies of him that certainly best knew his own thoughts , whether he were changed or no , so to neither of these is the least word of reply here offered by the reviewer , and so stand in full force against all that is here suggested . 3. secondly , by remembring that from the a beginning of this debate , the posthumous annotations on the epistles were expresly renounced and reiected by me , as departing manifestly from the judgment of that learned man , formerly expressed in those writings which he had completed and published in his life time , and consequently as unsufficient arguments , or testimonies of his change , when produced against his own repeted and express declarations to the contrary ; and yet from these are the proofs now principally brought in this review , and by the contrariety betwixt these and his book de satisfact : his change concluded , with what appearance of reason the reader will soon discern , when he hath considered the premisses , and what shall now occasionally be added thereto . 4. for this manner of dealing two things onely are pleaded in the review , which here must be regarded , before i proceed : 1. that the accuser having to deal with that book of annotations that goes under his name , if they are none of his , it is neither on the one hand or other , of any concernment to him . ] 5. to this i reply , first , that it is in the reviewer a manifest diversion , a course which is sure to render all debates infinitet in my answer to his preface of animadversions on iguntius's epistles , &c. i inserted , ex abundanti , one , and onely one digression , a defence of the learned h. grotius . and streightwayes the whole stream of the controversie is diverted into that one narrow chanel , removed from the question of episcopacy , to the inquiry into grotius's his opinions ; and that is one compitent diversion . after this , when both in that my digression , and also in my second defence , i had confined my plea to grotius himself , and those writings published by him in his life time , and known to be written , and perfected by him , expresly rejecting this book of posthumous annotations on the epistles , the reviewer is now pleased principally to insist , and found his charge against grotius , on those his posthumous annotations ; which is a perfect diversion again , instead of a reply , and to the waving evidently , because changing of the whole question . 6. secondly , as uneffectual at this plea it , it is yet much more unreasonable , if circumstances be considered , being evidently prevented , and superseded by that which hath past in this debate . for if there were any truth in those words of his epistle to the oxford heads , [ my defensative as to my dealing with grotious's annotations is suited to what the doctor pliads in his behalf ] then certainly he must be concern'd in this , which yet he resolves to be none of his concernments ; for it is sure that my plea was framed in defence of grotius himself , ( not of those incomplete if not false images of him , those parts of the annotations , which i professed to reject , and not to plead for . ) accordingly my words in the first proposal of this matter to debate , were these , [ this very pious , learned , and judicious man hath of late among many fallen under a very unhappy fate , being most unjustly calumniated sometimes as a socinian , sometimes as a papist — ] and then how can this defensative be , according to his promise , conformed or suited to my plea , if it refer not to the same subject , viz. to grotius , or those books of his , which are acknowledged to be his completed , genuine writings ? such alone being competent testifications of his sense , and so measures to judge of his perswasions , whether he were a socinian or no . 7. a second part of his plea is by reflecting again on that evidence , which , saith he , he had formerly offered from the printers preface to the volume of annotations on the epistles . ] but here , in the very entrance , is a mistake , which , for the clearing of my self , more then on apprehension of any advantage the reviewer can gain by it , i must first take notice of . the evidence was by him b cited from some words of the preface to the last part of the annotations , beginning thus , jam vero sciendum est — to those words there found , i gave answer in my second defence , p. 7. and he now tels me that a slight in spection will serve to manifest how ill it , i. e. my answer or the sense i gave of the words produced ) agrees with the intention and words of the prefacer , who , saith he , tells us , that grotius had himself published his annotations on the gospel five years before , and so proceeds , reciting the words of the prefacer for eight lines together ; and concluding , that if the apologist read this preface , he ought to have desisted from the plea insisted on ; if he did not , he thought assuredly he had much reason to despise them with whom he had to do . ] who would not think there were somewhat herein really mistaken by me , which called for this so solemn rebuke ? but the reader is intreated to consult the place , or if it be not worth his pains , he may believe me , who made the inspection more then slightly , and can assure him , that there is no part of what he thus now recites , to be met with in that preface , whence he hath formerly drawn his testimony . i say in that preface to the last part of the annotations under gretius's name , from whence it was , that the words [ jam viro sciendum — ] were ( truly ) cited , and to which words it was visible , that i gave that answer , which he now pretends to refute from the intention and words of the prefacer . 9. the short is , there being two volumes of annotations set out since grotius's death ; the former on the acts , and so on through the epistles of saint paul and saint james , the later on the other six catholick epistles and the revelation , and before the former of these the printers epistle , inscribed , typographus lectori , before the latter a praemonitio ad lectorem : from the latter of these it is that the words formerly by him produced , jam verò scieudum — and to which ( consequently ) i gave answer , were cited . and i that obediently and diligently read over that to which i was directed , and there finding the words which were cited , gave my answer to them , such as i thought the words capable of , am now unexpectedly rebuked for not reading it , and more then so for despising those with whom i had to do ; when indeed what is now in the reply cited from it , is not to be found there , but in the printers epistle to another volume . by what means he fell into this mistake , and was by that led into this causeless severity , i leave him upon recollection to consider . 10. i need add no more for the vindicating my self in this matter , yet if i shall now ( having till now no occasion ) attend to this other testimony , now newly alledged by him out of that other preface , it will soon appear that it neither ( as is pretended ) disproves the answer , which i gave to the words formerly cited from the premonition , nor refutes what i had first said concerning the posthumous annotations , and then surely i shall not be much concern'd in it : not the first ; for my answer being no more but this , that opus integrum signified not that volume completed , and so made integrum intire by grotius's own hand , but the whole volume or volumes which contained all his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} adversaria on the new testament . ] this is no way refuted , but rather confirmed by these other words of the typographus lectori , for there also opus integrum signifies the whole volume or volumes , as that is opposed to the magna pars voluminis in the line before , without any respect to its being completed or made intire ; which alone having been denied by me , my answer is still secured from any force of this testimony . 11. not the second ; for if i shall now grant the printer to have in that preface delivered the whole and naked truth , ( which i had no obligation to be confident of ) and consequently that grotius committed to a friend those annotations , in order to printing , yet this no way proves that they were completed and perfected by him ; there is a middle , truly supposable , betwixt these two , viz. that they were by occcasion of the authors unexpected diversions , delivered to him imperfect . this remainder of annotations now by the reader expected to follow those on the gospels , and on the old testament , and the learned compiler being now at some leisure to set about it , was suddenly called back from paris to sweden , a long voyage , not certain whether ever he should return again ( as indeed he did not ) or whether god would spare him life and vacancy to perfect that work : having therefore communicated his notes to a learned man ( one by the way , much more addicted to the doctrine of calvin then socinus ) going now thence , he left them in his hand , and committed the publishing of them to his care , taking onely with him those sheets which were not legible , which he hastily transcribed in his journey , and , as the printer tells us , returned them from hamburge , and these , as by his words appears , belonging to the last volume , that on the revelation , which therefore had truly thus much of his last hand , as this hasty transcribing comes to ; so hasty that m. who was prepared to write them again for the presse , did almost despair of decyphering them . the rest , those on the epistles remained in the first rude draught , and are not pretended to have been ( so much as hastily ) transcribed by him , and so never obtained that perfecter growth , that fulness of limbs and lineaments , which i did and do suppose his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and greater leisure would have afforded them . which therefore cannot with any justice be balanced against the contrary evidences and plain words either of his discussio ( the last thing , as i said , written before his death ) or of his later , dated after his reading of crellius's and the socinians interpretations ( to which his supposed change is imputed ) and avowing his continued adherence to his former doctrine , much less of the several passages producible out of his undoubted writings , maturely composed , and publisht by him , which positively and professedly set down his sense , and cannot be prejudiced by such uncertain , feeble suggestions as these , drawn from his supposed misunderstanding of some few pages in the epistles . and let this serve for a second stage in my proposed method . 12. thirdly , that adhering to my former method , and , upon the grounds premised , abstracting from or setting aside ( as 't is visible i have done from the first rise of this debate ) these posthumous annotations , upon account of some heterodox mixtures in them discernible , especially in the matter of our justification , and the satisfaction of christ , and some other particulars , elsewhere noted , and confining our discourse ( more reasonably ) to those annotations , which he perfected and published in his life time , i. e. to those on the gospels and on the old testament , taking in also all his other writings whatsoever ; there cannot be any ground of suspicion concerning his change , nor want of instances ( which the reviewer now requires ) to disprove his vniversal negative , and to invalidate the charge brought against that learned man , of his wresting to another sense every text of scripture , wherein testimony is given to that sacred truth , or at least concealing and obscuring the doctrine of them . ] 13. i shall therefore , being now admonished of quintilians rule of aut negandum aut defendendum , do my duty in observing it , and formally deny his position , of every text , &c. and for contrary instances , begin with matth. 20. 28. where the son of man is said to give his life a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or ransome for many . here , saith grotius , puto respici vaticinium , isa. 53. 10. ubi dicitur , si christus vitam suam dedisset {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , quod hic rectè {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vertitur , fore , ut sui cognitione multos justificaret , & postea , ipse peccata multorum tulit . here first , the parallel is set by grotius betwixt the evangelist and the prophet isaiah , and to that 53 of that prophecy is brought this sense , of christ's giving his life a ransome for many , i. e. of his satisfaction , and yet farther explained by that other phrase of the prophet there used , his bearing the sins of many , and the like , heb. 9. 28. his being offer'd to bear the sins of many . 14. secondly , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or ransome here is interpreted by the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or sacrifice for sin there , and after more fully , by sacrificium piaculare , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an expiatorie , propitiatorie sacrifice for sin , victima lustralis — and the giving his life a ransome , the offering it up such a sacrifice for many , and this as the ground or condition of his justifying many by the knowledge of him , which what is it but the founding of our justification in the propitiatory sacrifice of christ's death , i. e. in the satisfaction wrought by it for us ? 15. so mat. 26. 28. where christs bloud of the new testament is said to be shed for many for the remission of sins . here , saith he , puto danielis oraculum respici , in quo de messiâ dictum est , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , cum praecessisset {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ad expianda peccata . adde quae rom. 5. 15. ( it should be 10. ) sic & in barnabae quae dicitur epistola , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . adding , simul autem transit christus à comparatione foederum ad comparationem sacrificiorum piacularium , in quibus anima pecudis offerebatur , velut succedanea anima hominis qui mortem meruisses , unde victima ferre peccata dicebatur in lege . hinc mo●i victima pro homine — here again , i. e. the words of daniel of making reconciliation for iniquity , and confirming the covenant with many , c. 9. 24. 27. are set as a prophecy parallel to this evangelical truth of christs bloud of the new testament being shed for the expiating of our sins . so likewise rom. 5. 10. of our being reconciled to god , when we were enemies , by the death of his son . and all these three illustrated by the plain words of barnabas's epistle , that christ offered up himself the vessel of the spirit , a sacrifice for our sins . 2. it is here affirmed of his bloud , that it was an expiatory sacrifice , such as wherein one is offered up in stead of the other which had deserved death , and is accordingly said to bear the sin of the other . and then what could be more expresse to the doctrine of satisfaction , then these three places of prophet , evangelist , and apostle , thus interpreted , which being added to the former , and now laid before the reviewer ( willing to have perswaded the reader these were none such , because i formerly thought it needless to produce them ) will sure now passe for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , instances as competent as any quintilian would exact , to disprove the vniversal proposition of the [ not one text in the whole scripture — which is not wrested to another sense , or at least the doctrine concealed and obscured by these annotations . ] 16. but here on this ocasion the place in his annotations on isa. 53. is by the reviewer resumed , as hopeful to yield some colour to infer his charge ; where , saith he , he gives such an exposition of the whole chapter , as is manifestly and universally inconsistent with any such design on the words , as that which he intends to prove from them in his book de satisfact and in particular tels you in his annotations on the place , as also on 1 pet. 2. 24. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies auferre , which with all his strength he had there contended against . 17. to this i answer , 1. ( as to his exposition of the whole chapter ) that i have already told him , that grotius endeavoured to find a first sense of the words of that prophecy , so as to belong peculiarly to the jews usage of the prophet jeremy , and that i acknowledge not to be appliable alwayes to their usage of christ . but beside this , saith he , there is a more principal and sublime sense , and that oft the more literal of the two , wherein the whole chapter belongs to christ , but this sense being more vulgarly markt by others , is onely in general , once for all , pointed at by him , in those short annotations , being also more fully explicated elsewhere , in a set discourse on that subject . 18. this answer being formerly given by me , the reviewer is now pleased to mistake , and to change it into a distinction betwixt the literal and mystical sense of a place , and then to undertake that his perverting the first literal sense of the chapter , or giving it a completion in any person but christ , is no lesse then blasphemy . but to this i reply , that my words are misreported by the disputant , and agreeably my sense also . for i distinguisht not betwixt the literal and mystical sense of the place ( or if i had , i must much have wronged grotius , who resolved the words to belong oft more literally or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to christ , than to any other ) but betwixt the first and literal interpretation , which had its immediate completion among the jews , near that time , wherein it written , and the more remote , concerning christ : that indeed mystical , because veiled under the first , but literal also , because that to which the very words belonged as properly , oft more properly , than to the other ; as when the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or plain word without any figure belongs to christ , and onely the figurative interpretation of it , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to jeremy . of these two senses grotius makes frequent mention in his interpretations . see the note on zach. 9. 9. behold thy king shall come , which , saith he , primo & maxime obvio sensu , in the first and most obvious sense belongs to zorobabel , but sublimiore quodam sensu , in a more sublime sense to the messias ; and many the like . 19. if thus the reviewer had understood my words ( which i then thought plain enough , till i saw them misapprehended ) i am in charity to think he would not have deemed it little lesse then blasphemy , thus to interpret words of some other in a first , but that lesse principal sense , which belong to the son of god in the more principal and sublime sense , more remote in time of completion , but not in respect of the propriety of the words . 20. this the instance did evince , which i gave from the words , [ out of egypt have i called my son ] which evidently had a first sense in the israelites , a second , equally literal in christ , and so 't is applied in the new testament ; and many more might be brought of affinity with it , if there were need of them . 21. it will be more to the purpose of vindicating grotius's intention , and clearing the whole matter , that i give the reader one signall passage from him , by which his sense must in all reason be judged , being by him premised before his interpretation of the latter part of this prophecy , from chap. 40. which he generally interprets in a first sense , of matters that belonged to the jews from the time of their deportation , to the maccabees , &c. but acknowledges to contain also , and that more simply and more clearly the matters of christ . 22. the words are in the prooeme to isa. 40. cum autem omnia dei beneficia umbram in se contintant corum quae christus prastitit , tum praecipuè ista omnia quae deincept ab isaiâ praenuntiabantur , verbis saepissime à deo sic directis , ut simplicius limpidiusque in res christi , quam in illas quas primò significare esaias voluit , convenirent . whereas all gods blessings have in them a shadow of those things which christ performed , this is especially applicable to all those things which in the ensuing chapters ( this of chap. 53. must needs be comprehended in that style ) are foretold by isaiah ; the words most often being so directed by god , that they agree more simply and clearly to the matters of christ , than to those which isaias would first signifie by them . 23. here is the ground of what i said of the first sense of these prophecies , viz. that which isaias first meant to signifie by them , supposing that there was somewhat else , belonging to christ , which in a second sense or later completion he signified also , and the words so directed by god the wise disposer , that they most simply and clearly , i. e. without figures ( which are usual in prophecies ) belonged to him . this being by him said once for all , of all those prophecies that follow , doth by perfect equivalence , ( a collective being as full and ●fficacious as a distributive ) conclude of every particular , and consequently of this fifty third before us ( of which he again gives the same account as hath been said , particularly , when he comes unto it ) and of every verse in it , that it most clearly & literally belongs to christ , though in jeremy he supposed it had another interpretation . and so this , i now hope , will be deemed satisfactory , as to the general , to vindicate his exposition of the whole chapter , and the having mention'd it may be in some degree necessary to the preserving of them from misprisions who read not those notes intirely , that they may comprehend the sense of the whole prophecies , ( which is the proper'st use of them ) but cast their eyes upon some particular texts , to satisfie their present wants , or curiosities . 24. but then secondly , for the particular verse 11. i answer , 1. that in the annotation on 1 pet : 2. 24. i cannot be concern'd , having oft resolved that , as the rest on the epistles , to be unsufficient to give us his sense . as for that on isaiah , if it were true , that he had there interpreted {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} auferet , 1. this could not have been justly charged upon him , as a socinian interpretation , tertullian having given him authority for it , as he cites it , on mat. 8. 17. and indeed that evangelist too having there applied that prophecy to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the bearing their bodily diseases , which sure was so to be understood , as should denote his curing , ( i. e. his auferet , taking them away ) and not his bearing them in their stead , taking upon him all the diseases which he cured in any . but then 2. 't is clear , that he doth not so interpret it [ auferre to take away ] as to exclude , but expresly to include the ferre , or bearing also ; auferet , saith he , as applied to jeremy , by a metonymie , but that founded in the other of bearing , as the literal , quia qui sordes auferunt , solent ●as collo supposito portare ; so that the literal of bearing , or carrying our iniquities , is ( by the former observation ) left to be completed in christ , who did both bear and take away the sins of the world , and nothing by grotius is here affirmed , or interpreted to the contrary of that . and so much for the other part of the objection , and so for the third part of my method . 25. fourthly , when i had proposed to consideration two things for the preventing all jealousie of any after change in grotius , and the reviewer had taken notice of one of them , under the style of my first observation , and offered some semblance of answer to it , pag. 6. before he comes to the second , he cannot , as he saith , but suppose , that he is already absolved from a necessity of farther procedure — ] by that means freeing himself from giving any heed to that argument which i had laid greatest weight on , as that which of all others was most considerable in this business , viz. grotius's own words ( who certainly knew his own heart , better then any accuser , or diviner can be supposed to do , and ought to be believed , rather then any contrary surmises concerning him ) expresly testifying his constancy in adhering still ( now after the time of his supposed change ) to what he had delivered in his book de satisfactione . herein i shall leave the reader to pass the judgment , whence that absolution was derived to the reviewer , by which he could not but suppose himself freed from any necessity of considering this evidence , when yet he was at leisure ( by way of commutation ) to heap up contrary appearances from the annotations on the epistles , which i profest not to allow to be his , and therefore could not be concern'd in the producing of them . 26. here onely i had exprest my opinion that the notes on the apocalypse , had ( as i still think i have been informed , and have already premised some proof of it ) received from his own pencil the very lineaments , and colours , wherein they appear ; and therefore when he pitches on one annotation on that book rev. 1. 5. christ's washing us from our sins in his bloud , where he thinks the satisfaction of christ concealed , and the socinian interpretation taken up by grotius , contrary to his manner of explicating and applying it in his book de satisfactione ; this will require to be a while considered by me . 27. the words of grotius he hath rightly set down , but i suppose not sufficiently considered the latter part of them , which runs thus , dicitur christus suo sanguine nos lavisse , quia & ipse omnia praestitit , quae ad id requirebantur ; christ is said to have washt us with his bloud , because he performed all things which were required to it , i. e. to the washing of the soule . which words are certainly of competent largenesse to contain ( and so exclude not ) the doctrine of satisfaction , that being of the number of those things , which in gods counsel , were appointed , and so required to the washing of our souls ; this being considered , it will be no prejudice to that learned man , that in the former words he took in socinus's interpretation of [ morte suâ certos nos reddidit veritatis eorum quae docuerat , quae talia sunt , ut nihil sit aptius ad purgandos à vitiis animos — ] for of that there is no question , but that christ by his death did give us assurance of the truth of his doctrine , and that this assurance is very apt to purge us from our evil and vitious courses . in respect of which purgation saint paul himself saith , tit. 2. 4. that christ gave himself ( that is surely even to dye ) for us , that he might redeem us from all in quity ( the power as well as guilt of it ) and purifie unto himself a peculiar people , zealous of good works . and gal. 1. 4. he gave himself for our sins ( and thereby , i suppose , made a satisfaction for us ) that he might deliver us from this present evil world , from the vices and abominations thereof . and eph. 5. 25. christ gave himself for the church , that he might sanctifie and cleanse it , that he might present it unto himself a glorious church ; not having spot or wrinkle or any such thing . from whence i conclude that the socinians errour consists not herein , that they affirm this , but that they say this is all that christ did by his death , and so exclude his satisfaction ; which can by no means be affirmed of grotius , who , as he wrote a book in defence of it , so in this very place ascribes to christ the performing omnia all things , indefinitely , which were required to the washing of our souls , from which number his expiatory sacrifice was never excluded by grotius ? 28. and then it may be fit to be remembred , that as the denying the satisfaction of christ is one great errour justly charged on the socinians , so the confining the effects of the death of christ , to that one head of satisfaction , is an errour also , very carefully to be averted by him , that desires to reap benefit by christs death . 29. after his view of this place he is pleased ( to prevent the readers farther trouble ) to refer him to grotius's annotation on one place more of the revelation , chap. 13. 9. and i have observed his directions , and can assure him , there is not there one word to this matter . onely that arethas rightly applies the phrase [ from the foundation of the world ] to the word [ book ] not to the word [ slain ] evincing it from the parallel place , chap. 17. 8. where so it is joyned [ whose names are written in the book of life from the foundation of the world ] the book of life , in one place , and the book of life of the lamb slain , or the slain lambs book of life , in the other , being perfectly aequipollent . 30. the remainder of the catalogue of texts , that is added , is all again out of the epistles , and so hath already more then once been accounted for , by denying the annotations on them to have been perfected by grotius . and this is all that need to be considered , in reference to the first branch of the suggestion , that concerning the doctrine of the satisfaction of christ . 31. on the second socinian head of doctrine , that concerning the deity of christ , whereon the disputer had affirmed [ that of all the texts of the old and new testament , whereby the deity of christ is usually confirmed , — grotius hath not left any more then one , if one , speaking any thing clearly to this purpose . ] i thought i had given some matter of conviction , by referring to that learned man's . annotations on john 1. when both that one signal text is left by him speaking clearly to this purpose , and many other places of scripture are mentioned , and interpreted , and applied to the same sense , as parallel , and answerable to that . to this he replies , that this of john 1. was the one place by him expresly excepted , and therefore this instance would not evade the charge . and for the other places , prov. 8 , &c. he is pleased to suppose , that on the view of my defence men must needs suppose that in the annotations on the places repeted ; grotius must give their sense , as bearing witness to the deity of christ ; hereupon he will turn to the several places , and give the reader an account of them . ] 32. but before he proceed to that , and to save the pains of many of them , it may be soon considered , that what grotius doth in the notes on john 1. is as truly his act , as any thing that is done by him in any other place , much more so , than what is publisht under his name , in the annotations on the epistles , and consequently that as many places as he hath there affirmed to be parallel to john 1. 1. so many places he hath left speaking clearly to this purpose . grotius had not at that time publisht any other notes on any part of the bible , but those onely on the gospels . on the rest of the new testament he never lived to publish any , yet here on john 1. hath affirmed the words of saint paul , col. 1. 16. [ all things were created by christ — ] to be agreeable to the words of saint john , that without him was nothing made that was made . is it not now as visible , that he hath left that place of col. 1. 16. speaking clearly to the deity and creative power of christ , by which all things were at first made , as if he had lived to set out annotations purposely on that place , and had therein so interpreted it ? this certainly is so clear , that i cannot yet doubt ( what ever the reviewers sarcasme would suggest ) of being a successful advocate in this matter . 33. the same is again as clear of 2 pet. 3. 5. and of the two places brought by him , in concent with it , from the chaldee paraphrast on isai. 45. 12. & 48. 13. to testifie that by this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i. e. by the word of the lord , christ , the whole world was founded ; which again ( though he never should mention them again in all his writings ) are yet solemnly left by him , to testifie clearly to the deity of christ ; and so more than that one of john 1. 34. but the place more largely recited by grotius to this purpose , is that of prov. 8. from verse 23. a seculo habui principatum , i was set up from everlasting , to verse 27. when he prepared the heavens i was there ; and this the reviewer thinks fit to examine , by repairing to his annotations on the old testament , and there 1. he finds his first note on the wisdome there spoken of to be [ haec de eâ sapientiâ quae in lege apparet exponunt hebraei , & sane ei , si non soli , at praecipuè haec attributa conveniunt ] and this he thinks a very advantageous discovery , for if they agree solely or principally to the wisdome that shines in the law , how can they be the attributes of the person of the son of god ? 35. but i answer , that note of his is on the first verse of that chapter , far enough from verse 23. where the citation in his note on john 1. begins . and why might not many parts of the character of wisdome be by the jews duly applied to the law ( as will appear if you read the former part of the chapter for above twenty verses together ) and yet the latter and sublimer part of its character be competible onely to christ , the eternal wisdome of the father ? and why should not grotius's [ haec ] on verse 1. rather belong to those former 20 verses , than to the 23 &c. which he there ( as in the notes on the gospels ) expresly interprets so , as that verse 27. and 30. be all one with john 1. 1. and so prov. 9. 1. wisdome built her an house , i. e. saith he , corpus humanum , a mans body , which is not applicable to any thing , but christ in his incarnation . and so i hope this artifice hath stood the reviewer in little stead . 36. but then , saith he , on verse 22. grotius affirmes of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that it is rendred not amiss by the chaldee {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and by the septuagint {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , though he knew that sense was pleaded by the arrians , and expleded by the ancient doctors of the church . ] 37. to this i answer , that grotius's words , [ sensu non malo si creare sumas pro facere ut appareat ] signifie not , that that rendring is not amisse , for he had formerly exprest his opinion of that , that aquila and symmachus and theodesian their rendring it by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , was well agreeing or answerable to the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} but that the other which was not the right rendring , might yet bear a tolerable , or not ill sense , if it were interpreted to signifie no more than that which he there names , viz. [ making to appear ] a sense which the fathers never exploded , nor was fit to be pretended by the arrians , or favoured by any in kindness to them . 38. this therefore was but a weak foundation of that confidence , with which the reviewer concludes , that of the son of god , the essential wisdome of god , subsisting with the father , we have not one word ] especially when he had himself confest that [ on verse 27. he addes , aderam , i. e. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} john 1. 1. ] for certainly if those words of wisdome , when he prepared the heavens i was there , and the same again verse 30. ( to which also he refers the reader , though the reviewer pleased not to see it ) when he appointed the foundations of the earth , then was i by him ] be all one with [ the word was with god ] john 1. 1. there is then some word of the son of god , the essential wisdome , in those notes , and perfectly as much as is proportionable to the manner of those very short annotations on the old testament . 39. to which may be added , that by interpreting the phrase [ his wayes . ] verse 22. by operationes dei , the operations of god , the sense of that verse ( which the reviswer thinks perverted or obscured ) must in his rendring run thus , in the beginning of his operations god possessed this eternal wisdome , the son of god , which will be still to the same sense ; and then the note on chap. 9. 1. sets down the incarnation of this eternal word , or wisdome ; and what could have been more punctual against the socinian interest , than all this , being thus briefly amassed together , if the reviewer would have but the patience to discern it ? 40. what he adds by way of wonderment , that i should add the places of isa. 45. 12. and 48. 13. to the number of texts interpreted by grotius to this matter of the deity , is soon satisfied , by remembring ( what was visible enough before ) that the chaldee paraphrast in those and many other places rendring the word [ god ] by [ god and his word ] is fitly brought by grotius , as a witness , that the world was created by the word of god , as that is god , and that that is the sense of those places . which if it be , then are those texts of scripture left by grotius , to testifie to this truth of the deity of the word of god , i. e. of christ . 41. now for the principal place that of john 1. 1. the reviewer hath exprest his dislikes also to that , and mention'd some grounds thereof , 1. that grotius is very careful of ascribing an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] but if by this phrase he would signifie him unwilling to ascribe an hypostasis to the word , this is misrepresented by him ; for 't is evident , grotius expresses no dislike to that style , all that he saith that way , is , vecem {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — non à primis christianis usurpatam , cùm contra {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} dixerit athanasius , synodi nicaena , sardicensis , & romanae aliquot , that that word , and some others was not used by the first christians , that athanasius , and the nicene , sardicene , and some roman councels affirmed , that there was one hypostasis . and all these , i hope , are so contrary to the arrian , that if grotius should chuse to speak with them , he could with no justice be accused of that heresie , or obscuring the deity of christ by so speaking . 42. and yet it is farther clear , that from origen & others after him , he cites the distinction of hypostases , and what could he have done more to obtain the reviewers favour , then to cite it from them , that used , and not pretend it from them , that used it not ? 43. that he hath interweaved many platonick interpretations of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is also in the second place suggested , and at once , that he hath darkened the whole counsel of god in that place . ] but i hope there is no heresie in letting the christian reader know , how much platonists and hethen philosophers have by groping discoverd of divine truths , and to me it is not imaginable , that when the christian doctrine is once declared , such additions as these should by being subjoyned ex abundanti , obscure what was once made clear , and so darken the whole counsel of god . 44. thirdly , it may not be amisse , saith he , to observe , that not onely the arians , but photinus himself acknowledged that the world was made {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] and to this i answer , that what is wide of the mark , to which it is directed , no way sufficient to infer the desired conclusion , is ( in the managing of a controversie ) amiss to be observed ; and such will this observation appear to be ; for the matter of the question being a charge against grotius , of socinian doctrine , what can be concluded ( to that ) from the bare mention of the arians , and photinus his acknowledgments , unless first it be proved , that grotius was an arian , or photinian , and secondly that all arians and photinians are socinians ? either of which , as they have not the least appearance of truth in them , so are they not so much as attempted here to be proved by the author of this observation . on the contrary , there are these five shrewd prejudices against it . 1. that what the arians say in this matter , photinus doth not say , and so they were not fit to be put together . 2. that what the arians say , grotius doth not say . 3. that what the photinians say , neither the arians , nor grotius do say . 4 : that the socinians do in this differ much both from arians and photinians ; and yet 5. that grotius differs as much ( or more ) from the socinians herein , as he doth from either of the other two . 45. all this will appear by viewing severally the arians , and photinians , and socinians doctrine in this point , and the distance of grotius's interpretation from each of these . for the first , arius did indeed acknowledge in his d epistle , that god did by his onely son make {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the worlds and the rest , and in the words of the text , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that all things were made by him , and without him was nothing made that was made . but sure this was no part of his heresie , ( if it were , the scripture as well as grotius , must be involved in it , who affirmed it equally ) but that he first affirmed christ to be himself a creature , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith he , he by whom god created the world was a perfect creature of gods , though created {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , before all ages ; and again saith epiphanius , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , though they call him a creature , yet they confess him above all his creatures . so again speaking of the holy ghost , they will have him to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the creature of a creature , where still that is arius his heresie , in this matter , that he made christ a creature , and to that applied the septuagints rendring of the place prov. 8. of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , god created me , and consequently would not allow him to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of the same substance , or equal with the father . and when grotius saith any thing in favour of this doctrine , of christ's being a creature , or denies his equality with the father , then he must pass for an arian ; ( of which he hath not yet had the luck to be accused , that i know of ; ) but 't is certain he hath not done so , nay on the other side , 't is competently evident , if but by the notion which he applies to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in his annotations on prov. 8. ( to rescue that rendring from an evil sense ) that he utterly rejects that notion wherein the arian took it , viz. for creating , and so that he is herein profestly free from that heresie . 46. as for photinus in the second place , 't is certain his heresie , like that of paulus samosatenus , consisted in denying that christ had a being , or subsistence from the beginning , or before the holy ghost's coming upon mary , so saith b epiphanius , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — now though this heretick was content to acknowledge that the father made the world {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which was in him , yet that it was not christ which he understood by that style , is most clear , both by his denying christ to have had then any subsistence , and 2. by the similitude , by which he exprest himself , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as a man by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} doth what he will ( by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} meaning a kind of idea in the agents mind , by , or according to which he doth any thing ) so by his own {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or by the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which is in him the father hath made all things ; but especially by epiphanius's way of confuting him , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in man , whether the word of the mind within , or the word spoken cannot be called man , but the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of man , whereas the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in saint john is said to be god . and so as photinus saying [ all things were made by the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which was in god ] said quite another thing from what arius had said ( and therefore this reviewers observation was in that respect guilty of that fallacy , which aristotle calls plurium interrogationum ) so is it most certain , that grotius's interpretation of the evangelist , it no way consonant to photinus ( any more then to arius ) his notion . for when to those words of the evangelist [ in the beginning was the word ] his note is , jam ium erat , sic mos est hebraeis aternitatem populariter describere ] which defines the eternity of his being , he brings for explication of that forme of speech , the words of justine , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he was subsistent before the worlds . so again on those words [ the word was with god ] he saith this was in opposition to his being seen in the world in his incarnation , vult enim dicere , antè eum fuisse inconspicuum , he would express that before his incarnation , he was invisible ; adding for proof , dicitur enim deus {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 1 tim. 1. 17. for god is said to be invisible , and to inhabit the light which none approcheth ; by all which it is clear , that by [ the word ] he understands invisible god himself , being or subsisting eternally with the father , which is in every part contrary to photinus's doctrine , as hath been shewed . 47. thirdly , for the socinians their interpretation is known to differ toto coelo in this particular both from arius , and photinus , being after this manner , that c in the beginning of the spiritual world , or the gospel , the word , that son of god , which was born of mary in augustus's reign , so called in respect of his office , which was to make known gods word to men , was with god , i. e. before john's preaching , was , as the word , or in respect of this office , known to none but to god : that this word is god , i. e. that christ was so called ( as angels and princes are ) in respect of the great benefits which we receive from him , and the dignity to which he is by god advanced , ( distinctly denying that he is the supreme god , the author of all things , or creator of the world ) that all things were created by him , i. e. all the new spiritual and divine things , which are under the gospel done in the world , and so on in concerdance with this foundation . from every part of which grotius's explications of that text are most remote , as hath already appeared , and have not the least infusion of this leven discernable in them , as will be evident to any , who shall but cast an eye on his notes on that place . of the notes on the epistles which came out since his death , this cannot be said , for there many of these , or the like socinian interpretations are crept in , some words of the epistles expounded in a sense expresly contrary to what he hath here incidentally said of the same words . this i have pointed at in one eminent instance , the place to the colossians , chap. 1. 16. of the worlds being made by christ , and thereon founded my resolution , that they were none of his , not consequently did i ever permit my plea for him , to be extended to the justifying of them . thus much may suffice for the supernumerary observation , which being sure , meant to insinuate somewhat , it now appears with what justice it was produced by him . by the way i suppose my account also given , why the interpretations of john 1. and prov. 8. of the world being made by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the word of god , were by me formerly produced , as irrefragable evidences , that this learned man inclined not to the socinians in this matter of the deity of christ . the reviewer may now judge what reason i had for it . 48. lastly , there being a threefold {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 't is suggested that nothing but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} was by grotius intended in those annotations on john 1. 1. but withall 't is confest , that much from some quotations there used may be said against it . ] and if there may , and if those quotations be so clear , as those out of justine martyr , and athenagoras , of christ's presubsisting before the worlds , of his being god before the worlds , that from the beginning god being an eternal mind , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , had the word in himself eternally , and if the negative [ nothing but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] be not reconcileable with any one mention of any thing else , such as christ's being god , and with god from all eternity ; upon these grounds , i say i shall confess it the prudentest course , which the reviewer here hath taken , viz. to defer the undertaking of this task , and to add no more , than the unproved suggestion , till space of greater leisure . 49. in reproching of me for a triumphant close , he is now pleased to give an essay of his own humility , in heaping these severals into one period , 1. that he said not grotius was a socinian . 2. that in his annotations on the six verses in the proverbs , two in isaiah , one in saint peter , one in saint paul , added to many in the beginning of saint john , grotius speaks not one word to the purpose . 3. that he doth not interpret christ's eternal subsistence with god , so as to a personal subsistence . 50. to these three i briefly answer . to the first , that the onely thing that in my first digression ( or second defence of grotius ) i undertook in behalf of that learned man , being the injustice of the charge , of his being sometimes a socinian , sometimes a papist , sometimes both ; this is by the reviewer in his epistle to the oxford heads undertaken to be refuted , which can never be done , unless he both say and prove , that grotius was a socinian . to the second , that , as hath now appeared , grotius hath spoken to the purpose of the deity of christ , on the eighth of the proverbs ( as of his incarnation on the ninth ) as well as on john 1. and for the other places , as it is sufficient that he hath recited them to that purpose on john 1. so the account is clear why he is not found to do it elswhere . on isaiah keeping himself to the literal hebrew , he had no occasion in those concise notes , to take notice of that , which onely the chaldee there had said . the other two are in the epistles , on which the annotations , which are published under his name , are by me deemed imperfect , and not to carry his full sense with them . to the third as before , that he cites out of origen , and others after him , the use of the word hypostases , and the distinction of them . onely he saith the word was not used à primis christianis , by the first christians , any more then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. and so it is certain it was not . 51. in the next place , i am reproved that i neither make inquiry into his treatise , for the places in the old testament , wherein the deity of christ is testified to , and are corrupted by that learned man , nor yet will look into grotius's annotations on those texts , which i remember at all times to be pleaded to that purpose . to this i answer , 1. that i never undertook the vindicaton of all grotius's annotations , nor ever said any thing , which should ingage me in such a long task as this . 2. the discouragements , which i mentioned to have already received from making inquiry into this reviewers former treatise , were taken from what had appeared from grotius on john 1 : compared with , and found evidently to supersede this authors suggestions of [ but one , if one place , in all the bible , left by grotius clearly testifying this truth ] for when , beside that of john 1. i found there so many more , put together , particularly prov. 8. verse 23. — largely set down , and in the annotations on the proverbs , found the same sense adhered to , and a reference back again to john 1. where he had spoken so largely on this matter , what need was there of farther inquiry for that , which had thus readily offered it self ? 52. now to my two suppletory considerations , he hath his replies also ; to the first , by confessing , what i desire , that one express text of scripture , is sufficient for the confirmation of a divine truth ] but then , denying that five places have been by me produced out of the annotations of grotius for the confirmation of the truth pleaded about . ] 53. to this i answer , 1. that if any one be sufficient to confirm this divine truth , then grotius hath been demonstrated sufficiently to have confirmed it , who hath evidently brought john 1. which is one such text . secondly , that that text , and prov. 8. 23 — he hath certainly not depraved , nor kept back from testifying to this truth ; so likewise col. 1. 18. and 2 pet. 3. 5. if we may judge by his own words on john 1. and not by the posthumous annotations , which i deem not competent measures to judge him by , and so there are four of the five . thirdly , he hath there also applied to it the places of isaiah , in the chaldee reading , and these superadded to the former , are very sufficient to confirme a divine truth , and that is all i said in this matter . but then fourthly , as the conciseness of his notes on the old testament , and his desire to clear the first , and nearest sense of the prophecies , such as pertain'd to the then approching affairs of the jews , are a competent account of his not inlarging to the more remote and ultimate completions in jesus christ . so his general advertisements , more then once given ( such as hath been produced from his preface to isa. 40. and to isa 53. ) are sufficient to testifie his acknowledgment of christ's being predicted in those places of the prophets , where his annotations on the several verses make no particular mention of him . and so , when he gives a sense of isa. 9. 6. which immediately belonged ( in his opinion ) to hezekiah , and according to that , interprets every part of that verse , he yet thus prefaceth it , sic tamen ut multò excellentius haec ad messiam pertinere non christiani tantum agnoscant , sed & chaldaeus hoc loco ] thus giving onely a lower notion of the words to hezekiah , and reserving the sublimer and more excellent to christ . so again chap. 11. 1. redit ad hezechiae . laudes , sub quibus sensu sublimiore latent laudes messiae ; and many passages there are to the same purpose : as others also of referring to the annotations on the gospels , wherein he hath spoken so largely of this sublimer completion of ohe prophecies , that he would not repete them in the places of the prophets , to which they belonged . 54. in the next place he comes to the comparison betwixt calvin's and grotius's dealing in this matter , and makes many offers of answer , to which i am concern'd to make particular replies . 55. first , he denies mr calvine equally chargeable , or in any degree of proportion with grotius . to which i answer , that whether he be , or be not truly chargeable , in any degree , i am not concern'd to examine , having not accused him , but onely made the parallel betwixt that learned man and grotius , in this , that each of them have by some been deemed chargeable . 2. the comparison which i made , was not of the equality , or indeed of the degree of proportion , but exprest with such caution , as sufficiently prevented that reply , my words being these , that it will upon inquiry be found in some degree ; if not equally chargeable , on the learnedst and most valued of the reformers , particularly on mr calvin himself , &c. here i said , in some degree , but proceeded not to define the equality , or to consider what proportion that degree held with that wherein grotius was chargeable , not indeed believing that either grotius or calvin had given any reasons for that charge , which i see lie heavy on both of them . 56. 3. the comparison of equality , which i made between these two learned men , referred onely to the bitterness and injustice of the accusations and contumelies that fell upon them , on that account , in these words , [ calvin himself hath been as bitterly and unjustly accused and reviled on this account , as ever erasmus was by bellarmine or beza , or is probably grotius can b. ] and there will be no way to disprove my comparison in this , but by heaping far more unjust reproches on grotius , then yet this reviewer hath done , which if others are resolved to do , yet shall i not thereby be refutable , who , as justice and charity obliged me , affirmed it onely not probable that they would . 57. in the next place he requires me to prove of mr calvin that he hath in all his commentaries on the scripture , corrupted the sense of any text , giving expresse testimonies to the deity of christ , and commonly pleaded to that end and purpose , although he deny not but that he differs from the common judgment of most in the interpretation of some few prophetical passages judged by them to relate to christ . ] 58. to this i answer , 1. that the latter part of this ( his not denying &c. ) is in effect the confessing all that i had said of mr calvin , which was but this , that he was by some charged of disarming the church of her defences against adversaries , by diverting those places of scripture which had formerly been used to assert the great mysteries , to other inferior ends ; and then i need undertake no farther tasks of supererogation , such as the proving mr calvin to have corrupted the sense of any text &c. which he knows i never affirmed of him . yet remembring him that i am not now to speak my own sense , but onely to justifie the truth of my report , that mr calvin and some of the first reformers have been severely accused and reviled on this account . i shall now 2. ( instead of g many ) refer the reader to schlussetburgius a lutheran superintendent , in his second book de calvinist . theolog. and 6. article ; or to fr. fevardentius , a doctor of paris , either in his comment on saint paul to philemon , or in his excerpta out of that lutheran . not : in iren : var : fragm : p. 508 , 509. in the latter of these he will find a catologue of twenty passages affixt to those eminent first reformers , especially to mr calvin , as 1. that the enmity betwixt the serpent and the seed of the woman , gen. 3. is simply to be interpreted of the hostility of men and serpents ; that the prophecies of the scepters not departing from judah till shiloh comes , gen. 49. expounded of christ , gives the jews occasion to scoff ; that the words of balaam , num. 24. a star shall rise out of jacob , must not properly be expounded of christ ; nor that of the lord by moses , deut. 18. 18. i will raise them up a prophet , which yet saint peter acts 3. 22 , and saint stephen acts 7. 37 : affirmed to belong to christ ; that mich. 5. 2. out of thee bethleem shall he come forth to me that is to be a ruler in israel ] must not be expounded precisely and properly of the divinity of christ . that zach. 9. 9. behold thy king cometh lowly — is by interpreters triflingly and in a false manner expounded of his entrance into jerusalem , which yet saint matthew and saint john have applied to it . these are a few essayes whereby to judge of many others . and the less mr calvin and the reformers are guilty of these , ( as truly in many that i have had the convenience to examin , i cannot but think him guiltless ) the more evident is the parallel betwixt grotius and them in this matter . 59. thirdly , he affirmes that what the papists raved against mr calvin , was chiefly from some expressions in the institutions about the trinity , ( wherein he is acquitted by the most learned of themselves ) and not from the expositions of scripture . ] but 1. the truth of this will be judged by what was last said , for all those twenty passages are fetcht from the expositions of calvin &c. on those so many places of scripture . and 2. 't is certain i specified not the book , wherein he had written what was thus chargeable , and so had not been reproveable , if they had been all out of the institutions , those being as acknowledgedly his , as the commentaries , and both much more then the annotations on the epistles are grotius's ; and 3. if he stand by learned men acquitted of the charge , then as i said , that may make the parallel more exact betwixt him and grotius , though i undertake not that every learned man hath been thus just to acquit him . 60. but then fourthly , for calvino-turcismus by me mentioned in a parenthesis , he tels me , i have forgotten the design of it , and that calvin is no more concerned in it than others of the first reformers , nor is it from any doctrine about the deity of christ in particular , but from the whole of the reformed religion , with the apostacies of some , that they compare it with turcisme , adding , that something indeed in a chapter or two they speak about the trinity , from some expressions of luther , melanchthon , calvin , and others . 61. to all this i answer , 1. that 't is visible i speak not of mr calvin alone , but of the learnedst and most valued of the reformers , and of mr calvin onely , as one of them . 2. that although the forgetting the design of reynolds and giffords book , would be far from a crime in me , had i been guilty of it , ( the subject matter of it is not so much worth remembring ) much lesse any indication that grotius were insufficiontly vindicated ; yet when the reviewer confesses , that in a chapter or two it speaks about the trinity , from some expressions of luther , melanchthon , and calvin , and others : this clearly evidences , that these reformers were there thus accused in the matter of the trinity , as now it seems grotius is ; and 3. if hunnius's calvinus judaizans , which is home to the business , be answered by pareus , and an account of the calumny given by him ] this still renders the parallel more complete . an account of the calumny and the first author , and grounds of it against grotius , being happily rendred by himself also in the discussio , p. 17. 62. the reviewer concludes this matter with a signification of his constant adhering to his proposition formerly asserted , with one limitation expressed ( of his own observation . ) but i that first gave the occasion of the debate in my digression concerning grotius , did never propose it with reference to that limitation , not being able to foresee , how much this reviewer had read , or observed of grotius's writings , nor can i yet pass judgment , whether what hath now been offered to him by another , will be yielded to come within the compass of that limitation , or no . and so i must be content to leave it at this time . 63. on the second sort of suggestion , the reviewer hath chosen to be brief , and hath well prepared for it by expressing dislike and aversation to any such undertaking , that seemed incumbent on him , viz. to prove that grotius was a papist . ] but to this i reply , as before , that this task is sure incumbent on him , if , as he said , his defensative be suited to what i pleaded in his behalf . for 't is certain , that in the digression , i had so proposed the debate , and undertaken to vindicate him from this suggestion , viz. that he was a papist . 64. that he closed with the roman interest , he is now willing to infer , from his observation on rev. 12. 5. to that therefore i have turned , and there find no other premisses toward this conclusion than onely these , 1. that dispersi ex judaeis , instrumenta ecclesiae catholicae , multos de populo romano christo genuere , that those that were dispersed from judaea — begat to christ many of the people of rome , and that these are there called partus masculinus the man-childe or masculine birth , in respect of the great constancy which appeared in the church of rome of those times ; then 2. that the church of rome hath this above other churches , that no church subjected more people to the word of god , so that her victories by the weapons of christ , were not inferior to the martial successes of old rome : 3. that the regiment of other churches after the apostles death belonged to that . now this being clearly applied by him to the infancy or first ages of the church , that which is first said of the constancy , is indeed much for the honour of the primitive roman church , but no way for the interest of the present , which having much departed from the primitive , cannot in any reason partake of those elogies , which he there bestows on that masculine birth , at the first appearing of it in the world . so likewise 2. of the ancient roman church it is , that he saith , it converted so many to the faith , which is a truth known , and acknowledged in history , but is not at this day assumed ( witness s. w. ) to be the foundation on which their supremacy is built . 3. that after the apostles death rome being a chief metropolis , and ( as the imperial see ) the most eminent of all others , had the dominion aliarum of other ( it is not omnium , of all ) churches , is not denied by any either ancient , or modern , that i know of . all the suburbicarian region , and the churches in that , were under the primate of rome , and that primate was within a while lookt on , as the patriarch of the west , and the first patriarch . and the words of grotius are not , by any circumstance of the place , inclined to any other sense . the aliae ecclesiae , other churches , being in no reason interpretable any farther , than those , which rome had converted to the faith , nor necessarily to all them , but to the oppida minora and provinciae , the lesser cities and provinces , unto which ( as he interprets ) the woman is said to flie ( and so christianity to be propagated ) when simon magus by the favour of the emperour had opposed and much oppressed it at rome , and drave the profession out of it , by which means those aliae ecclesiae were planted . and it may be worthy to be observed , that when the text before him was general , for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} all the nations , he is not thereby moved to interpret it in that latitude of all simply , but ( in a more restrained sence , wherein all in scripture-style oft signifies but a great many ) onely by the nulla plures , and aliarum , others and none more then that . 65. here before he concludes , he is pleased to look back on a passage which he had used , [ that if men be drunkards , proud , boasters , &c. hypocrites , haters of good men , persecutors and revilers of them , yea , and if they be not regenerate and born of god united to the head christ jesus , by the same spirit that is in him , they shall never see god ] for which , he now saith , he fears not what conclusion can regularly , in reference to any person living or dead , be deduced . ] to this i reply by acknowledging the certain truth of the general aphorisme , and onely remembring him , that the onely question was , whether in a particular discourse concerning hugo grotius , after the mention of his eternal estate , and disclaiming all design of begetting in others any evil surmises of it , or of judging him himself , 1. it were seasonably added , that he was fallen to his own master , when falling in the style of that scripture ( visibly referred to ) signifies falling under condemnation , and 2. whether the applying this general aphorisme to this matter , were not apt to beget in others those evil surmises , which he was willing to disclaim : if in these he be not concerned , neither am i , and therefore i shall not further importune him in that matter . 66. to the fragments of grotius's epistles to crellius , i had formerly spoken , though they were not ( possibly ) formerly printed . but having no more in them than was acknowledged , somewhat of civility to a civil adversary , commendation of some things truly commendable ( such sure is the care of good life ) acknowledgment of advantage received by his writings , readiness of performing any office of kindness to him , and finally praying for him ; all these are certainly no more then due , as by christ's precept to the injurious , so to a learned man , from whom he differed in opinion , and may onely serve to direct us to the christian manner of dealing with adversaries , that of never labouring their ruine or hurt in any kind , but doing them all possible good . and if in this matter the reader will be moved with probable arguments ; it is not well to be imagined , in case grotius had at this time been changed from the opinion which he was of , at the writing of the book de satisfact : that having said what these fragments signifie him to have said , he would have concealed that , or that any such passage , had it been in the letter , would have been left out of the fragments , or being in the fragments , would have been supprest by the reviewer . 67. what in the second epistle is said of crellius's notes on the epistle to the galatians , that he had very happily found out the occasion , and purpose , and whole contexture of the epistle , no way concludes his imbracing the interpretation of each brief occasional passage in that epistle , wherein the socinian controversies are concern'd , or renouncing that , which he had given in his book de satisfact : as his sense of those passages . 68. there is no more remaining now before me , which seems to exact farther reply . thus much i have once more added , lest the reviewer may either think his animadversions despised , or conceive that they have succesfully performed what they attempted ; and moreover lest having once ( though but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) undertaken the defence of this learned man . i should now by my silence seem to desert my plea , and be deem'd to have consented to , and in a manner confirm'd those calumnies , which on this score of his defection to heresit , i see from many pens daily cast out upon him . 69. and this , as it is an act of meer justice , and charity to the dead , and no less to those , who by their sin of uncharitable thoughts towards him , are likely to deprive themselves of the benefit of his labours ; so is it but a proportionable return of debt and gratitude to the signal value and kindnesse , which in his life-time he constantly profest to pay to this church and nation ; expressing his opinion , that of all churches in the world , it was the most carefull observer , and transcriber of primitive antiquity , and more then intimating his desire to end his dayes in the bosome , and communion of our mother . of this i want not store of witnesses , which from time to time have heard it from his own mouth , whilest he was embassadour in france , and even in his return to sweden , immediately before his death ; and for a real evidence of this truth , 't is no newes to many , that at the taking his journey from paris , he appointed his wife , whom he left behind , to resort to the english assembly , at the agents house , which accordingly she is known to have practised . which therefore may serve for a competent addition to , and conclusion of the evidences hitherto produced , ( being in perfect accord and harmony with them ) that as far as the english establishment is removed from socinian , and popish , so far this learned man stands vindicated from both these aspersions ; which makes me the less wonder , that some others , who have endeavoured to maintain their constancy of adherence , and submission to the church of england , are in like manner most injuriously aspersed by those who have departed from it ; lord lay not this sin to their charge . a post-script . 1. having lately a sight of a new piece published by the same author , one of the first things i happened to fall upon , appeared to be mine own concernment . for having cited from some words of hegesippus , that soon after the death of the apostles and their auditors , many false doctrines were preached and divulged in the church , he hath these words . 2. i know who hath endeavoured to elude the sense of this complaint , as though it concerned not any thing in the church , but the despisers and persecuters of it , the gnosticks . but yet i know also , that no man would so do , but such a one as hath a just confidence of his own ability , to make passable at least , any thing that he shall venture to say or utter . for why should that be referred by hegesippus to the ages after the apostles and their hearers were dead , with an exception against its being so in their dayes ; when if the person thus expounding this testimony may be credited , the gnosticks were never more busie nor prevalent than in that time which alone is excepted from the evil here spoken of ? nor can i understand how the opposition and persecution of the church should be insinuated to be the deflouring and violating of its chastity , which is commonly a great purifying of it : so that speaking of that breaching and preaching of errours , which was not in the apostles times , nor in the time of their hiarers , the chiefest time of the rage and madness of the gnosticks ; such as spotted the pure and incorrupted virginity of the church ; which nothing can attein unto , that is forreign unto it , and that which gave originall unto sedition in the church : i am of the mind , and so i conceive was eusebius that recited those words , that the good man intended corruptions in the church not out of it , nor oppositions to it . 3. what iust confidence any man can have of his own abilities to make any thing passable that he shall venture to utter ] unless it be found in a due care never to adventure to utter any thing , which hath not perfect truth in it , i acknowledge my self unable to apprehend . but how unjustly i am here charged of any kind of confidence of my own abilities , and how unsufficiently my answer in defence of the ancient church-writers is here invalidated , will , i hope , soon appear , by a short view , 1. of my answer , 2. of the words of the testimony it self , on which it was clearly grounded , 3. of that which is here objected against the fitness of my answer . 4. for the first , it must be remembred ( as the original of this debate ) what from this testimony of hegesippus he had ( a ) formerly concluded , viz. the corruption of the church as to doctrine , immediately after the apostles fell asleep , whereof , saith he , whosoever will impartially search into the writings that of those dayes do remain , will perhaps find more cause to complain , thou is commonly imagined . 5. to which my answer was , ( b ) that all that hegesippus there saith , is onely this , that the poyson of the heretical or apostatical , or atheistical gnosticks , in express words , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the sect of the gnosticks falsly so called , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the atheistical seducers , did openly set up against the truth of christ , as soon as ever the apostles were dead , which being by hegesippus terminated in the known despisers and persecutors of the true church , and orthodox professors , the grievous wolves that worried the flock , and those constantly resisted and combated with , preacht against and written against by the fathers and ancient writers , and never observed by any man to have gained of them , or infused any the least degree of their poyson into them , or their writings that are come to us . 't is a sad condition , that the just and unjust , the false teachers and orthodox professors should fall under the same envy , that the shepherds which oft laid down their lives for their sheep , should be defamed , aend again martyred by us their unkind posterity , under pretence that they were in conspiracy with the wolves also , 6. in this answer it is not possible i should be subject to any mistake , if this one matter of fact be true , that the gnosticks and atheistical seducers were the very persons , of whom alone hegesippus spake , ( for that those were the wolves , and that the church-writers have constantly refuted and detested them , and not suckt any of their poysonous doctrines from them , is so evident , that this author hath neither formerly nor now suggested the contrary . ) and for this in the next place , i appeal to the express words of hegesippus , there at large set down in greek , but here onely referred to , and more briefly toucht on by this author . 7. the words , as far as this matter is concern'd in them , i shall recite ; they are these , euseb. eccl. hist. l. 111. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . that there may be no place for doubt in this matter , i shall now give the english reader a full view of them , thus . but when the sacred quire of the apostles had severally ended their lives , and the generation of those that had been thought worthy to hear with their own cars the divine wisdome , was now past , then the rout or riotous convention of the godless seduction or seducers ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies a seditious assembling , or military preparation of confederates or conspirators , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} deceit or seduction , may be used for the men that deceive or seduce ) received its beginning , by the cunning or deceit of false teachers , who , now that none of the apostles were left , avowed and openly attempted to preach or promulgate the science falsly so called , in opposition to the preaching of the truth . 8. what is here meant by the science falsly so called , no man can be ignorant , that hath compared that phrase used expresly by the apostle , 1 tim. 6. 20. with the writings of the primitive fathers , or but lightly considered the very nature of plain words . the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} gnosticks , literally signifies knowing men , so styled by themselves , but upon no grounds of truth , their doctrines being indeed directly opposed to the knowledge of our lord and saviour jesus christ , and so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} knowledg or science falsly so called . this therefore must be the meaning of the apostles words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the oppositions of the science falsly so called , i. e. the doctrines of the sect of the gnosticks , in direct opposition to the doctrine of the apostles , and consequently the same must be the importance of the like phrase in hegesippus , in consent with the apostles dialect ; what the apostle calls science falsly so called , hegesippus must be believed to mean by the very same words , the science falsly so called , i. e. the gnosticks ; what the apostle calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} oppositions or contradictings , hegesippus expresses by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} opposite or contrary preaching , and these phrases are both farther cleared by a passage in the ancient author {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : c. 6. which tels us of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the contradictory discourses of the dotage or folly or madness of simon ; by contradictory discourses certainly meaning the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , oppositions and antipreaching , and by the dotage or madness of simon magus , the knowledge that he pretended to , and his followers , and which so puss them up in a mad conceit of it , but was indeed nothing else but blasphemous folly , far removed from all degree of true science . 9. from this short representation of this plain matter of fact , thus visible before our eyes , i shall now suppose it cleare , that it was not confidence of my abilities , but a well grounded perswasion , that he that cited these words in greek , understood the plain meaning of them , upon which i built my hope , that my answer to this passage of hegesippus would approve it self to him . for if the gnosticks and none else were the men spoken of by hegesippus , then was there no place for exception against my answer , and if hegesippus expresse words might be believed , thus it was . and thus stands this matter betwixt me and my reprover at this time ; i have laid it before him , let himself now , if he please , be party , witnesse , and judge ; i cannot think it possible i should need other . 10. but then in the third place , he hath an objection against this sense , which at least may have force against me ; for , saith he , if the person thus expounding this testimony ( i. e. i ) may be credited , the gnosticks were never more busie nor prevalent then in that time , which alone is excepted from the evil here spoken of . 11. to this i answer , 1. that in case i had at several times spoken things incoherent or contradictory , this would be no sufficient proof that what i now recited from hegesippus's plain words , was not contained in them . but then 2. i have been far enough from having thus ( anywhere ) contradicted my self , or what i affirme in this answer of mine , nor ( if i may be allowed the confidence to believe that i know and speake my own sense ) did i ever let fall any thing which will not be exactly reconciled with it . the short is this . the ringleaders of the gnosticks were verry busie in the apostles times , but did at first more clancularly operate , from whence in my opinion ( of which here it seems i must give an account ) they are in the apostle exprest by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the mystery of iniquity , iniquity , but that somewhat disguised , till at last in the season most for their turn , some of them put off their disguises ; simon magus in the apostles times , and though he miscarried , yet many of his followers afterwards in a more avowed and profest hostility ( the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in hegesippus ) when they had the advantage of all those being dead who had received the truth from christ himself : this is the summe of what i have elsewhere frequently , and more largely delivered , and this is exactly the sense of hegesippus in that place , as will yet more clearly appear by the addition of some other words , not yet recited , and ( i know not why ) omitted by this author in his first producing of them , when yet both the antecedents and consequents were set down by him . they are these , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . till those times he there speaks of , those hereticks , though some there were , that endeavoured to corrupt the wholesome rule of saving doctrine , skulked in darkness undiscernable , but afterwards ( when the senson better agreed with their design ) they did it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , with bare head , or face , putting off disguise or care of secresie , with this , indeed it would not easily be reconcileable to say , that the gnosticks were never more busie nor prevalent , then in the apostles times ; and this he is pleased to set down as my saying ; but hath not intimated the place , where i said it ( as easily he might have done , and i suppose would not have neglected to do , if he had known where . ) for my part i remember not , neither believe any such words ever to have past from me ; if he shall produce any that have the least sound that way , i shall not doubt to give him an account of them , such as shall sufficiently supersede the conclusion , which now he is willing to draw from them . 12. mean while i shall yet farther give thus much over measure of reply to his objection , that in case hegesippus had not expresly named the gnosticks , which yet expresly he names , and therefore must mean them if he knew and considered what he said , yet the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the atheistical seduction or seducers , and the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the riotous convention or confederation of these , must needs signifie some known sect of hereticks in that age of the church , be they cerinthians , ebionites , nicolaitanes , menandrians , b●silidians , saturnilians , or after them valentinians , marcionites , or who ever else can be supposed ; and then , as it is certain , that all , or most of these , met and agreed in this common notion of the gnosticks , so from the poyson and taint of all and each of them , t is still equally clear , that the church of god , and the known governours and shepherds thereof , by gods grace and blessing preserved themselves , and exprest their constant opposition and dotestation of them , and markt them out to be avoided of all christians ; and so cannot be imagined to have been corrupted by them ( but on the contrary whosoever was discerned to be so corrupted , was cast out of the church ) and by their contrary doctrine , illustriously known in their writings against these heresies , long after the apostles times , ( irenaus against the valentinians &c. tertullian &c. against the gnosticks ) have demonstrated themselves to have continued stedfast and immaculate , and not to have been in the least corrupted : and then what can be farther removed from truth , than this whole suggestion from hegesippus , of the infection being diffused in the church ? but he further objects , that the opposing and persecuting of the church , which is a great purisying of it , cannot be insinuated to be the deflouring and violating of its chastity : to this i answer , 1. that if there were the least force in this objection , it would yet be unsufficient to disprove my answer ; it might possibly infer the impropriety of hegesippus's expression , whereof i undertook not to be the advocate , but cannot conclude him not to have meant those to be the corrupters , whom he expresly names to be so . 2. that in respect of those weak or deceiveable members of the church , that received the heretical poyson , ( and then fell off from it , or were by just censures cast out of it ) 't is not improper to say , that the church which once conteined them , was defloured and violated ; though on the other side , in respect of the constant fidelity of others , who were not moved by all their opposition , the church was still rather purified then defloured , as gold by trial in the fire comes out more pure , whilest yet the drosse is discovered by the same , means , and declared to have no purity in it . the truth is , many visible and temporary professors were infected and defiled by the gnostick infusions , as in all times of trial befals those that forsake the faith , rather than they will endure persecution ; and that is the plain meaning of hegesippus's words , and hath nothing new or strange in it . 14. one thing by the way i shall farther observe , that in this citation he hath made some change in the words , from what before he had represented ; to the apostles times , adding , the time of the apostles hearers , and not onely the apostles themselves , as if hegesippus included that second generation in the space of the virgin uncorrupted age , after whose decease ( and not till then ) the corruptions by him spoken of came in : but that i suppose will be found to be a mistake also . 15. in his former citing of the passage ( in his preface of animadversions ) he understood hegesippus of the corruption immediately after the apostles fell asleep . and indeed this is all that the words assure us [ when the quire of the apostles , saith he , were dead , and the age past of those that were deemed worthy to heare with their own eares , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the divine wisedom , or the wisdome that had divinity in it — ] where that ages being past , ] and the apostles being dead ] sure signifies the same thing , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the divine wisdome ] very fitly signifies christ himself , the wisdome of the father , and no way appears to be extended to the apostles also ; and then they that were the hearers of that wisdome , will be the men of the apostles age , specially the apostles themselves , and not the subsequent generation . and that indeed thus it was , appears by the context in hegesippus , which evidenceth him to speak of trajanes times , wherein simeon bishop of jerusalem , one of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , seers and hearers of the lord , being falsly accused by hereticks , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) was put to death . now this we know , was but the conclusion of the apostles age ; ( john , who was one of them , living till that time ) and not of the auditors of the apostles . but should it be granted according to his desire , that 't was of the latter age that hegesippus spake , it would , as hath appeared , stand him in little stead ; and therefore i shall not spring new occasion of contention with him on this matter ; had not the honour of the vniversal church of christ succeeding the apostles ( so nearly concern'd in this his reinforced objection ) seemed to exact this just tribute from me , i had not here given him this importunity . 16. whereon seeing i am thus far entred , it will not be amiss to pay him at once what he may expect of return to some other passages of this his last piece , wherein he is pleased to reflect on me . 17. and 1. occurs towards the beginning of it , pag. 33. a discourse of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. which he endeavours to apply to the prejudice of my evidences for the epistles of clement , and of st paul to the corinthians , being written to all the churches of achaia : in return to this i shall note but these four things of very many that offer themselves . 18. first , that there is a double notion of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. one wherin it is opposed to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( and is all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being strangers or sojourners ) in which notion a pomponius takes it , when by it he expounds the latin incola , as that is all one with inquilinus a stranger in any place , qui aliquâ , or rather , aliâ regione ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} saith theophilus ) domicilium suum contulit . of this notion of the word i spake nor , nor could be imagined to speak , nor ( whatever he thinks ) is or can parochia or paraecia to be taken in this sence in any author . another notion there is of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} for accola a neighbour , as in thucyd. l. 4. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the spartanes , and the nearest of the neighbouring cities , ( some of those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , neighbours , it seems , nearer then others ) and so pomponius also , non tantùm qui in oppido moratur , sed qui alicujus oppidi finibus agrum habet , a borderer that lives and holds lands within the bounds , i. e. in the territories of any city , whether nearer or farther off , or whether that territory be wider or narrower ; wider as the territory of a metropolis , narrower as of an ordinary city , or yet lower , as of a town or village ; and which of these it is in any author , is not conclusible from the nature or use of the word , which equally belongs to all these , but from the quality of the place , to which in any author it is applied ; if the discourse be of a metropolis , then the territory , and so the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is the whole province or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as when mark is said by eusebius to have constituted churches in the plural at alexandria , the chief metropolis of egypt , these are by c him all conteined under the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as by mark committed to anianus , and to the churches that belong to the chief metropolis of crete , gortyna , are by dionysius bishop of corinth , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the church adjacent to i. e. the province of gortyna ; if speech be of an ordinary city , then the territory of that , and so the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is that which we now call a diocese ( though {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} anciently signified otherwise ) territorium est universitas agrorum intra fines cujusque civitatis , saith d pomponius , and is rendred by theophilus {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all the region which is under a city ; and so farther downward to towns and villages also , as they are called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , paroecia , parishes , the whole territory or bordering neighbourhood is comprehended under it . and so in summe , corinth , otherwise appearing to be the metropolis of all aehaia ( as achaia was one of the e five {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of pelopounesus ) and this both in the civil and ecclesiastical notitiae ; in the civil , as is evident by the proconsuls keeping his residence there , acts 18. 12. 15. ( corinth being before this time f destroyed by mummius , reedified by iulius caesar , and now a g roman colony , and having a h province belonging to it , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the corinthian region ) and in the ecclesiastical , as appeared both by the general {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or conformity between the city and the church , not onely in after ages , but from the first , cited from a most ancient learned church-writer , origen contr. cels . l. 3. and more particularly as to corinth , by the express words of i saint chrysostome . all this , i say , otherwise largely appearing , and not deduced from the bare style [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] this church thus styled by clemens , and compared with pauls first epistle , which expresly comprehends the saints of all achaia , and yet ( as is granted on all sides ) no greater an extent , then what clemens wrote to , is by me regularly affirmed to be that whole province of several churches , ( for which 't was not yet that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} grew to be the ecclesiastical word ) and not that single church of corinth , but all under that metropolis . 19. 2. that it is most unreasonable to affirm that either 2 cor. 9. 2. or anywhere else , achaia and corinth are all one , for that is all one as to say france and paris , a region or nation , and a city in that region , are all one . 't is true the church , to which the epistles of paul were written , comprehends under it all the christians of achaia , but then my pretensions must have place , that those epistles were written to all the churches of achaia , united in corinth , the metropolis , not that achaia , which had many cities in it was all one with corinth , that but one , though metropolitical city . 20. 3. that of the churches of achaia , beside corinth , that of cenchrea is expresly named , and though no other chances to be thus explicitely mentioned in scripture , which was not obliged to write the full corography of the apostles plantations , yet this negative argument gives us no reason to doubt , but there were more cities in achaia then these two ( all geographers assure us of many ) and those in some proportion converted to the faith , and formed into churches , in saint pauls time , and before clements writing to them . however that one of cenchrea concludes as much , as i want ; cenchrea being another city-church , different from corinth , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} neighbouring to it , part of its territory , and under it as a daughter under a metropolis . 21. 4. that chrysostome , that speaks of corinth as a metropolitical church , speaks of it , not ( as this author pretends ) onely in the political , but ecclesiastical notion , and not onely as in his own , but as it was in the apostles time : else he could not say of s. paul , as he doth , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that he wrote to a metropolis ; t was certeinly to the church that saint paul wrote not the city ; and 2. to that church , in saint pauls age . the testimony is as clear as the sun , that b saint chrysostome speaks of corinth , thessalonica , and the ephesians , and galatians , to whom the apostolical epistles are directed , as so many metropolitical churches , to each of which saint paul wrote , and thereby in every of those epistles wrote not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to one city onely , ( he addes , or to two , or to three ) but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to all every where in each of those regions , relating to those metropolitical churches , to all the churches of galatia , of achaia , &c. 22. and so much for that affaire , on which five leaves were providently laid out at the beginning of his journey , to secure some principles which were after to be improved by him , which yet he cannot but know are superseded by many other evidences of metropolitical churches planted in the apostles times , at jerusalem , antioch , ephesus , thessalonica , philippi , alexandria , and rome &c. every of which requiring his answer , as much as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 23. p. 87. he minds me of his acknowledging the catholick church , both the invisible body of christ , his elect , &c , and the vniversality of visible professors , and consequently of the injury formerly done him , in comparing his expression [ that there was never any church-officer instituted in those first times relating to more churches in his office , or to any other church than a single particular congregation ] with the author of the saints beliefe , which instead of the holy catholick church in the apostles symbols substituted this very hypothesis ; as if i either really believed , or was willing to perswade others , that he denyed the catholick church . 24. to this i answer , 1. that i neither entred into his secrets , nor indeavoured to infuse any jealousies into others concerning his talent undiscovered thoughts , but onely considered those words then before me , not being at that distance able to divine , how far he meant to acknowledge the catholick church in a tract written two years after . 25. secondly , that his acknowledging now two notions of the catholick church , one of all the elect , the other of all that are called , doth not so certainly difference his doctrine from that of the author of the saints belief ; there being no reason to doubt , but that he that compiled that , did at that time acknowledge the catholick church in those two notions . the thing that he meant to deny , and renounce , implicitely by leaving out the mention of the catholick church , and explicitely by what he substituted in stead of it , was ( i supposed ) the several degrees of associations , each known among men by the name of a church , 1. that of the whole christian world , the vniversal church , either as it by some pretended to be monarchically , or by others aristocratically governed . 2. that of each national church under the primate thereof . 3. that of each provincial church under the metropolitane . 4. that of every diocesan church under the bishop ; and lastly , of every parochial church under the rector thereof . and all these seem as avowedly to be denied by this author to have been instituted in those ( i. e. in ignatius's ) times , as by the compiler of the saints belief they were ; and some of these being , to my understanding , thus anciently instituted , and express mention made in ignatius , not onely of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or multitude under a particular bishop , which is one of these , but farther of the church of syria , i. e. of that whole region , and the church of syria which is at antioch , all joyned under antioch , the metropolitical church , and the catholick church , wider then either of these , and comprehensive of both ; this i deemed fit to be confronted to his hypothesis ( and the parallel in the saints belief ) of the no other church , than a single particular congregation , which i supposed narrower than any one of these . and this is a brief , and i hope , inoffensive , account of that particular . 26. pag. 232. an exception is made to my instance in the bishop of oxon , and that from a supposed exemtion of this author , at the time of his writing , from the jurisdiction of that bishop . but 1. i proceeded not to the naming or specifying the author at all , when i spake of the bishop of oxon , much less considered the quality , which was peculiar to him , from other men , or the exemtion consequent to that quality , which whatever it can be pretended , is but temporary , and personal , and so not proper for any special consideration . 2. i answer , the bishop of oxon hath a diocese , or else no man that lives in that , could by any priviledge of his place , be exemt from it . and then what i said of the duty owing to that bishop ( somewhat more then styling him a reverend and learned person , and being glad of his neighbourhood and acquaintance , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies more than that ) regularly belongs to all such as are in his diocese , and are not exemt from his jurisdiction , and whatever he please to imagine , i never meant to extend it to any other . 27. pag. 122. i find a dislike of my way ( he should not have said of justifying our separation from rome , but ) of defending our church from the guilt of schisme , charged on us by the romanists . but this is no news to me ; he had once before signified thus much , and i was not then surprised with it , and shall onely assure him , that now i have seen his new way , i am no whit less pleased with the old , than before i had the confidence to be . 28. the last that i took notice of to be my concernment was pag. 229. where perhaps i may be the person , accused to have charged the doctrines ( there named , as a considerable portion of the doctrine of our church ) of everting fundamentals . if it be so , i have then two things to say in this haste , and no more , 1. that the doctrines , which i charge in the tract of fundamentals , i charge not of everting of fundamentals , but ( as may be seen in the title and contents of the 12 chapter ) of aptness to obstruct and hinder the superstructing of good life upon christian belief : of which whether the doctrines by me specified be guilty or no , i appeal to those indifferent readers that shall impartially view what is there said , and shall be content to be concluded by that , though not by this vmpirage . 29. 2. that no one of the doctrines thus accused by me are the doctrines of the church of england , as there ( as far as i ever heard it doubted ) is cleared by me ; whereas on the contrary some of them , that particularly of christs redeeming none but the elect , are as expresly renounced by our church , as any branch of atheisme or polytheisme is disclaimed by the creed of the apostles . 30. and now i may be permitted to take my leave of him at this time . the end . errata . pag. 3. l. 11. r. and so . p. 5. l. 33. r. bad been long expected . p. 6. l. 20. r. his letter . l. 27. r. few passages . p. 7. l. 18. r. so that 53. ibid. r. 10 this sense l. 35. r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} l. 36. r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} p. 8. l. 5. again , i. the . p. 9. l. 21. r. was written . p. 16. l. 7. r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} l. 16. r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} p. 25. l. 8 r. or as . l. 34. r. schlusselburgius p. 32. l. 13. r. sounded . l. ult. r. on them . p 36. l. 4. r secrecie ; with . p. 39. l. 8. dele to . l. 29. r. and so the p. 42. l. 16. r. symbole . l. 21. r. latent . p. 43. l. 1. r. as it is . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45406e-320 a see ans. to animad. vers : p. 132. b epist. to the oxford heads . d epiph. l. 2. haer. 49. socin. in john 1. g lutherani penè omnes ariani smi eum accusant . grot. appendi . de antich , p. 85. notes for div a45406e-19030 pref. to his book persever . p. 5. answ . to animadv. p. 13. a d. verb . sig. c eccl. hist. l. 11. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . d ibid. e pausan : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . f pausaen : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . p. 44. l. 19. g me . la l. 11. c. 3. h pausan : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : p. 44 i to : 3. p. 343. b tom. 3. p. 343. the scriptures plea for magistrates vvherein is shewed the unlawfulnesse of resisting the lawfull magistrate, under colour of religion. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45461 of text r15561 in the english short title catalog (wing h598a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 118 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45461 wing h598a estc r15561 12158772 ocm 12158772 55237 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45461) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55237) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 600:8) the scriptures plea for magistrates vvherein is shewed the unlawfulnesse of resisting the lawfull magistrate, under colour of religion. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 30 p. printed by leonard lichfield, oxford [oxfordshire] : 1643. a reissue, with cancel t.p., of his of resisting the lawfull magistrate upon colour of religion, london, 1643. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng zealots (jewish party) government, resistance to. church and state. christian life. a45461 r15561 (wing h598a). civilwar no the scriptures plea for magistrates. vvherein is shewed the unlawfulnesse of resisting the lawfull magistrate, under colour of religion. hammond, henry 1643 22128 158 465 0 0 0 0 282 f the rate of 282 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the scriptvres plea for magistrates . vvherein is shewed the unlawfulnesse of resisting the lawfull magistrate , under colour of religion . rom. 13.2 . whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god : and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield , 1643. of resisting the lawfull magistrate upon colour of religion . in this proposall of the point for debate , there are onely two words will need an account to be given of them : 1. what is meant by resisting . 2. why the word colour is put in . for the first , resisting , here signifies violent , forcible , offensive resistance , fighting against , as hesychius the best scripture-glossary explaines it , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} all one , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and the apostle in like manner , rom. 13.2 . using {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} promiscuously for the same , and so in other places , although it is true , it is used sometimes in a wider sence . but that will not here be materiall , when we here set downe before-hand what we meane by it . for the second , the word [ colour ] is in the title added , onely for this reason , ( not to prejudge the religion , which is fought for , to be onely a colour , but ) because it is possible for a man to fight for religion , and yet not upon colour of religion , to wit , in case the religion for which he fights be establisht by the law of the land , for then his colour for fighting may be the preservation of law , which the magistrate is bound by oath to maintaine , and though he fight for religion , yet it is under that other colour : whereas he that fights upon colour of religion making that his onely pretence of fighting , is ipso facto supposed to fight for a religion distant or contrary to that which is established by law , and so all pretence or colour of law excluded , yea , and all supposition of failing in the magistrate , he standing for the law present , not against it ; which i desire may be the setting of the case , to exclude the fallacy , plurium interrogationum , and to distinguish the quarrell of religion from that other of law , and so to meddle at this time onely with that which is fully within the divines spheare , and leave the other to some body else . those two termes being thus explained , and so the state of the question set , the lawfull magistrate , and the establisht law of the kingdome on one side , and some person or persons inferiour to him , upon colour of religion , i. for some religion not yet established by law , on t'other side , that it should be lawfull to them to take up armes againsts him would seem not very reasonable , if he were but a private man , abstracted from regall power , ( which ●ure doth not make it more lawfull to resist him then any body else ) having broken no established law ( as is supposed in the case ) for what legall accusation can lie against him in a point wherein he hath not broken the law ? but then this will be more unreasonable , if moreover it be considered , that colour of religion is so wide and unlimited a thing , that no man , that is never so much in the wrong in any opinion , but thinkes himselfe in the right ( for otherwise he would not continue in that error ) and so that colour will be plea equally good to all sorts of errours as well as truths : and besides , he that hath not so much religion as to be in an errour , may yet have so much wit as to make use of that apology for his sedition , ( to wit , colour of religion ) and plead it as legally as the most zealous professor ▪ and consequently , if that will serve turne , who ever shall but pretend to beleeve contrary to the religion established in any kingdome , shall be ipso facto absolved from all bend of allegiance in f●ro humano , and if he will adventure the hazzard of the judgement to come , shall have no restrain layd on him by any earthly tribunall ; and so by this meanes already the grounds of the dissolution of any government are laid by this one unpoliticke principle , and the world given up to be ruled onely by the religion ( which is in effect , the will ) of every man ; whereas before , there was a peace as well as a church , policy as well as religion , ● power in the magistrates hand , besides that in every mans owne breft or conscience ; and yet more particularly , a restraint for hypocrites as well as any else , ● for pretenders of religion , who , if this ground would hold , were left unlimited . where if it be interposed that such an one that thus falliciously pretends religion , though by this disgu●se he escape here , yet shall surely pay for it hereafter ; and that that is sufficient , because there is no other court , but of that searcher of hearts , to which the hypocrite can be bound over : i answer , that although that be true , yet is it not sufficient , because , although there be a judgement to come for all crimes , yet it is no withstanding thought necessary to have present iudicatures also , not to leave all offenders to terrors at such a distance , and indeed for the continuance of the peace of communities to provide some violent restraint at the present for those whom those greater but future determents cannot sufficiently worke on . this every man knowes is the originall of humane lawes , yea , and of dominion it selfe , a provision that all men will not doe their duties for love or feare of god , ( it is apparent , the jewes would not under their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and therefore for good mens sakes , and for peace sake , and for the maintaining of communities , those superadditions have beene thought necessary , as some thornes in the hedge of gods law , that may pierce the hands and sides of him that shall attempt to breake over or thorough it . from whence the conclusion will be evident , that the rules for the preserving of government must be such as shall have force to restraine the atheist or the hypocrite as well as the good christian ( which sure will lesse need those restraints ) or else they are utterly unsufficient to the attaining of their end , i. to the preserving of government , peace , community , or protecting any that lives under it : which being supposed , it will also follow , that nothing must be indulged upon any colour of religion , ( be his religion never so true , and himselfe never so sincere in it ; ) which will open this gap or outlet to others , that may make the ●ll use of it . for this will be utterly destructive of the end of government ( which is , that we may lead a peaceable and quiet life , 1 tim. 2.2 . ) yea , and of government it selfe . this argument being thus prosecuted and cleared , might be sufficient to determine this whole businesse , were it not for one rejoynder which is ordinarily made , the force of which is taken from that supreame care that every man ought to have of his owne soule , and consequently of the maintaining of his religion on which ( to abstract from all possible disputes concerning the particular truth of it , he being perhaps not acute or artist enough to uphold it against all objecters ) he is fully convinc't , the health and salvation of that wholly depends . for the maintaining of which against all the humane power in the world , if he may not take up armes or doe any thing , he cannot see what can be fit for him to fight for , ( nothing sure being more precious then that ; ) or consequently , why he may not take up that opinion of the beyond sea-anabaptists , that it is not lawfull to fight at all , which if it should be yeelded to , although for the present it would produce peace , yet it would be little for the advantage of magistrates in the issue . to this i shall answer , by concession of these foure things : 1. that religion is to be every mans supreame care , the prime jewell in his cabinet . 2. that it cannot , at least in humane consideration , be expected that any man should be lesse carefull of his false religion ( if he be really perswaded of the truth of it ) then any other is of the true . nay 3. that if he do not use any lawfull meanes to defend that false ( whilst he is convinc't it is the true ) religion ; this is a sinne of lukewarmnesse in him , though indeed through prepossession not to open his eyes to greater light and revelation of the truth offered to him , and perhaps thorough slugglishnesse not to seeke that light , be yet a farre greater sinne in him . for though no man ought to defend the contrary to what he takes to be truth , yet ought he to be most ready to deposit his errour , not onely when it doth , but also when it may appeare to him to be so , and to seeke to those helpes that may be instrumentall to that end . 4. that in some cases the use of armes is not unlawfull . but then all this being thus granted , and so in effect that all lawfull meanes may be used for the maintaining of religion , we must yet secondly deny the inference of the objection ; upon this onely ground , because though armes may lawfully be used in some cases , and religion be maintained by all lawfull meanes , yet armes are not a lawfull meanes for this end , and so may not be used in this case , that is by subjects against the lawful magistrate in case of religion , at least when some other religion is by law established in that kingdome . which assertion i shall confirme onely by foure arguments : 1. taken from the nature of religion . 2. from examples of christ and christians . 3. from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . 4. from the constitution of kingdomes , which being subordinate to the other three may deserve consideration , as far as it agrees with them . 1. from the nature of religion , which is an act of the soule , which cannot be forced or constrained by outward violence , and therefore , 't is apparant , needs no outward defence for the maintaining of it , much lesse , invasion of others . a man may be as truly religious under all the tyranny and slavery in the world , as in the most triumphant prosperous estate . they that have power to kill the body , are not able to commit the least rape upon the soule ; they may rob me of my life , they cannot of my religion ; the weakest creeple in the hospitall may defie the whole armie of the philistines in this matter . but you will ask , is not the outward profession and publike exercise of religion some part of it , and that to be thus maintained , where any attempt to hinder it ? to which i answer , that the first of this , the outward profession , can no more be hindred then the former act of the soul , but rather may be most illustrious in time of depression . i may confesse christ in the den of lions , in the furnace , on the rack , on the gridiron , and when my tongue is cut out , by patient , constant suffering in that cause . religion is not so truly professed by endeavouring to kill others , as by being killed patiently our selves rather then we will renounce it . when i fight , it may be malice , revenge ▪ some hope of gaine , or impunity at least by the present service , any one of a hundred worldly interests that may help to whe● my sword for me , of most cleerly a hope i may kill and not be killed : and so all this while here is no act of confession of christ in thus venturing my life , although i do affirme i do this for my religion , because though i so affirme , men are not bound to beleeve me , there being so much oddes against me that i doe it for somewhat else . but when i lay down my life patiently , the sacrifice of my god , resigne up all my possible worldly interests for the retaining of my one spirituall trust , this is to the eye of man a profession capable of no reasonable suspicion of insincerity , and indeed none so , but this . as for the second , the publike exercise of the true religion , it were by all men heartily to be wisht that it might be enjoyed at all times , for the advancing of gods glory , increase of charity , conversion of others , &c. but if it may not be had by the use of lawfull means , it will not be required of us by god ; without whose speciall providence it is not , that he permitteth us to be forbidden that exercise , till the same providence be pleased to remove such hinderance , and open to us a lawfull way of obtaining it . the primitive christians secret meetings will first be imitable to us , and if ●hos ; e be obstructed also , their solitudes next ; and however that designe of obtaining free exercise of our religion , will never make any practice lawfull to be used in order to that , that before was utterly unlawfull . but are we not to take care of our children and posterity as well as of our selves ? if our religion be now supprest , our poor children and progenie to the end of the world may in all probability be kept in blindnesse and ignorance , and so left to the place of darknesse irrecoverably . this objection stands somewhat pathetically , and is apt to affect our bowels more then our reason ; moves out compassion first , and thorow those spectacles is then represented with improvement to our judgement . but for answer to it , though the doctrine of election of particular men , as well and as absolutely to the meanes as to the end , might be ( to him that acknowledges it ) a sufficient amulet against this fear , and so no need of that their jealous care for their posterity , any farther then it is in their power to contribute toward them ( which sure is no more then to doe what is lawfull for them to doe ) yet the answer will be more satisfactory to all that acknowledge gods providence , however opinioned concerning decrees , that whosoever considers himselfe as a man , much more as a father of a posterity , must have many things to trust god with , and onely god , and among those nothing more then the future estate of those which are to come from him . yet if he be imfortunate and still unsatisfied , unlesse he himselfe contribute somewhat to the securing of his posterity in this matter , let me tell him there is nothing ( after his prayers to god and paternall blessing on them ) so likely to entaile his religion upon them at his sealing it by his sufferings . this sure will be a more probable way to recommend his religion to them ( when they shall hear and be assured by that testimony , that their fathers thus hoped in god ) then by that other so distant that they died in a rebellion against the king , or that this religion had been in their time turned out of the land , had not they done something so unlawfull to protect it . besides , the greatest prejudice which that posteritie ( of which we pretend such care ) can suffer by my non-resistance , is onely to be brought up in a contrary religion , to hear that way first , but sure not to have their ears deafed against all others when they shall be represented , nor to bring the guilt of non-representation upon them if they be not . and if i bring forth reasonable creatures , i hope they will , by the grace of god , make use of their reason and his grace , to finde out that truth that their souls are so much concerned ●in ; and if ( through no default personall of theirs ) they should misse of it , i hope the invinciblenesse of their ignorance , and their sincere repentance for all their sinnes and errours knowne and unknown , and their readinesse to receive the truth , if it were or might be represented to them ▪ would be antidote sufficient by gods mercy in christ to preserve them from that poison , so they were carefull according to their meanes of knowledge to escape all other dangers . and all this upon supposition , but not concession , that the religion of him that would fight for it were the truth and onely truth ; whereas indeed there is not a more suspicious mark of a false religion , then that it is faine to propagate it selfe by violence . the turkes and the papists being the onely notable examples hitherto of that practice , till some others , directly upon popish principles a little varied in the application , have faln upon the same conclusion ▪ now secondly for the examples of christ and christians , but first of christ : his example ( as to this purpose ) is evident in three passages ( besides that grand transcendent copy proposed from the aggregate of all his life and death , matth. 11.29 . learn of me , for i am meek and lowly . ) the first is luke 9.54 . the inhabitants of a samaritan village would not receive christ , vers. 53. upon that james and john remembring what elias had done in the like kinde , 1 king. 18. and 2 king. 1. ask't his judgement of it , whether he would be pleased that they should command fire to come down from heaven and consume them , as elias did , that is , in effect whether they should not do well to use whatever power they had ( and be confident that god would assist them in it ) to the destroying of those whoever they were ( and yet that they were not their magistrates it is cle●r ) which affronted them in the exercise of their religion , or indeed which would not receive christ . to this christ answers sternely , the words are emphaticall , he turned ( as to peter when he gave him that check , matth 16.23 . ) and rebuked them , and said , ye know not what manner spirit you are of● that is , elias was a zel●t , 1 mac. 2.58 . ( the full importance of which will belong to another disquisition ) & jure zelotarum , might do some what against b●●ls prophets , which will not agree with that distant calling or profession of a disciple of christ or christian , they are mistaken if they think they may do as elias did . from whence by the way is a prohibition fully legall put in against all examples of the old testament ( ● any such there were ) from being pleadable amongst christians , upon this ground of josephus his observing that the jews were governed by a 〈◊〉 , god being as it were their king on earth for along time , presiding immediatly , and interposing by his oracle , and other particular directions as well as standing law , as in that case of phinees and elias , &c. by which those acts of theirs , though authorized by no setled or ordinary law , were yet as legall as whatever in any other common-wealth were done by authority legally descending from the supreme magistrate . which whosoever shall now apply to christians , besides , that he professes himselfe an asserter of enthusiasmes , will meet with christs check ● the boanerges , you know not what spirit you are of : i have not authorized you to pretend to the spirit of elias , or to doe what a zelo● among the jewes might doe . the second exemplary passage to this purpose in the story of christ is , ●a● . 26.51 . when christ was apprehended by those tumultuous persons , at the 〈◊〉 but servants of the chiefe priests and elders ( not again by any power of lawfull magistrate ) peter drew the sword and smote off one of those servants eares , upon that christs answer is the thing to be observed , vers. 52. then said jesus unto him , put up again thy sword into ●is place , for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword : the speech particular to peter , a prime disciple or christian , that he having drawn the sword in defence of christ , and in him of christianity it selfe ( a more justifiable course then ever any man since undertook under the colour of religion ) most put it up again ; but the reason added of an unlimited universall obligingnesse to all christians ▪ for all they that take the sword ( ●peter did , in defence of christ , &c. or else the citation had not been pertinent to him ) shall perish by the 〈◊〉 . ) and the two parallel places which are noted i● the margent of our english bibles are somewhat considerable , the first gen. 9.6 . where that law was given to the sonnes of noah ▪ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} concerning the effusion of blood , which sure was not any prohibition to legall , though capitall punishments of malefactors ( but rather the investing the magistrate with that power of the sword ) and yet is by christ urged as a prohibition to saint peter , signifying that effusion of blood by him in that case to be utterly illegall , and against the intention of that old law not abrogated , it seemeth by christ . the other parallel place is , revel. 13.10 where immediately upon the repeating of those words , he that killeth with the sword shall be killed with the sword , is subjoyned , here is the patience and faith of the saints : 1. christian martyrs , vers. 7. whose faith it seems and patience must goe together , which sure is most irreconcileable with forcible resistance . the third exemplary passage of christ was in his suffering , wherein many particular circumstances might be observed , especially his answer to pilate , jo● 19.11 . in acknowledgement of his legall power given him from above . be all that i shall observe is onely in the generall , that he that had so many legions of angels , certainly sufficient to defend him and invade his enemies ( whatsoever will be thought of the christians strength in tertullians time to have done so too , of which more anon ) did yet without the least resistance give himselfe up to suffer death . and if it should be objected , that this was to accomplish what god had decreed ( ought not christ to suffer these things , and thus it is written , and thus it behoved christ to suffer ) and in obedience to that decree , not as matter of example to us , or of intimation , that it had not been lawfull for him to have done otherwise . to this i answer , that as christ was decreed to that death , and non-resistance , so are christians ( if saint paul may be beleeved ) predestinated to be conformable to the image of his sonne , rom. 8. that is , to that patern of his in suffering , not fighting for religion ; and that revelation of gods will in that decree being supposed , it will follow , that though christ might have lawfully done otherwise , yet we christians now may not , especially being commanded to learn of him particularly his meeknesse ; i. especially that lamb-like qualitie of the lambe of god in his sufferings , isai. 53.7 . so much for the examples of christ . now for the like of christians , it will be needlesse to mention any other then those of whom tertullian and saint cyprian speak , being so perfectly home to the purpose , tertul. in apol. c. 37. and his book , ad scapulam , wholly to this purpose : and saint cyprian in his book against demetrianus , &c. the summe of which is this , that the christians of that age had strength sufficient either to have resisted or avenged themselves upon their ●eathen persecuting governours , but in obedience to the laws of christ , chose rather to die then doe so . the severall testimonies ( of which this is the abstract ) being so fully produced by many and known by all , it will bee more to purpose to vindicate them from all exceptions , and intercept all evasions which the wit of this last yeere ( beyond all that any former age pretended to ) hath invented to evacuate those testimonies , witnesse goodwins amicaval●eri● , p. 230 &c. and this i shall take leave to do at large , because it is said , many have been satisfied in the lawfulnesse of their present course by those answers and objections which that book hath helpt them to . 1. it is objected , the father ( tertullian●mig●● 〈◊〉 mistaken in making the estimate of the strength of christians in 〈…〉 strength of them that were to oppose them . this is in civill termes , to 〈◊〉 tertullians wrote he knew not what , or at the softest , he might be ignorant of what he affirmeth he knew , and i am confident was more likely to know , living thing their the objecter now , seeing or conjecturing at the distance of so many hundred yeers , who hath not the least authority ( which must be the judge in matter of fact ) on his side against so distinct and cleare affirmation , not onely of tertullian in severall places ( and that in an apologie against the gentiles , who could and would certainly have tript him in so manifest a falshood , if it had been such ; and though the negative argument be not fully convincing , that they did not thus trip him , because we do not hear or read they did , yet will this be of as much force as any he hath to the contrary : this certainly , the writing it to the gentiles , will be able to conclude , that tertullian had beene very imprudent and treacherous to his own cause to have affirmed a thing in defence of it , which his adversaries could so manifestly have proved a falsity , if it were not so as he affirmed ) but of cyprian also , who lived about the same time , and no writer of that age or since produced ( i doubt not but i may say , producible ) to the contrary . of the proofs that are offered to make it appeare possible and probable that tertullian should be so mistaken , the first is , because his was no point of faith , &c. 〈◊〉 therefore a devout father might fall under ● misprision herein . i grant he might , but that doth not prove he did , no nor that it is probable he should be a more incompetent judge in such a matter , then he that now undertakes to controll him : nay sure , lesse reason is there to deny the authority of the ancients in matters of fact ( which if they were not evident to them , must needs be much lesse evident to us , who have no means to know any thing of them but their relations , no● cause to suspect such relations , but either by some impossibility in the things themselves which is not here pretended , or by some other , as authentick relation contradicting it , which is as little pretended ) then of faith , the ground of which being onely the written word of god , is common with them to us , and therefore may enable us to judge whether that which they affirm to be matter of faith be so indeed , to be found really in that sacred writ from whence they pretend to fetch it . and whereas it is farther added , that no rule of charity or reason bindes us to beleeve another in any thing which belongs to the art or profession of another , and wherein himself is little versed or exercised . i answer , that this saying thus applied will take away the authority of a very great part of those histories which no body yet hath questioned . if it were spoken of doctrines , it might hold , and sure to that belongs the axiom quoted , vnicuique in arte suâ credendum est ; but in narrations it is the unreasonablest thing in the world to require the narrator to be of that profession of which he relates the fact , for then no man must adventure to write a kings life but a king ; and if mr. m. mr. a. or mr. s. being ministers of the word , shall write their ●●tters concerning the parliaments victory at keinton , and relate the number of the stain on that side so far inferiour to those on the kings , we must now upon this admonition retract that beleefe we then allowed them , and begin now ( though too late ) to question whether it were indeed a victory or no , which caused such solemn thanksgiving in this city . but then secondly , why this relation should so wholly belong to the profession of another : i. not to tertullians , i cannot yet discerne . for the maine of tertullians testimony was , that the christians chose rather to suffer then to resist , though they were able , because christian religion taught the one , & forbad the other : and this sure was not without the sphere of the divine : but for their strength to resist , depending on the number of christians , not as even ballancing the heathens in the empire , but as very considerable and able to raise an army , if they would make head . i doubt not but tertullian , a presbyter , that now laboured in converting and conforming christians , and was not alwayes in his study , nay , who had lately been a lawyer , and so not unacquainted with the publike , might know and relate with far better authority then any who hath dared now to contradict him . for , for the art of ballancing the power of parties in a kingdom , and grounds of precise determination of such differences ( which as the objecter denies tertullian , so he is unwilling to yeeld to the states-man himself ; you shall see anon that we have no need to make tertullian master of it , his relation will stand unmoved without it . the second proofe to blast tertullians relation , is the ordinary one in fashion now adayes , if any man differs in opinion from us , presently to examine his whole life , and if eve● he did or spoke any thing unjustifiable , lay that vehemently to his charge , and by that defame him , and then we may spare the pains of answering his reasons , disproving his assertion , he once lied or sinned , and therefore it is ridiculous to expect any truth from him . the argument is this , he might mistake and miscarry in this , for not long after he miscarried so grievously , as to turn montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost , &c. just as if i should resolve to beleeve no relation of any minister ( present in either of the armies ) of the strength of that army , untill i had examined , and were assured that he were not a chiliast , an arian , nor guilty of any other heresie condemned by the church : yea and more , till i had some degree of assurance that he never would be such . or as if i should resolve this man knew no logick , because in this period he offends so much against grammar in these words [ to turne montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost ] where the relative [ who ] hath certainly no antecedent . tertullian cannot , for he called not himselfe the holy ghost ( but onely cited that stile so ordinary now adayes [ nos spirituales ] and all others [ animales psychici ] and montanist cannot , unlesse as once areopagi signified the areopagites , so now by way of compensation , montanist must passe for montanus , for he it was that called himselfe the holy ghost , not all or any of his followers . this way of concluding , from a slip in grammar , an ignorance in logick , especially being backt with the suffrage of so many concluding arguments ) will be as faire logicall proceeding , as to infer , because tertullian , an afterward turned montanist , therefore then he spake he knew not what . but then saint cyprian was no montanist , and yet he affirmed the same that tertullian doth , contra demetrian : as for the approving of dreames and furious fancies for true prophecies ( which is added to be revenged on tertullian for contradicting this objecter ) i confesse i excuse not him , but wish we might learne any thing of him rather then that . but i hope the narration we have now in hand was neither maximilla's nor prisca's dreams . if it was a fancie , it was quite contrary to a furious one . and for the close of this argument , wherein the w●●ning ●● given as it were from heaven , how unsafe and dangerous it is to build on the authority of men , as i desire the reader may take it home with him , and from thence resolve to beleeve no longer any thing upon this objecters authoritie , so denudats of all reason : so i do not yet see , why he that once erred must never be allowed to speak truth , the making of true narrations being competible with the greatest heresie in the world . the third argument against tertullians testimony , is an observation of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that there is a pronenesse of inclination in much devotion in persons devoutly given to over-value the workes and piety of other men . to which my onely answer shall be , that yet i hope it is not observed that devout men are so strongly inclined to tell plaine lies , to this end that they may make themselves over-valued by others . this must be tertullians infirmity ( if the objecter guesse aright ) being a christian himselfe , and in his apology labouring to raise an high opinion of christians in the gentiles to whom he writes , to which purpose if he should forge falsities , i must confesse it were a shrewd weakenesse , very ill becomming devotion , whatever the practice of later times may say in excuse of it . the fourth proofe is from a second observation , that in the pious and orthodox fathers themselves there are some touches , and streines , some fibrae of the root of bitternes which afterwards grow ranke in the times of popery , &c. the answ . all that i can collect from hence toward the conclusion designed , is that this objecters sence is , that , for tertullian to say there were christians enough in the roman empire to worke revenge on their oppressors , was a spice of popery ; and so there is one new piece of popery more added , to the many which this age hath concluded under that title above the inventory of the trent catechisme . and so now to debate this any further , or professe my selfe to opine as tertullian did , is to acknowledge my selfe popish , and that is as bad as praelaticall : and so from henceforth all my arguments will but passe for temptations , which none but carnall men must submit to , be they never so demonstrative . yet must i have leave to wonder how in the close of this section these words [ the sounder and more considerate knowledge of these latter times ] can have any reference to the point in hand . for certainly , for the strength of the then christian party , our knowledge in these latter times cannot be sounder or more considerate then theirs that then lived amongst them ; or if it be , the words [ latter times ] will be improper , for sure it will be affirmed onely of that time wherein mr. j.g. wrote this part of this book ▪ for i am confident he was the first that ever revealed this act of more considerate knowledge to the world . the fifth and last proofe is , that whatever their number was , yet it is no wayes likely they should be suffered to have any armes , &c. to which , and to all the prudentiall state motives whereon it is grounded , ( and so to all that section ) i shall return no answer , but the very words of tertullian , which if all put together they do not defend their author from all their assaults , neither will i beleeve the christians strength was sufficient to buckle with their adversaries . his words are plain : first , if we would hostes exerto● agere , deale like profest enemies , desiisset nobis vis numerorum & copiarum ? should we have wanted force of numbers ? ( i. men ) or armed souldiers ( for so sure copiae signifies . ) secondly , he saith as plainly , castella vestra , castra ●p●e vimus , we have filled your castles and camps ( there sure they were armed ; and so the thebaean legion , which yeelded themselves to the emperours butchery , wanted neither number nor arms to have resisted . ) thirdly , he saith , cui bell● 〈◊〉 idonei ? what war had we not been fit for ? ( etiam impares copi● , though we had not had so many armed men as they ) qui tam libenter trucidam●r . their despising of death , ( nay , gladnesse to die ) might have put them upon any hazard unarmed , and he professes the onely thing that kept them from resisting , was the doctrine which they had learnt , that it was more lawfull to be kild then to kill . fourthly , he saith , they had a way of revenge without armes , to wit , by departing from them , by that secession to have brought envie upon them ( as for example upon dislike of the present state , to have gone to new england , &c. to raise an odium upon the old ) but this they would not be so malicious is to do neither : nay , besides amissio tot civium ip●â destitutione puniisset , the losse of so many citizens would have beene a punishment by making them lesse able to resist other enemies ; plures hostes quam cives usque remansi●ent , there would have been a greater number of enemies , then there would have been citizens remaining . fifthly , to put all beyond exception , he puts them in minde how one night with a few firebrands they might have wrought their revenge , if it were lawfull for them to repay evill with evill . this one last particular being considered , is so full a demonstration of the truth now in debate , that supposing there were but one christian at liberty to use that one firebrand , there can be longer doubt but that there was sufficient strength to worke their revenge , if their religion would have permitted them to do so . and if their religion ( as was said out of him ) were the onely restraint , then certainly , their weaknes was not . nay , though they should after all this ( by a morally impossible supposition ) be supposed weak ▪ yet if their religion did truly restrain them , as he professes it did , this were abundantly sufficient to decide the controversie betwixt us and the objecter . having proceeded thus far in answer to the severall exceptions against the truth of tertullians assertion concerning the strength of those christians , i am invited farther by a second proffer of the objecter to make appeare , that although tertullians assertion should be supposed true , yet it were unsufficient , it would not reach the question or case in hand . this certainly is strange at first sight , the case in hand being , whether the reason of their non-resistance were their want of strength . which in all reason must be determined negatively , when once these two things are supposed ; first , that they had strength ; secondly , that the command of christ , or making of christianity was the cause of their non-resistance , and not want of strength . but there is no truth so evident , but the cunning of such a crafts-master will be able to transforme , both from evidence and truth , and therefore ( though in all justice a man might vow never to have commerce with such a man more , that should undertake thus to master his understanding , that he should beleeve and not beleeve the same thing , yeeld the want of strength to bee the cause , at the very time when hee acknowledges or supposes , first , no want of strength , secondly , somewhat else , to wit , the command of christ to bee the cause ) yet i shall ( to exercise that christian meeknesse which i desire to assert by my actions as well as words ) wait on this great artificer to the second part of his answer . the summe of which , as he first sets it is this , that supposing the father spake truth concerning their strength ▪ yet on some considerations he mentions , it had been in those that were called to suffer both want of wisdom in respect of themselves , and of charity in respect of others , if they should have made the least resistance . to which my onely answer shall be to beseech him to consider , that this is part of tertullians testimony , that the thing that restrained them was ( not this wisdome but ) the doctrine of their christ ; concluding it more lawfull to be kild then to kill , and utterly unlawfull to repay evill for evill . and as for charity to others , i humbly wish that were , or may yet bee considered , how much burden , &c. this resistance ( of which he is the profest abetter ) hath brought on others who are not parties on either side , nor , i hope , ill christians , if their onely punishable crime be , making conscience of non-resistance . to the next section , in answer to a supposed reply , where he saith , that it is not probable they had any sufficiency of strength . i answer , that i cannot be so tame as thus to be caught , or so wild as to imagine that improbable , at a time when tertullians testimony is supposed to be true ( as now it is supposed ) the speciall part of which testimony is yeelded to be that they had sufficient strength . and where he addes 2. that t was not necessary they should be of one mind and judgement touching this sufficiency , &c. i answer , that we doe not assert any such necessity , nor doth our cause any way incline us to it , or want that refuge . for sure we affirme not that they did actually resist ( to which onely ▪ that concurrence would have been necessary ) but onely that they would not though they were able , and to the evidencing of that , the concurrence of judgement you speake of , is not materiall , for if they that did so thinke of their strength , were upon grounds of christian patience and obedience , as farre from doing or attempting it , as any other ; these men would certainely have continued in the same obedience , though all the world had concurred with them in the opinion of their sufficiency . for , to professe christian meeknesse first , and then upon any supervenient occurrence to be ready for resistance , though it might be a character of the temporary ( that i say not hypocriticall ) subjection of our daies , yet must not we be so groundlesly uncharitable as to affix it on those christians ; and though the objecter should renounce his present supposition , and againe contend that tertullian lied , and so divest him of all authority as a father , of common honesty as a relater , yet sure he will not be so severe to deny him so much of an ordinary rhetor , as to make that an ingredient in his apology for christians , which were the highest piece of an accusation . grant but tertullian to have any skill in any of his professions , suppose him but orator , if not a divine , a tolerable pleader , if not a tolerable man , allow him but skill at the deske , ( his first trade , before he was a christian ) the reputation of a little el●quence , though no sincerity , and his very pleadings will be argumentative , though his words may not . but t is added in the third place , that having no invitation , countenance , or command from any authority , &c. their 〈◊〉 was differing from ours . to which i answer againe , 1 : that it was not still the want of such command or invitation , that restrained them , but the contrary command of christ as hath beene cleare ; but then secondly , i pray let me aske a question as of one which i will in reason suppose not to be unacquainted with the sence of ju●ius brutus , and buchanan , and it is odely this whether , if all temporall magistrates neglect the worke of reformation , the ministers may not and ought not to attempt it , if they can hope to prevaile . if so , then though the case be not just the same now and then , yet the difference is not materiall or 〈…〉 , for then sure ministers there would have beene to invite , if that had 〈◊〉 the christian way . but when it is added within there line● , that we are invited , &c. by as great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any . i must confesse i had thought that the king and hath houses had beene a greater authority ; ●nlesse the meaning be not simply , but ad hoc , or great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any , to doe what is now do● , and then sure it shall be granted by me , who professe my selfe to suppose it impossible that any command given to this purpose should be lawfull , or able to secure any from that sentence of s. pauls , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . yet once more , it is possible that the authour , by this state may meane a republique , which though it be a word of some signification in some other countreys , yet that our lawes acknowledge any such here ▪ i have not yet been taught , nor sure can any part of this kingdome , without the king be capeable of this title , till we have moulded a new forme of government , and 〈◊〉 lawes , as the modell of that ; for undoubtedly the old ones are not acquinted with any such . but that i will hope is not the meaning , because it is added that inferiour magistrates , &c. which seemeth to acknowledge that the parliament without the king are but inferiour magistrates . of the agreeablenesse of that title of magistrates and rulers , to that body without the head , i purpose not to speake ; onely to that which is added , that they should be obeyed as well as kings , i answer , without canvasing of the place in s. peter , which others have done ) that if they are to be obeyed , but as well as kings , then , 1. the king that cōmands not to do it , is to be obeyd as well as they . 2. not they against the king , for that the inferiority implies . an inferior magistrate , in that that it lawfull , and within his commission , and not thwarted by a superiour , is to be obeyed as well as if he were superiour in that , or as well as the superiour in any thing else , but sure not to the despising of the superiours lawfull commands , when they doe interpose , for that were more then as well . when the king commands that which god and the law doth not forbid , it may be said , that his commands are to be obeyd as well as gods , which the apostle intimates , when he saith , you must be subject for conscience sake ; and the ground of this truth is , because indeed god the supreame , commands that subjection to the king in such matters . but sure for all this the king is not to be obeyd against god , or where any countermand of his hath intervened , for this were in s. peters phrase to obey men ( not aswell , but rather than god . thus is it in that other case , the inferiour is to be obeyed as well as the superiour ( in things lawfull and not contradictory to the superiours commands ) upon that ground of necessity of obedience to the superiour , from whom he hath his commission , and as saint peter saith , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is sent of him , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of , on by that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} supereminent person , the king ; but sure this holds not against the superiour , a● in the other case it did not . 3. not they when they command to take up armes against him whom s. paul bids me not resist upon of damnation , and by my oath of allegiance ( if it were otherwise lawfull ) i have bound my selfe that i will not . whereupon it is observable , that the ass● of this warre , are now brought to undertake , that damnation , or 〈…〉 shall not signifie damnation ( poore men , what a weake thred doth the 〈…〉 , that is just over their soules ? and what a sad condition would it be , 〈…〉 that dies a confident martyr in this warre , damnation at the day of 〈…〉 prove to signifie damnation ? ) but some temporary mulct ; and yet withall that this warre is not against the king ( when yet that other against the earle of essex his army , is not doubted to be against the parliament ) which two so 〈◊〉 , and yet distant holde ( for if it be not against the king , what need of 〈◊〉 other evasion , from the damnation that belongs to resisters , or if resister● still 〈◊〉 it away so easily , why may not war be avowd against the king , by any that will adventure his wrath ? doe sure signifie mens consciences to be strangely grounded , and themselves very groundlesly confident , which are satisfied upon no better principles , and whose practises are capeable of no better security . upon these grounds thus layd , of obedience due to inferiours as well as superiours ( supreame it should be , for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must here signifie , and i hope that our king amongst us is such ) magistrates , the objecter puts a case , that the inferiour governour requires that which is onely finest , &c. as to doe our best to defend our selves against those that contrary to law and conscience assault us , the superiour that which is contrary to both , viz. to fit still , &c. in this case he resolves it is most cleare on his side , for ( whether the lawfulnesse or necessity he intimates not of ) resistance against the superiour . to this i answer , that it is hard to beleeve that the objecter did not purposely intend to deceive his reader by that phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] for that is a very doubtfull sence , it may signifie , that nothing else were honest , and then it is in that sence apparently false , for if it were honest to take up armes against a king , yet sure may not taking up armes be honest too ; for ( whatever that crime of neutrality signifie in these daies ) it may be lawfull for a man to suffer injury , to suffer himselfe to be defrauded ( and that by a king as well as by an equall ) 1 cor. 6.7 . i hope resistance , though it have lately commenced , and taken upon it the degree of vertue , yet hath not turned projector , got the monopolie of vertue and honesty into its hand , that it should engrosse and enclose that title , and there be no other vertue or honesty besides this ; yet would the affirmations of some out of no meaner place then the pulpit , [ that all 〈◊〉 that are for the king at this time are atheists or papists ] conclude and perswade thus much . but i would faine beleeve that the meaning of the phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] is , [ no more then honest ] i. not necessary . but if that be it , then sure the superiour governour may deserve to be obeyed in forbidding it , as well as the inferior in commanding : for it will not follow in that case that the king commands somewhat contrary to the law of god and nature , but onely somewhat contrary to something which was agreeable , i. not against the law of god and nature , i. prohibits a thing lawfull not necessary , as the other is supposed to command a thing lawfull , not necessary : which sure were as free for him to doe , as for the inferiour , supposing , as the objecter supposes , that the command of god indifferently extends it for obedience to either , in things that are lawfull . hence it appeares that in the case here put , the command of the superiour is falsely affirmed to be an unlawfull command ▪ ( for them the matter of the inferiours command must be supposed not onely honest but necessary ) and if it be a lawfull one , it may and will then make voyd that obligation for that particular , which is supposed by the law of god to lie on us , to obey the inferiour in that which is lawfull . the short is , if that which is here spoken of , be in it selfe necessary , we must do it , as in spight of all countermands of the superiour , so without all commands or invitations of the inferiour magistrate ; but if it be not necessary in it selfe , neither will the commands of 〈◊〉 inferiour make it necessary to any who stands prohibited by a superiour . in the fourth section the object● offers at a reason , why those ancient christians ( supposing strength in them ) should rather patiently suffer , because before their conversion they had consented to the emperours power , whereby those edicts were made for the murthering of christians , &c. to which i answer , that it is ridiculous to seeke out or impose upon the reader probable or possible reasons for their non-resistance , when tertullian in their name specifies the true onely reason , the gospell doctrine of christian patience and obedience . but for the particular of their consent , much might be added , to shew the vanity of that plea , if that were tanti , or pertinent . i shall only say , that if the emperour legally murthered christians , then their consent to that law or to the power of the emperour who made it would not bind or dispense with them to commit any thing necessary or otherwise commanded by any greater power ; for if i sweare to doe so i must breake my oath , non-obs●an●e what is concluded from ps. 15 ▪ 4. and if it were not otherwise necessary or commanded by greater power , then neither is resistance now . and then the kings prohibition will as much restrain me in any thing not necessary , as their heathenish consent could be supposed to restraine them then . nay he that makes that consent a nullity ( as this objecter in fine doth ) what reason can he ●ender why he that gave that consent , might not plead that nullity , for such ( though carnall ) advantages as life is , if it could make good his pleading , and no other restraint lie on him , but onely that null-consent ? for the fifth section , how that may be lawfull [ for an entire body to do which may not be lawfull for a part ] and so for us now though not for thee ? i answer , that if the phrase [ entire body ] signifie the head and members too , then the period is true ; if not , then the whole section is fallacious : for it follows not , that though the representative body without the head is more , then a party in the empire , without the representation of the rest , therefore the first may resist forcibly , though the second should not : for he that from saint pavl denies resistance of subjects indefinitely to kings , will not be moved from that hold ▪ by discerning some other slight differences between subjects , unlesse they may appear such that on one side they may authorize resistance . but then secondly , if the doctrine of christian patience , &c. were the cause of non-resistance , then sure was not this other consideration wherein they differ from us , the cause of it . well , having gone thus far , in attendance on this objecter , and to exercise that patience , which we so much desire to perswade : there is yet the greatest fort behinde unvanquished , erected in the sixth section , and rescued from all supposed assailants in six particulars following , set up like so many fortresses about it . the summe of it is ( for i would not be bound to recite what every one may read in the printed book ) that if those primitive christians had strength , and might lawfully have resisted , ( by the way tertullian onely affirms the first , and is so far from supposing , that he absolutely denies the second ) yet might god hide this liberty from them ; and so his after dispensations did require that be should hide it from them , and yet manifest it to us : and these dispensations he specifies to be gods counsell of antichrists comming into the world then , and of his being destroyed and cast out now . the hiding of this truth of subjects power and right to resist their superiours , being necessary to help antichrist up to his throne . and the commonalty of christians doing contrary to the will of their superiours , being the men that must have the principall hand in executing gods judgements upon the whore ▪ revel. 18.4.5.6.9 . that is , in the pulling him down . to this whole discourse ( the first i am confident that ever was written on this subject ) i must answer by degrees , ( that i may not omit any thing that is added for proofe or explication by the authour ) and first , i must desire the word ●ay or might [ may hide ] may be changed into plain intelligible sense . say , did god hide the liberty of resistance from those primitive christians or no ? if he did not , then away with this whole section , and particularly that affirmation , pag. ●0 . that gods dispensations did r●quire that it should be hid from them : but if god did indeed hide it : then first , this is more then a supposition , it is a plain concession that those christians tertullian speaks of might not lawfully have re●isted , though they had had strength ( which was so long denied ) for the light be●ng hidden , they must have done it without faith , or against conscience , yea , and ●gainst gods determinate counsell , ( who , the objecter saith , had great causes ●o hide it , of which one sure must be , that it should not be used . 2. here is a ●reat secret of new divinity , that god hides truths ( not as christ spake in para●les , because they seeing see not , mat. 13.13 . but ) on purpose to help antichrist ●o his throne . ( of which more anon ) as for that instance of those that eat ●erbs , i pray consider , whether that be pertinent to prove that god purposely hides truths from us , or particularly this truth in hand . for sure that liberty god had from none in the apostles time ; for the preaching of the gospel manifested the lawfulnesse of meats as well as herbs , onely some saw not , or considered not that that was manifested , and thinking some old legall obligation ( as others did circumcision ) to lie still on them , submitted to it out of piety . now apply this to the point in hand . certainly the liberty of forcible resistance against superiours ( though it should be granted ) would never be found of this kinde , a liberty brought into the world by christ , which before had not beene there . if he shall affirm it was , ( as he must if that instance of eating be pertinent ) though by the concession of the latter part , he must disclaim all his former old testam. pleas for resistance , from the people about ionathan , from david , and from e●isha , yet wil he never give any probable appearance for the affirmation in the first part , that christ gave any such new before-unrevealed liberty : but rather , if any such liberty before there were , it was undoubtedly taken away by christ , from whose example and precepts it was that those primitive christians , and we also , dare not make use of that supposed liberty . the onely thing i can imagine possible to be replyed , is that , though the comparison hold not exactly , yet it may hold in this , that as that liberty of eating was hid to some ( it matters not by whom , or how ) so this of resisting to others . to which i return , that then it is confest that this instance doth onely illustrate the objecters meaning , but not so much as probably confirm his assertion : and then i am sorry i have considered it so long , and therefore to bring the point to an issue , i must thirdly ask , where this liberty , or the authority for this liberty was , when it was thus hid . was it in the old testament ? though it should be there , as it is not , yet it might be taken away in the new , ( as those things which in the old testament , or the law of nature , are neerest to giving of that liberty , are absolutely reformed by christs doctrine and practice ) and then that were good for nothing . was it in the new ? then deale plainly , shew the place in the new testament which gives that liberty , and is now found out by posterity , though hidden to them . sure we have found out no new scripture , to them unknown ( the nazarites gospel though it rehearse some speeches of christ no● in our canon , yet is not produced for any of this nature : that famous one which it fathers on our saviour , nunquam laeti sitis n●si cùm fratr●m in charitate vid●ritis , is of another stamp , i would to god this apocryphall precept might be canonicall among us ) and for any place of the known canon misunderstood by them , and now clearly unclouded and revealed to us in a right understanding , which inforces this , i must be so charitable to the objecter , as to think that if he had discerned any such , he would not have failed to have shewed it us , ( as well as his interpretations of rom 13. and revel 17.17 . ) if it were but to leave us unex●usable for not being his proselytes . beyond these severall wayes of revelation , if posterity have had any other ( or indeed any but that of understanding of scripture , by scripture light , or assistance of gods spirit , which was not before understood ) from whence to fetch a liberty which is not in the old bible , or is denied in the new , this is it which we desire so to warne men of under the name of enthusiasme , which is hardly ever distinguishable from a demure frensie , and i must call it now the dreame of the dreamers , jude 8. that despise dominion , speak evill of dignities , but far from divine revelation . and yet that this is the thing that this objecter hath an eye to , ( and not the understanding of scripture more clearly then before ) may appeare , in that he affirms this truth hid from their teachers , ( though not from all without exception ) who yet if it were hid in the scripture , were of all others most unlikely not to finde it . as for that offer of proofe , that this truth might lie hid , because there was no occasion of studying it : i answer , that in tertul. daies when there was occasion to study it , ( as great as ever can arise any , because the persecutions then , were as heavie persecutions ) we may by that argument think they would have searcht into it , at lest the light then would not in ordinary account have proved more dim , as he saith it did , if the scripture were the candlestick where this light was held out . that which he adds in the next place , of the spirit of courage , patience & constancie which was by god powred out on the church in those dayes , and so made mar●yrdome seem a desirable thing to them , is more like a reason indeed of their not inquiring into this liberty : and herein , i must acknowledge the ingenuity of the objecter , or the power of truth which extorted this reason from him , so little to the advantage of his cause , and so much of ours . for this is certainly the bottome of the businesse , the want of christian courage , patience , &c. ( for that kinde of courage is not in fighting , but suffering ) hath helpt us of this last age to that [ dream , not ] revelation of liberty , which was never heard of among the ancients . but by the way , it seems by the objecter that now martyrdome is no desirable thing , nor taking up christs crosse , nor following of him . we are resolved to have no more to do with martyrdome , think that the thousand yeeres for the saints to reigne on earth are now at hand , and so suffering , or conformity to the image of christ , no longer the thing we are predestin'd to , we must set up a new trade of fighting , destroying , resisting , rebelling , leave enduring to those christians which were furnished with extraordinary strength from heaven . which are the objecters words of the primitive christians , which , saith he , kept them from studying cases and questions about lawfulnesse of escaping , ( which word meere shame had put in , ●u●●erly impertinently , in stead of resisting ) i confesse , i had thought that our q. mary martyes had had this strength from heaven too ; and that it was not like miracles , an extraordinary gift onely for the infancie of the church : but now it seemes we must expect to see no more martyrs , till we can remove mountains again : this objecter , it is cleare , is so resolved against it at this time , and that his actions , as well as writings , will be ready to testifie . for my own part , i trust i shall be as ready to oppose the one , as i am to con●u●e the other , and to thinke nothing more christian still , then to be crucified with my christ , and if i might chuse the article of christian doctrine which i should most desire to seale with my blood , i thinke it would be that of meeknesse , patience , non resistance , peaceablenesse , charity , which i conceive christ hath beene so p●ssionately earnest to recommend unto me , as most diametrically opposite to the most unchristian damning sins of pride , ambition , malice , rebellion , unquietnesse , uncontentedness● , &c. fourthly , for that whole discourse about antichrist there must many things be returned . 1. that it is not tolerable in a christian to affirme that god purposely hid truths , that antichrist might come into the world ; this so harsh sence the objector first disguises in another phrase , that god by speciall dispensation suffered him to make many truths his footstoole , but indeed that reaches not home to the businesse undertaken to be proved , for it follows not thence , that this of resisting superiors was one of those tru●hs , if it were , then god suffered him to make use of it , which he could not but by its being made known , whereas he supposes it was then hid , if he mean antichrist hid it , and so made the holding it , his footstool . then 1. it was not god that hid it , as before he said , but antichrist 2. it had then been manifest before , use then began to be hid , when there was most occasion to use it , which before he made improbable . if i were put upon the rack i could not give a rationall account of those words of the objector last recited , or such as may but be consonant to his present undertakings : that which followes is more clear that god caused a dead sleep to fall upon those truths : if he did , i wonder who first raised them out of that dead sleep jun. brutus or buchan . or m goodwin ? but still it seems god did on purpose hide truths in favour & asistance to antichrist to help him into the world , and this , not like the spirit of slumber sent on men for their punishment , but on divine truths which sure had not deserved it , yet more particularly that the doctrine of liberty to resist superiors should be so opposite in a speciall maner to antichrist , that it was fain to be laid asleep to give him passage into his throne , seemeth very strange to me . 1. because one piece of antichrists pride is to exalt himself above all that is called god which is mostly interpreted kings , and if rightly , then they that do so enhaunce the power of the people ; as to make the king singulis minorem , & loose the rains of obedience so far as to permit resistance : wil i fear discern some part of the mark of the beast upon their own brests . 2. because the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 2 thes. 2 ▪ 6. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , v. 7. that hindred , or let antichrist , and was like to do so still , till he were taken out of the way , was by the fathers commonly resolved to be the roman empire or imperiall soveraignty of rome , see tert. dere see 24. ambr. com . in 2. thes. hier. qu. 11. ad algas ▪ chrys. in 2 thes. cry . hier. catech. i e. aug. de civ. dei , l. 20. c. 19. lact l ▪ 7. c. 25 oecum . in ●oc . & ib. s●ver . & gen. and therefore on the sacking of rome by alaricus the goth s. ierom presently expected that antichrist should come , and in his book ad ageruchiam de mon●gam : wonders that any one would think of marrying at that time , hence , have learned men observed , was that custome in the most ancient times to pray in their lyturgies for the lasting of the roman empire , that so antichrist might be long a coming , tert. apol. c. 33. ad scap. c. 2. from whence though nothing else can be demonstratively inferred yet this certainly may : that in those many fathers opinion the power of kings continuing intire , was not like to help antichrist in , nor consequently the bringing down that power by the revelation of the doctrine of resistance , like to cause an abortion in antichrists birth , or now tend to the casting him out of the world . as for the evidence of that revelation rule that the communality in opposition to their kings , must have the great stroke in executing gods judgement on antichrist proved revel. 18.4.6.9 . i must answer , 5. that i shall never wonder enough at the power of prejudice evidenced in this objecter , by what he hath put together to this purpose page 32. to prove that the people contrary to their kings shall destroy antichrist , this is thought by him sufficient evidence , that the people are commanded to go out of her , vers. 4. when vers. 9. it followes that the kings of the earth shall bewail her , and lament for her : the concludingnesse of the argument i shall not insist on , but onely look forward to another place which he cites immediately revel. 17.17 . where the ten kings are said to hate the whore and make her desolate . now the word kings in this last place signifies , saith the objecter , not the persons of kings but their states and kingdomes , and to this purpose proofes are produced , but 1. i beseech him to deal ingenuously : doth the word king ever signifie the kingdome opposed to the king , 1. any part of the kingdom excluding the king ; but then 2. see the mystery of prejudice which i mentioned where it is for the objecters turne revel. 18. the kings of the earth must signifie their persons in opposition to their people , but where it is not for his turne revel. 17. there the word kings must signifie the people or any but the king : would not the spirit of meeknesse have easily compounded this businesse , and have given the word ( kings ) leave in both places to signifie both their persons and their realmes , and so have reconciled the places that some kings with their kingdomes should bewail her , and some again hate her , they bewail her , that continued with her till her destruction , when they see the smoak of her burning 18.9 . and others hate her who had once tasted of her filthinesse , and repented and left her before , this were very agreeable to those texts , if we had not peremptorily resolved to fetch some other sence out of them . 3. that first place alone by it self concludes onely thus much that good men come ( or are exhorted to come ) out from antichrist , and avenge the whore , and earthly men that have love to her , bewail her , but not that either the first are all common people ( for sure kings may be called gods people , or be in that number ) or the second none but kings , as for the proof that those people , vers. 4. are the subjects of those kings verse 9. because they are such as come out of babylon , sure that is very weak , for babylon being the province of the whore , there may be kings as well as subjects there , and those kings come out too , as well as those subjects . for suppose king and people of england all popish , why might they not all reform together ? it seemes antichrist must never be cast out of a kingdom till the people do it in spight of the king , and therefore it is concluded that it was not done here in the dayes of king edward nor queen elizabeth nor king iames , and now since the new revelation have assured men that antichrist must now be cast out utterly from among us , it is become necessary that our soveraign should be a papist , and as much zeal and as solid arguments used to perswade our friends that indeed he is so , ( though his constant word and actions now evidence the contrary ) as are produced to maintaine any other article of our new saints belief : one of the most suspected and hated heresies of these dayes , is to doubt of the popish affections of our superiors especially the king : well by this doctrine , if the king should chance not to be a papist , he must turne to be one , or else popery cannot be cast out in his time . if so he should do , turne papist on purpose to prepare , or dispose his kingdom to turne antichrist out , this might be but answerable to gods hiding of truths to that end to help antichrist in . but should his majesty be so malicious as to proove protestant in earnest , then what would become of that sure word of prophecy that so many have bin perswaded to depend on , that antichrist must now be cast out of this kingdome , which faith the objecter cannot be , unlesse the people do it while the king bewailes . i hope i have said enough of this . as for the connexion of this observation with the conclusion in hand ( though it matter little now the observation is proved so false , yet ) i shall adde that if the people were to do that great feat of casting out antichrist , yet it appears no● how liberty of forcible resisting their kings should be a necessary requisite to the work , unlesse the lawfull king be the antichrist in every country , for otherwise it is very possible that though they obey their kings they may resist antichrist , though they love and revere their lawfull superior they may hate and abjure their unlawfull : once more , whereas it is again repeated that the knowledge of the supposed subjects liberty would have kept antichrist from his throne , i repeat again , that if it would , god sure would have revealed it to them of all others , unlesse it appear that god was more angry with the sins of christians in tertullians age , and so more fought against them , then he doth in ours against us , for though god may of mercy undeserved throw down antichrist , yet that he should so immediately and illustriously labour to set him up , unlesse out of deserved indignation to a people , is not easily resolved , yet if this may appear de facto to be so , i shall yeeld , till then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the last blot laid on tertullian to obliterate all whatsoever can be fetcht from himlis , that the authority of tertullian and the submission of the christians being both apocryphall is too light to weigh against the practice of the great prophet elisha &c. to which i answer , that that being supposed , yet the grounds on which tertullian saith the christians of his time did so patiently suffer , viz. the doctrine of christian patience and meeknesse , are not apocryphall , nor inferiour to that of elisha , though it were supposed to be argumentive , or concluding for resistance . for any thing else added by the objector in this businesse as the disproving of tertullians relations on grounds of christian doctrine , from the contrary practice of david and elisha though i might answer in one word , that christians are restrained from some things which were practiced without fault in the old testament , yet because those old testament-examples have been fully cleared by many others of our writers , & indeed are not pertinent to the d●scourse i was upon , when this objecter first ●●et me in the way , and led me this wilde goese ●ha●e after him , i shal not be so impertinent as to adde any thing , but conceive my self to have vindicated the testimonies of those fathers from all possible objections , and so to have joyned the practise of christians , ( those ancient primitive ones ) and proved them correspondent to the example of christ , and so to have made good my second argument proposed from the example of christ and christians . my third is from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . and ● of christianity , which as it differs from the lawes both of moses and nature , so it constantly reformes and perfects those ( dissolves not any thing that was morall in them , nor promises impunity for non-performance , but upon repentance and reformation ) elevates and raises them to an higher pitch , at least th●● jew● or naturall men had conceived or understood themselves obliged to , which the ancient ●athers generally resolve to be the meaning of his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. 5.17 . to fill up all va●u●ties in those former lawes , and adde unto them that perfection which should be proportionable to that greater measure of grace now afforded under the gospel . thus in that sermon upon the mount , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that top of practicall divinity , ( set down by way of particular instance of christs purpose , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) besides the third proaemi●ll beatitude , blessed are the meek , which certainly though it may containe more , yet excludes not , but principally notes the meek , obedient subjects under government , the non●resisters , and therefore hath the same promise annext which the law had given in the fifth commandement ( t was there , that thy dayes may be long in the land ; t is here , they shall possesse the earth , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which psal. 37.11 . whence it is cited , referres clearly to the land of canaan , though improved into an higher sense now in the gospel . ) and again , besides the seventh beatitude of the peace-makers , or peaceable ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being equivalent in the scripture stile , vid. iam. 3.18 . ) and the eighth , of those that are persecuted for righteousnesse sake , ( whence sure is not excluded the cause of religion and christianity it selfe ) which sure are opposi●e enough to forcible resisting of lawfull magistrates , especially for religion : besides all these , i say , in the introduction to that sermon , there is in the body of the sermon it selfe , an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which sure prohibits all forcible resisting or violence even to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the injurious or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} troublesome person which if it should chance to be our king , would not certainly be more lawfully or christianly resisted then any body else ; especially , when it is our religion which is invaded , which of all other things a whole army of plunderers cannot rob us of , ( as they may of the cloak vers. 40. ) and therefore needs not our violence to retain it ; nor is ever injured , but more illustrated by our suffering . to this may be added the consideration of the depositum left by christ with his disciples , pacem peace iohn 14.27 . ( which it seemes onely the beloved disciple had recorded ) peace i leave with you , externall peace for the pacem meam , my peace followes after as a gift perhaps peculi●r to them that prised and kept this legacy , and if it be objected that christ came not to send peace , but a sword , matth. 10.34 . that sure refers not to christs prime counsell or purpose , but to the event ; what he foresaw it would be , not what he had determined it ought ( which manner of speech is very ordinary in all authours ) for the precept is punctuall to peter against the use of the swor● and to all the disciples for preserving of peace mar. 9.50 . and to that it is thought the mention of salt belongs in that place , which among other qualities is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} unitive , have salt in your selves , and have peace one with another . on these texts many effectuall emphaticall descants are added by the apostles , rom. 12.18 . if it be possible , as much as in you lieth , live peaceably with all men : and heb. 1● . 14 ▪ follow peace with all men {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} an agonisticall word to run for it as for a prize or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and 1 thessal . 4.11 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it study ( it is , be emulous , contend , strive , make it your ambition ) to be quiet , to which i shall onely adde two places more , iames 3.17.18 . the w●sdome which cometh from above is first pure , then peaceable &c. which before ver. 13. he had called meeknesse of wisdom , then 1 pet. 3.3 . where after direction for the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} obedience of wives 〈◊〉 husbands ( and we know the kingdoms relat●on to the king is besides others , that of a wife to an husband who is therefore espoused to it with the ring at his coronation ) it is added , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that her bravery consists in the sincerity ( i think it should be rendred ) of a meek and quiet spirit , which is in the sight of god of great price . if it be objected , that these many places of peace are but generall wide illations against resistance , or however , no more pertinent to the case about resisting of magistrates , then of any other private man : i answer , that though i might thus argue , à minori , ( and also assume that no other resistance is neere so destructive of peace as that resisting of the supreame power , that being indeed the sh●king of government it self , which is the band of peace , and the dissolving of which , returns 〈◊〉 to the state of common hostility , leaves us a wildernesse of beares or tygers , not a society of men ) yet i shall confesse , that i intended not to lay any more weight on this part of the argument , then any man will acknowledge it able to beare , and that therefore before i inferre my conclusion of non-resistance from the making of christianity , i must adde to these places so passionate for peace , another sort of places concerning obedience , of which ( without naming the places being so known already ) i shall venture this observation , that in the new testament especially the epistles of the apostles ( which were all written in time of the re●gn of wicked heathen bloody adversaries of christianity , and can referre to none but those ) there is no one christian vertue , or article of faith more cleerly delivered more effectually inforced upon our understandings and affections to be acknowledged by the one ( against all pretence of christian liberty to the contrary ) and submitted to by the other , then that of obedience to kings , &c. it were most easie to vindicate those places from all the glosses and scholia's that the writers of this year master goodwin in ●ntican . master bur. master bridges , &c. have invented to free themselves and others from the obedience most strictly required there , but would not again trouble any ingenious man with such extravagant discourses as even now i learnt by experience would be necessary to answer such exceptions , which mens wit or somewhat worse hath produced , besides , those places have been by others vindicated already . i shall onely say whosoever can without coloured spectacles finde ground for the present resistance in those places of scripture rom. 13. 1 pet. 2.13.18 . &c. so far as to settle and quiet a conscience , i shall not conceive my understanding fit to duel with his , any more then i would wrestle with a friend , or combat with the fire , which pythagoras tels me would avail little : he that can be sure that damnation rom 13.2 . signifies not damnation , but some temporary mulct onely ( if the king should prove able to inflict it ) when , v. 5. it is added we must needs be subject not onely for wrath ( i. fear of temporary punishment ) but also for conscience sake , ( which when it accuses , bindes over to eternall wrath , or damnation ) i professe i know not what camel he may not swallow ▪ i shall onely in the bowels of christ desire him to consider , what a sad condition it would prove , if being on this confidence engaged , and by gods h●nd taken away in this war he should at gods tribunall hear saint paul avouch that by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or damnation in that place , he did meane no l●sse then eternall damnation without repentance : o how would his countenance change , his thoughts trouble him , the joynts of his loins be loosed , and his knees smite one against another , one generall {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} possesse all his faculties , and master bridg● &c. be unable to settle him or give him confidence any longer , when the tekel shall come out of the wall over against that interpretation of his , that it is weighed in the ballances ( of truth & judgement ) and found wanting , of this word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i designe another disquisition : only i could not defer to forewarn the reader of his danger in this place , and now i shall not doubt from the making of christianity to inferre my conclusion of non-resistance , not doubting but the premisses will bear it . for the other part of this third argument from the making of the protestant doctrine , i would fain be very brief by way of compensation for my former importunity , and therefore shall engage myself not to trouble the reader with citations or names , which yet might be brought by hundreds of reformed writers for every iunius br●ius , butherius , and buthanan that hath appeared for the contrary since the reformation . though the truth is , such as these if they must be called protestants , are yet in this somewhat more then that title ever imported , i may say perfect jesuits in their principles , and resolutions concerning kings ( no papist of any other order hath gone so far ) although they differ some what in the seat of that power of making such resistance . that which i designed to say on this point is only , this that the doctrine of allegiance to kings , and of their supremacy in all causes , hath alwayes been counted a principall head of difference between the protestants and the worst of papists , and a speciall evidence which most men have used , to conclude the papacy to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the antichrist , is this that the pope exalteth himself above all that is called god : 1. the kings of the earth , that he in case the king be not a catholick , absolves subjects from their allegiance to him , that he pretends power over them in spirituall things , and in temporall in ordine ad spiritualis . it is not unknown to any that the oath of supremacy if not of allegience among us is principally designed to discerne and and discover papists , of whom , one of the prayers appointed for the fifth of november affirmes , that their religion is rebellion , that sure is , that one main difference betwixt romish and english , popish and protestant doctrine is that of liberty to rebell in some cases , particularly in that of religion : in opposition to all which doctrines or insinuations of theirs , there is no church that ever exprest their sence in any article more fully and largely , then ours hath in this particular , witnesse the severall parts of the homily of disobedience and rebellion , printed in queen elizabeths time . and if herein all other parts of the reformed church have not gone as far as we , yet shall i not retract my asserting this doctrine purely protestant , 1. because this kingdom hath alwayes been esteemed a prime part of the reformation , wherein the papacy was legally cast out , not by violence or tumults of the people , and so nothing rejected but what in sobriety was necessary to be rejected , and therefore our church hath generally been the norma or rule by which others have desired to compose themselves , and never yet any other so preferred before us , as that our ancestours could think fit to conforme to them , 2. because in many other countries the government is not regall or monarchical as here it is , bodin . l. 2. c. 5. de rep. can finde none of this nature in europe , but france and spaine , and england and scotland ( i conceive ireland he conteined under the word auglia● ) in which , saith he , regis sine controversia jur●●●nia majestatis habeant per se : singulis civi●us nec universit ●as est ( it seems master dale our embassadour from whom he had received his advertisements of the state of this kingdome had not then heard that our king though singulis major is ●●●versis minor , which certainly had divested him of all soveraignty it being impossible that the soveraign or supream of all should be minor then any ( sumni prinsipis vitam fama●●ut fortunas in discrimen vocare , seu visen judicio constituto id fiat , &c. as for the emperour of germany charles the fifth by name , he saith plainly , tyrannide cives ad rempublicam oppressit cùm iura maiestatis non haboret , which if it be true will be some excuse to the germane princes in what they did at that time in taking up armes for religion , though it is most certain what he affirmes , that when those princes consulted martin luther about it num id ●ure divino liceret , whether it were lawfull in the sight of god , ille negavit he resolved it utterly unlawfull : this answer saith bodin , luther gave perinde atqua si carolus summam imperit solus haberes , and therefore much more must it be given when the case is of a monarch indeed , as he concludes , and though he acknowledge that distinction which it seemes luther did not betwixt that emperour and true monarchs , yet is he faine to passe a sad observation upon the fact of those princes in taking up armes for religion , against luthers advice ita funestum bellum reique publica calami tosum suscepi●s est , cum in gentiprincipurs ac civi● strage , quia iusta causa ●●llowideri potest adversus patriam arma sumendi . i would to god those words were englisht in every of our hearts : a direfull and calamitous war with the slaughter of all sorts , because ( though it were for religion ) yet no cause can be counted just , of taking up armes against ones country . the truth is , what was done there though , 1. very unhappily and 2. against no monarch , hath been thought imitable by knox and buchanan in scotland , and from thence infused into some few into england a●penry , &c. but by gods providence hath formerly been timously restrained , and not broken out to the defaming of our protestant profession . it seemes now our sins are ripe for such a judgement , the land divided into two extream sinfull parts ; one by their sins fitted to suffer under this doctrine , others si●full enough to be permitted to broach and prosecute it . i meekly thank god , that though my sins are strangely great , yet he hath not given me up to that latter judgement . i conceive i have also given some hints at least of proving my position from the making of the protestant doctrine . now for the last topick , taken from the constitution of this kingdome . though that be the lawyers task , very prosperously undertaken by others , yet one generall notion there is of our laws , which from my childhood i have imbibed , and therefore conceive common to all others with me ; and it is this , that the laws of this kingdom put no man ( no papists i am sure ) to death for religion . when jesuites , and seminary priests have suffered , every man is so perfect in the law , as to know that it is for treason , by a statute that makes it such for them to come into this kingdome . the truth of this , and the constant pleading of it against all objecters , hath made me swallow it as a principle of our law , that even popery strictly taken ( and not onely as now this last yeere it hath learnt to enlarge its importance ) is no capitall crime . from whence , i professe , i know no impediment to forbid me to conclude , that in the constitution of our state no war for religion is accounted a lawfull war ; for that it should be lawfull to kill whole multitudes without any enditement , yo● , and by attempting it , to endanger , at least , our own . 1. many good protestants lives , for that , which if it were proved against any single man , would not touch his life in the least degree , is , i must acknowledge , one of the artaria belli which i cannot see into . and therefore sleidan tels us of m. luther , that he would not allow a war , though but defensive , with the turk himself , com . li . 14. pag. 403. and though after he had mitigated his opinion upon a new state of the question , and perswaded the emperour to it , yet it was with this limitation , m●do nec vindictae , nec gloria , nec emolumenti caur● sub●●●●● , ( three things that are very rarely kept out of war ) sed tantum ut spur●issimum l●tronem , non ex religionis , sed ●urti & injuriarum actione aggradiantur . it seems the cause of religion , although it were of christianity against mahometisme , was not to him a sufficient warrant for a defensive w●● but then 2. for this war to be waged against the prince , ( or by any one but the prince , in a monarchie , as this is ) who whatsoever he hath not , hath certainly the power of the sword immediatly from god ( or else must be acknowledged not to have it at all , for this power cannot be in any people originally , or anywhere but in god , and therefore it may be most truly said , that though the regall power were confest to be first given by the people , yet the power of the sword , where with regality is endowed , would be a superaddition of gods , never belonging to regall or whatever other power , till god annext it in gen. 9.6 . which also 〈◊〉 to be out of all dispute in this kingdome , even at this time , where the universall body of the cōmonalty , even by those that would have the regal power originally in them , is not yet affirmed to have any aggregate power , any farther then every man single out of government was presumed to have over himself , which sure was not power of his owne life : for even in nature there is felonia des● , and therefore the representative body of the commons , is so far from being a judicature in capitall matters , that it cannot administer an oath ) and therefore is not justly invasible by any subject or community of subjects , who certainly have not that power , nor pretend to have it , and when they take it , think it necessary to excuse that fact by pretence of necessity , which every body knowes , is the colour for those things which have no ordinary means of justifying them : like that which divines say of saving of children and ideots , &c. by some extraordinary way . ) nay , 3. for this war to be waged , not against popery , truly so called , but against the onely true protestant religion , as it stands ( and by attempting to make new laws is acknowledged as yet to stand ) establisht by the old laws of the land , and therefore is fain to be called popish ( and our martyr reformers notable , by those fiery chariots of theirs , to get out of the confines of babylon ) that it may be fit to be destroyed ; just as the primitive christians were by the persecuters put in wilde beasts skins that in those shapes they might be devoured : this i confesse is to me a complication of riddles ( and therefore put by some artists under that deepe , dark phrase , and title of fundamentall laws of the kingdome ) to which certainly no liberty or right of the subject in magna charta , no nor legislative power , will enable any man to give any intelligible , much lesse legall name : at which i professe i am not ill pleased , because this i hope will keep it from being recorded to posterity . i have done with my fourth argument , and am heartily sorry i have kept my reader so long from his prayers , which must set an end to this controversie , for sure arguments are too blunt to do it ; i beseech god to direct all our hearts to a constant use of those meanes ( together with fasting and abstinence , at least from father provoking sins ) and exerci●e that evill spirit that hath divided his titles ( of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and now at length , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) among us , and by those means infused his mortiferous poison into the very veines of this whole kingdom . [ i create the fruit of the lips peace , peace to him that is far off , &c. and i will heal him . thou hast moved the land , and divided it , heal the fores thereof , for it shaketh . ] the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to its origination signifies censure , judgement , and in its making hath no intimation , either of the quality of the offence to which that judgement belongs , or of the judge who inflicts it : that it belongs to humane judgements , or sentences of temporall punishments sometimes , is apparent by luke 23.40 . where one thief saith to the other , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , making , it seems , the same sentence of death , or capitall punishment , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , c. 24.20 . judgement of death temporall ; and that at other times it signifies also divine judgement , is as apparent act. 24.26 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , judgement to come , that is , certainly at the end of this world , at that day of doome , so rom. 2. ● . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the judgement of god , and so again vers. 3. which v. 5. is explained to be ●rath or punishment against the day of wrath , &c. so heb. 6.2 . resurrection of the dead , and eternall judgement . the truth is in this sense , it is most what 〈…〉 this book , see mat. 23. ●4 . mat. 12.40 . luke 20.47 . rom. 3.8 . and therefore he● , the best glossary for the new testament , renders it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ gods retribution or payment , or rendering according to works . it will not be ●●●th while to survey and consider every place where the word is used , he that shall do so , will perhaps resolve with me to accept of that glossary , and understand it constantly of gods judgement ; unlesse , when the circumstances of the 〈◊〉 shall enforce the contrary , as they do in the places first mentioned , and 1 cor. 6.7 . but then when the context rather leades to the second sense , there will be great danger for any man to apply it to humane judgements , for by so doing , he may flatter himself or others in some sin , and run into that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as it signifies eternall judgement , when by that mis-understanding he doth not conceive himself in any danger of it . of places which without all controversie thus interpret themselves , i will mention two , 2 pet. 2.3 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to render it , whose judgement of a long time lingereth not : which that it belongs to eternall vengeance , appears by the next words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it , their damnation , it is literally , their destruction sleepeth not . the second place is , 1 tim. 3.6 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fall into the condemnation of the devill ; that is , sure into that sentence that fell upon lucifer for his pride ( being cast out of heaven , and reserved to chains of eternall darknesse ) for the person spoken of here , is the novice , or new convert , lifted up with pride , just parallel to the angels newly created , lifted up with pride also , the crimes and the persons parallel , and so sure the punishment also . now three places more there are which appear to me by the same means of evidence , or rule of interpreting , to belong to the same sense , though i cannot say of them as i did before , [ without controversie . ] for i see it is not only doubted by some , whether they do belong to this sense or no , but that it is resolved they do not : which resolution sure must be obnoxious to some danger , that i say no worse of it . the first of these places it , rom. 13.2 . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : we render it , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation : but say others , it must be rendered judgement , as that signifies some temporary punishment which the higher powers may inflict , and nothing else : and this they labour to make appear by the words following : for rulers are a terrour to evill works , and he beareth not the sword in vain , &c. to which i answer , that there is no doubt made by me or any , but that rulers are to punish men for evill works , particularly that of resistance against them , and not onely that , but also crimes against our brethren , and god ; and in that respect it is added , v. 4. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the minister or officer of god he is , and executioner for wrath , that is , punishment temporall to him ( indefinitely ) that doth evill . but doth it follow from hence , that either he that makes forcible resistance against the superiour or supreme power , or that commits any other sin ( which the supreme power is set to avenge or punish temporally ) shall incurre no eternall punishment ? if this new divinity should be entertained , it must be priviledge and protection to other sins as well as resistance and rebellion , even to all that any judiciall lawes have power to punish , for in these also he is the minister of god : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an avenger , or executioner for punishment , and there is no avoiding it ; but this must be extended indefinitely , or universally , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to any malefactour punishable by that power , or that comes under this cognisance ; and so by this logick , he that is hanged , may not be damned , what ever his crime be , an execution on earth shall be as good as a purgatory to excuse him from any other punishment . but then secondly , suppose a rebell escape the hand of justice here below , by flight , &c. nay , that he prosper in his rebellion , and get the better of it , that the king be not able to punish him , nay , yet farther , that he proceed higher , depose the king , and get into his place ; what {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is he like to receive , if that signifie onely the kings wrath , or temporall punishment ? sure this prosperousnesse of the crime must make it cease to be a crime , make it commence vertue , as the turks on their principles are wont to resolve it , saith busbequius , ep 4. — ex opinione quae turcis insedit ut res quocunque consilio institutas , si bene cadunt , ad deum authorem referant , &c. or else give it , ( though it be a sin never so great , and unrepented of ) perfect impunity both in this world , and in another ; and certainly this is no jest . for he that observes the behaviours of many men , ( the no manner of regrets or reluctancies in their course of forcible resistance , save onely when they conceive it goes not on so prosperously as it was wont , and the great weekly industry that is used to perswade all men of the continued prosperity of the side , as being conceived far more usefull and instrumentall to their ends , then the demonstration of the justice of it , mens consciences being resolved more by the diurnall then the bible , by the intelligencer then the divine , unlesse he turn intelligencer also ( i would we had not so many of those pluralists . ) will have reason to resolve that this divinity is the principle by which they move ; which if it be not yet brought to absurdities enough , then look a little forward to the conclusion , deduced and infer'd , v. 5. wherefore ye must be subject , not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake . words by prophetick spirit added by the apostle , as it were on purpose to contradict in terminis that new interpretation . wrath signifies that temporall punishment , v. 4. which if it were the all that is meant by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , then how can it be true , that we must be subject not only for wrath ? certainly he that resists is not subject ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and both directly contrary to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the word used both in the third and fifth verse ) and therfore if we must be subject not only for wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment , then he that resists , shall receive more then wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment . viz. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in our rendering , condemnation , if he do not prevent it timously by repentance : which sure is the importance of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but also for conscience sake ; that if he do it not , it will be sin to him , wound his conscience , binde him over to that punishment which belongs to an accusing conscience , ( which sure is more then a temporall mulct ) which is farther clear from the first verse of that chapter , the command of subjection . for sure every divine or apostolicall command entred into the canon of scripture , doth binde conscience , and the breach of it known and deliberate , is no lesse then a damning sin , even under the gospel , mortiferous and destructive without repentance , which is just equivalent to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he shall receive damnation in our way of interpreting it . so much for that first place . the second is 1 cor. 11.29 . he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation ( or as our margent judgement ) to himself , &c. this place i finde avouched for the confirming of the former interpretation rom. 13. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies onely temporall punishment and thus , it is known the socinians commonly interpret this place , per {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} non sempiternam damnationem nominatim , sed suppliciū in genere intelligendum esse . volk●lius l. 9. de ver. rel. . l. 4. c. 22. that which is used to perswade this to be probable is that which followes ver. 30. for this cause many are weak and sickly among you , and many sleep , which belonging onely to temporall punishments , is conceived to be a periphrasis of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} judgement , which should seeme consequently to be so also : and indeed , volkelius hath added other proofs : 1. because the apostle speaks of any one single act of this sinne of unworthy receiving ( not of any habit or custome ) which he conceives not actually damning now under the second covenant , 2. because it is said ver. 32. and when we are judged , we are chastened of the lord that we should not be condemned &c. to these three ( and i know not that there are produced any more ) probabilities , i conceive clear satisfaction maybe given by those who affirm {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to contain in it eternall punishment ; though if it were onely temporall punishment , yet being sicknesse , &c. which are not inflicted by the magistrate , but by the hand of god it will not come home to that which was by master br. affirmed of the word in rom. 13. for this must be promised that we do not conceive it to signifie eternall punishments exclusive or so as to exclude temporall , but eternall and sometimes temporall too ( for so sure he that for his rebellion receives damnation , hereafter , is not secured from being hang'd drawn and quarterd heere ) or else eternall if be repent not , and perhaps temporall though he do by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as i said , i understand with hesychius {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} gods vengeance whether here , or in another world , but i say in this place both of them , ( and so ordinarily in the former also . this being premised , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may still contain in it eternall punishments , ver. 29. though many for this cause of unworthy receiving did fall sick and die , ver. 30. for 1. they might both die and be damned too , or if , as volkelius saith the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , o●do●miscunt , sleep , be never used in the n. t. of those that are destined to eternall destruction , then still may this be very reconcilable without interpretation that many for this cause are weak and sickly , and many others sleep , god chastising some by diseases to reform them , and punishing others , who as volkelius acknowledges , were guilty onely of some single act of the sin onely with death temporall or shortning their dayes : which certainly hinders not but that god might punish others that did customarily commit this sin ( and perhaps with greater aggravations ) with no lesse then eternall death , how ever that it were just for him to do so , what ever he did it is plain by ver. 27. which is parallel to the 29. whosoever shall eat and drink unworthily shall be guilty of the body and blood of the lord , that is in volkelius his own words ipsum christi corpus ac sanguin●m contemnere & ignominiâ afficere ac quantam in ipsis est profanare proculcareque censendi sunt , shall be thought to contemne and disgrace , and as much as in them lies to profane , and tread under feet the body and blood of christ , which what is it but to count the blood of the covenant an unholy thing , heb. 10.29 . which yet there is used as a main aggravation of that sin , for which , saith the apostle there remaines no more sacrifice , ver. 26. it is apparent that the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} guilty of the body , &c. is paralled to the latine reus maiestatis used for a traitour , and sure signifies no lesse then a guilt of a great injury to christ , which how any man can affirme to be a sin to which no damnation belongs ( supposing no antidote of invincible ignorance or weaknesse , nor recovery by repentance nor gracious pardon of god in not imputing some single act of it ) i professe my self not to discerne , though i think i have weighed impartially all that is said of it . this sure will keep the first proof from being any longer probable , and for the second , ( or first of volkelius ) it is already in effect answered too , for though he that is guilty onely of some one act of this sinne found mercy , yet sure they that are guilty of the customary sin , may speed worse , and indeed of all indefinitly the apostle speaks according to the merit of the sin , as when he saith the drunkard and adulterer shall not inherit the kingdome of god . where yet perhaps he that is guilty onely of one such act may finde mercy . for the last proofe , i conceive it so far from being a probable one against me , that i shall resolve it a convincing one on my side , for if those that were sick , &c. were chastened of the lord , that they should not be condemned , then sure if they had not been so chastened , nor reformed by that chastening , they should have been condemned with the world ▪ and so their temporall judgements may be a means through the mercy of god in christ to free them from their eternall , but not an argument that eternall was not due to them , but a perfect intimation , that it was . the third place ( which is not indeed of much importance in it self , but onely is used to give countenance to the interpretation in the two former places ) is 1 pet. 4.17 . the time is come that judgement must begin at the house of god . here , say they {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} judgement is that that befalls the house of god , the godly therefore but temporall judgements . to which i answer in a word , that here is a mistake in opposing judgement in its latitude to the house of god , when only it is affirmed by s. peter of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the beginning or first part of judgement : for of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or judgement in this verse , there are specified two parts , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first part , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the end ( or else the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} seemes to sound in our english , the tail ) of it , as psal. 75.8 . the cup of gods displeasure , or punitive justice , is supposed to consist of two parts , 1. red wine ( or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and 2. mixture of myrrhe and other poysonous bitter spices , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , apocal . 4.10 . & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , matth. 24.17 . and both together , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} myrrhato , wine , mark 15.25 . now this cup is powred out , and tasted of indefinite by the godly some part of it , but the dregs thereof , i. the myrrh bitter part , that goes to the bottome , is left for the wicked to wring out and drinke : so that onely the tolerable , supportable , easie part of the judgement belongs unto the godly , but the end , the dregs , the unsupportable part , to those that obey not the gospel of god . or yet a little further , the beginning or first part , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of the judgement , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from the godly ( and so it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) intimating that the judgement doth not stay upon them , but onely take rise from them ; but the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the second sadder part of it , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of them , ( or belongs to them ) that obey not , &c. so that still in this place also {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies gods judgement of this life and another both ; not of this life onely , to the excluding of the other , but one part in this life , another in that other ; and though the godly had their part in it , yet there was some what in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that the godly never ●asted of , but only the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they that disobeyed the gospel of god , and this is apparant by the 18. vers. 18. for if the righteous {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we read it scarcely be saved . it signifies ( by comparing that place with prov. 11.31 . where in stead of recompenced on the earth , the greek translation reads , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) bee rendred unto , or recompenced , i. punished in the earth , then where shall the ungodly and sinners appeare ? there are again the two parts of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods retribution to sin here , wherein the godly have their part , and the other his rendring to the wicked hereafter , and so neither of them the punishment of the magistrate in this life , as mr. bridg. out of piscator , contends to have it . rom. 13. and as it must be here also , if others speak pertinently , who use it to avoid that interpretation , which i confesse mr. br. doth not . they that are unlearned and unstable wrest the scriptures to their own destruction , yee therefore beloved , seeing ye know those things before , beware lest you also being led away with the error of the wicked fall from your own stedfastnesse , 2 pet. 3.16.17 . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45461e-100 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . surect . some profitable directions both for priest & people in two sermons preached before these evil times : the one to the clergy, the other to the citizens of london / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1657 approx. 164 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45468 wing h605 estc r9306 11808516 ocm 11808516 49479 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45468) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49479) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 495:21) some profitable directions both for priest & people in two sermons preached before these evil times : the one to the clergy, the other to the citizens of london / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [4], 74 p. printed by j.f. for r. royston ..., london : 1657. page 58 has print faded with some loss of text in filmed copy. pages 50-67 photographed from university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library copy and inserted at end. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. the pastor's motto -the poor mans tithing. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. tithes -england -london. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-05 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some profitable directions both for priest & people , in two sermons preached before these evil times : the one to the clergy , the other to the citizens of london . by h. hammond , d. d. london , printed by j. f. for r. royston at the signe of the angel in ivy-lane , mdcl vii . to the reader . my fear that these additional notes may fall into some hands , which for want of sufficient acquaintance with the larger volume , may miss receiving the desired fruit from them , hath suggested the affixing this auctarium of two plain , intelligible discourses , the one prepared for an auditory of the clergy , the other of citizens or laity , and so containing somewhat of useful advice for either sort of readers , to whose hands this volume shall come . that it may be to both proportionably profitable , shall be the prayer of your servant in the lord , h. hammond . the pastors motto . a sermon preached to the clergy of the deanery of shorham in kent , at the visitation between easter and whitsuntide , an. dom. 1639. held at s. mary-cray . 2 cor. 12. 14. for i seek not yours , but you . this text hath somewhat in it seasonable both for the assembly , and the times i speak in ; for the first , it is the word , or motto of an apostle , non vestra sed vos , not yours but you , transmitted to us with his apostleship , to be transcribed not into our rings , or seales of orders , but our hearts , there , if you please , to be ingraven with a diamond , set as the stones in our ephod , the jewels in our brest-plate , gloriously legible to all that behold us . and for the 2 d consider but the occasion , that extorted from our humble saint this so magnificent elogie of himself , you shall find it that which is no small part of the infelicity of his successors at this time , the contempt and vileness of his ministery , a sad , joyless subject of an epistle , which would have been all spent in superstruction of heavenly doctrine upon that pretious foundation formerly laid , in dressing of those noble plants , that generous vine , is . 5. that had cost him so much care to plant , but is fain to divert from that to a comfortless 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a parenthesis of two or three chapters long , to vindicate himself from present danger of being despised , and that even by his own children whom he had begotten in the gospel , but other pseudo's made up all of lying , and depraving , had debauch'd out of all respect to his doctrine , or estimation to his person . i should have given a s. paul leave to have hoped for better returnes from his corinthians , and now he finds it otherwise to have express'd that sense in a sharper strain of passion , and indignation , than tullie could do against antonie , when on the same exacerbation he brake out into that stout piece of eloquence , quid putem ? contemptúmne me ? non video quid sit in moribus aut vitâ meâ , quod despicere possit antonius . but there was another consideration , which as it composes our apostles style , so it inlarges it with arguments , all that he can invent , to ingratiate himself unto them , because this contempt of their apostle was a most heynous provoking sin , and withal , that which was sure to make his apostleship succesless among them ; and then though he can contemne reputation , respect , any thing that is his own , yet he cannot the quaero vos , seeking of them , that office that is instructed him by christ , of bringing corinthians to heaven ; though he can absolutely expose his credit to all the eagles and vultures on the mountains , yet can he not so harden his bowels against his converts , their pining , gasping souls , as to see them with patience posting down this precipice ; by despising of him , prostituting their own salvation ; and therefore in this extatick fit of love and jealousie in the beginning of c. 11. you may see him resolve to do that , that was most contrary to his disposition , boast , and vaunt , and play the foole , give them the whole tragedie of his love , what he had done , and suffered for them , by this means to raise them out of that pit , force them out of that hell , that the contempt of his ministery had almost ingulph'd them in . and among the many topickes that he had provided to this purpose , this is one he thought most fit to insist on , his no design on any thing of theirs , but onely their soules ; their wealth was petty , inconsiderable pillage , and spoile for an apostle in his warrefare , too poor , inferior gaine for him to stoop to ; a flock , an army , a whole church full of ransomed soules , fetch'd out of the jawes of the lion and the beare , was the onely honourable reward for him to pitch designe on , non quaero vestra sed vos , i seek not yours , but you . in handling which words , should i allow my self licence to observe , and mention to you the many changes that are rung upon them in the world , my sermon would turn all into satyre , my discourse divide it self not into so many parts , but into so many declamations , 1. against them that are neither for the vos nor vestra , the you , nor yours . 2. those that are for the vestra , but not vos , the yours but not you . 3. those that are for the vos , you , but in subordination to the vestra , yours , and at last perhaps meet with an handfull of gleanings of pastors , that are either for the vestra , yours , in subordination to the vos , you , or the vos , you , but not vestra ▪ yours . instead of this looser variety , i shall set my discourse these strict limits , which will be just the doctrine and use of this text , 1. consider the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the truth of the words in s. pauls practice . 2. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the end for which they are here mentioned by him . 3. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how far that practice , and that end will be imitable to us , that here are now assembled , and then i shall have no more to tempt or importune your patience . first of the first , s. pauls practice in seeking of the vos , you . that his earnest pursuit of the good of his auditors souls , though it have one very competent testimonie from this place , v. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most willingly will i spend and be spent for your soules , even sacrifice my soul for the saving of yours , yet many other places there are , which are as punctual and exact for that , as this in this text , nay 't is but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seek here , but you shall find it an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contend ] in many other places ▪ all the agonistical phrases , in use among the antient grecians , cull'd out , and scattered among his epistles , fetch'd from olympus to sion , from athens to jerusalem , and all little enough to express the earnest holy violence of his soul in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , good fight ; he calls his ministerie , running and wrestling with all the difficulties in the world , and no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 price , or reward of all that industrie , and that patience , but onely the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you , gaining so many colonies to heaven . but then for the non vestra , not yours , his absolute disclaiming of all pay for this his service , this text and the verses about it are more punctual , than any that are to be met with ; in other places he can think fit the souldier , i.e. minister , should not war at his own charges , that the oxes mouth should not be muzzled , and that the labourer should be thought worthy of his reward , and a double honor for some of those labourers , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder brothers portion , the privilege of primogeniture for some , and that consisting not onely in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 precedence , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 double honour , 1 tim. 5.17 . and that of maintenance too , as well as dignity . but in this chapter to these corinthians the apostle renounces receiving , or looking after any such revenue , or incouragement to his apostleship ▪ what he saith here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i seek not , for the present , he specifies both for time past and to come , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have not , v. 13. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will not , v. 14. i.e. saith hesychius , that best understood the hellenists dialect , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it signifies to lay burthens on others , and the apostle in that very word . v. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have not laid weights on you , and yet farther , v. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have not coveted , all to this same purpose , that s. paul , on some special considerations , would never finger one penny of the corinthians wealth , but still used some other means to sustain himself , that he might be sure not to be burthensome to them . what these means were , will not be easie to say exactly , yet i think one may collect them to be one or more of these three . 1. labouring with his own hands , earning his maintenance on the week daies by his trade of making tents , as we read , acts 18.3 . and that particularly at corinth . v. 1. 2 dly . receiving pensions of other churches , which furnish'd him with a subsistence , though he had none from corinth , and that is more than a conjecture , he mentions it himself , c. 11.8 . and cals it the robbing of other churches , taking wages of them to do you service , and perhaps , 3 dly . being releeved by some christians , that accompanied and ministred to his necessities ; for that was the practice of other apostles , whatever it was of s. paul ; and that i conceive the meaning of that mistaken phrase , 1 cor. 9.5 . have we not power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to carry about a beleeving or a sister woman , or matron ( for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a brother , is every where a beleever , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sister is but the varying the gender , or sex ) as many others did , to maintain and defray the charge of their journey , that so they might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 6. forbear working , and yet eat and drink , v. 4. not starve themselves by preaching the gospel . such an one was phaebe , rom. 16.1 . who therefore is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a servant of the church of cenchrea , i.e. one that out of her wealth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministred to the apostles , and sustained them , and particularly s. paul at corinth , as will appear , if you put together that second verse of rom. 16. and the date or subscription in the conclusion of the epistle . in v. 2. she is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i.e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , entertainer and succourer of many , and of s. paul himself , and this it seems at corinth , for there she was with him , and from thence she went on s. pauls errand , to carry this epistle to the romanes , as 't is in the subscription . the same he affirmes distinctly of the brethren , i.e. the faithful that came from macedonia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , c. 11.9 . they supplied my wants . and so still the corinthians had the gospel for nothing ; by these three means , the apostle kept himself from being burthensome to them . but you will wonder perhaps why s. paul was so favourable to these corinthians , so strictly and almost superstitiously careful not to be burthensome , or chargeable to them : this i confess was a receding from a right of his apostleship , and more than will be obligatory of exemplary to us , nay more than he would yeeld to , as matter of prescription to himself , in other churches , for there , 't is apparent , he made use of that privilege ; but then 't is still the more strange , he did it not at corinth ; the reason i can but guess at to be this ; the church of christ in other parts at that time , particularly in jerusalem , was in some distress , and 't was committed to s. pauls trust to get a contribution out of all other parts for them ; this contribution is called by an unusual phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grace , i know not how many times , in c. 8. of this epistle , which i conceive the very word , which in latine and english is called charity , charitas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( in a sense that aristotle uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , * rhet. 11.7 . ) and as it is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 4. communication , distribution , ministring to the saints , and as in the benediction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grace , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 communion , are words of the like importance . where by the way let me put you in mind of one special part of the ministers charge , where-ever he officiates by doctrine , and by cheerful example , ( by preaching the duty and the benefits and setting them lively copyes of it ) to raise up the charity of his people , and from that to see to the liberal provision of all that are in want in that place , yea and if need be , that it overflow its own bankes ( if they be narrow ) and extend to the watering of others also . in the primitive times the offertorie was the constant meanes of doing this , no man of ability ever coming to the sacrament without remembring the corban , and out of that treasury the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or priest being inabled , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , became the common guardian of all that were in want ; the weight of which task was so great in the apostles times , that they were fain to erect a new order in the church , to assist them particularly in this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to furnish tables , i.e. distribute maintenance out of that banke to all that were in need , act. 6.2 . i wish heartily our care and our practice may not fall too short from such a venerable example . well , there being need , more than ordinary , at that time , for our apostle to quicken his corinthians liberality to the poor brethren of other churches , was the reason , i conceive , of his renouncing all part of their liberality himself , inflaming their charity by that means , shewing them first in himself a paterne and example of bounty , bestowing the diviner food of their very soules upon them , as freely as the sun extends his beames , or the stars their influence , pouring down heaven upon them in a shower , and yet to exceed the clouds in their bounty , never thinking of any means to exhale from them to his own sphaere any the least tribute out of their fatness , abundantly satisfied , if those clods , that have been so inrich'd by him , will melt or swet out some of their charity to others , give poor christians leave to be the better for their fulness . having given you an account of the apostles practice in this non vestra , renouncing , disclaiming any profit , or gain from his labours among the corinthians , i proceed to enquire , why he boasts of it in this place , and keeps it not secret betwixt himself and god , but in several phrases mentions it over and over again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have not overcharged you , i have not burthened you , i have not coveted any thing from you , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i seek not yours . the plain truth is , the apostle is fain to boast , to recite , and reherse his merits toward them , to demonstrate how , above what strict duty exacted , he hath obliged them , and all little enough to vindicate his ministerie , to bring them into any tolerable opinion of him : he had been reproach'd by them , counted weak , a fool , in the former chapter , and by that means he is compelled thus to glory , v. 11. the thing that i would have you make matter of meditation from hence , is , the constancy of the devil , and his indefatigate perseverance in this grand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , artifice of deceipt , in stealing away mens hearts from their apostles and pastors , and the mighty successfulness that this meets with , debauching whole nations and churches at once , particularly all corinth , ( a most numerous populous city of forward christians , and metropolis of achaia ) from all love , respect and estimation of their spiritual father , and that within few years after their spiritual birth , by that very paul begotten in the gospel . thus is the present ministry of this kingdome , that very same subordination of bishops , presbyters and deacons , that so neer the apostles , as in ignatius time , could not be violated without profaneness , and even disclaiming of christianity , ( by him most clearly and distinctly set down almost in every of those epistles , which vedelius at geneva , a severe aristarchus , could not doubt but they were his ) that ministry of ours , the very same that planted the protestant religion among us , watered it with their blood , ( our pauls and our apollos's too ) to whom god by that prolifical teeming martyrdome of theirs , hath since raised up a most numerous , learned , orthodox seed , ready , i doubt not , in defence of our religion , to fill up the sufferings of their fathers , to dy their garments in the same winepress , to run , if occasion should be , and croud into that fiery chariot , and there like the antient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in athenaeus , fight , and shoot out of those warme seats , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and contend earnestly for that faith that was once delivered to the saints in this kingdome : this so learned , puissant , orthodox ministery of ours , yet how is it by the sonnes and daughters of their love , their sweat , their prayers , their teares , their lungs , their very bowels , sorry am i to say , by some sons of the very prophets , defamed , and vilified ? i speak not this either to raise , or invenome any passion in my fellow-brethren , but , god knowes , out of two other more useful designes , 1. from the common fate of others , and even this apostle before us , to leave off wondring at this act of gods providence , in permitting , and satans malice in attempting it . think it not strange , saith the apostle , concerning the fiery trial , this i cannot call by that title , 't is rather the aery trial , a blast of poysonous vapour , that satan in a kind of hypocondriacal fit hath belch'd out against the church , yet are we to think as little strange of it ; 't is as familiar for that mouth of hell to breath out smoke , as fire ; slanders , as slaughters against the church ; christ was defamed for a glutton , and one that had a devil , crown'd with reproaches , as well as thornes , first wounded with the sword of the tongue , and then after with nailes and speare , made viler , then barabbas by the peoples cry , before condemned to the cross by pilate ; and when the master of the house hath been patient to be called belzebub , well may a disciple of his retinue digest the title ; and therefore , me thinks , s. paul can write it calmely , we are become , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the off-scouring , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is a phrase of mighty intimation , like a man , that in a plague-time is chosen out , the vilest , unsavoryest in the city , carried about in the guise of nastiness , then whipt , then burnt in a ditch , or cast into the sea , every man giving him a [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] let the curse of the whole city light on thee ; and thus , saith the apostle , are we become , we apostles , we ministers ; yea and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a spectacle to the world and angels and men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the theatre for all the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as some ( i say not how well ) have lightly changed the phrase , 1 cor. 15.32 . combating with men , as with lions , and beares , or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the stage , and scene for the whole world of fiends and men , to act their tragedies upon , and no manner of newes in all this . even among the heathen , the grammarians tell us , that never any comedy of aristophanes took so well , as his clouds , that was spent all in reproaching of socrates , and under that title involved the whole condition of learning ; though through alcibiades's faction excidit , it miscarried , mist its applause once or twice , yet when men were left to their own humors , 't was cried up extremely . and therefore not to think it strange , that is the first thing ; yea , and 2 dly . to make it matter of rejoycing and triumphing , of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. 5.12 . a plain shouting for joy , or , as we render it , exceeding gladness , that they are worthy of this degree of christian preferment , to suffer shame for christs name ; that woe of christs we have been generally secure , and safe from , luk. 6.26 . woe unto you when all men speak well of you , we have had in all ages friends good store , that will not let this curse light on us ; and blessed be god , if it prove 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we of the last age peculiarly , that that great blessing is reserved for , mat. 5.11 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blessed are ye when men shall revile and persecute and say every evil word against you ; but withall let us be sure to take along with us the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 falsely ] that followes , that it be our innocence that is thus reviled : the devil is most ready to do it then , being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accuser of the brethren , the best christians , that he may exercise two of his attributes at once , accuser and lyer both ; if he do not so , i am sure t will be small matter of rejoycing to us , small comfort in suffering as a theef , saith the apostle , though all joy in suffering as a christian , and so small comfort in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being reproached unless the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 falsely ] be joyned with it ; and therefore you must adde that caution to your comfort , that they be your good , at least your justifiable deeds , that be evil spoken of , or else it will not be a sic prophetas , the prophets were used like you . the clergyman that in such a time as this , when the mouth of hell is open against us , shall think fit to open any other mouth , to joyne in the cry against the church , to give life , or tongue to any scandalous sin , and set that to its clamans de terra , crying from the ground ; that shall with any one real crime give authority to all the false pretended ones , that are laid to the charge of our calling , that by drunkenness or incontinence , by luxury or sloth , by covetousness or griping , by insolence or pride , by oaths or uncomely jesting , by contention or intemperate language , by repaying evil for evil , or rayling for defamations , shall exasperate this raging humour , and give it true nourishment to feed on , what doth he but turn broiler and boutefeu , make new libels against the church , and by that means perswade credulous , seducible spectators , that all are true , that have been made already ; i know not what climax or aggravation of woes is heavy enough for that man , all the lamentations and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the bible , alas my brother ] will not reach unto it , that of the milstone about the neck , or the melius si nunquam nasceretur , it had been better if he had never been born ] are the fittest expressions for him . s. paul for the vindicating his ministery from vileness , was fain to mention all the good deeds he had ever done among them : o let not us bring our evil to remembrance , by acting them over afresh , but think it most abundantly sufficient , that we have already thus contributed to the defaming of our calling ; he that hath done so formerly , that by the guilt of any one scandalous sin ( and it need not be of the first magnitude , to deserve that title in a minister ) hath contributed ought to the vilifying of the whole order , 't is now time for him to see what he hath done , been a troubler of israel , set the whole kingdome in an animosity against the clergy , and when will he be able to weep enough in secret , to wash out this stain , incorporate into the very woofe of our robe ? i shall no farther aggravate the sin upon him , than to prepare him to seek out for some remedie , and to that end to bear me company to my last particular , how far we are concerned in the transcribing s. pauls pattern , how far that practice , and that end is imitable by us , that are here assembled . this practice consists of two parts , a positive , and a negative . the positive part of this practice , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but you ] hath no case of scruple or difficulty in it ; the you ] are the corinthians souls ; as in other places the souls signifie the persons , so many souls went out of aegypt , i.e. so many men ; so here , by way of exchange or quittance on the other side , you , i.e. your souls , according to that of pythagoras of old , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thy soul is thou ; and then adde the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i seek ] to it , and it gives you the uncontradicted duty of a minister , to be a seeker of souls , the spiritual nimrod , the hunter before the lord , hunter of men , hunter of souls , and that indeed as wild , and untameable , subtle a game , as any wilderness can yeeld , so unwilling to come into our toyles , so wise in their generation to escape our snares , so cunning to delude all our stratagems of bringing them to heaven , that a man may commonly labour a whole night and catch nothing . he that winneth , or taketh souls is wise , saith the wise man , prov. 11.30 . a piece of wisdome 't is , not suddenly learn'd , a game , wherein all the wisdome of the world , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prudence of the flesh , and the cunning of hell are all combin'd in the party against us , for this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as synesius calls the soul , this stake betwixt god and devils ; and the game must be very carefully play'd , and dexterously managed on our side , if we think ever to win it out of their hands . the manner of pastors , as of shepherds among us , is much changed from what it was in the eastern parts of the world , in greece and in jurie ; the sheep , saith the philosopher in his time , would be lead by a green bough , and follow whithersoever you would have them ; and so in the scripture is still mention of leading of sheep , and of the people like sheep , psal . 77. but now they must be driven and followed , yea , and sometime by worrying brought into the fold , or else there is no getting them into the fairest lovelyest pasture . the sheep were then a hearing , and a discernig sort of creatures , could hear the shepherd , and know his voice from all others , and when the theef and robber came , the sheep did not hear them , joh. 10.8 . but now 't is quite contrary , either not hearing at all ; profaneness and dissoluteness hath possess'd our soules with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spirit of slumber , torpor , absolute deafness , that all our hearing of sermons is but a slumber of such a continuance , or else having no eares for any but the theef and robber , if any come on that errand , to rob us of our charity , of our obedience , of our meek and quiet spirits , and infuse calumnies , animosities , railings , qualities that ipso facto work metamorphoses in us , change sheep into wolves , his voice shall be heard , and admired , and deified , like herods , the voice of god and not of man , though nothing be so contrary to god or godlyness , as that voice . in this and many other considerations it is , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i seek ] here is so necessary ; all our paines and industry , diligence and sagacity are little enough , to bring men into the true way to heaven , so many by-wayes on every side inviting , and flattering us out of it , so much good company perswading , nay so many false leaders directing us into error , that a minister had need fasten himself into the ground ( like a mercuries post in this division of waies ) and never leave hollowing , and calling and disabusing of passengers with a — this is the way , walk in it ; or in the apostles words , follow peace with all men ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pursue and follow it ) and holyness , without which no man shall see the lord ; peace and holyness , two such strangers , such prodigies in the world , ( having taken their leaves so solemnely with astrea for heaven ) that unless they be followed with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 full speed , as in an hue and cry , there is small hope of overtaking or bringing them back again to the earth , and yet without them , heaven must be fain to turn an unhabitable part of the world , pars globi incognita , as empty of saints , as it is full of glory , without them nemo deum , no man shall see god. could i imagine it possible for me to be instrumental to you in this work , to advise or direct you in this course , this method of seeking your peoples souls , so that god might one day find them in this temper , in pace & sanctitate , in peace and holyness , i should put off all the reverence , that i bear to this assembly , all consideration of the business of this day , and venture to be unseasonable that i might be useful to you in this point ; but i know there be no general rules , that can promise themselves such a successefulness ; the variety of tempers must have different accommodations , and well if after using of all means , we can be able to save any . the way most probable in my conceipt is the bringing men acquainted with the difference betwixt the first and second covenant ; then pitching on the second , as that that belongs to us christians , to shew them the condition of this covenant in the gross , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , law of faith , made up of commands as well as promises all the gospel-precepts that joyne together to complete that codex , that law of repentance , self-denyall , charity , the new creature , which s. paul interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , faith consummate by love , or , as s. james , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perfected by workes , sincere , impartial , constant , though not unsinning , perfect obedience ; and then , if you will have it in the retaile , the sermon in the mount , in the 5 th and 6 th of matthew will give it you completely ; were men but possess'd that those duties there mentioned , with the ego autem , but i say to you ] were duties indeed not onely phrases , and formes of speech , that they are not onely by grace made possible to a christian ( an easie yoke , light burthen , and a command nigh unto thee , rom. 10.8 . i.e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the 72. render that place of deuteron . from whence 't is cited ) but also most indispensibly necessary , without which nemo deum , none shall see god , gods oath being gone out against all others , with a nunquam introibunt , they shall never enter into his rest . it would , i conceive , within a while be found necessary either to give over pretending toward heaven , or else to observe those gesses , that alone of all others can bring us thither ; and so the world of christians be once more divided , as epiphanius saith it was in the first ages , not into orthodox and heretical ( for those are titles , that every man will applie as he lists , the one to himself and his adherents , the other to all others that he disphansies : ) nor again into spiritual and carnal , ( for those were abused too in tertullians time , as soon as ever he turned montanist , then strait nos spirituales , we spiritual , and all others animales psychici , meer animal men ) but into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , godly and ungodly livers , and so impiety , injustice , and uncharitableness be the grand heresies , to be anathematized , and peace and holyness the most orthodox christian tenets in our religion . but then for the atchieving this aime , let me tell you , that men must have more than sermons to lead them , the visible preachings of your lives must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cooperate , and joyne in the work of drawing sinners to god , or else 't will hardly prove successeful : you know the story in gellius , when that excellent counsel was given at lacedemon by one that was vitâ defamatissimus , infamous for a very ill life , they were to take the counsel out of his mouth , and appoint a good man to deliver it , though a worse orator , lib. 18.3 . two things the gospel was first planted by , teaching , and miracles , and those miracles in scripture phrase are called workes , and mighty workes ; now though the miracles be outdated , yet the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 workes , in the other sense must never be antiquated , 't is they that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power belongs to , the efficacy , and force and mightyness of our preaching , which if it be not added to our sermons , our threats will be taken for mormo's , our promises for delusions , our exhortations out of scripture for acts of tyranny and oppression , laying those burthens on other mens shoulders , which we will not touch with our own fingers ; but if our lives beare witness to our doctrine , by letting them see us write those copies with our own hands , which we require them to transcribe , then as polybius saith of philopoemen , that good orator , and good man , ( and the goodness of the man was the special peece of his oratory ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we shall not onely perswade but inforce our auditors ; this is the onely honest way of insinuating our selves into our peoples affections , by letting them see how hearty our exhortations are , by our zeale to observing them our selves , by shewing what miracles of reformation the gospel is able to work on them ; by an essay of its efficacy on our own breasts ; and if this positive part of s. pauls practice be perfectly con'd , the negative will follow , the non vestra not yours . ] he that heartily and affectionately se●ks the souls of his auditors , will never pitch design on any thing else , that is theirs , the crown that belongs to him that converteth many to righteousness , is too rich to receive luster or commendation from any inferior accession , or acquisition from any thing that the vestra yours ] can signifie ; he that hath any consideration of the vestra , yours ] in this work of a pastor , is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mercenary hireling , that christ so prejudiceth with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he flyes , and he cares not for the sheep , from no other topick of proofe , but onely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because he is an hireling , joh. 10.13 . and of what ill consequence 't was foreseen this would be in the church , you may conjecture by that one act of the administration of gods providence in this behalf , constantly observable through all ages . that no minister of gods might be forc'd to such viler submissions , driven out of that apostolical , generous ingenuity ( freely have you received , freely give , ) into gehezi's meanness , and mercenariness , selling and bartering that sacred function , the gifts of the holy ghost , or the exercise of those gifts ; it is , no doubt , that gods providence hath in all ages so liberally provided for endowing of the church ; among that people where he himself so immediately presided , that , saith josephus , it could not be called by the style of any other nation , monarchie , aristocracy , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neither administred by kings or senates , but immediately by god himself ; there the levites , without any of their own arts or pursuits , were much the richest tribe of the twelve , lost nothing by having no portion among their brethren ; not to mention their parts in sacrifices and offerings , and their fourty eight cities with suburbs , made over to them , num. 35. the lords being their inheritance , i.e. the instating the tithes upon them , was demonstratively as large a revenue to them , as ( supposing an equal division ) the remainder could be to any other tribe , yea and larger too , as much as the twelve tenth parts which they received , exceeded the nine , that remained to each tribe after the decimation , i.e. by one third part of what was left to any tribe . and among christians in the infancy of the church , before the ministery was indowed with any certain portion , yet sure the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the christians selling their lands , and bringing the price of them to the apostles feet , though not for them to inclose , yet for them to partake of , as well as to distribute , kept them from any necessity of the quaero vestra , seeking that which was other mens . nay where that provision was not to be expected , as in their travailes , and journeyings , yet the staff and the scrip are interdicted the apostles , mat. 10.10 . and under those two phrases , the quaero vestra , the making any gain by the gospel , the staff in that place was according to the custome of the jewes , baculus paupertatis , the staff of poverty , which jacob intimates , when he saith , with my staff i went over jordan , i.e. in another phrase , a poor syrian ready to perish , particularly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sign of a mendicant , ( which the germans call at this day , baetell stab , from the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this begging or craving staff ) and this , with the scrip , was forbidden the apostles in s. matthew , though in markes relation , another kind of staff , the staff for travaile be permitted them ; to shew gods absolute dislike of the quaero vestra ] in apostles , even before any certain provision was made for their maintenance , god , that feeds the young ravens , sustains the destitute ( and beleeve it , his exchequer is no contemptible banke , his table in the wilderness is served with quailes and manna ) undertaking to provide for them sufficiently by some other means ; and since by that same providence the church is now indowed again in most parts of christendome , and gods severe denunciations against sacrilege set as an hedge of thornes about levi's portion , sure to prick , and fester , and rankle in his flesh , that shall dare to breake in upon it , what is this but still a continued expression of gods dislike of the quaero vestra , who hath therefore made over his own portion on us , that therewith we might be contented , and provided for , without the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 17. without letting loose our hands , or our appetites on other mens possessions ? you see then , by the way , the error of those , that from this practice of the apostle are ready to prescribe us absolute poverty , that will have all the lawfull proper revenues of the church prohibited , under the vestra , and then claiming of tithes or any other ecclesiastick indowment shall get under that style , and the apostles non quaero ] urged for a president against us ; with how little law , or logick you will perceive , when you remember , that the tith , or what else is consecrated , is by the very lawes of this kingdome ( to derive the pedegree no farther ) as much the ministers own , held by the same tenure of donation first , then of parliamentary confirmation , that any mans inheritance descends unto him , and therefore to demand them , is no more a quaero vestra , than to demand a rent of a tenant , in a word , a direct mea , not vestra , a right , and not a gratuity . nay the learned jewes have gone farther ( r. bechai on deut. 14. ) that if the tith be not paid , the whole heap becomes gods portion , and cite it as a speech of gods , that if thou pay the tithe it is thy corn , if not , it is gods corn , and therefore , saith he , it is said , hos . 11.9 . therefore i will return and take away my corn in the time thereof , and my wine in the season thereof ; like that land that is held in capite , with a rent reserved , the non-payment of the rent , or homage , is the forfeiting of the tenure . but i desire not to follow this jew in his meditation , but rather to come home to our selves , and not onely to interdict our selves , the quaero vestra , but even regulate us in the quaero nostra , purge out of this assembly whatever may savour of the jew , all griping , or rigor , or sowreness , or summum jus , even in the quaero nostra , seeking that that is our own . to this purpose in the first place not to seek all that is our own ; though 't were not a fault in the lay-pharisee , mat. 23.23 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to pay tithe of cumin , and the smallest herbe , yet perhaps it may be in the priest to require it ; a fault not of injustice , or the quaero vestra , but of sordidness , and meaneness in the quaero mea : aristotle i am sure would condemne it under that style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , too much pooreness and tenuity of mind , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though not in desiring other mens , the quaero vestra in the text , yet in want , or defect of that liberality , ingenuity , that is required of the moral man , which he there specifies by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exactness even to the partition of a cumin seed , a fault , if observable in a heathen , then sure censurable in a christian , and in a minister vile , and scandalous . when this is resolved against in the first place , as illiberal , degenerous and beggerly , contrary to that generosity , and superiority of mind , that our profession should be thought to infuse into us . the next thing i must require of you in the quaero mea , is a general unconcernedness in the things of this world , using the world as if we used it not , possessing the wealth we have , but not being possess'd by it ( for then it turns our devil or familiar ) as able to part with it at gods call , as to receive it at his gift , powring it out upon every his intimation , seeking , and projecting for advantages to be the better for this false mammon , by being rich in good works , and when we see it a parting from us of its own accord , taking a cheerful unconcerned leave of it , retaining so much of the sceptick , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amounts to , an untroubledness with these inferior events , and of the stoick , or wise man in antoninus , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to act no passionate , lugubrious , tragical part , whatever secular provocation cross us on the stage . then 3 dly , an entire contentedness with our lot , that duty of the last commandment , which is absolutely required to the non quaero vestra , or as our apostle interprets himself , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not , as we render it , not making a gain , but not desiring , coveting any thing that is anothers . to this purpose excellently epictetus of old , that he that tasts , and carves to himself of those dishes onely , that are set before him , reaches not after those that are out of his distance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is fit for a guest at gods table , which you may make , if you please , a periphrasis of a minister ; did i not fear that this were a duty of too great perfection for some of my auditors , an unusquisque non potest capere , every one cannot receive it , i should go on with that divine philosopher , that he that abstains from that which is set before him , contemnes that riches , that comes knocking at his dore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not onely a guest at his board , but a companion in his throne , and that is the pitch , that i would commend unto you , if i might hope , you would indeavour after it . but then 4 thly , and lastly , the minimum quod sic , ( that that i must not leave you till you have promised me , wrastle till break of day , except you will thus bless me ) the lowest degree , that can be reconcileable or competible with an apostle , is the not suffering your quaero vestra , your hope , or designe , of secular advantages , gaining of gratuities , gaining of applause , to have any the least influence on your preaching , to intermixe never so little in your seeking of souls ; this is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dashing , or imbasing the word of god , corrupting it with our unworthy mixtures , making it instrumental to our gain , or popularity , the meanest office , the vilest submission in the world . i remember a note of procopius on 2 kings , that elisha sending his servant to cure the shunamites child , forbids him to pass any complement with any by the way ; i had thought it had been for speed , but he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he knew his popular humour , and that popularity hinders working of miracles ; and then by the same reason we may conclude , that that must needs enervate the word of god , and make it hartless and liveless in our hands , and the minister that is given to it , will hardly ever work wonders in the curing , or recovering of souls . but that servant you know had another fault , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desire of money is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mother-city whence all wickedness comes forth , said bion of old , and timon puts them both together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , insatiate love of wealth and honour are the elements of evill ; and 't is strange to see how truely those wise men were called vates , what prophets they were , what direct satyres those words of theirs are against the times we live in ; our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , covetousnes● and popularity , are the elements of all the ruine , the seeds of all the desolation that is threatned against this church , some of us by the notorious scandalous guilt of those two crimes , tempting rash , uncharitable spectators to resolve that those sins are the formalis ratio of a clergy man , accidents of the essence , and inseparable from the order ( and 't is not the illogicalness of the inference , that will excuse them , that have joyned with satan in temptation to make that conclusion , nor deliver us from the destruction that followes it . others of us on the contrary side , but from the same principles , decrying all due either of maintenance , or respect to the clergy , devesting themselves of all , but contempt and drudgery , hoping ( we have just reason to suspect ) by flying both to be courted by them both , to have them more sure at the rebound , than they can at the fall , to run from them here most violently , that they may have them alone to themselves when they meet at the antipodes . what imprudent bargaines such men are likely to make , if they should be taken at their words ; what skittish things popular benevolence , and popular applause have been alwaies found to be , experience hath taught others . i desire even they that make that choice may never pay so deer for that knowledge ; but whatever the error prove in the transitory commodities of this world , it matters little , for wealth and honour are , sure , things , that we may go to heaven without , and so , for as much as concerns our individuals , are not necessary to us , as christians ; yet can i not assure you , but that they are necessary to us in some degree as ministers , wealth in a competence to rescue us from contempt ; and respect , at least so far , as a nequis te despiciat , let no man despise thee , to keep us from being utterly unprofitable ; some revenue of our own , to keep us from the quaero vestra , and some authority of our own , to inable us for the quaero vos , somewhat of either from the character of our office , that we be not tempted to seek either by unlawful means to purchase the vestra , by the sale of vos , to acquire the favour of our auditors by the exposing of their souls . think but how probable a fear this may be , when things come to such a complication , that he that hath a sin to be preach'd against , hath a benevolence to be preach'd for ; he that hath a wound to be cured , is able to be thankful , if he may be kindly used , yea , and to mulct the chirurgion , if he be too rough , when he that hath somewhat to mend , hath also somewhat to give , a commutation to escape his penance , whether this may not prove a temptation to him that hath no other livelyhood to depend on , and consequently whether rankling and gangrening , may not be look'd for , as an ordinary title in our weekly bills , when the skinning of wounds is become the gainful craft , and compliance and popularity the great diana , that trade by which men have their wealth . but perhaps the most of this is an extravagance , i wish and pray it may prove an unnecessary one . there is yet one branch of the application behind ; the end why s. paul delivered this text of mine , that i told you was the vindicating his ministery from contempt , the gaining some authority with the corinthians ; and let that be our method also , to come to that end by the non vestra sed vos , not to acquire that thin blast of aire , that camelions are wont to feed on , but that solid substantial estimation , that dwells onely in the account of god and the hearts of true corinthians ; that that may disperse those fumes of prejudices , that satan is wont to blast the minister with , when any saving effect is to be wrought by his ministery , that unblemish'd reputation here , that when it is to be had , is a pretious blessing , very instrumental to the edifying of others , and is a kind of coronet here in this life , preparatory to that crown hereafter ; and sure there is no work of ours , that we can justly hope god will think fit to reward with such a crown , but the sincere labouring in the word and doctrine , filling our souls with the earnest desire of saving others , espousing it as the sole felicity of our lives , the one promotion that we aspire to , to people heaven with saints , to send whole colonies of inhabitants thither . 't was the excellence and pride of the antient jews , yea , and the craft peculiar to them , saith josephus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , getting of children , propagating miraculously , and the barren was the most infamous person among them , behold i go childless , the saddest lamentation , and give me children or else i dy , and take away our reproach , most pathetical scripture expressions ; yea , and among the romans the jus trium liberorum , the right of three children , you know , what a prerogative it was : this is our trade , my brethren , to beget children to heaven , and according to the law of the goel in deut. now our elder brother ( christ ) is dead , we are the men , who by right of propinquity are obliged to raise up seed to our elder brother . o let it not be our reproach to go thus childless to our graves , at least our guilt , and just accusation to bereave our saviour of that seed he expects from us , you know what a sinne it was to repine at that duty ; let not us be wanting to christ in this so charitable a service , charitable to christ , that his blood may not have been shed in vain , charitable to others , whom we may by gods blessing convert unto righteousness , and the charity will at last devolve on our selves , who by this means shall shine as the brightness of the firmament , and as the starres for ever and ever . the poor mans tithing , a sermon preached in s t pauls church before the lord maior ▪ and aldermen of the city of london on the 12 th of april , anno dom. 1640. by h. hammond , d. d. london , printed for r. royston at the angel in ivy-lane . the poor mans tithing . deut. 26.12 , 13. when thou hast made an end of tithing all the tithes of thine encrease the third year — then thou shalt say before the lord thy god — that the first sound of this text may not possesse you with an expectation of a vicars plea , a discourse of tithes , and querulous invective against sacrilege ; and consequently by this prejudice , your eares and hearts be fortified impenetrable and impregnable against the speaker , and the sermon ; that i may reconcile the choise of this text with the imploring and hoping for your patience , i shall immediately deliver you from your fears , by assuring you , that the main of this text is ( and the total of my discourse shall be ) bent quite toward another coast , that which in the sincerity of my heart , i conceive may best comply with your designes , either as christians , or as men , most tend to your serving of christ , and enriching of your selves , with the increase of your wealth here , and glory hereafter . and when i have told you this , i can not choose but say , that i am your friend , and for that may claime not as an act of favour , but justice , the payment of this debt , the return of your patience in receiving , and care in practising what shall be delivered . there was a double tithing among the jews , the every years tithing , and the third years tithing ; the every years tithing you know whose patrimonie it was ; but after that was set apart ( and presented unto the owners ) every third year there was another to be raised , over and above , for the stranger , the fatherless , and the widow , as you may see it enacted , c. 14. v. 29. this was called by the rabbines the second tithing , and in another respect the third by some of them , ( the tithe for feasts , deut. 14.23 . going for the second , and the tithe of the tithes , which the levites paid the high priest , going for the fourth , in that account ) but most significantly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the tithe for the poor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in josephus the poor mans tithing , or in the words of this text , the compleveris decimare anno tertio , the making an end of tithing the third year ; till this were done , there wanted a compleveris , what ever other dues were paid , the work was incomplete , and upon the performance of that , here is a stock of confidence toward god for him , that hath done it , a right invested on him to all the abundance of canaan , v. 15. a justifiable pretension to all temporal blessings , which he may depend on , and challenge at gods hand , 't were but a cold expression to say , he might expect by petition , i will adde , he may require by claime , and produce his patent for it here in my text , cùm compleveris , &c. when thou hast made an end , &c. this text i have upon advice resolved not to divide into parts , but my discourse upon it i shall , by setting it these bounds , and limits ; 1. that it present unto you the duty of almes-giving , by occasion of these words , cùm compleveris decimare anno tertio , when thou hast made an end of tithing — the third year . 2. the benefit arising from the performance of this duty , from the rest , dicas coram domino , then thou shalt or mayest say , i.e. hast right and power to say , before the lord thy god. in our progress through the first of these , we shall observe these gesses ; 1. we shall begin with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consider almes-giving simply , deducing the practice of the jewes down to us christians , and so in a manner give you the history of almes-giving . 2. we shall look into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what portion ought to issue out of every mans revenues , taking our rise from the practice of the jewes , a tithe of all increase every third year . 3. we shall proceed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consider it as a duty , and then we shall have done with the first general . in the second general we shall shew you , 1. in thesi , that confidence or claiming any thing at gods hands , must take its rise from duty in performance , then thou mayest say ; then , but not before . 2. in hypothesi , shew you the connexion between this confidence and this performance , claiming of temporal plenty , upon giving of almes . these are the several posts and stages of my future discourse , the monogramme drawn in cole , as it were , wherein you may discern the lines and lineaments of the whole body ; i must now descend to the filling them up , and giving you them a little more to the life , taking them in the order proposed , very loosely , and very plainly , making provision for your hearts , not your eares , for your future gain and not your present sensuality , and begin with the first general , and in that , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or almes-giving simply considered , deducing the practice of the jewes down to us christians , and so give you in a manner the history of almes-giving . though we assert not an equality of worldly riches from any decree either of god or nature , find not any statute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any law of community in any but plato's institutions , and those never reduced to practice in any one city in the world ( attempted once by plotinus , through his favour with gallienus , who promised to reside in his platonopolis , but soon altered his purpose again , as porphyrie tells us ) yet i may suppose it for a granted maxime , that the extreme inequality , that is now so illustriously visible in the world , is not any act of natures primary intention , or gods first and general providence ; aristotle may tell us of some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some that nature hath bored through the ear to be slaves for ever , and we may beleeve him , if we can find any ground for it , but of any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 colonies of men , sent into the world without any claim or right to any part of the worlds goods , he hath not left us any thing upon record . nor hath the book of creation in the scripture , the beresith , or natural philosophie of the bible given us any hint for such a resolution , that some should be born to riot , and others to famish , some to be glutted , and others to starve , that mankind should be thus dichotomized into such extreme distant fates , some to reign in paradise for ever , others to be thrown over the wall , as out of the adamites stove , to pine and freeze among thornes and briers . this were an absolute decree of election and reprobation , improved farther than predestinarians have ordinarily extended it . as we are wont to say of sinne , that 't is not to be found in gods hexameron , no fruit of his six dayes labour , but a production of a later date , ingendred betwixt the serpent and the woman , that incubus and succuba , the devil and the lower soul ; so may we say of extreme want and poverty , that its nativity is of the land of canaan , its father an amorite , and its mother an hittite : satan and covetousness brought it into the world , and then god finding it there ( whose glorious attribute it is to extract good out of evil ) as he did once a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , redemption of mankind out of the fall of adam , and so made the devil an instrument of bringing the messias into the world ; so hath he in like manner by his particular providence ordered and continued this effect of some mens covetousness , to become matter of others bounty , exercise of that one piece of mans divinity , as pythagoras called liberality , and so ex his lapidibus , out of these stones , out of the extreme want , and necessity of our brethren , to raise trophees and monuments of virtue to us , of charity , liberality , and magnificence , of mercy , and bowels of compassion , that most beautiful composition of graces , that most heroical renouned habit of the soul . so that now we may define it an act of gods infinite goodness to permit , though before we could not allow it reconcileable with his infinite justice , to decree the extreme inequality of earthly portions , the poor man gasping for food , that the rich may have a store-house or magazine , where to lay up his treasures ; the careful labourer , full of children , suffered to wrestle with two extremities at once ; hunger on the one side ; and natural compassion to the helpless creatures he hath begotten , on the other ; that thou by thy wealth mayest be that elijah sent from heaven to the famishing forlorn widow , that godlike man drop'd out of the clouds to his relief , and by the omnipotent reviving power of thy charity , usurp that attribute of gods given him by the psalmist , that feeds the young ravens , exposed by the old ones , sustain that destitute sort of creatures , that call upon thee . admirable therefore was that contrivance of gods mercy and wisdome , mentioned to the jewes , not as a threatning , but a promise of grace , one of the privileges , and blessings of canaan , the poor shall never cease out of the land , deut. 15.11 . that thou mayest alwaies have somewhat to do with thy wealth , some sluce to exhaust thy plenty , some hungry leech , to open a vein , and prevent the accesse of thy feaver , and withall , that thy wealth may ennoble thee , as xenocrates told his benefactors children , that he had abundantly requited their father , for all men spake well of him for his liberality to xenocrates , or as benefactors among the heathen were adored and deified , that thus thy faithless , fading falsehearted riches ( which the evangelist therefore styles mammon of unrighteousnes , onely as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to true durable wealth ) may yeeld thee more profit by the profusion , than by the possession ( as silver doth by melting , than by continuing in the wedge or bullion , according to that of * clemens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rich is he that distributes , not he which hath and possesseth ; and * lactantius , divites sunt non qui divitias habent , sed qui utuntur illis ad opera justitiae , the rich are they , not which have riches , but use them to workes of righteousness ) purchase thee by being thus providently laid out , a revenue of renown here , and glory hereafter . you see then the pedegree and genealogie of almes-giving , how it came into the world ; covetousness and oppression and rapine , brought in emptiness , and beggery , and want , then gods providence and goodness , finding it in the world , resolves to continue it there , to imply the treasures , and exercise the charity of others . now for the practice of the world in this great affair , we cannot begin our survey more properly , than from the text , there to behold gods opinion , or judgement , in this point , by the rules he hath given to be observed in this city of god , his own people of the jews , whilest they were managed by god himself . the priesthood was the peculiar lot of god , and therefore may well be allowed the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , feeding first at gods feast ; and the poor next after them were taken care of by god himself , lazarus , as it were , in aarons , as once in abrahams bosome , next to the priest in the temple as to the patriarch in heaven ; a tithing for the priest , and when this was done , every third year , a tithing for the poor : the withholding of the former was sacrilege , and of the latter , furtum interpretativum , say the schooles , interpretative theft , and the casuists to the same purpose , that though our goods be our own , jure proprietatis , by right of propriety , yet they are other mens , jure charitatis , by right of charity ; the rich mans barne is the poor mans granary , nay murther too as we may conclude from the words of the wise man , the poor mans bread is his life ( and that is sometimes thy dole , on which his life depends ) and then , as there it followes , he that deprives him of it ( so doth the unmerciful , as well as the theef ) is a murtherer . nay farther , that murther one of the deepest dye , a fratricidium , like cains of abel his brother , and therefore as that is a clamans de terra , crying for judgement from the ground , so hath this a clamet ad deum contra te , cry to god against thee , deut. 15.9 . i will adde , at least so long as the state of the jews lasted , it was sacrilege too . shall we proceed then , and ask , when the state of the jewes expired , did almes-giving expire with it ? was charity abrogated with sacrifice ? turned out of the world for an antiquated , abolish'd rite , for a piece of judaisme ? the practice of some christians would perswade men so , that the sword that christ brought into the world , had wounded charity to the heart , that he had left no such custome behind him to the churches of god , that christianity had clutch'd mens hands , and frozen their hearts into an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as arrian calls it , inverted that miracle of christs , returned the children of abraham into stones . physitians tell us of a disease converting the womb into a firme stone , and the story in crollius of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a child of a perfect stony substance , is asserted by many others . now the unhappiness of it is , that the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that signifies a womb , by a little varying of the punctation , signifies mercy also , and bowels or compassion , whereupon hos . 1.11 . the septuagint instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of mercy , a womb ; and alas the same disease hath fallen upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that other sense , the bowels of mercy in many christians are petrified , transubstantiate into stones , pure mine and quarrey , and so we ministers , damnati ad metalla ( that old romane punishment ) condemned to digge in those mines , and by all the daily pains of preaching and exhortation , able to bring forth nothing but such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stones instead of bread . but i hope , my brethren , the practice of those some shall not be accepted as authentick evidence against christ , to defame and dishonour our most glorious profession , whose very style is [ brethren ] whose livery [ charity ] and character that they love one another . i know not how unmerciful and hardhearted the christian world is now grown in its declination , as covetousness is generally the vice of old age , i am sure , 't was open-handed enough , in its youth , witness that most antient primitive apostolical institution of the offertory in the sacrament , that which was so considerable a part of that holy rite , that it gave denomination to the whole , the eucharist styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 communion , distinctly from this custome of bringing every man out of his store , and communicating to the necessities of the saints , as it is 2 cor. 8.4 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the communion , or fellowship as we render it , more fully the communicativeness , or liberality of administring to the saints , and is therefore by us rendred liberality , 1 cor. 16.3 . many excellent observations might be presented to you on this occasion , necessary for the understanding many places in s. paul , especially of c. 11. of 1 cor. but you will easily forgive me the sparing this pains , in this place ; let it suffice that we find in that chapter , that at those holy meetings there was alwaies a table furnish'd out of the bounty of communicants , for a common feast unto all the faithful ; the rich might have leave to bring more than his poorer brother , but not to take place by that bounty , not to pretend any propriety to what he had brought , which is the meaning of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every man his own supper , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taking precedence of others in eating , the rich to eat all , and the poor none , one to be hungry , and the other drunken , the fault which he there found with the corinthians ; nor did the custome of liberality , annex'd to the sacrament in those dayes , expire or vanish with the apostles ; the practice rather increased , than abated among their successors ; witness that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or oblation , first of all the fruits of the season , as an offering of first-fruits ; afterwards onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of bread and wine mingled with water , which the brethren or faithful , i.e. in the antient style , the communicants are said to bring , and present at the altar or table of the lord , for the furnishing of the table with part , and refreshing the poor with what was left . these are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oblations in the * constitutions , at least one sort of them , one being for the priest , the other for the poor , and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the doing good to them that want , the very word in s. paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to do good and communicate , heb. 13.16 . and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , voluntary oblations for the poor ; these are contained under his general head of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bringing of fruits , of which he hath a * chapter , and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lords offerings , and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , almes , and other where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , voluntary gifts distributed to the poor ; and observable it is from those , and other antient constitutions , that 't was a punishment for some men , used in the church , not to receive them to the offertory , who yet were not so great malefactors , as to be kept from some other privileges of christians ; this was called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , communicating without the offertory , frequently in the ancyrane and nicene councils ; and therefore epiphanius having mentioned the faults , for which offenders were excommunicated , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fornication , adultery , &c. he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church receives not offerings from the injurious , &c. but from just livers , noting that all but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that live justly were interdicted the privilege of offering or giving to the corban . thus in clemens was not the oblation received from the unjust publican who exacted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , above what was appointed , and so for executioners , whose oblation being the price of blood was not suffered to come into the corban , no more than the thirty pieces of silver , that judas took to betray christ , mat. 27.6 . an excellent consideration for us to meditate on , that the being excluded from the offertory , being denied the privilege of giving almes or being bountiful to the poor , went for a very great punishment ; and so sure the duty , a special part of piety and publick service of god. and therefore the custome being either neglected , or intermitted at constantinople , s. chrysostome took care for the restoring it again , and thereupon made that excellent oration upon that subject , where from antiquity he proves the use of the offertory on the lords day , and mentions the corban , or treasury , where 't was wont to be put . i have been the more large on this particular , because it hath in all ages been accounted a prime piece of christianity , ( a special part of divine worship , saith aquinas ) the observation of which is yet , thanks be to god , alive among us , especially if that be true , which pamelius cites out of honorius , that instead of the antient oblation of bread and wine , the offering of money was by consent received into the church , in memory of the pence in judas sale . onely 't were well , if we were a little more alacrious , and exact in the performance of the duty , and more care taken in the distribution , especially that that notorious abuse of this most christian custome , which they say ( i hope unjustly ) some part of this city is guilty of , in converting this inheritance of the poor into a feast of entertainment for the officers of the church , may be branded , and banish'd out of kenn . it is yet but a sin , which like some in aristotle , hath never a name , had never yet the honor to be forbidden , if it should chance to live to that age , thrive and prove fit for an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the imposition of a name , let me have the favour to christen it , a newfound sacriledge , a most inhumane at once , and unchristian profanation ; and if you want an embleme for it , that antient piece of nathans designing will serve the turn , the rich man feasting on the poor mans ewe lamb , his luxury maintained by the others blood . 't were an admirable work of ecclesiastick discipline , some way or other to bring the corban in such favour with us , that it might prove a banke or storehouse in every parish , able to supply the wants of all ; but much better , if we would fall in love with it our selves , as a way of binding up both the tables of the law into one volume , of ministring both to god and man , by this one mixt act of charity and piety , of mercy and of sacrifice , and so , in the wise mans phrase , to lay up our riches in gods storehouse , without a metaphore . but if it please you not , that any body ( though in the resolution it be christ himself ) should have the disposal of your almes , as charity now adaies is a pettish wearish thing , ready to startle , and pick a quarrel with any thing that comes to meddle with it , then shall i not pursue this design any farther . so thou art really , and sincerely affected to the setting out of the third years tithing , thou shalt have my leave to be thine own almoner , have the choice of the particular way of disposing , and ordering it thy self . and yet three things there are , that i cannot choose but be so pragmatical , as to interpose in this business ; 1. for the quando , when , this tithe should be set out ; let it not be deferred , till the will be a making , till death forces it out of our hands , and makes it a non dat sed projicit , onely a casting over the lading , when the ship is ready to sink , nor yet till our coffers be ready to run over , till a full , abundant provision be made for all that belong to us , for that is to feed the poor , like the dogges , onely with the orts of the childrens table ; but as other tithes are paid , just as the increase comes in , presently after the whole field is reap'd , so must the poor mans tithing also ; set out , i say , then , dedicated to that use that we may have it by us at hand , told out ready , when the owner calls for it . 't was a thing that antoninus recounts as matter of special joy , and that which he numbers amongst the felicities , for which he was beholden to the gods , that he was never ask'd of any , that he thought fit to give to , that he was answered by his almoner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there was not store at hand to performe his will. a most joyous , comfortable thing , in that heathen emperors opinion , and yet that , that will hardly be attained to , unless we take some such course , as this , mentioned in terminis by s. paul , 1 cor. 16.2 . vpon the first day of the week let every one of you lay by him in store as god hath prospered him , that there be no gathering when i come ; a weekly provision laid in , and ready in numerato for this purpose , that you be never surprised on a sudden , and so disabled to performe this duty . 2. for the quibus , i would answer to all , whom christ hath made our neighbours and brethren , and i know not any that are excluded from this title . but you would then think i were set to sollicite against the lawes of this realme , and plead the cause of the idle wandering begger , that most savage , barbarous , unchristian trade among us , set , a man would think , in the streets by the devil , on purpose to pose , and tire , and non-plus mens charity , to dishearten , and weary them out of this christian duty . no , we have a countermand from the apostle against these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disorderly walkers , 2 thess . 3.7 . that if any would not labour , neither should he eate , v. 10. the best almes for them , the seasonablest provision , and charity to such , is the careful execution of lawes upon them , to set them every one single in an orbe to move in , by that means perhaps to teach them the skill in time to be almes-givers themselves , at least to become fit to be receivers ; for such , of all others , is the fixt , stationary , diligent , labouring poor man , whose motion is like that of the trembling sphere , not able to advance any considerable matter in a whole age , be they never so restless , whose hands , with all their diligence , cannot give content to the mouth , or yeeld any thing but stones many times , to the poor child that calls for bread . all that i shall interpose for the quibus , shall be this , that seeing a doe good to all , is now sent into the world by christ , and that but little restrained in any christian kingdome , by an especially to the houshold of saints , ( all christians being such ) and seeing again , no man hath hands , or store to feed every mouth , that gapes in a kingdome , or particularly in this populous city , we may do well to take that course that we use in composing other difficulties , referatur ad sort●m , let the lot decide the main of the controversie , and reserving somewhat for the publick , somewhat for the stranger , somewhat for common calamities , somewhat as 't were for the universal motion of the whole body , somewhat for excentrickes and epicycles , let the place , whereon our lot hath cast us , be the principal orbe for our charity to move in , the special dioecess for our visitation . and when that is done , and yet , as 't is in the parable , there be still room , store left for others also , then to inlarge , as far as we can , round about us , as motion beginning at the center diffuses it self uniformely , sends out its influence and shakes every part to the circumference ; and happy that man , who hath the longest arme , whose charity can thus reach farthest . the third thing is that that my text obliges me to , the how much out of every mans revenues may go for the poor mans due , which brings me to the second particular , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here mentioned in these words [ tithing all the tithes of thy increase the third year . ] that there was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 defin'd by god to the jewes charity , a proportion for every man , not which they might not exceed ( for there were other waies of vent for their charity mentioned , beside this ) but which no man was to go under , is manifest by the text , and c. 14. of this book ; the proportion you see a tithe , or tenth part of all the increase , not yearly , but onely every third year , to raise a banke , as it were , for the maintenance of the poor , till that year came about again . this if we would dissolve into a yearly rate , and so discern the jewish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more perfectly , it is equivalent to a thirtieth part every year ; the jew whose yearly revenue amounted to thirty shekels , was every third year to pay three of them to the use of the poor , that is in effect one for every year , the triennial tenth being all one with an annual thirtieth : the account is clear , and no man but hath arithmetick enough to conclude , that a thirtieth part is the third part of a tenth , and so a tenth every third year , is all one with a thirtieth every year . i shall insist on this no farther , than to tell you that gods judgement in this affaire is worth observing , that almes-giving or mercifulness being a dictate of nature , but that like other such lawes , given onely in general termes , for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but not so as to descend to particular cases ; it pleased god to his people the jews , to express his judgement at that time , in that state , for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how much was by law to be laid aside for that use out of every ones increase . now if i should press this practice of the jewes as matter of obligation , or prescription to christians , that you are not in conscience to do less , than the jewes were bound to do , every man to set apart a thirtieth of his yearly revenue , or increase , for the use of the poor brethren . i know not how you would take it ; many would startle at the newes of the doctrine , many more when they came to the practice of it , many quarrels you would have against it ; he that were merciful already , would think his gift would become a debt , his bounty duty , and so he wrongd and robd of the renown of his charity , by this doctrine ; and the covetous , that were not inclined to giving at all , would complain that this were a new kind of ghostly stealth , a way of robbing him out of the pulpit , of burthening his conscience , and lightning his bagges , and both joyne in the indictment of it for a judaical , antiquated doctrine , that hath nothing to do with christians . and therefore to do no more , than i shall justifie from the principles of the gospel ; i shall confess unto you , that this precept , as it was given to the jewes , is not obliging unto christians , and therefore i have not yet told you it was , but onely gave you to consider , what gods judgement was for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to his own people . onely by way of application to our selves , give me leave to adde these four things , which i shall deliver in as many propositions ; 1. that mercifulness or charity or giving almes is no part of the ceremonial law , which is properly judaisme , but of the eternal law of reason and nature , part of the oath or sacrament , that is given us , when the fiat homo is first pronounced to us , a ray of gods mercifulness infused into us with our humane nature ; in a word , that mercifulness is all one with humanity , a precept of the nature , the god , the soul we carry about with us . 2. that being so , it comes within the compass of those laws , that christ came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to destroy but to fulfil , i.e. as the fathers before s. augustine , generally interpreted it , to improve it , set it higher , than it was before , require more of christians , than ever was exacted of the jews or heathens by the law of moses or of nature . thus * irenaeus , mentioning christs improvement of the law , pro eo quod est , non moechaberis nec concupiscere praecepit , for , thou shalt not commit adultery , thou shalt not look to lust , he addes , pro eo quod est decumare , omnia quae sunt pauperibus dividere , instead of tithing ( this third years tithing ) thou shalt divide all thou hast to the poor , give them some plentiful part of it . and this saith he , an act of christ , non solventis , sed adimplentis , extendentis , dilatantis legem , not loosing , but filling up , extending , dilating the law. and * s. hierome , on 2 cor. 8.20 . avoiding this that no man should blame us — explains it thus , lest any should say , how did christ fill up or fulfil the law , cùm videamus christianos non tantam eleemosynam facere quantam fieri in lege praeceptum est , when we see christians not give so much almes , as was by the law of moses prescribed to be given . 3 dly . that there were among the jewes two sorts of mercifulness , the first called literally righteousness , and by the septuagint , when it belongs to workes of mercy , is rendred sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 righteousness , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mercy , and this is that mercifulness that moses's law required of the jewes , and so was part of their righteousness , he was a breaker of the law , that did neglect it , and so opera justitiae in lactantius , the works of righteousness , meaning works of charity , by that phrase . the second was mercy , i.e. an higher degree of charity , rather benignity , mercifulness , being full of good works and this was more than their law exacted , and therefore was styled goodness , as that was more than righteousness . 4 thly . that by force of the second proposition , and by the tenure of evangelical perfection , that christ commended to his disciples , this highest degree of mercifulness among the jewes is now the christians task , and that , to him that will be perfect , yet in an higher degree , not onely that degree , which the law required of the jew , a little raised , and improved by us , for that will be but the christians righteousness , but even the benignity of the jews , abundance of mercy , improved and inlarged by us also . and from these premises if i may in the name of god take boldness to inferre my conclusion , it can be no other than this ; that the proportion to be observed by the christian almes-giver , to speak at the least ; must be more in any reason than the thirtieth part of his revenue or increase ; the thirtieth is but equivalent to the third years tithing of the jews , which was their righteousness , that which they were bound to do by the law , the pharisee , did as much , and christ tells us , that except our righteousness , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very word that signifies the legal almes-giving many times in the bible , and who knowes but it may do so here , of this there is no doubt , but it belongs to charity , or duty toward men in its latitude , of which almes-giving is one most speciall part , and except our righteousness exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pharisees we shall in no wise enter into the kingdome of heaven , the text , on which that heavenly gospel-sermon was preach'd upon the mount. if we have any design toward evangelical perfection , toward the christian pitch , the abundance of goodness and mercifulness , as that is improved by christianity , than this third years tithing will prove but a beggerly , thin proportion , that , that a jew , if he were a religious one , would have been ashamed of . but be our aimes never so moderate , if a door-keepers place will serve our turn , to be one of the nethinim , of the meanest rank in the kingdome of heaven , yet still we must exceed that proportion of the jewes righteousness , their third years tithe , that they were bound to , or else we are strangely mistaken in christianity . i am unwilling to descend to the arraigning , or indicting , or so much as examining any man here , for the omissions of his former life in this kind ; my humble lowlyest request is , that you will do it your selves , and if either through ignorance you have not reckoned of it as a duty , or through desire to thrive in the world , you have omitted to practise it heretofore , you will now at last at this instance , take it into your consideration , and remember that there is such a thing , as charity , ( a pale , wan , despised creature ) commended to christians by christ , not to suffer it any longer to go for one of those magicians serpents , which faith like moses's rod is appointed to devour , if it do , know this that that rod is the verier serpent of the two ; and for the quickning that resolution in you , i shall proceed unto the third particular , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to consider it as a duty , and so to make an end of my first general . in this slothful , but confident age of the world , 't were admirably worth ones pains , to instruct men , what duty is , now under the gospel , what the very word signifies in a christian nomenclature . there are so many descants of fantastical brains on that plain song of the apostles , we are not under the law , but under grace ] that 't is scarce agreed on among christians , what 't is to be a christian , nothing more unresolved , than what 't is , that 's now required under the second covenant , as necessary to salvation . one thinks that the beleeving all fundamentals is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the onely qualification for a christian , and what hath duty to do with that ? another makes the gospel consist all of promises of what shall be wrought in us , and on us by christ , and so gives an absolute supersedeas for duty , as a legal out-dated thing , that is utterly antiquated by grace . another contents himself with purposes and resolutions , thin , aery inclinations to duty , and is utterly indifferent for any performance , doubts not bat to pass for a christian , as regenerate as s. paul , when he wrote , c. 7. to the romans , though he never do the good that he resolves , live and dy carnal and captived and sold under sin . a fourth dissolves all to a new found faith ; a ful perswasion , an absolute assurance , that he is one of gods elect , is abundantly sufficient to estate himself in that number , a piece of magick , or conjuring , that will help any man to heaven , that will but phansy it , enroll their names in the book of life , in those sacred eternal diptyckes , by dreaming onely that they are there already . others there are , that seem kinder unto duty , are content to allow christ some return of performances for all his sufferings , yet you see in the gospel , 't is in one but the patience of hearing him preach , a [ lord thou hast taught in our streets ] we have heard so many sermons , passes for a sufficient pretension to heaven , in another , the communicating at his table , [ we have eat and drank in thy presence ] a sufficient viaticum for that long journey , a charme , or amulet against fear or danger ; in a third , the diligence of a bended knee , or solemne look of formal-outside-worship , must be taken in commutation for all other duty , and all this while religion is brought up in the gentlemans trade , good cloths and idleness , or of the lilies of the field , vestiri & non laborare , to be clothed and not labour ; duty is too mechanical a thing , the shop or the plough , the work of faith , or labour of love are things too vile , too sordid for them to stoop to ; heaven will be had without such sollicitors . shall i instance in one particular more ? that satan may be sure that duty shall never rescue any prey out of his hands , one thing you may observe , that most men never come to treat with it , to look after , to consider any such thing , till indeed the time comes that no man worketh , till the tokens be out upon them , till the cry comes , that the bridegroome is ready to enter , that judgement is at the doore , and then there is such running about for oile , as if 't were for extreme unction , and that a sacrament to conferre all grace ex opere operato on him , that hath scarce life enough to discern , that he received it ; the soul sleeps in its tenement , as long as its lease lasteth , and when t is expired , then it rouseth , and makes as if 't would get to work , the christian thinks not of action , of duty , of good works , of any thing , whilest life and health lasteth , but then the summons of death wake him , and the prayers which he can repeat , while his clothes are putting off , shall charme him , like opium , for a quiet sleep . thus doth a death-bed repentance , a death-bed charity , a parting with sins and wealth , when we can hold them no longer , look as big in the calendars of saints , stand as solemnely and demurely in our diptyckes , as judgement and mercy and faith , that have born the heat and burthen of the day ; our hearts are hardened , while it is to day , against all the invasion of law or gospel , judgements or mercies , threats or promises , all christs methods and stratagems of grace , and just at the close of the evening , the shutting in of night , we give out that the thunderbolt hath converted us , the feaver came with its fiery chariot , and hurryed us up to heaven ; surdus & mutus testamentum facit , quite against justinians rule ; he that hath sent out most of his senses before him , and retains but the last glimmering of life , is allowed to make his will and reverse all former acts by that one final . satan hath all the man hath to give , under hand and seal , all his life time , the spring especially and verdure of his age , the children pass through the fire to moloch , and just as he is a dropping out of the world , he makes signes of cancelling that will , and by a dumb act of revocation , bequeaths his soul to god , and his executor must see it paid among other legacies , and all this passes for legal in the court , and none of the canons against the antient clinici can be heard against them ; the greatest wound to duty , that ever yet it met with among christians . thus do our vain phansies , and vainer hopes joyn to supplant duty and good works , and dismiss them out of the church , and if all or any of this be orthodox divinity ; then sure the duty of almes-giving will prove a suspected phrase , haeretici characteris , of an heretical stampe , and then i am fallen on a thankless argument , which yet i must not retract , or repent of , but in the name of god , and s. paul , in this way that these men call heresie , beseech and conjure you to worship the god of your fathers . for this purpose shall i make my address to you in daniels words , dan. 4.27 . break off your sins by righteousness and your iniquities by shewing mercy to the poor , righteousness and mercy , the two degrees of almes-giving , that i told you of ; i hope that will not be suspected , when he speaks it . shall i tell you what duty is , what is now required of a christian , and that in the prophet micha's phrase , mich. 6.8 . and now what doth the lord thy god require of thee but to do justice , and to love mercy , and to walk humbly with thy god , justice and mercy , the two degrees of almes-giving again , that i told you of , and i hope it will not prove offensive , when he speaks it . 8hall i tell you of a new religion , and yet that a pure one , and the same an old religion , and yet that an undefiled ( for so the beloved disciple calls this duty of charity , a new commandment , and an old commandment , 1 joh. 2. ) it shall be in s. james his words , jam. 1.27 . pure religion and undefiled before god and the father is this , to visit the fatherless and widow in their affliction , and to keep himself unspotted from the world . shall i tell you in one word , that though heaven be given us freely , yet almes-giving is the consideration mentioned in the conveyance , that men are acknowledged the blessed of god , and called to heaven , upon the performance of this duty , that although it pretend not to any merit , either ex congruo , or condigno , yet 't is a duty most acceptable in the sight of god , that almes-giving is mentioned , when assurance is left out , charity crown'd , when confidence is rejected ? i love not to be either magisterial , or quarrelsome , but to speak the words of truth and sobriety , to learn , and if it be possible to have peace with all men ; onely give me leave to read you a few words , that s. matthew transcribed from the mouth of christ , mat. 25.35 . then shall the king say to them on his right hand ( who should the king be , but christ himself ? ) come ye blessed of my father , receive the kingdome prepared for you from the foundation of the world . for i was an hungred and ye gave me meat . tell me in the name of truth and peace , who now were they , for whom the kingdome was prepared from the foundation of the world ; who were there the objects of that great doomesday election , his venite benedicti ? if christ do not tell you , neither do i , the text is of age let it speak for it self ; for i was an hungred and ye gave me meat . if all this will justifie the doctrine , and make this text christian , perswade your judgements , that charity may be the queen of heaven ( maxima autem harum charitas , the greatest of these is charity ) without affront , or injury done to any other grace ; i hope it will be seasonable for your practice also , as it hath been for your meditation , become your hands as well as it doth now your eares . and to infuse some life , some alacriousness into you , for that purpose , i shall descend to the more sensitive , quickning , inlivening part of this text , the benefit arising from the performance of this duty , dicas coram domino , then thou shalt or mayest say before the lord thy god. and in that i promised you two things ; 1. to shew you in thesi , that confidence or claiming any thing at gods hands , must take its rise from duty in performance . 2. in hypothesi , to give you the connexion betwixt this confidence , and this performance , claiming of temporal plenty , upon giving of almes . 1. in thesi ; that confidence , or claiming any thing at gods hands must take its rise from duty in performance . if there be any doubt of the truth of this , i shall give you but one ground of proof , which i think will be demonstrative , and 't is that , that will easily be understood , i am sure , i hope , as easily consented to ; that all the promises of god , even of christ in the gospel , are conditional promises , not personal , for the law descends not to particular persons ( and in this the gospel is a law too , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the law of faith ) nor absolute , as that signifies irrespective or exclusive of qualifications or demeanure , for that is all one with personal , and if either of those were true , then should christ be what he renounces , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an accepter of persons and individual entities , and so the mercies of heaven , belong to saul the persecuter , as truely as paul the apostle , saul the injurious , as paul the abundant labourer , saul the blasphemer , as paul the martyr : it remains then , that they be conditional promises , and so they are explicitely , for the most part , the condition named , and specified , 2 cor. 6.17 . come out and be you separate , and touch not the unholy thing ; the condition you see set foremost in the indenture , and then , i will receive you — and therefore most logically inferres the apostle , in the next words the beginning of c. 7. having therefore these promises let us cleanse our selves from all filthyness of the flesh and spirit , perfecting holyness in the fear of god. had the promises been of any other sort , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these i.e. conditional promises , the apostles illation of so much duty cleansing and perfecting , had been utterly unconclusive , if not impertinent . so rom. 8.28 . all things work together for good ; to whom ? to them that love god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to them that are called according to purpose , the word [ called ] a noun in that place not a participle , noting a real , not onely intentional passion , those that are wrought upon by gods call , and are now in the catalogue of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lovers of god , and that is the condition in the subject ; and then to them that are thus qualified , belongs that chain of mercies , predestination , vocation to a conformity with christ , justification , glorification , immediately ensuing . you see the proof of my ground by a taste or two . now what condition this is , that is thus prefix'd to gospel-promises , that is not obscure neither ; not absolute exact , never sinning , perfect obedience , that was the condition of the first covenant , made in paradise , when there was ability to performe it , but a condition proportioned to our state , sincerity in lieu of perfection , repentance in exchange for innocence , evangelical instead of legal righteousness , beleeving in the heart , i.e. cordial obedience to the whole law of christ , impartial without hypocrisie or indulgence in any known sin , persevering and constant without apostacy , or final defection , and at last humble , without boasting . if you will come yet neerer to a full sight of it , sometimes regeneration or new life is said to be the condition , except you be born again you can in no wise enter . neither circumcision nor uncircumcision , but a new creature . sometimes holyness , without which nemo deum , no man shall see the lord : sometimes repentance in gross , nay but except you repent ; sometimes in the retaile , repentance divided into its parts , he that confesseth and forsaketh shall have mercy ; sometimes repentance alone , but now commands all men every where to repent , as if all duty were contained in that ; sometimes in conjunction with faith , repent you and beleeve the gospel , sometimes faith , sometimes love , sometimes self-denyal , sometimes mercifulness , sometimes hope , but that an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a [ this hope ] that sets us a purifying , every one of these , when you meet them single , goes for the onely necessary , the adequate condition of the gospel , to teach you to take them up all , as you find them , leave never an one neglected , or despised , lest that be the betraying of all the rest , but make up one jewel of these so many lesser gemmes , one body of these so many limbes , one recipe compounded of so many ingredients , which you may superscribe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , catholicon , or the whole duty of man. from this general proposition , without the aid of any assumption , we may conclude demonstratively enough , promises of the gospel are conditional promises , therefore all confidence must take rise from duty . duty is the performance of that condition , and to be confident without that , is to conclude without premises , and consequently to claime justification , or pardon of sins , before sanctification be begun in the heart , to challenge right to heaven , before repentance be rooted on earth , to make faith the first grace , and yet define that assurance of salvation , to apply the merits of christ to our selves the first thing we do , and reckon of charity , good works , duty , as fruits and effects , to be produced at leisure , when that faith comes to virility and strength of fructifying . what is all or any of this , but to charge god of perjury , to tell him that impenitents have right to heaven , which he sweares have not , or to forge a new lease of heaven , and put it upon christ ? the calmest style i can speak in , is , that it is the beleeving of a lye , and so not faith , but folly , an easie cheatableness of heart , and not confidence but presumption . hope a man may without actual performance of duty , because he may amend hereafter , though he do not now , and so that possibility , and that futurity may be ground of hope , but then this hope must set us presently upon performance , he that hath this hope purifies himself , or else , it is not that grace of hope , but an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a youthful daringness of soul , a tumor , a disease , a tympany of hope , and if it swell farther than it purge , if it put on confidence before holyness , this hope may be interpreted desperation , an hope that maketh ashamed , an utter destitution of that hope which must bestead a christian . o let us be sure then , our confidence , our claimes to heaven improve not above their proportion , that we preserve this symmetry of the parts of grace ; that our hope be but commensurate to our sincerity , our daringness to our duty . a double confidence there is , pro statu , and absolute ; pro statu , when upon survey of my present constitution of soul , i claime right in christs promises for the present , and doubt not but i shall be bless'd , if i be found so doing : absolute , when at the end of life , and shutting in of the day , i am able to make up my reckonings with s. paul , i have fought a good fight , i have finished my course , i have kept the faith , henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness , a crown of felicity . i have done what i had to do , and now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is nothing behind , but to receive my pay . i have been too long upon the general consideration of the connexion between confidence and duty , if it were an extravagance , i hope 't was a pardonable one ; i descend with speed to the hypothesis , the connexion betwixt this confidence and this performance , claiming of temporal plenty upon giving of almes , my last particular . and that i shall give you clearly in this one proposition ; that almes-giving or mercifulness was never the wasting or lessening of any mans estate to himself or his posterity , but rather the increasing of it . if i have delivered a new doctrine , that will not presently be beleeved , an unusquisque non potest capere , such as every auditor will not consent to , i doubt not but there be plain texts of scripture , more than one , which will assure any christian of the truth of it . consider them at your leisure , psal . 41.1 , 2. psal . 112. all to this purpose , prov. 11.25 . & 12.9 . & 19.17 . and 28.27 . adde to these the words of christ , mar. 10.30 . which though more generally delivered of any kind of parting with possessions for christs sake , are applied by s. hierome to the words of solomon , prov. 11.24 . there is that scattereth and yet increaseth , quia centuplum accipient in hoc tempore , because , saith he , they receive an hundred fold in this world . and that no man may have any scruple to interpose , 't is set in as large , and comprehensive a style , as the art , or covetous , scrupulous wit of man could contrive for his own security . there is no man who shall not — all which being put together must ( to my understanding ) make it as clear to any , that acknowledges these for scripture , as if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 daughter of voice were come back into the world again , and god should call to a man out of heaven by name , bid him releeve that poor man , and he should never be the poorer for it . 't is not now to be expected of me in conscience having produced this kind of proof , the express texts of scripture , to adde any second to it . i might else farther evidence it from examples , not such as moschus's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will furnish you with , for i know not of what authority they are ; nor yet from s. hieromes observation , who is said to have turned over histories on purpose , and never found any merciful man , which met not with some signal blessing in this world , as the reward of that virtue ; but even by appealing to your selves , and challenging any man here present to bring but one instance of a prudent almes-giver , that hath yearly or weekly consecrated some considerable part of his revenue or increase to that use , and can say that ever he found any real miss of that , any more than of the blood let out in a pleurisie , nay , if he have done it constantly , and sincerely from the one true principle , compliance with the command and example of god , let him speak his conscience , if he do not think , that all the rest hath thrived the better for that , as phlebotomie hath saved many mens lives , letting out some ounces of blood been the securing of the whole mass , that it hath had a secret , blessing influence , a vital , auspicious infection upon the remainder , by this art of consecrating our estates , intitling god to the fence , and safeguard of them , as of his temples , and altars , that theeves , and oppressors , and devils , conceive a reverence due to them , and a kind of sacrilege to approach , or purloyne from them , as they that put the crown into their intaile , do thereby secure it to the right heir , that it can never be cut off . the poor widow of sarepta , what a strange trial made she of this truth ? when the last of her store was fetch'd out to make the funeral feast for her self and family , that they might eat and dy , that very last cake , that all that was left , she gives to elijah in his distress , and this is so farre from ruining her , that it brought a blessing on her barrel and her cruse , that she and all hers were not able to exhaust ; i might adde the poor widow in the gospel , that , if we may beleeve christ , cast in all that she had into the corban , even her whole substance ; the christians , that sold all and laid it at the apostles feet , and yet we never read of any of these , that brought himself to distress by this means . but these are ex abundanti , more than is required for the vouching of my present proposition , and of a higher strain , than what i design for your imitation . 't is time that i begin to retire , and wind up with some application , which you cannot imagine should be any other , after all this preparation , but a go and do thou likewise . and if you can but beleeve this one thing , that i have brought many witnesses from heaven to testifie , that your goodness shall not impaire your plenty , that your store shall never be lessened by so giving , i doubt not but you will be as forward to go , as any man to have you . the onely hold-back is the affection and passionate love , that we bear to our wealth , that lust , or sensuality of the eye , as the apostle cals it . 't is ordinarily observed of young men and dissolute , that they have many times a great aptness and ingeniousness and withall patience to any speculative knowledge , the mathematicks , or any such the abstrusest studies , but for moral precepts , rules of good life , they will not be digested ; and , my brethren , give me leave to tell you in the spirit of meekness , that the like , in another respect , is observed of this auditory , anything wherein their wealth is not concerned , is most readily entertained , none more attentive , ingenious auditors ; but when their profit is intrench'd on , their beloved golden idol ( of which i may say with moses , o this people have committed a great sin , made them gods of gold ) when this , i say , begins to be in danger , as the silver shrines at s. pauls preaching , act. 19. then , as it followes in that place , the whole city is filled with confusion : like that young man in the gospel , that would do any thing that christ would require , good master , what shall i do to inherit eternal life ! so far as that jesus loved him , when he beheld him ; yet when christ proceeds to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one thing is wanting to thee , go sell , give to the poor , then followes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he went away sad and sorrowful , sighing and groaning , as if he had been to part with blood and bowels ; and this is the ground of christs most considerable observation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how hard ( and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how impossible ) is it for a rich man to enter the kingdome of heaven , for a worldly minded man to be a christian ? could you but reduce into order this one mighty exorbitant humour , purge out this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as s. peter calls it , this overflowing of the gall , this choler and bitterness , that lyes cak'd upon the soul , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he goes on , in the aggravating of covetousness , we english it , band of iniquity , but it signifies a complication of wickedness bound up all in one volume , mingled into one hypostasis , this legion of earthly devils , that came out of the tombes to enter into thee , and there continue crying and cutting thee with stones ; i should then proceed with some heart and spirit , & tell you that , that every man knows but such demoniackes , that almes-giving is in it self a thing that any man living , if he have but the reliques of unregenerate nature , and the notion of a deity about him , would take pleasure in it , were he but satisfied of this one scruple , that 't would not hinder his thriving in this world . 't is more blessed to give than to receive , is the apophthegme of s. paul quoted from christ , though it be not rehearsed in the gospel , and * clemens hath turned it into a maxime , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is giving not possessing that signifies a man to be happy ; and this happiness the highest , and most divine sort of happiness , 't is a blessed thing to give . and of the same inclination in the worst of you , i will no more doubt , than i do of your being men , of your having humane souls about you , could you be but fortified against this one terror , were but this one trembling spirit exorcised , and cast out , this apprehension of impairing your estates by that means : now of this an ordinary jew makes so little doubt , meerly upon authority of the places of the old testament , which i cited , that he may read thee a lecture of faith in this particular . paulus fagius assures me of the moderne jewes , who have not been observed to be over-liberal , that they still observe the payment of the poor mans tithe , meerly out of design to inrich themselves by that means , and tells us of a proverb of * rabbi akiba , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tithes are the hedges to our riches , and on the contrary , * that there be seven kinds of judgements that come upon the world for seven prevarications , and the first is famine upon not tithing , and the second again , another kind of famine upon another not tithing , and that second plainly belongs to the poor mans tithing , when ( as it * followes ) some are full , and others are famish'd , and the third is a plague upon not obeying the law concerning the fruits of the sabbatical year , which you know , were to be left to the poor , and again that there are four seasons , wherein the plague was wont to rage especially , in the fourth year upon the non payment of the poor mans tithe the third year , on the seventh , upon the like default in the sixth , in the end of the seventh , upon default concerning the seventh years fruits , that were to be free and common , and the last yearly , in the close of the feast of tabernacles , upon the robbing of the poor of those gifts that at that time were left unto them , the * gleanings of the harvest , and vintage , the corners of the field , the fallings , &c. adde to this one place more of rabbi * bechai , though , saith he , it be unlawful to prove or tempt the lord , for a man must not say , i will performe such a commandment , to the end , i may prosper in riches , yet mal. 3.10 . and prov. 3.10 . there is an exception for payment of tithes and works of mercy , intimating that on the performance of this duty we may expect even miracles to make us rich , and set to that performance on contemplation and confidence of that promise . and 't is strange , that we christians should find more difficulty in beleeving this , than the griping reprobated jewes ; strange , that all those books of scripture should be grown apocryphal , just since the minute , that i cited those testimonies out of them . this i am resolved on , 't is want of belief , and nothing else , that keeps men from the practice of this duty , whatsoever 't is in other sins , we may beleeve aright , and yet do contrary ( our understanding hath not such a controuling power over the will , as some imagine ) yet in this particular , this cannot be pretended ; could this one mountain be removed , the lessening of our wealth that almes-giving is accused of , could this one scandal to flesh and blood be kick'd out of the way , there is no other devil would take the unmerciful mans part , no other temptation molest the almes-giver . and how unjust a thing this is , how quite contrary to the practice at all other sermons , i appeal to your selves . at other times the doctrine raised from any scripture is easily digested , but all the demurre is about the practical inference ; but here when all is done , the truth of the doctrine still [ that we shall not be the poorer for almes-giving ] is that , that can never go down with us , lyes still crude unconcocted in our stomachs ; a strange prepossession of worldly hearts , a petitio principii , that no artist would indure from us . i must not be so unchristian whatsoever you mean to be , as to think there is need of any farther demonstration of it , after so many plain places of scripture have been produced ; let me onely tell you , that you have no more evidence for the truth of christs coming into the world , for all the fundamentals of your faith , on which you are content your salvation should depend , than such as i have given you for your security in this point . do not now make a mockery at this doctrine , and either with the jew in cedrenus , or the christian in palladius , throw away all you have , at one largesse , to see whether god will gather it up for you again , but set soberly , and solemnely about the duty , in the fear of god , and complyance with his will , and in bowels of compassion to thy poor brethren , that stand in need of thy comfort , those emeralds and jacinths , that * macarius perswaded the rich virgin to lay out her wealth upon ; and this out of no other insidious or vain-glorious , but the one , pure , christian forementioned design , and put it to the venture , if god ever suffer thee to want , what thou hast thus bestowed . * dorotheus hath excellently stated this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there are , saith he , that give almes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that their farmes may prosper , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and god blesseth and prospers their farmes ; there be that do it for the good success of their voyage , and god prospers their voyage ; some for their children and god preserves their children ; yea and some to get praise , and god affords them that , and frustrates none in the merchandise he designed to traffick for , but gives every one that which he aimed at in his liberality . but then all these traffickers must not be so unconscionable , as to look , for any arreare of farther reward , when they are thus paid at present , they must remember 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they have no depositum behind laid up with god for them , and therefore 't is necessary for a christian to propose to himself more ingenuous designes , to do what he doth in obedience to , and out of a pure love of god , and then there is more than all these , even a kingdome prepared for him . mat. 25. i must draw to a conclusion , and i cannot do it more seasonably , more to recapitulate , and inforce all that hath been said , than in the words of malachy , c. 3.10 . bring you all the tithes into the storehouse ( no doubt but this comprehends the duty in the text , the compleveris anno tertio , the poor mans tithing ) that there may be meat in my house , and prove me now herewith , saith the lord of hosts , if i will not open you the windowes of heaven , and poure you out a blessing , that there shall not be room enough to receive it . if this will not open the misers hand , unshrivel the worldlings heart , i cannot invent an engine cunning , or strong enough to do it . thou that hast tired , and harass'd out thy spirits , in an improsperous , succesless pursuit of riches , digged and drudged in the mines , thy soul as well as thou , and all the production of thy patience , and industry crumbled and mouldered away bewixt thy fingers , thou that wouldest fain be rich , and canst not get plutus to be so kind to thee , art willing to give satan his own asking , thy prostraveris , for his totum hoc , to go down to hell for that merchandice , and yet art not able to compass it , let me direct thee to a more probable course of obtaining thy designes , to a more thriving trade , a more successful voyage , not all the devotions thou dayly numbrest to the devil or good fortune , not all the inventions , and engines , and stratagemes of covetousness managed by the most practiced worldling , can ever tend so much to the securing thee of abundance in this life , as this one compleveris of the text , the payment of the poor mans tithing . and then suffer thy self for once to be disabused , give over the worldlings way , with a hâc non successit , reforme this error of good husbandry , this mistake of frugality , this heresie of the worldling , and come to this new ensurers office , erected by god himself , prove and try if god do not open thee the windowes of heaven — shall i adde for the conclusion of all , the mention of that poor , unconsidered merchandice , the treasures of heaven , after all this wealth is at an end , the riches of the coelestial paradise , which like that other of eden is the posing of geographers , pars terrae incognita , undiscovered yet to the worldlings heart . me thinks there should be no hurt in that , if such friends may be made of this mammon of unrighteousness , this false-hearted , unfaithful wealth of yours , that when you fail , they may receive you into everlasting habitations , sure this may be allowed to joyn with other motives to the performance of a well-tasted , wholsome duty . in a word , if earth , and heaven combined together , be worth considering , the possession of the one , and reversion of the other , abundance and affluence here , the yearly wages of almes-giving , and joyes and eternity hereafter , the final reward of almes-giving , a present coronet , and a future crown , a canaan below , and a jerusalem above , if the conjunction of these two may have so much influence on your hearts , as in contemplation of them to set you about the motion , that nature it self inclines you to , and neither world , nor flesh have any manner of quarrel to feign against it , then may i hope , that i have not preach'd in vain , that what i have now onely , as a precentor , begun to you , the whole chorus will answer in the counterpart , what hath been now proclaimed to your ears , be ecchoed back again by your hearts , and lives , and the veryest stone in the temple take up its part , the hardest impenetrablest , unmercifullest heart joyn in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and this shall be the summe not onely of my exhortation , but my prayer , that that god of mercies will open your eyes first , and then your hearts to the acknowledgement , and practice of this duty , direct your hands in the husbandring that treasure intrusted to them , that mercy being added to your zeal , charity to your devotion , your goodness may shine as well as burn , that men may see , and taste your good works , glorifie god for you here , and you receive your crown of glory from god hereafter . the end. a catalogue of some books printed for richard royston at the angel in ivie-lane , london . i. books written by h. hammond , d. d. a paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the new test . by h. hammond , d. d. in fol. 2. the practical catechisme , with all other english treatises of h. hammond , d. d. in two volumes in 4o. 3. dissertationes quatuor , quibus episcopatûs jura ex s. scripturis & primaeva antiquitate adstruuntur , contra sententiam d. blondelli & aliorum , authore henrico hammond , d. d. in 4o. 4. a letter of resolution of six quaeries , in 12o. 5. of schisme . a defence of the church of england , against the exceptions of the romanists , in 12o. 6. of fundamentals in a notion referring to practise , by h. hammond , d. d. in 12o. 7. paraenesis or seasonable exhortatory to all true sons of the church of england , in 12o. 8. a collection of several replies and vindications published of late , most of them in defence of the church of england , by h. hammond , d. d. now put together in three volumes . newly published in 4o. ii. books and sermons written by jer. taylor d. d. viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a course of sermons for all the sundayes of the year ; together with a discourse of the divine institution , necessity , sacredness and separation of the office ministerial , in fol. 2. the history of the life and death of the ever-blessed jesus christ , 2 d edition , in fol. 3. the rule and exercises of holy living , in 12o. 4. the rule and exercises of holy dying , in 12o. 5. the golden grove , or , a manual of daily prayers fitted to the dayes of the week , together with a short method of peace and holiness , in 12o. 6. the doctrine and practice of repentance rescued from popular errors , in a large 8 o , newly published . iii. books written by mr. tho. pierce , rector of brington . a correct copie of some notes concerning gods decrees , especially of reprobation . the 2. edit . now at the press with some additionals . the sinner impleaded in his own court , wherein are represented the great discouragements from sinning , which the sinner receiveth from sin it self . the divine philanthropie defended . iv. a compendious discourse upon the case as it stands between the church of england , and those congregations that have divided from it , by hen. fern , d. d. new. certain considerations of present concernment , touching our reformed church of england , by henry fern , d. d. in 12o. the history of the church of scotland by joh. spoteswod arch-bishop of s. andrews in fol. new. dr. cousins devotions , in 12o. the quakers wild questions objected against the ministers of the gospel , and many sacred acts and offices of religion , &c. by r. sherlock , b. d. in 4o. new. the persecuted minister , in 4o. new. the excellency of the civil law , by robert wiseman ▪ dr. of the civil law. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45468-e340 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * just mart. apol. 2. eth. 4.1 . notes for div a45468-e18860 in vit. plotin . * pedag. l. 3 ▪ c. 6. * l de just . cap de offic . viri justi . * l. 2 , c. 55. * ch. 25. * lib. 7. c. 30. * ib c. 29. * c. 7. * ● . ● . c. 37. * tom 8. p. 226. a. tom. p. 88. c. * 〈◊〉 . l. 3. c. ● . * perk avo● . c. 3. p. 56. * ibid. c. 5● * p. 105 ▪ * p. 109 , 110 ▪ * in deuter. 26. * pallad . hist . laus ▪ cap. 5. * bib. pà●● . graec. vol. 2. p. 837. e ▪ of idolatry hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45420 of text r40543 in the english short title catalog (wing h555a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 129 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45420 wing h555a estc r40543 19350281 ocm 19350281 108765 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45420) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108765) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1672:13) of idolatry hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 36 p. printed by henry hall ..., oxford [i.e. london] : 1646. attributed to hammond by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. "a london counterfeit"--madan, 1875. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng idols and images -worship -early works to 1800. a45420 r40543 (wing h555a). civilwar no of idolatry. hammond, henry 1646 21970 11 1440 0 0 0 0 660 f the rate of 660 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of idolatry . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} oxford , printed by henry hall , printer to the universitie . 1646. of idolatry . § 1 as the judgements of other men have perswaded me to think it pertinent and seasonable to adde this one unto foure former disquisitions , with which it holds some analogie and cognation ; so the nature of the enquiry hath prompted and directed me to take rise ( as those former have done ) from the examination of the word , and that by observing the origination first , and then criticall peculiar importance of it among ancient writers , those especially of the scripture . § 2 to that end the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , idol , of which it is compounded , must first be viewed . and of that there is no question , but that in the literall notation of it , it signifies an image or representation of any kind , and accordingly in the old testament is set to expresse both {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} an image , or similitude , any kind of figure in generall ; and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a carved or graven image in specie , a statue of wood or stone , any kind of sculpture ; though the truth is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is not the most ordinary rendring of either of these , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} imago of the former , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} but twice , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} sculptile of the latter , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} but thrice . § 3 three words there are to which it is most ordinarily applied , 1. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a nothing that hath no being , ( to which saint paul referres when he saith an idol is nothing ) or if you please a no god , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that hath no divinity , no power to help the client or worshiper ; parallel to that passage , deut. 32. they have provoked me {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} with that which is no god . § 4 secondly , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} gods , the many false gods of the heathens , by the greek seven times rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} idols , unlesse perhaps it may be conjectured , that they which so rendred it in those places , mistook , or misread {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} gods ( which in other places they constantly render {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , at least two hundred times ) for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} nothings , vanities , which is very near in writing and sound unto it , and such mistakes are no great news in those translatours . § 5 thirdly , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} pollution , filth by which any man is contaminated ; this is rendred sometimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} abomination , but more frequently {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( idol ) then any thing else , which certainly referres not onely to the pollution of the soul by the commission of that sinne ( for by every other sinne some such pollution is contracted ) nor onely to that other notion of spirituall fornication , but principally to the abominable sinnes of uncleannesse , and filthinesse , which those idol worships were ordinarily guilty of , and from thence received a great aggravation and heightning of their guilt , and punishment . and to the same purpose the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} abomination , or filthinesse , ( and so most commonly rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) is sometimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} idol also . § 6 other words there are , that sometimes ( but more rarely ) are thus rendred also , as 1 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( from whence the greek {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) high places , the altars or temples of their false gods peculiarly , ( as may appear 1 macc. 1. 62. where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the heathen altar was by antiochus set upon the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or altar of the jews ) and these would be more properly rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , idol temples , or altars , then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} idols , and therefore perhaps in that one place ezek. 16. 16. where it is rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it may be a false print , for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i am sure our english most properly renders it high places , and those are called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} not onely by the authour of that book 1 macc. 1. 50. but by saint paul himself , 1 cor. 8. 1. speaking of him that eateth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in a temple or other place where those false deities were worshiped . § 7 secondly , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vanitie , from whence it is that the gentile-idol worshipers under the title of [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] all men , the generalitie of mankind ( or all the world but the jews ) are said to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wisd. 13. 1. vain or idolatrous by nature , that is , either by birth born in that idolatrous age among those heathens ; or else by long , popular , nationall , oecumenicall custome , which is , saith galen , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} an acquired nature ; thus hath suidas interpreted the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} nature , that it is sometimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a chronicall evil custome , and instances in that place where saint paul tells the ephesians chap. 2. 3. that they had been by nature the children of wrath , ( as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} children of wrath , signifies peculiarly gentiles , so ) the prime if not onely intent of that adjunct {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is ( as many circumstances in the context will convince ) that they were such idolatrous gentiles , either {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by birth , ( born such gentile worshipers , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as the rest also of the heathen world was ) or else {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by custome , by long popular habit of education , or ( which will unite both those senses , and more fully expresse the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) by a long habit deduced from their very first being or birth , and so continuing till the time of their conversion ; customary idolaters , walking {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to the age or vicious custome of the heathen world , vers. 2. and the practices of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , infidels or unbelievers . and so will the word be best rendred , when the same apostle expostulates with the corinthians , 1 cor. 11. and demands whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( we render nature ) did not tell them , that it was a shame for a man {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which we render to wear long hair , but i conceive , would more properly ( according to the use of the word in the greek authours ) be translated to let the hair grow at length . if either of the interpretations be accepted , then sure {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must onely signifie the custome and fashion of the place , or of the generality of men , or else birth , as that containeth in it the distinction of sexes , or in the mixt sense , an universall continued custome from their birth till then ; and not nature in the ordinary acception , or as it signifies the law of nature written in our hearts . for then not onely absaloms hair must be against nature , ( which yet the scripture charges not with that crime ) but even the vow and practise of samson and the nazarites , had been an unnaturall sinne . a later critick would have {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} be taken for braiding of hair , or making a dressing of it ( which i confesse the apostles argument in that place , and the mention of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a covering , would perswade ) but then still {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must signifie ( though not onely a locall , yet ) an universall custome , such as hath designed and fitted distinction of attires to distinction of sexes , which it would be hard to impute to the dictate of nature in every mans heart , so that that should be thought to define what attire is naturall to a man , what to a woman , but is an act either of locall custome , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( which in this matter the apostle appeals to , vers. 16. against all disputers ) or else of universall custome of all nations , which he seems to plead in this place . but i conceive it without example in authours sacred , or heathen , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} should signifie a dressing , ( whatsoever {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and other words of some affinity may be thought to do . ) the notion which at first i gave you will satisfie all pretensions both of the grammarian and the textuary , that it signifie to let the hair grow at length without cutting or poling it , that will satisfie the critick , for that is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} comam promittere , and to do so , there can be little reason assigned , unlesse it be in order to braiding it , or making a covering of it , on occasion of which it is that the apostle here saith , that it is an honourable or decent thing for a woman to do so , vers. 15. ( and the contrary for a man ) and not to do so is all one for her , as to be shorn or shaven , verse 5. and 6. and so that satisfies the textuary also . but this by the way , from this acception of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vanity , for idols , it is that rom. 1. 21. saint paul saith of the heathen , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} they became vain , that is , fell to those impious idol-worships . § 8 thirdly , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} lords or husbands ( or as we retain the hebrew word in english , baalim ) 2 chron. 17. 3. jer. 9. 15. is rendred in the greek again {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , idols , and so clearly signifies those other heathen deities taken into a rivalry with the god of heaven . § 9 fourthly , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; we render it the sun-images in the margin , es. 17. 8. but whosoever considers the place , and ezek. 6. 4. will acknowledge that it signifies ( not the images , but ) the places of worship of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that is , the sun , called by the greeks {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the places where the sacred fires were made in honour to the sunne , and the word is therefore by the targum rendred , isai. 17. 8. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} delubra , temples , ( a description of which is given us by benjamin in his itinerary , and by some of the rabbins , affirmed to have been first of a religious institution to god in thanksgiving for that glorious creature ) these i say are once rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , idols , isai. 27. 9. but in other places {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , temples , &c. § 10 fifthly , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( farre enough naturally from any such signification ) is rendred ezek. 36. 18. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , idols , and our english from thence have continued that rendring [ our idols ] where yet i conceive the hebrew should be translated [ their actions or inventions ] ( the word properly denoting any good or evil work or enterprize ) and the greek rendring may possibly have been a mistake of the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( from which before we had {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} for idols ) and then it will be the same in our english also . § 11 sixthly , the word , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that signifies any cause of grief , of toyl , of frightfull passion , is often rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , noting again their heathen gods , which used their clients exceeding ill , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , daemons , the fear and dread of whom produced the greek word which we render superstition , and near of kin unto that , is a seventh {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which once is rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} also , and from the origination of the word is justly rendred [ horrours ] in our margin , 2 chron. 15 , 16. § 12 once more the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} teraphim , those which rachel stole from laban , are rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , idols , also , and seem to have been some images ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith josephus , images of his gods ) but as others guesse , images set to a certain position of the starres , with the figures of the planets upon them according to the custome of the syrians then , by which they were wont to divine ; not any thing like the cup , whereby say the egyptians of joseph , he divineth , for that i conceive was but a drinking cup , wherein he used to drink in those sacrifices by which he prepared to receive presages from god , ( and therefore i should render those words gen. 44. 5. [ with which he receiveth presages ] but astrologicall instruments , with pictures of starres upon them , which some conceive to have been so made , that they were able to speak sometimes , and then they will differ but little from the sun-idols even now mentioned , for those they say , by the operation of the fire , became vocall . § 13 this so particular wearisome trouble have i given the reader at the entrance , to give him occasion of observing that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , idol , though it signifie an image , or sculpture , or representation sometimes , yet it signifies somewhat else besides that , particularly these two things , 1. the heathen gods under the notion of false ( together with the temples wherein they were worshiped ) 2. the same again , and their worships under the notions of filthy , unclean , and abominable . which two notions of the word ( that we may proceed a step further ) we shall now look on , as they were in order to worship , and that will open to us some entrance to a view of idolatry , or the worship of idols what it is . § 14 for the former , the worshiping of false gods , and images , i shall give you a brief narration of it out of the soberest of the jewish writers , maimonides l. 1. de idololatria . the first rise of idolatry is , saith he , to be referred to the dayes of enosh , when men ( taking notice how god had created the starres and sphears for the government of the world , and by placing them in so eminent a state seemed to mak them partakers of his honour , and used them as his ministers and officers ) resolved it their duty to laud , and extoll , and honour them , and taught others that this was the will of god , that we should magnifie and worship those whom he had preferred and dignified ( as a king would have his ministers honoured ) and that that is the honouring of god . vpon this foundation saith he , they began to build temples to the starres , to sacrifice to them , bow themselves before them , that by so doing they might obtain gods favour , and this was the ground of idolatry , not that they thought there was no god but the starres , but that they thought this worship performed to them to be the will of god . in processe of time false prophets arose , pretending messages from god , and directions for the worshiping of such or such a starre , nay for the sacrificing to all the host of them , building them temples , making pictures of them that might be adored by women , children , and all others ; and to that purpose they invented certain figures , affirming them to be revealed to them by prophesie , to be the images of such starres . thereupon men began to make images in temples , under trees , on the top of hills , and all men to meet and worship them , resolving and proclaiming that from those images all good and evil did proceed , and therefore in all reason they were to be feared and worshiped ; the priests promising all increase and prosperity as the reward of this worship , and prescribing of rules for the performance of it . after these , other impostours rose , that affirmed such a starre , or sphear , or angel , to have spoken to them , and prescribed their way and manner of worship ; in summe , it was generally spread over the world , that images were to be worshiped , each by a peculiar manner of sacrifice , and adoration , and the name of god was quite lost out of the mouth and minds of all men ; so farre as not to be acknowledged by them , but all sorts of people worshiped nothing but images of wood and stone , built temples on purpose for them , adored and sware by their name , and even the priests and wise men among them thought that there was no other god but those starres , &c. for whose sakes these images were made . as for the great god of this world no mortall knew him , save onely henoch , methusalah , noah , sem and heber , and so it continued till abraham was born , the pillar of the world . thus much maimon . and much more by way of story and observation . and what is thus by him observed of the heathens , is by others deduced as clearly for the idolizing of kings and great persons , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , men admired by their flatterers saith chrysostome : which besides the testimony of wisd. 14. 17. and aristotle met. 1. ( where he shews how admiration of great men and benefactours hath been the great principle of idolatry or men-worship ) is every where observable in the story of the romane cesars , no man dying without an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or being made a god ; and then constantly the setting up of their statues in their temples , following as an attendant of it . § 15 many stages you see in this accursed progresse of idol-worship , before they came to images , and that last so prodigious a pitch , such a dishonouring of the deity , that the psalmist could not say any thing more reprochfull of the makers of them , and trusters in them , then that they were {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , like or equall to their gods . § 16 to this purpose there are three notable passages which i shall but mention , and leave to be viewd at large ; the one isai. 44. 13. to the twentieth verse ; and the other , wisd. 13. 11. and so to the end of that chapter ; the third , in the epistle of jeremy , shewing the ridiculous progresse of a knotty piece of wood into a solemne deity , and the irrationall senselessenesse of that worship , even in the judgement of heathens themselves , witnesse heraclitus , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , praying to inanimate things is like talking to houses ; and yet this madnesse the constant disease of those that had set up any other deitie but that of the onely true god of heaven , that ever adored any creature , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} rom. 1. ( not onely more , as we render it , but ) besides or except the creatour ; there being no stay for those ( that became thus vain to worship any thing but god ) no stop in their tumbling ( as maimon . phrases it ) to that deep gulf of impietie , the worship of the most inanimate mean creatures in the world . § 17 the truth is , maximus tyrius gives a more favourable ingenious account of this matter , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . that as letters were invented for the expressing of words , ( that so by the help of writing , the weaknesse of mens memories might be repaired ) so the images of the gods were provided to help the infirmities of men , in which they may lay up the names of their gods , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and the famous things that are worth remembring of them , and in brief to help them to celebrate their gods as they ought , as so many {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , help and manuductions for remembrance , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , signes and tokens of their honouring them , trophees as it were of their noble acts to perpetuate the memory of them . so that although , as he acknowledges , god be invisible to eyes , yet in respect of our infirmity , and again of the nature of lovers to love , to behold their pictures whom they love , it will not be amisse to use any thing that may thus bring us in mind of god , and all this with a caution , that nothing be terminated in the picture , but the love , and remembrance , and everything bestowed upon god onely . this is a piece of heathen divinity very handsomly managed , being indeed no pretence of plea for the worshiping of images , but onely the using them as helps to perform our duty to god ; but it is no news to see the actions of the many , and the writings of the few very unlike one the other . ( it being very easie to write virtuously , and hard to live so . ) and certainly the heathen practice was quite another thing then this platonick speculation ; and so much of the first and second notion of an idol . § 18 now for the other notion of an idol , as it signifies filthy or abominable , it will be worth observing , what the author of the book of wisdome saith of it in universum , wisd. 14. where after an enumeration of many other wickednesses in their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. 23. in their inhumane sacrifices and mysteries , he concludes with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} pollution , inversion of nature , disorder of mariage , adultery , and shamelesse uncleannesse , vers. 26. and at length concludes that the worship of the namelesse idols , or those not to be named , is the beginning , and cause , and end of evil ; all the villanies in the world the designe and speciall parts of those worships . § 19 to that purpose that i may not lead my reader into the heathen stories , or the relations made by the fathers in those tracts which they wrote against the gentiles , ( that excellent * set of bookes , which may serve any student for the isthmus , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or passage between the study of humane and divine learning ) i shall onely point to some passages in the sacred writ that look this way . 1. kings 14. 24. after the mention of the idols and groves follows that there were sodomites in the land , doing according to the abominations of the heathen , which the lord had cast out before the children of israel , which gives you moreover a view of the particularity of the sinne of the amorites and other nations , which provoked god to that fatall slaughter , and eradication of them , which is more fully set down , levit. 18. 24 , 25 , 27 , 28. and an expresse threat added from heaven , vers. 29. that whosoever shall commit any of these abominations shall be cut off from among their people . § 20 and perhaps it will not be unworthy a digression here to mark , that at the routing out of those nations , and the planting in of the jews in their stead , by way of covenant , the condition of that covenant being that they should fear the lord , and not walk in the wayes of those nations ) the signe or seal of that covenant was designed to be such as had a particular reference to these sinnes of the flesh , and denoted the amputation of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} superfluity of naughtinesse , which had been practised among those gentiles , and which would infallibly bring as certain excision upon them , ( if they reformed it not ) as was threatned by god to every male israelite that should continue uncircumcised . to the same purpose were all those laws and writes concerning legall pollutions , to bring them to the greatest alienation of mind , and detestation of this piece of heathenisme ; yea and one main part of the promise of god upon their obedience , viz. the multiplying of their seed ( which was so remarkable in that nation , that josephus mentions {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as the craft as it were , and speciall peculiar excellency of that people ) was a most naturall proper effect of the abstaining from those sinnes , and it is as clear that in our christian sacrament of initiation , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the washing away the sordes of the flesh , had a propriety also to that , ( which is accordingly mentioned in the vow of baptisme , the forsaking of all the sinfull lusts thereof . ) but this by the way . § 21 so again , chap. 15. 12. the idols and the sodomites are mentioned together , and 2. kings 23. 7. the houses of the sodomites are cast down ; where there is also mention of the groves for those dark purposes , by which under that name of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} astarta seems to be designed . so when the babylonians made succoth benoth , what is meant thereby but the tents of venus , in which all the virgins were solemnly prostituted to the honour of that false deity venus , under the title of mylitta ? and so the prostitution of their daughters for the honour of their gods , which is mentioned not onely by herod . l. 1. and strabo l. 16 , but in the epistle of jeremy vers. 43. where the cords mentioned are undoubtedly the signes of their vows ( and obligation from thence ) to pay that sacrifice before they went . so isa. 57. 5. inflaming , or you that inflame your selves with idols under every green tree , noting that prostitution of men and women in the groves about their idol-temples , in honour of their false gods . and to instance in no more , it seems not improbable upon these grounds that the frequent expressions of the idolatrous practises of the jews by fornication , whoring , and the like , may be somewhat more then a trope or figure of rhetorick , having thus much of reality in it also : it being clear that this falling off to the heathen idols brought them oft to these heathen sinnes also ; as in the matter of baal-peor it is most evident . so rom. 1. 26. it is affirmed of the gentiles that as a punishment of those idol-heathen-worships god gave them up {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to dishonourable infamous affections , and a particular account of them is set down , vers. 26. women changing the naturall use , &c. and likewise men also {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vers. 27. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vers. 28. guilty of those most reprochfull shames , and contumelies of nature . of which there was aboundant store in the eleusinia sacra , cybeles mysteries , venus , and flora's feasts , from which it will not be tolerable to repeat them . § 22 by this ungratefull unsavoury observation it will be possible to contribute some what to the illustrating of many places in the new testament , and particularly of the notion of idolatry there , ( for which advantage it is that this discourse hath thus enlarged it self . ) as first , eph. 4. 29. where speaking of the gentiles , he saith {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( that is , in hesychius's glossary ) who * giving over all labour , ( as idlenesse is the mother-sinne of the sodomites ) gave themselves up to lasciviousnesse , to work all uncleannesse {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it , [ with greedinesse ] the word is interpreted covetousnesse in other places , but signifies not onely that , but all immoderate , and peculiarly inordinate unnaturall desire , not onely coveting of wealth , i say , but in aristotle any thing that is opposed {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to equality , when any man will have ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) above his portion . so in hesychius {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to denote the [ more then is due or ought to be ] whatsoever the subject matter be . so in lucian de calumn : pag. 844. the calumniator is described to be one that will have all his auditours to himself , will let no man else be heard , and for this he calls him {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and so democrates in his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . defines {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to be a speaking all , and not endureing to hear any body else : and the notion that i now speak of , applyed to inordinate lust , though it differ in the object , is the same in effect with this , a desiring and usurping , that which is not agreeable to his condition , sex , nature , &c. and of that we have a grammaticall ground in the hebrew word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which signifies covetousnesse and lust , and being oft rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is once rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} pollution , ezekiel 33. 31. where though our english reade covetousnesse , yet the sense directs otherwise , even to that which vers . 29. is exprest by abominations . of this i should not thus define , were not many places of the new testament eminently applyable to this sense , nor thus farre extravagate on this word , did it not much tend to the explaining and asserting the new testament notion of idolatry ▪ that now we are upon . § 23 in that rom. 1. 29. you have together in this matter {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fornication , villany , ( not covetousnesse again , but ) inordinate desire and naughtinesse , and yet more evidently , coloss. 3. 5. where speaking of the gentile unbelievers , among their deeds that a christian is so carefully to avoid , the apostle mentions fornication , uncleannesse , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( i conceive , in salvians phrase ) passivity , evil concupiscence and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sure inordinate desire again which is idolatry ( and this seems to me to have been acknowledged by saint cyprian , who ep. 52. will have [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which ] referre to each of those foregoing names ) the interpretation of that heathen worship of theirs , for which the wrath of god cometh on the children of disobedience ( it seems again this was the sinne that brought that fatall destruction upon them ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in which sinnes the colossians had sometimes walked when they lived {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , among the gentiles . so eph. 5. 3. let neither fornication , nor uncleannesse , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , inordinate desire be named among you , ( those nefanda , sinnes not to be named ) as becomes saints , as they are opposed to gentiles again . and so verse 5. every fornicatour , and unclean person , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( not covetous , but inordinate luster ) who is an idolatour . § 24 this may possibly be the notation of idolaters also , when the apostle saith , 1 cor. 10. 6. be not ye idolaters , as were some of them , as it is written , they sate down to eat and drink and rose up to play . for the greek {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which we render to play , may possibly referre in that place to those sinnes of uncleannesse . it is clear that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} doth gen. 39. 14 , and 17. which we there render [ mock ] and though {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} be not the word there used , yet the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies both , and is the word used both in that place of genesis , and exod. 32. 6. from whence our apostle cites it ; and if comparing the story acts 7. 41. ( where it is said in this matter , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they rejoyced in the works of their hands ) be apt to perswade any , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to play , is all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to rejoyce , and so that both denote their dancing before their idol , it will be as obvious to replie that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} there used , signifies most properly the rejoycing at a feast luke 12. 19. and 15. 23. 24. 29. 32. and 16. 19. and so following , the offering of sacrifice to their idol , shall denote a sacrificall feast , and be all one with the eating and drinking here , but not with the playing that attends it : and so still the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may probably be thus interpreted ; especially when in this place it follows immediately after {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} lusters after evil things , and is attended with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , neither let us commit fornication . &c. and from thence perhaps it is that verse 14. to his exhortation of flying from idolatry , he subjoyns verse 15. i speak to wise men , judge what i say ; not willing to adde more words on that subject . this is but a conjecture of which i am not confident . but no question , this is the meaning of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the abominable nefarious idolatries , 1 pet. 4. 3. of the fruitlesse works of darknesse , whereof christianitie made them ashamed of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , those things that were done in secret , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which it was a shame to name or speak out ; ( all one perhaps with the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the hidden idolatry in the councel of laodicea ) to which you may adde , 1 thess. 4. 3. this is the will of god , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , your purification , consisting as it follows in abstaining from fornication , &c. and after {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in purification and honour ( as that is opposed to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , dishonourablenesse , vilenesse , rom. 1. 26. ) not in the lust of concupiscence , as the gentiles &c. to which purpose it is the conceit of some learned men , that that which follows must be applied {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , verse 6. ( though our english reading look quite another way ) for so the context will enforce , verse 7. for god hath not called us , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for uncleannesse , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to or in purification . and so every of those words will bear , if it were now seasonable to insist upon it . and it is observable that isai. 57. 8. where the prophet speaks to the * adulterous apostate israel [ thou hast discovered thy self to others beside me , and art gone up , &c. ] the greek translatours have used these words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , [ departing from me ] expressing [ the discovering her self to others beside me ] and by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} [ desiring more ] rendring [ the going up ] which may therefore seem to be set in that place ( according to the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} conscendit , ascendit , transcendit ) for [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] in the notion that we now speak of ; and then you see the sympathy betwixt {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to the dialect and idiom of those writers . so 1 cor. 5. 11. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , either fornicatour , or inordinate luster , or idolater . which cannot be applied to the worship of images , because he there speaks of christians in the profession at least , who sure did not then worship images , but might be guilty more probably of those carnall heathen uncleannesses , those impurities so solemnly used in the idol-worships . in which place , and the precedent verse under the generall word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fornicatours , are specified {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the fornicatours of this world , that is , the gentiles , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; the inordinate lusters and idolaters again belong to that matter ; and so it is more then possible may the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} too , which we render extortioners , but may rather seem to signifie the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the rape or stealing of women or virgins , the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 2 pet. 2. 12. preying on them ( the literall notation of the word from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rapio , by which as by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is rendred ) and so i have observed the word to be used in constant . * harmenopulus , and may perhaps also in saint matth. chap. 23. 25. where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is joyned with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , incontinence , and opposed to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , cleansing and clean , verse 26. § 25 to this nothing can more clearly belong , then that mention of idolaters , 1 cor. 6. 9. being so joyned on both sides with fornicatours , adulterers , soft or effeminate defilers of themselves with mankind . and what if the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. 2. 22. do so also , [ thou that abhorrest idols ] the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} seems to referre to those ( so frequently called ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , abominations ; whether ( those of the sydonians , and the like , that is , whether ) abominable sacrifies , killing , and offering their sonnes and daughters unto devils , or abominable sorceries , deut. 18. or abominable senselesse stupidity , in worshiping inanimate creatures , or abominable lusts in their idol-feasts , i shall not now define , but onely observe , that if we should applie it peculiarly to the last of these ( yet not excluding the rest ) the rationall importance of the place will bear it very well . thou that dost so detest and abominate those heathen villanies in their idol-worships , if upon that ground of zeal thou robbe and rifle their temples , wilt never be able to clear thy self . § 26 having gone through so many , there are but few more mentions of these words [ idolater or idolatry ] in the new testament , i shall briefly give you a view of them , gal. 5. 20. where of the works of the flesh , carnall sinnes there are in the front , adultery , fornication , uncleannesse , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( that foul sinne , which our translation renders here lasciviousnesse , but elsewhere shamelesse uncleannesse , wisd. 14. 26. idolatry , &c. all clearly of a making , if this notion of idolatry be accepted . so apoc. 21. 8. where among the eight severalls , to which the fire and brimstone old sodoms lot , is apportioned , you will find these five unbelievers ( a generall word for gentiles ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( we render it abominable , it is most probably in that place , and in that conjunction those that have been guilty of those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , abominations , or bestiall sinnes , as apoc. 17. 4. you have {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the abomination and uncleannesse of her fornication , and so verse 7. fornicatours , and idolaters , and all liars , ( that is , i conceive all that are guilty of those false idolatrous worships ) and so again , chap. 22. 15. fornicatours , idolaters , and every one that loveth and worketh a lie , ( all those that delight in , and practise those false worships , which are called a lie , rom. 1. 25. ) and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} sorcerers in the front , either because that sinne was so ordinarily joyned to those other heathen impieties , ( as may appear by one eminent place , deut. 18. from the ninth to the thirteenth verse ) or upon a ground , which i shall have occasion to mention anon , of conjuring their gods by magicall ceremonies , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) to adjoyn themselves to the consecrated images . and all this under the title of the dogs that are without , that is , the gentile world of idolatours . § 27 thus in some latine fragments of polycarpus's epistle speaking of valens a presbyter of philippi , and his having committed somewhat utterly unworthy of that calling ( which is not there named , and perhaps by that may be rather guessed at what it was ) by his example he admonisheth others to abstain [ ab avaritia ] ( that sure was in greek , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) from inordinate desires , [ & sint casti ] and be chast . adding , that whosoever did not thus abstain [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] ab idololatria coinquinabitur , & tanquam inter gentes judicabitur , will be contaminated by idolatry , and shall be judged as among the gentiles . § 28 i have now sufficiently importuned and tempted my readers patience with these observations , which might be thought very extrinsecall to the matter in hand ( especially as farre as concerns the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) but that they tend immediately ( to which i designed them ) to that third and main importance of the word [ idol ] in the old testament ; and more then so , to the explication of the word idolatry ( and by the way , of many difficult passages ) in the new , so as to signifie those heathen basenesses , that christians were too apt to learn from the gentiles , when their image-worship was lesse tempting to them , and may therefore possibly be the vice , from which the apostle so dehorts his little children , that is , his new born babes in christ or gentile converts , that they abstain or keep themselves from idols , 1 john 5. 21. for there was ( as farre as we reade in scripture ) little of any other kind of idolatry in fashion among christians at that time ( unlesse perhaps the eating the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may come under that title which yet saint paul prohibits onely in order to scandall . ) and that this was , not onely slyly and secretly ( but even avowedly and profestly ) you may see 2 pet. 2. which chapter being read and weighed in the originall , will appear to be almost wholly spent on this matter . i will give the reader a little light to it . § 29 there was it seems a villanous sect of false teachers ready to creep in among those christians , verse 1. bringing in {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} doctrines of destruction ; you will guesse what that means , if you mark what some ancient copies set in stead of that word which we render [ destruction , ] when it returns again vers. 2. for there the old manuscripts have {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} want onnesses , in stead of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} destructions . our english reades damnable heresies in the first place , and pernicious wayes in the second , but those are onely generally paraphrases which come not home particularly to the notation of the word , and therefore the margin of our books confessing that other reading , renders it verse 2. lascivious wayes , in the sense that now we contend for . this is further explained ( which convinces the discourse to belong to this matter ) by the sinnes of the old world , verse 5. and of sodom peculiarly , verse 6. by the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . verse 7. the conversation of those that observed no laws in their lasciviousnesse , such as did so grieve righteous lot in sodom , by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} lust of pollution or abominable desire , verse 10. by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . verse 12. we render it [ born to be taken and destroyed ] but it signifies rather in the active sense , that are made ad praedandum to prey , ( or catch and tear , so job 24. 5. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by the greek rendred {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to catch , is in the chaldee paraphrase rising up early to their prey ) and to corrupt , that is , good for nothing but to assault and debauch ( as ravenous beasts do use to prey upon ) all they meet with promiscuously ; and it is observable that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which properly signifies those things which are taken and torn with wild beasts , ( because such were not to be eaten * lev. 17. 15. ) is by use enlarged to all forbidden meats among the robbins ( if the lungs of any thing have a hole in them , they call it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. saith * elias levita ) and so by analogy is here made use of to denote those unclean prohibited acts , which are so to be accounted of among christians , as the cibus vetitus among the jews , and therefore it follows , that those that take pleasure in that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , such riotous actions as these verse 13. are called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} macula , spots and blemishes , ( such as among the jews made the sacrifice unclean ) defilers and polluters of those , with whom they do {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} feast or revell , in the end of that verse . so it is again expressed verse 14. by having eyes full of the adulteresse , and that cease not from sinne , intangling , unstable or unconfirmed souls , that is , new converted christians , having a heart {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( in the sense which before we gave of the word , and which belongs to it also verse 3. ) exercised with those inordinate lusts , that is , wholly employed on them ; which denominates them {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} children of a curse , that is , worthy to have a curse fall on them ( as the sonne of perdition worthy to be destroyed ) and ver. 15. by the way of balaam ( who we know brought the israelites to that sinne of uncleannesse with the moabitish women , and to the curse by that means ) by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} verse 18. that high pitch of vanity , or false idolatrous worship , as a snare to bring men to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. lusts of the flesh , lasciviousnesse , &c. ( with reference to the vicious heathen * conversation ) by a villanous licentiousnesse , verse 19. ( stolen in under pretence of christian liberty , but being indeed the basest * submission ) and by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the pollutions of the heathen world , that is , of the nations , or gentiles , verse 20. ( which the knowledge of christ was designed to turn out , but complying and mixing with it , was the vilest and most damning condition that could befall any , vers. 21 , 22. ) and at last by a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the most swinish wallowing in the mire of all uncleannesse . and if you would know who these unclean hereticks were , ( which christianized all the villanies of the old idol-worships ) referred to in this and other places of the epistles , i shall not positively define , but leave it indifferently between the gnosticks and the nicolaitans , the gnosticks covertly * named 1. tim. 6. 20. ( it seems they were then a creeping in at ephesus ) and profestly declaimed at tit. 1. under the title of the cretian evil beasts , and slow bellies , vers. 12. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , polluted persons , vers. 15. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} abominable , and such as by their works deny the faith , vers. 16. § 30 for , that these ( being called to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} purification , and not to uncleannesse , that is , being by their conversion to christianity obliged to forsake those carnall lusts ) did abuse the grace of god ( that is , the light and mercies of the gospel ) to wantonnesse , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . jude vers. 4. ( which that it belongs to this matter in hand will appear by the parallel assigned them , vers. 7. ) that is , used it as an occasion to commit , or protection to continue in such sinnes , that they were guilty of strange prodigies of filthinesse , and retained in their sacraments some symbola of them , i had rather should be learnt from epiphanius , then from this paper . of them this is sufficiently known , that perswading themselves , that they were the children of god , they thought they might wallow in all filthinesse , and be no more polluted by it then the sunne beams by the dunghill on which they fall ; and against that doctrine of theirs it is that some interpret that of saint john [ that he which is born of god cannot sin , because he is born of god ] that is , cannot sinne upon that head or score , to signifie that their being born of god can be no patent or security for their sinning . § 31 as for the nicolaitans which had their names from nicholas the deacon in the acts , and their sensuall practices from his example ( as might appear by the vile passages that saint jerome and others relate of him ) i shall not need to say more then what we find mentioned of them , apoc. 2. as first , that their works were odious to god , vers. 6. then secondly , that it was a sect of doctrine among christians ( as odious as it was ) vers. 15. and it will not be unseasonable to pray , that god will keep all sectaries from the like . thirdly , that it was the same doctrine that balaam taught balaac to bring the israelites to a curse , when nothing else could do it . vers. 14. and that fourthly , not onely specified in the story to be whoredome with the daughters of moab , numb. 25. but in this place particularly mentioned {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , eating things offered to idols , and fornication ; it seems the former of those , the idol-feasts , was wont to be previous and preparatory to the latter , ( and saint hieromes relation of nicholas witnesseth the truth of the parallel ) and therefore of the seven precepts of the sonnes of noah , mentioned in the apostles councell in the acts ( required of all proselytes that came in to judaisme , and so by way of complyance at that time , prescribed to all the gentiles that became christians ) the two first were those of abstinence from meats offered to idols , and from fornication , acts 15. 29. and the former of them , vers. 20. called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the pollutions or abominable villanies in those idol-worships , as in hesychius {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is exprest by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , participation of their abominable ( or as he renders {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) unclean sacrifices , and the second {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} fornication , being all one with the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} de retectione nuditatum , all uncleannesse in generall contains adultery , incest , and all unlawfull lusts . and that will give an account why those {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} should be so forbidden in the acts ( it seems for that danger of unclean sinnes so commonly annext to the idol . feasts , as will appear , psal. 106. 28. and numb. 25. 1. 3. ) and yet be counted of as perfectly indifferent things by saint paul 1 , cor. 8. viz. being separated from all danger of that unclean appendage . fifthly , of these nicolaitans works it is there added , that unlesse they be straight reformed , god will come quickly upon that church of pergamus , vers. 16. and that coming signifies a fatall blow , which was not onely observable to have fallen upon the seven nations , on sodom , ou most of the great monarchies of the world , for the revenge of this provoking sinne , ( idolatry thus heightned with this addition of villany ) but even more then one of those seven christian churches may be thought to have been involved in that guilt , and ruine ; even this of pergamus , and the next of thyatira , vers. 20. which sinne being described by jezabel making her self a prophetesse , and teaching and seducing christians , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to commit uncleannesse , and to eat things offered to idols , ( in the sence before mentioned ) and by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} depths of satan , vers. 24. she is said to have time given her for the reformation of this villany , vers. 21. and not making use of it , to have been delivered up to destruction , vers. 22. § 32 all this i have said , and might adde much more , to clear this truth , that there were such idols for new converts to take heed of , in those dayes , such carnall gospellers , that retained that part of the heathen idolatries , which flesh and bloud was most apt to be taken with , when the worshiping of images was cast out . and if that villainous piece of heathenisme which ( by gods desertion , and that thick long darknesse , ( wherein they lived ) lay before the coming of christ , as an hideous sinne at once and judgement on those barbarous times , cannot yet ( by sixteen hundred years of full light , and by all christs precepts for all kind of purity of the very heart ) be exorcized , or mortified amongst us , and if still our ears are open to every sect of hypoctiticall professours , though never so wild and ignorant , that brings any liberty , or proffer of carnality along with it , then sure is the title of christian but ill bestowed on us , we are still the grossest idolatours in the world ; and so are in all reason to expect the most exemplary punishments , which fell on them , be it the portion of sodom , a judgement rained down immediately , a kind of fire and brimstone from heaven , ( such are our strange , groundlesse , irrationall destructions wrought upon one another at this time , which no man living can tell from whence they came ; which is a sure argument that there is somewhat of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in it , either as that signifies the divine hand of god , visible in the judgement , or as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies also that * brimstony fire that comes with thunder ) or be it the judgement that fell upon the nations for those villanies , a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or finall destruction of a profane polluted people . § 33 having gone thus farre in our inquest on occasion of the origination and use of the word idolatry , especially in the old and new testament , and found somewhat meant by it in the new , which is not so vulgarly taken notice of , i shall desire to prevent a mistake , and do therefore professe not to have designed these observations to that end , that the sinne of idolatry so declaimed at in the scripture , should be thought to signifie nothing else , but those acts of villany in the heathen mysteries ; or because the worshiping of images is not so frequently spoken of in the new testament , that therefore it should be no sinne now under the gospell . that it is a grosse and provoking sinne in them that are guilty of it , there is no question , and the affirmation of text is clear , that there is no communication or reconcileablenesse betwixt the temple of god and idols , 2. corinth . 6. 16. and that the guilt of that sinne among the nations worshiping those sencelesse deities , was so great , that it provoked god by way of just punishment to deliver them up to those infamous vile affections . rom. 1. § 34 i shall now therefore proceed from the more criticall to the reall materiall part of the discourse , and inquire into the nature of that sinne , merely as it is a worship of idols , or images . in which matter you may first observe some considerable difference between the two sorts of resemblances , which have been usuall among men . some extantes , corporeall figures standing out , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , statues , graven images ; others onely representations , or pictures , painted on windows , tables , chalices , &c. the former of these were most used by ( because fittest for the turns of ) the heathens , being by them ( through the commodiousnesse and advantage of their bodily shapes ) conceived to be more capable of animation by those gods of which they were the resemblances . thus is it the known divinity of * trismegistus ( or some body in his disguise ) that statues or simulachra were the bodies of their gods , who by some magicall ceremonies of consecration ( whence it seems to be that , galath. 5. apoc , 1. 22. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} sorceries , are joyned with idolatries ) were forced to * joyn themselves to them , to animate them , to assume , and inhabit those earthen bodies as it were . to which fancie perhaps the apostle may relate , when he tels the christians that their bodies are the temples of the holy ghost , that god is powerfully in them , though not in those dumbe images . and * proclus relates it as their opinion generally , that the gods were by their favour and help present in their images , and thereon is grounded the old relation of the tyrians , who on a fear that apollo would forsake them , bound his image fast with golden chains , and that other of the athenians who clipt the wings of the image of victory , that she might not fly away from them . and so the sicilians in * cicero complaining that they had no gods in their isle , give this reason for it , that verres had taken away all their statues . and so the idol thus raised above its naturall pitch by bringing down some aethereall spirit into it , ( viz. the god whose image it was ) became a god in their opinion , and was thought able to hear , see , speak , help , do any thing that belonged to a deity . thus doth nero in suetonius pretend to know things to come by the instruction of such an icuncula or little image . so trismegistus tels us of speaking images , and historians the like of memnons statues , and so labans teraphim , being supposed to have had a spirit included in them , went for labans gods . and it is not improbable by the text that the israelites calf was by them thus counted of , as an image which upon aarons consecration was thus animated by god , and so fit to go before them , to be their conductour in moses absence , whom they knew to be moved and directed by god . § 35 it is clear , this calf , these gods as they call them , were by them desired to supply moses place , and though the conjecture be not improbable , that the figure of it was the same with the figure of a cherub ( which god after appointed to be in the tabernacle , exod. 25. 18. and of which it is possible aaron might then have some intimation ) as may appear by comparing ezek , 1. 10. with chap. 10. 14. where that which is the face of an oxe , or calf in one place , is the face of a cherub in the other , and the ground of this resemblance in reference to josephs providing for the egyptians , and also for his father and brethren in the famine ( whereupon his scutchion is said to be an oxe , agreeable to that prophecy of him , deut. 33. 7. his glory is like the firstling of a bullock , as minutius for his care of feeding the souldiers in a dearth was honoured by the romanes with a golden oxe , liv. l. 4. and as suidas relates of king apis that he fed the alexandrians in a famine , and therefore was honoured after death with a temple and an ox in it ) yet was this image worshipt by them ( as appears by their sacrificall feast and celebration ) and so used just as the egyptian idols , which were accounted as so many gods . and therefore the question which is ordinarily made , [ whether the israelites worship this calf , or onely god in this calf ] may well enough be superseded , and the resolution be sufficiently clear , that they worship not god onely , but the idol-calf also , ( and so i am sure their successors have conceived , which talk so much of a grain of the calf in every judgement they have suffered ever since ) and so doted upon the specious idol . and were transported with their sensuall way of worshiping it , that god was quickly almost lost , and forgotten amongst them , their heart going back into egypt , where such like images had been in fashion and were wont to be worshiped . § 36 what is now said of this will belong also to the erection of jeroboams calves ; of which though it may not be improbable , that they also were the imitation of the images of the cherubim in the temple , and so the same of setting them up in dan and bethel an act of schisme , designed on purpose by jeroboam to keep open the great division in the state , 1. kings 12. 26. yet was it not the guilt of schisme alone , to which it was lyable , ( as * moncaeus hath laboured to perswade ) but having an addition of sacrificing to those calves also , vers. 32. and the proclamation of [ behold thy gods , o israel , which brought thee out of the land of egypt ] vers. 28. ( which intimates them to be set out by him to the people for so many animated inspirited images ) no question but the guilt of idolatry belonged to it , and that the divine censure and character of jeroboams sinne ( that stuck so close to his posterity ) importeth also . § 37 the other pictures which are called dimissae , depressae , a plain painting on a table , &c. without any protuberancy , or bunching , were not by the gentiles thought so capable of receiving that animation . the distinction is maimons ; the first he calleth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the protuberant image , the other {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the depresse , either drawn on a table in colours , saith he , or weaved in hangings . the former of these and not the latter , was it which was so strictly forbidden the jews ( and accounted as a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of polytheisme , a token of the worshiping of many gods , ( a discriminative note between the worshipers of the one true , and the many false deities ) because of that heathen opinion , that such statues , or protuberant pictures were by magick made capable of these ethereall spirits ; an abuse , of which the depresse pictures were not so capable . and hence it is ( not without reason ) that learned men that conceive the second commandment to prohibit none but the former ( peculiarly the graven image ) and to that purpose reade that which follows , by way of explication , not of disjunction , [ graven image , the likenesse ] &c. ( as it is deut. 5. 8. in the hebrew , not , [ or the likenesse ] do extend it even to the making , or having any such , and not onely to the worshiping of them . § 38 thus , saith * maimon . it is forbidden to make images though it be onely {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} for ornament ; but then that , saith he , is to be understood of the images , that bunch out , or are embossed ; but for the painted or woven {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} they are not unlawfull : and he specifics very nicely that a ring that hath for a seal the figure of a man , if it be gibbous , or swelling out , is not it self lawfull to be worne , but yet it is lawfull to seal with it , because the impression , in that case , is hollow , not swelling out , and on the otherside if the seal be depresse , or hollow , it is lawfull to weare , but not to seal with it . chap. 3. § . 13. it is true this he restrains again , that none ( in this matter onely for ornament ) is forbidden , but the figure of a man ; but others in obedience to the words of the second command , extend it to the prohibition of all living creatures also , ( onely the inanimate , such was the golden vine in the temple , were excepted , ) and truly it seemeth very probable , that to the jews it was ( whether by the force of the second commandment , or by some precept elsewhere , or by the tradition of the elders , i say not ) conceived utterly unlawfull to have any such images , especially in their temples or places of worship ( unlesse in case of gods particular command , as the cherubim , and the brazen serpent ) yea and to bow in their presence in any place ; for this will maimons stating the severall cases convince to have been his opinion , and , as he conceived , the constant doctrine of the jews . i am sure they are appointed to be broken down , exod. 34. 13 : and examples there are of the peoples practice that way , both in the story of herods trophies , and the eagle set up by him over the gate of the temple , and in many other particulars ; and the greek church at this day , though it hath pictures good store , yet i think it hath none of these embossed statues allowed in it ( which yet the lutherans use promiscuously , yea and clothe and adorn them too , and conceive not themselves to sin against any commandment of the law , because they do not worship them . ) § 39 the reason of this prohibition to the jews , is by maimonides again cleared to be , not for any naturall primitive sinfulnesse in an image of a man &c. but onely for caution , ( and therefore within the vail whither the eyes of the people were not permitted to enter , god himself appoints the cherubims to be set up , and solomon graved cherubims upon the walls of the greater house , 2. chron. 3. 7. that is , in the body of the temple i conceive , because none but the priests did come in thither , luke 1. 8 , 9. ) to hedge and keep them from all danger of falling into the heathen worships , and upon the obligation of the words of that text , exod. 34. 12. beware &c. lest it be a snare unto thee . § 40 and therefore it is further resolved , that all those images were unlawfull to them , ( and perhaps none but these . ) wch idolatours used in their worship ; and so the specifying of the three sorts in the commandment may argue , [ the things in heaven , in earth , in the waters ] , from each of which the severall follies of men had fetched their deities . to instance onely in the last and lowest of them , that the crocodiles in the river were so accounted of among the egyptians is clear ( among many other ) by one notable relation in max. tyr. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . there was a woman , saith he , in egypt that nursed up a young crocodile , and was counted a mighty happy person {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as one that had brought her god to hand , and kept it tame by her ; this woman , saith he , had a sonne {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of the age of the god , and when they grew up to some bignesse , the crocodile killed and devoured the child , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , she in her mourning for her sonne pronounced him blest in this death , that he was thus offered up a present to her domestick god . and they which could worship such wild vulture gods , could not much be blamed , if they deified every onion in the garden , much more every starre in the skie , which sure deserved their acknowledgement much better then the vulture of the sea the crocodile , had done . § 41 agreeable to this interdict of caution among the jews ( extended onely to those images which were so abused by the heathens ) is the designe of those homilies in our book , concerning the peril of idolatry , which though they acknowledge that * images be of themselves things indifferent , and that * men are not so ready to worship a picture on a wall , or in a window , as an embossed and gilt image set with pearl and stone , and professe ( in the beginning of the third part of the homily ) that all which is said , is thus meant , [ in that we be stirred and provoked by images to worship them , and not as though they were simply forbidden by the new testament , without such occasion and danger ] and count it a piece of superstition , and scrupulosity to abhorre all pictures , as images of princes , &c. which , saith that homily , christ saw on the romane coyns and reprehended them not , nor condemned the art of painting and image-making as wicked of themselves , p. 44. yet , in respect of the frequency of that sinne in those times of the so eminent danger that images in churches would be worshiped , and all possible means would not be probable to secure the use of them against that danger , they do with great earnestnesse exhort the not setting them up , especially in countrey churches , where the number of the ignorant may much enhaunce that danger ; and it may be observed that in the articles of our church we make acknowledgement of that whole book of homilies , that they were usefull and profitable for those times , wherein ( being so lately gotten out of popery where image-worship was so ordinary ) the danger was so great of falling back , upon every temptation , to that sinne . and though the homilies be wary and carefull to prevent another contrary danger , lest any private persons under colour of destroying images should make any stirre or disturbance in the common-wealth , and therefore addeth * that it must alwayes be remembred that the redresse of such publick enormities pertaineth to the magistrate , and such as be in authority onely , and not to private persons , yet to those whose duty it is to take care for the people that they be godly as well as quietly governed , the exhortation is very instantly pressed , that ( after the pattern of hezekiah , &c. ) they perform this part of their duty , viz. that as hezekiah did in the case of the brazen serpent , so the magistrate whensoever he sees images to be abused , or the people apt to worship them , think himself obliged in conscience to appoint them to be removed in care of the honour of god , and the peoples good . and this is certainly very good and wholesome doctrine , and nothing more reasonable , then that he which is defendour of the faith , should take care to defend the impotent seducible weakling ( i mean not the railer at images , who sure is of all others the safest from that danger of worshiping them , and consequently disclaims any want of that fatherly caution , ) from such imminent peril ( when any such there is ) of this image-worship . and that this is the supreme magistrates charge , and belongs not to any inferiour , further then to execuse what he commands , might be evidenced from the doctrine and censures of the church , in the case of the iconoclastae , if it were now pertinent . to this i shall onely adde ( that which i conceive other mens experience of themselves will incline them to believe ) that the worship of images or any thing but god , is not a thing to which english protestants for these late years ( especially the catechized and knowing ) have generally had any strong temptations , at least not such in any comparison , as immediately after the reformation , the minds of men ( before used to such ignorant vanities ) were subject to . and i doubt not but many men that have frequented churches , and places where pictures have been , can sincerely upon examination of their memories , say with me , that they are not conscious to themselves , that they ever found themselves under any inclination or danger of falling into any act of image-worship . which consideration , if it be true , ( as i cannot but perswade my self it is ) will take off much from the necessity of continuing those strict cautions ( of not permitting any kind of image in any church , and the like ) which some other times or inclinations of men might make more necessary , and consequently take off much from the odium which the way of adorning some churches with imagery hath lately laine under . § 48 what was said of having embossed images among the jews may be enlarged also to bodily gestures , whether religious to god , or civil to our superiours , in any place where images are ; for both these seem to have been interdicted the jews , at least by them to have been accounted unlawfull ( as will at large appear by maimonides in the book forecited ) though the heart were never so farre from worshiping the images . but then though the jews were under that strict restraint , yet aliens , proselytes , of other nations , were not bound to that strictnesse ; but naaman is permitted by the prophet to go with his heathen master into the house of rimmon , and ( when the master worships there , and leans upon his hand ) to now himself in the house of rimmon , 2 kings 5. 18. upon this ground , first , that he never went into the idol-temple , but to wait upon his master in the office which he had . secondly , that he professed himself to all , ( even to that heathen master , and those that were in his court ) to be a worshiper of none but of the true god , and to that end carried two mule-loads of earth out of palestine with him , v. 17. in honour of him whose name was great there , and to build an altar , according to the prescript , exod. 20. 24. by which it was sufficiently clear to the beholders , ( as by an interpretative protestation ) that , when his master worshiped , he onely bowed , and then his bowing was onely civil to his master the king , not religious to rimmon or saturn , or his image there ; and therefore to his question whether god will be offended with him in that matter , the prophet answers him with a [ go in peace . ] i cannot think so irreverently of the prophet , as that he should make that answer ironically to his new convert ( any more then i can believe naamans scruple belonged onely to the former part of his life ( reading it in the praeter sense ) for sure that had been guilty of the worshiping the idol , and not onely bowing in the house of rimmon ) but that he meant in earnest , what alone the words import , that in thus doing , and no more , he need not fear that he should be a breaker of that law , which in this particular was not given to him , or any but those of that nation , or people of the jews ; for it is an ordinary observation , that gentiles or aliens were received in among the jews under a double capacity , either as proselytes of justices , to submit to the whole judaicall law , to every rite and positive precept of it ; or else onely as proselytes of the gates ( and such was naaman ) to submit to the seven precepts of the sonnes of adam and noah ( and no more ) among which the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of the strange worship , or idolatry was one , and so a necessity imposed on them of casting off the idol . worship , but not of not bowing to the king in the presence of an idol , unlesse the case were of such a gesture that in that nation were performed to none but the deity in worship ( the reason that the grecians refused once to bow to the persian king , because that reverence was there performed to none but god ) which was not the manner then in syria , but veneration and even prostration paid to the king as well as to god . thus much i have said on occasion of the first sort of images , the embossed and protuberant among the jews ; and shall not need to descend to a more particular survey of the second sort , it being already manifest that the reason that prevailed to prohibit the very having the former among the jews , did not even in their opinion extend unto the latter . and for worshiping , though the latter were not among them so likely to occasion that sinne , yet if any jew should have been so mad to worship any such image , the sinne it is acknowledged , would have been as great , as that which was committed with the grosser corporeous object , and so will it hold infallibly among all others . § 43 thus farre have i gone on the ancient old testament notion of an idol , and the idolatry forbidden there . it may now be fit to proceed one step further , and to enquire whether there may not possibly be in the christian church , such a sinne as idolatry , that is , whether he that acknowledges the christians god , and worships no heathen deity , much lesse image of such , may not yet possibly fall into that sinne of idolatry , as that signifies worshiping somewhat else beside the invisible god , be it an image of god , or else a saint , or angel , or somewhat else clothed in some respect or relation to god . § 44 and here will be no necessitie or use of drawing a formall charge ( in this matter ) against any particular man or church , or possibility of defining ( from books especially ) which ( or whether any whole ) church or sort of christians at this day ) are guilty of this sinne , because it is to be expected that the writings of prudent men will be so cautious , as not to accuse themselves in this matter ; as even now i gave you an example from maximus tyrius a platonick heathen in the description of it among the gentiles . yet because * some number of sober men which have lived in the romane communion hath given me occasion , i shall interpose my wish , that the care which by their writers is taken for excuse of the doctrine of the learned , were used for the directing and examining of the practices of the ignorant also . i shall therefore set down in thesi what may , according to the grounds laid in the former part of this discourse , conclude a christian guilty of idolatry , and leave every mans own conscience ( and among all others the romanists ) to examine , and as occasion shall be , to accuse himself , and every christian to advise and exhort ( but withall to abstain as much as is possible from judging ) other men . § 46 and first , i conceive that he that ( by doctrine , and action ) attributes to any creature , particularly to an angel , those things which belong peculiarly to god , though he acknowledge the true god , is yet guilty of that sinne , as truly as those heathens that worshiped the creature {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} beside the creatour , rom. 1. that is , worshiped god , but not god onely . ( thus the arrians were condemned of idolatry , that affirming christ to be a creature and not god incarnate , they did yet bestow divine honour on him , and so nestorius in like manner , and his followers styled {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} man-worshipers , and both these sentences confirmed by the second councel of nice , which is thought so favourable to images . ) as for example . § 47 to attribute to the angels omniscience , omnipotence , &c. that is , that the angels can freely understand all mens prayers , and as freely grant them their wants , is , i conceive , a piece of idolatry , [ freely ] i say , and i mean by the word [ freely ] their doing it by their own originall power , and not onely by gods revealing the one to them , or by giving them power to do the other . as for him , that supposes the angels to know all things which god pleases to reveal to them , by looking upon god as on a voluntary glasse ( as biel sets it ) and withall believes , that god reveals all things to them so , and that thereupon they know by that means whatsoever any man saith to them at any distance ; or again , for him that conceives them to see all things in the world by seeing gods face , and looking on it as in a naturall glasse , that reveals all that god knows without any choice , or act of his will ( as some others set it ) , these may be very erroneous , yea and ( if they teach them for doctrines ) be guilty of sinne , in that ( but speculative ) mistaking , namely the sinne of dogmatizing , of affirming for matter of faith that for which they have no ground of scripture or evidence ( which i conceive to be the fault charged on such , col. 2. in the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , undertaking to penetrate , or know what men know nothing of , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vainly puffed up with the thoughts of their own flesh , their own reason , or fancie , fictions of men , ( gnosticks , &c. ) without any revelation from god ) yet can i not say , that these are idolatours by so conceiving , or thinking , or affirming , by imagining these vain or false things , if they go no further : ( as they that came into the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , into the presence of images , but worshiped them not . ) but then if they adde practice to conceit , worshiping those whom they have elevated to that pitch ; build altars , make offices , pray to them , especially in the house ( or in the time of the service ) of god , they do by this action , adde a greater aggravation to the speculative sinne , and for ought i know , fall into a kind of idol-worship , fancying angels to be what they are not , and then paying them that adoration which is due onely to god , at least they fall inro a prohibited act , by neglecting the onely christian course of making our addresses onely by christ to god , which i conceive is the meaning of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , col. 2. 18. let no man deprive you of that christian bravium or prize , ] the peculiarity of priviledge of coming unto god by christ onely . the same will be said of offering sacrifice , incense , or the like unto them ( acts of worship and so peculiar to god ( making vows or swearing by them , asking grace , pardon of sinnes , or salvation of them . § 48 as for the * angelici in the primitive church , who conceived that nothing was to be asked of god but what was by the petitioner committed first to one angel , then from him to another , and so by those many degrees brought to god , this may be thought a first rise of the sinne of angel-worship , somewhat parallel to that , which we gave you from maimonides of the heathen idolatry . what hath now been said , must be taken with some caution , and it is this , that to bow to an angel appearing to any man , ( which civility we pay to any superiour ) would not come under this censure . a consideration which hath made some wise men think that the angels refusing of worship at saint johns hands in the revelation , chap. 19. 10. was not the rejecting it as an act of idolatry ( or any kind of sinne if it had been accepted ) but as an evidence of the angels acknowledging himself johns fellow servant ( the reason which is there rendred in the text ) and so not superiour to him in that office . but to this it may be said , that the angels admonition [ worship god ] that follows , may possibly argue that john took the angel for god appearing ▪ and accordingly worshiped him , and therefore i shall not define . but then still for any other reverence or bowing , but that of divine adoration , there is no question but it may be performed to a man , when we meet him , and then much more unto an angel ; and that any gesture of reverence shall passe for divine adoration , will , i conceive , be onely in the power of god , and each mans own soul to define , the same outward act being ( without any danger ) performable both to man and god , and nothing but the intention of the person making the difference . much lesse will the worshiping of god , when an angel appears to us , ( as supposing god to be peculiarly present where those his satellites or courtiers appear ) come under that charge , nor consequently doing it in the church ( peculiarly at the first * entrance into that holy place ) where the angels are supposed to be present ( the angels singing with us , saith chrysostome , and angelus orationis , saith tertullian , and the presence of whom in the church is used by saint paul , as an argument for the decent behaviour of women in that place ) as jacob at the appearing of the angels both put off his shoes from his feet , and resolved that god was in that place , and that it was no other but the house of god , or gate of heaven . § 50 nor will it be the sinne of idolatry to beseech that angel , ( in case he appear to me ) to joyne with me , or help me , or to commend my wants to god in his prayers , any more then it will be , to request the like favour of any fellow-christian upon earth . the idolatry is either in the heart , the giving him a free unlimited power , or in the actions praying to him , as supposing he had such power , and not the bare observing , ( and reverencing accordingly ) his created power or dignity , held from god by way of dignation , or desiring him , ( when he comes within my reach ) to discharge any office of charity to me . § 51 the same may be said again of the saints in heaven , that the beseeching them to bestow mercies upon me , the putting up those petitions to the blessed virgin , &c. which are terminated in her self ( as many forms , if not her whole office may appear to be ) are , over and above the errour of thinking her able to relieve them , acts parrallel to that old idolatry also ; and the thinking them to come to the knowledge of our prayers in speculo again , is a presumption in a matter of which scripture hath told us nothing , and so may fall under the fore-mentioned accusation . yet so again , that if it were sure to any , chat any saint doth hear his demands , it were certainly no fault to begge that favour of him , which were in his free power to bestow , and which we ordinarily demand of one another , that is , the joyning with , or for us , assisting and reinforcing our prayers to god . and supposing that they do not hear or understand what he saith , yet what guilt shall lie on him that thinks they do , and speaks accordingly to them , i omit now to define , because it is not to my present purpose , which was onely to enquire what is idolatry , not folly , what worshiping or praying for help , to that which is not god , not speaking to them to pray for us which cannot hear . § 52 next for images either of god , christ , or angels , or saints , many particulars may be resolved and avowed from the principles of discourse already laid , 1. that to conceive them able to hear and help by virtue of him , whose image they are , is a spice of that heathen doctrine of [ images being the bodies of the gods ] ( of their being animated by those whose images they were ) which had among them its foundation in sorcery , and then was the ground of idol-worship ; and it were happy if some * ignorant christians in some places , were not either willingly betrayed to , or uncharitably kept in this barbarous rudenesse . so again will it be , 2. to pray to , or to bestow any act of divine worship on any such image in any respect ; for that supposes , and is built on the former conceit , and so a worshiping of that which is not god ; and what is that but idolatry ? i say , in any respect , and i mean with any distinction of mediante imagine , or relativè , &c. for first it is an unreasonable thing for them , to whom the law is given , to make a distinction by which it may in some sence be lawfull not to keep it , such distinctions must be made by the law-giver , or else they are not safe . 2. although it be to god also , mediante imagine , that is , first fastning my act of worship upon the image , as the next or immediate object , and then mediately on god , this is clearly to worship the image , though not the image alone , and that must be image-worship , or 2. though it be onely relativè to the image in relation to god , whose image it is , this is again worshiping that image , though not that image onely , and that will not rescue the worshiping of an image from the censure of image-worship , any more then the affirming faith to justifie instrumentaliter relativè , is not the affirming it to justifie . § 54 as for the difference betwixt image-worship and idolatry , or idol-worship , if any such be pretended from the difference between image and idolum , it will not be worth our pains to examine it , because the worshiping of any thing which is not god , be it image or idol , christian or heathen similitude , or any thing else , will fall under the guilt which now we speak of . § 55 but then 3. on the other side to worship god ( and none but god ) in a church where images are ( without so much as fixing the eye on them in the act of adoration ) to use an image onely for ornament ( in a kingdome were image-work , hangings , and pictures , do passe for the noblest way of adorning those places which we most prize ) to pray or to bow down to god ( and to him onely ) in a church where such representations are set up ( for beauty , or as an indifferent thing ) without any the most inferiour degree of worship to them , ( nay with a protestation of renouncing and detesting it ) cannot be affirmed idolatry , without either affirming god to be an idol , or else [ not worshiping ] to be [ worshiping ] nor indeed be liable to any guilt unlesse it be in order to scandall , which how farre it is to prevail , as we have already given an intimation , so the grounds of defining have sufficiently been laid down in another discourse . § 56 and so for the reverent usage of an image , if it signifie no more then the using it civily for his sake , or in remembrance of him whose superscription it bears , especially if that be but a privative reverence , ( a not using it vilely and contumeliously ) or whatever may not come under the stile of a positive act of adoration , this is no part of religious worship , any more then the laying of a bible on the table , and not on the ground , &c. but if it be the actuall bestowing of worship on that inanimate thing , as on the next ( though not last ) object , i mean bestowing that adoration on the image ( though in a lower degree ) in one act , which in another is given to god , worshiping the image for gods sake ( the relative worship ) or god mediante imagine , so that the image be either the object , or part of the object of any one act of worship , it will fall under the censure of image-worship . § 57 thus doth the capitular of charles the great charge it on the bishop of cyprus in the second councell of nice , that he allows the image the same worship which belongs unto the trinity ; ( and some learned papists , aquinas , bellarmine , &c , have done little lesse ) but he that will survey the greek acts of that councell , will find the capitular mistaken . for when the greek reades , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i perform that adoration of worship to none but the trinity , ( and faith of the images , onely {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. i receive and embrace them reverently ) the capitular reades it in a quite contrary sense , for having said , servitium adorationis quod trinitati debetur , ei se redditurum garrierit ( which though it hath no great hurt in it , because the word [ ei ] that follows , may apply it to trinitati , and cannot referre to imagines , yet by [ gorrierit ] it apears the capitular did not take it so ) it is added , servitium soli debitum creatori , exhibere se fatetur creaturis , &c. which is a plain calumny to that bishop , and even contrary to the former part of the relation , ( the latine words cited from the councell ) if the [ ei ] be taken notice of . § 58 as for the very making of an image of god the father . who never was clothed in flesh , or visible form . if it be on designe so to represent him , or if ( being made ) it be received as a resemblance , or . image of him , this is a most irrationall folly or mistake , for which there is no excuse ; and though it be not idolatry , unlesse being thus made it be worshipt also , yet is it a direct contradiction to one great end of gods prohibiting images , viz. that all men be admonished that he is invisible ; and it is worth observing , that the ancienter of the heathens themselves have resolved god to be so farre from any visible shape , that they would not allow the making any image or picture of him . thus empedocles , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. no mans head , or feet , or knees , or other limmes to be conceived in god . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. but a sacred in-effable mind ; so saith plutarch in numa ; that pythagoras {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , conceived god ( under the title of the first ▪ ) to be invisible , &c. and that on those grounds numa forbad the romanes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to conceive god to have the shape of any creature , or to have {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , any formed image of god . which saith he , continued for one hundred and seventy years after the building of rome , no {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , image of any form to be seen in their temples . so faith gerson , i remember , of the temple of peace in rome , which it seems was of that first erection , sine simulachro , sine imaginibus , it had no resemblance or image in it . so antiphanes of god ; that he is not known by an image , nor likened to any thing , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and therefore no man can learn him by the help of an image . and philoponus in his preface to aristotle de anima , conceives it very necessary to a pious man that would conceive , or pray to god as he ought , to study the mathematicks , by the help of which he may be able to abstract and separate {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from matter , and so have a right notion of the deitie . so agreeable to the generall notion of wise heathens ( till a custome of sin had besotted them ) was that of god himself to moses , thou hast not seen any similitude at any time , deut. 4. 8. on which the making any image of him is prohibited . all which notwithstanding , if in the representation of a sacred story , there be set down any form , particularly an eye , a ray , a glory &c. not to expresse the person of god the father , but to stand for him , not to signifie any supposed likenesse of him ( which is impossible ) but onely to present him to the mind of the beholder , a doing some action of his ( which is in effect to do the very same thing in a table , which the word jehovah or god would do in a book ) i conceive not what charge could be laid on it , at least what degree or spice of idolatry , unlesse i must be thought to worship the name of god , because i write or reade it . § 59 as for the resemblance of the man christ jesus , the bare expressing and not worshiping that form , that was so long visible on this earth , as this pretends no more to the painting of divinity , then the lines of a body can be thought to undertake to expresse the soul , ( and so cannot be accused of that imposture ) so will it not be lyable to any other charge with any that hath not resolved all pictures even of his own parents unlawfull . ( unlesse it be perhaps in order to the danger of being worshipt by others , which consequently ought very prudently to be weighed and considered , before any such be set up in any place , as before was touched . ) § 60 and the same may be said of the pictures of holy men , the discourse wholly abstracting from worship , or designe , or thought of worship , as here it doth in our present consideration ; to which purpose it is observable , that calvin himself is by doctor reinolds produced , and avouched ( against bellarmines contrary slander ) to affirm the images of christ and the saints , non esse prohibitas simpliciter not to be simply prohibited ; and so in like manner , luther , the zuinglians , melancthon , and the madgeburgians , all detesting the worship of images , but not the images themselves . and so illyricus and peter martyr also , who thinks the worship of images to be a prime part of popish antichristianisme , doth yet resolve , christi & sanctorum imagines haberi rectè posse , modò ne colantur atque adorentur , that the images of christ and the saints may lawfully be had , so they be not worshiped . § 61 : once more to worship the bread in the sacrament , must ( wheresoever it is to be met with ) certainly be idolatry too , in the literall notation of the word , that is , the worshiping that which is not god . and for those that do this on any the subtlest ground , that by any errour or mistake ( be it never so piously taken up ) do actually worship this bread , that first conceive it to be turned into the very body of christ , and the elements after consecration to be no longer bread and wine , but very christ incarnate , and thereupon do worship it . these i say , in case they be mistaken , and those elements be not so turned and transubstantiated into christ , though they are not guilty of the sinne of idolatry in all the aggravations that belonged to it among the heathen ; being not guilty of their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the acknowledgement of the many gods , of which their image worship was an appendage , yet can i not free them from the charge of worshiping an idol , that is , somewhat which is not god , viz. a piece of consecrated bread , &c. § 62 he that conceives this too sudden or severe a censure , may know that the papist-doctours are very ready to make confession of it themselves . if the elements be not so changed , saith costerus of transubstantiation , we papists are the meanest vilest kind of idolaters in the world , worse ( as i remember he addes ) then the laplanders that worshiped a red cloth , and there is no denying it upon that supposition , because it is part of the supposition , that what is so worshipt for god , is not god , and that is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} an idol in the scripture-sense , which is all that i have now said . § 63 and if it be replyed that they worship nothing but what they conceive to be christ , and consequently that the ignorance and contrary perswasions which may be pretended for such acts in some men , particularly the romanists , may plead much for them in gods court , ( as we reade that the times of ignorance god winked at in some heathens , though that was an idolatrous ignorance , so farre at least as not to deprive them and their posterity of all means of recalling them ) i shall then answer , that so i shall hope ( and pray ) that it may do in this matter also , move gods mercy so farre at least , as ( if not to pardon the sinnes without repentance , yet ) to give grace to work a sight and a change in such seduced ignorants . § 64 and then putting the case anew , whether , if the bread in the eucharist be not transubstantiate ( as , according to some other principles of the papists , i conceive it near demonstrable that it is not , that i mention not the direct contradictions which are affirmed or implyed in that doctrine ) and yet costerus and his friends think it is , supposing them to come honestly and blamelessely to these errours , if , i say , it be demanded , whether in this case [ that their ignorance or errour be grounded on misunderstanding of scripture ] this so simple and not grosse ignorance may serve for a sufficient antidote to allay the poyson of such a sinne ( of materiall though perhaps in them not formall idolatry , because if they were not verily perswaded , that it were god they professe , they would never think of worshiping it ) i shall then answer , that of this matter i had onely temptation to make , and set the question ( as before i had of prayer to saints , supposing the petitioner to believe that they could hear him ) but have now no necessity to define and satisfie it , being onely to consider what idolatry is , not how excusable ignorance or mistake can make it . yet something it will not be amisse to adde to direct our charity . § 65 that this ignorance , or false opinion will not make the worshiping of bread ( remaining bread ) to be the worshiping of none but god , i conceive it is plain , or if it would , it would make the heathens worshiping of an image , to be the worshiping of none but that god whose image it was , for they sure believed as much that that image was by consecration become the body of god , and animated by it , as any papist believes transubstantiation . but whether this their errour was as capable of apology or pardon , being infused into them by their false teachers ( which yet they thought to be true ones , ) and pretended to revelation for it ( saith maimonides ) as this which is taken up upon the words of scripture , ( though in a mistaken and ( as i conceive ) impossible because contradictory , sence ) i shall now define no further , then by saying these two things . § 66 first , that the heathen idolatry was the worshiping of the many false gods first , and then of the images of them , ( the former of which these men are not said , or thought to be guilty of ) secondly , that the more the conscience believes this errour to be a truth of gods , and the more innocently it comes to that beliefe , the easier in all probability will the sentence be another day ; that ignorance or mistake which sincerely and honestly ( without mixture of carnall principle , or designe , prejudice , or passion , &c. ) founds it self in the word of god mistaken , ( and would be laid aside , if sufficient instruction were offered ) being very justly the object of our pity and our prayers , and neither of our censure , nor scorn ; and if it were merely a speculative errour , and had not the happinesse of some impious practice attending it , i should make the lesse doubt of its obtaining pardon at gods hands ; and howsoever i will hope , it may still ( at that gracious tribunall ) be farre from being irremissible to him , who hath reformed his other known sinnes , and for all known and unknown is truly humbled . § 66 this manner of stating of this difficulty , may in reason perswade them that are concerned in it , to be willing to see and reform their errour , if it be possible , or if prepossession have made it otherwise to them , yet in all justice not to expect of us , ( who professe to believe that the elements are not transubstantiate , and that the humane nature of christ is received and contained in , and confined to heaven , till the day of restitution of all things ; and this withall upon the same grounds , ( i mean of literall affirmation of scripture ) on which they professe to believe that this is christs body , and this neither contradicted by any other scripture , nor implying any thing like a contradiction in reason , nor a savagenesse or a sinne , as saint augustine saith eating of christs flesh doth , and that therefore it must not be literally interpreted ) to worship that which we think a creature , or somewhat which is not god , or anathematize us and separate from our communion for not doing so . § 67 as for our church , which onely adores christ in the sacrament ( as that signifies the action , in which certainly christ is ) and not the elements themselves , nor christs body locally present under the shape of those elements , ( as certainly it cannot be , without either being no longer in heaven or being in more places then one at once ) which hath set the doctrine of that sacrament in a most exquisite temper to satisfie all rationall christian pretenders , in that most excellent catechisme in the liturgie , and in her practice allows the elements , no more then a reverent usage proportionable to such instruments of gods worship , ( which is both justified by * amesius , who assignes them a singular reverence in time of the use of them , and a privative kind of reverence after it ) there can be no shew of charge against it for so doing , nor consequently for kneeling at the time of receiving the sacrament which is onely a kneeling to god in prayer ( which might be now further enlarged on , but that it hath had its place in another * discourse ) unlesse it be a fault to worship christ , or to choose that time or place to do it in the lowlyest manner , when , and where he is eminently represented by the priest , and offered by god to us . § 68 as for the east , or altar , or syllables of the name of jesus , he that must think them worshiped , by those who professe and protest to worship god , and none but god , ( that way or on that occasion ) must either be of a very short discourse , ( like them in athenaeus , that hearing men crie {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} god help , when the neighbour sneezed , thought the very thing which we call sneezing , or else the brain from which it came , to be a god so worshiped by men ) or else of a very pettish spleen , that can condemne the most blamelesse authorized practices , not onely of this present particular , but of the ancient universall church ( for the worshiping god toward the east was most eminently such ) upon any the most irrationall jealousie , or dislike . § 70 and so lastly for the signe of the crosse , used by our church in baptisme , which hath been by some cryed down under the title of idolatry , two things it will not be amisse briefly to have observed , 1. that the same ground of zeal or passion that hath incited some men lately to charge it of a breach of the second commandment , hath long since moved * one of the same spirit to accuse it as a sinne against the other nine , and to intitle his severall chapters of the swearing , sabbath-breaking , murder , adultery , stealing , false witnesse , &c. and at last of the concupiscence of the crosse , as well as the idolatry of it , the reasons being much alike for the whole charge . 2. that the signing with the signe of the crosse in that sacrament , is somewhat distant from that which the papists use , and an act of departure from them , in king edwards second liturgie , more then had been in the first reformation . the former custome was to crosse the child at the church-doore , when it was brought to baptisme , but this of ours as a mark of initiation or reception into christs flock , immediately following baptisme , and a kind of tessera , or military signe that the person thus consigned into christs militia , shall for ever after think himself obliged manfully to fight , &c. a change made merely out of compliance with them who were jealous of too great an inclination to popery , and yet now charged with the guilt of that which it was on purpose designed to decline . § 71 i should not i conceive be thought in earnest , if i should go about to vindicate the use of the liturgy , and of all set forms of prayer from this charge of idolatry ; it is true it hath been printed , that words in a book are images , and consequently that to pray before a book , or use a book in prayer , is idolatry , or image-worship . but till this argument be extended to all words spoken , as well as written , and so all vocall ( though it be extemporary ) prayer , condemned for idolatry also , i shall not conceive that disputer to have believed himself , nor consequently give him or my reader the trouble of an answer . in stead of extending this enquiry to the survey and vindication of those many other particulars , to which the fancies or furies of this last yeare have affixed this charge ; all that i have now to adde is onely this , that i shall beseech god to give such mistakers understanding first , and then charity , to make use of it to edification , and not to destruction , to the reforming their own sinnes and not condemning or reproching other mens laudable , at the least innocent actions . judge not , that ye be not judged of the lord . some few testimonies , which may tend to the clearing of the precedent observations , but could not conveniently be put in either , in the text or the margin of the book , i have here thought fit to affix by way of postscript . add. p. 11. ad lin. 32. in marg. thus among the romanes in their lustrations , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sybil . orac . l. 3. p. 231. and speaking of the christians giving over idolatry , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. ] it is added immediately , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. naming all the severall nations of the heathen world that were guilty of it , p. 264. and exhorting against idolatry , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , p. 279. and that true pietie , as it is opposed to idol-worship , so to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , l. 4. p. 287. & p. 296. and of the romanes again , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , p. 315. and so again , p. 332. add. p. 12. ad lin. 24. in marg. in this sense i conceive plato used the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . l. 9. where speaking of sensuall men , and comparing them to beasts , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , full fed and lascivious , he addes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. or if you will needs have the notion of covetousnesse continued , yet i conceive the company that the word is so oft found in the new testament , will have such an influence on it , that it shall belong to that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , getting wealth by these unclean prostitutions , which sure is expressed by the authour of the sybylin oracles , l. 3. p. 231. where immediately after the mention of those impurities is subjoyned , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . add. p. 14. ad l. 4. in marg. to the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . so in the sybil . or : is this sinne expressed by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . l. 3. p. 231. and the men guilty of it called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , pag. 232. ( the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , noting all immoderate desires or attempts , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith phavorinus ) and as it is immediately specified , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} so in phocylides , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , doth seem to import also . add. ad p. 15. l. 10. in marg. so in the sibyll oracles , l. 2. p. 172. with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , those that had put off all shame , ] are joyned {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ravishers , and pag. 216. with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( which sure belongs to the fury of inordinate lusts ) there is joyned {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rapes and shamelesse lusts , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , secret loves ; and a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the judgements of brimstone ( the portion of sodom for such sinnes ) follows in the end of that book . all which passages , though they cannot be thought to have that antiquity or authour , to which they pretend , are yet by our countrey man joannes opsopaeus , or cook , with great reasons supposed to be as ancient as the emperour commodus , and so will be worthy our heed , for a matter of no greater weight then is now laid on them . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45420e-110 1 cor. 8. 4. 1 cor. 10. 19. * orig. con . cels . just . mar. apol. clem. al. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . athenagoras . theop. ad autol. tatianus . theod. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . euseh . praep. eu. cyril . alexan. cont. iulian . tertul. a. pol. minut. felix . arnobius . lactantius . aug. de civit . dei . firmicus . * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * that that whole verse belongs to that matter will appear , if you view it in the originall . thus . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} thou hast been dissolute ( laxata 〈◊〉 dilatata ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by thy lying with them ( so it is rendred num. 31. 17. ) thou hast cut them or made them eunuchs for thy self ( so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which perhaps we mistake for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} covenant , doth signifie , and so the targum renders it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} succidisti , detruneasti ) thou lovedst to lie with them , &c. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} raptoris bona publicanda , &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hesych . * codex antiq. in coll. magd. ox. * vid. excerpta gemarae tr . sanhedr . c. 1. §. 7. * in thisbi . p. 139. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * vide rom. 6. 10. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . irenaeus . * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hesyc . * aug. de civ. dei . l. 8. c , 23. * neque aera neque auri argentique materia quibus signa conhe●●nt , esse deos decernimus , sed eos ipsos in his colimus , quos dedicatio infert sacra , & fabrilibus efficit inhabitare simulach . is . a●nol . cont. genti . l. 6. * desacrif . & mag. * divin●● . in q. cacil . * aaron purgatus . * c. 3. 12. p. 20. lin. 1. p. 27. near the end . * p. 18. l. 2. * divos , divàsque non aliter venerantur quam deum ipsum , &c. lud. in aug. de civ l. 8. c. ult. vid. cassand. consult . de imag. polyd. virg. de rerum invent . l. 6. c. 13. § 45. * athanas cont. a●● . or●● . * eph. concil. cap. 67. * via con. cil . laod. can. 35. p. 352. & zo . nar . in can . ●tum , & judill in cod eccl univers. p. 262. § 49. * vid. view of the new directory , p. 21. & p. 82. * non video in multis quod discrimen sit inter ecrum opinionem de sanctis & id quod gentiles putabant de d●●s suis . lud vives ●n aug. de civ. l. 8. c. ult. of scandall . * case of consc. c. 31. * view of the new direct . p. 27. * parker on the crosse . of sinnes of vveaknesse, vvilfulnesse and appendant to it, a paraphrasticall explication of two difficult texts, heb. 6 and heb. 10 / by henry hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1646 approx. 214 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45428) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96487) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 741:2) of sinnes of vveaknesse, vvilfulnesse and appendant to it, a paraphrasticall explication of two difficult texts, heb. 6 and heb. 10 / by henry hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 70 p. [s.n.], london : 1646. added t.p. on p. [34]: of a late, or, a death-bed repentance. also appears in his "several tracts", 1646. includes bibliographical references. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sin. repentance. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-01 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of sinnes of vveaknesse , vvilfulnesse : and appendant to it , a paraphrasticall explication of two difficult texts , heb. 6. and heb. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thucid. l. 3. by henry hammond d. d. london , printed in the yeere 1646. of sinnes of weakenesse . wilfulnesse . the second covenant being that by which we are now all either justified or condemned , and the condition of that , in respect of the facienda , being sincere not exact obedience , not the not sinning at all , but the not sinning wilfully after our receiving the knowledge of the truth , heb. 10. 26. ( which though it seeme to damne all irreversibly that sin wilfully after conversion , yet sure is to be understood according to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the gospell , unlesse he doe repent and returne sincerely unto god againe , for whosoever doth so , there is certaine mercy by other places made over to him in christ , and what is the full importance of that place will anon be explicated ) it will be an enquiry though of some difficulty , yet of as great use and necessity as any one other in all divinity , to search what sinnes there are , for which mercy is to be had under the gospell , and for what not . for that some men are damned , and not all finally saved , there is no doubt , and yet as little there ought to be , that this is for sinne that one man is guilty of , and tother not ; from whence it followes that seeing no man is guiltlesse of sinne , some degrees or sorts there must be of that guilt in one , which are not in another , and according to those different degrees , ( though every of them be of it selfe or without christ , or by the tenour of the first covenant damning , yet ) under the gospell or second covenant , the adjudging of men to heaven or hell is proportioned . from all which this results , that some kinds , or sorts , or degrees of sinning , or more plainely , some states of sinners , are under the gospell damning , some are not ; some reconcileable with a good estate , some not ; some for which there is sure mercy in christ , some for which there is as certainely no mercy ; for though the mercy of god be infinite , and so unfathomable by our finite wits , yet when he hath in the gospell defin'd how farre his mercy shall extend , and beyond what termes it shall not , 't will be no insolence to affirme , that god will not have mercy on any who are not qualified according to that second covenant of his , who are not such persons to whom onely he hath promised mercy , at least if they be such as of whom he hath affirmed [ they shall not have mercy . ] thus farre to justify the fitnesse , and use , and necessitie of this search . now for progresse in it . it will be eafie to define in the generall . 1. that all sinnes in the world , be they never so great , of what sort or kind soever , if they be retracted with true repentance , shall certainly be forgiven ; ( for that any act of sin should be irremissible , they that affirme doe it on this ground that they that commit that act shall never truly repent , implying that if they did repent , it would be remissible ) and in this the onely difficulty will bee , 1 what true repentance is : and 2. whether that be necessary to the obtaining pardon for every sinne . to the first , i answer , that true repentance is a change , a through change of mind , ( called in the scripture , and the ordinary style of divines , the new creature , being regenerate , conversion , spirituall resurrection , forsaking of sinne , mortification , habituall sanctification , sincere , faithful resolution of new life , reformatiō , amendment , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it superaddes to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and what ever doth not amount to thus much is not true saving repentance , to which the promises or mercies of christ doe appertaine . and so consequently many specious pretenders to that title are excluded . such are bare sorrow for sinne , such the votum poenitentiae , the wishing they were penitent , such a bare warring of the law of the mind against the law of the members , whil'st we are carried captive to the law of sinne ; and many the like . to the second , i must answer by distinguishing the equivocalnesse of the question . for the meaning of it may be , 1. whether amendment , or forsaking , or overcoming every particular sinne be necessary to the obtaining of pardon for that sinne , whether it be of infirmity or otherwise : and if that be meant , i answer , no. for that some sinnes are of that nature , that as long as we have this mortall infirme flesh about us , we can never hope to be rid of them to get victory over them : such as for which the sacrifices were appointed to be offered under the law , and for which christs sacrifice once offered is a perfect expiation ; and these by the tenour of the second covenant , or through the mercy of god in christ shall never bee imputed to the penitent sinner ; i meane to him who hath amended all others , and humbled himselfe before god , and besought his mercy in christ , and by faith laid hold of it for these , which though he labour against them sincerely , he cannot throughly amend or overcome . but if the meaning be , secondly , whether the actuall amending of all his knowne sinnes which consequently may by the christian be amended , be required necessarily to make a man capable of the pardon even of his sinnes which cannot be amended ; i answer , that it is very probable to be so . because christs sufferings seeme not be advantageous ( at all , not so much as to the washing away of humane frailties ) to any but those who are in christ , i. e. to new creatures , who alone are so ; however that will not bee a material scruple , though it should be left disputable , as long as this other proposition be taken for infallible ( which is so ) that except we repent we shall all perish , i. e. that he that hath not forsaken all wilfull sinnes , shall ( whether for his wilfull sinnes onely , or his wilfull and frailties both together , it matters not ) be certainly condemned . by the answering of these two questions so much hath been gained , as that we may make another generall resolution , and define secondly , that some sinnes are reconcileable with a true penitent , convert , regenerate estate , others are not . and consequently some not destructive under the second covenant , though others are . what these are in generall will also in the third place be easily defined . sinnes of infirmity are reconcileable , wilfull sinnes are not . vnder infirmities i containe all sorts that are usually reduced to that head , and which have beene briefly mentioned in another discourse ; whether those that proceed from any not culpable defect of my understanding , as sinnes of ignorance , or from some present prevailing temptation , which though i use all meanes in my power against it , i cannot overcome ; or from some advantage taken by satan , &c. in the assaulting me either on the suddaine , when i have not time , to use those meanes which i might otherwise use which we call suddaine surreption ; or from the frequency or repetition or almost continuednesse of the temptation , which when i have repell'd it never so often , returnes againe , so that if ever my watch be intermitted ( which considering our humane frailty it is though not logically , yet morally impossible , but it should some time or other ) i shall infallibly fall , ( which we use to call sinnes of dayly incursion ) or from the levity and undiscerniblenesse of the matter , or from any other principle , which by that measure of grace that god affords me , ( or if i be not culpably wanting to my selfe in neglecting the use of the means prescribed he is ready to afford me ) i am not able to resist . supposing al this while that 't is not upon some former wilfull sinne of mine that god by way of punishment withdrawes this grace necessary to the resisting of it ; for if it be so , then though it may truly be said , i cannot now resist that sinne for want of that grace so withdrawne by god , yet will not this passe for a sinne of infirmity . on the other side under the name of wilfull sinnes i meane not all willingly committed , or voluntary sinnes , ( for all sin as far as it is sinne is voluntary , and therefore sinnes of infirmity are voluntary ) but all that are not excusable by any of those former titles of infirmity , or all that are not included under some of those heads . thus farre in the way of generall defining there is no great difficulty . that begins to shew it selfe when we come to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or particular , to mention what sinnes in specie , or individuo , what sorts of sin or acts of those sorts , are sinnes of infirmity , what not ; and this is indeed an insuperable difficulty , 1. because one man hath more knowledge , more quicknesse of understanding , and also more grace then another , and so that sinne in specic , or individuo , that sort or particular act of sinne , which he hath power to resist and overcome , that other man that hath lesse power , hath not power to overcome ; and if so , t will be an infirmity in him , though in tother t is not . 2. because any specificall sinne comes backed with more temptations ( and so makes a more forcible impression upon the will ) at one time then another ; & consequently though it were not above his strength at one time , yet at another time it may . yea and thirdly , because the same man is at one time more able to resist and overcome , then he himselfe at some other time , as of a man in state of desertion it is cleare , as also when either by drunkennesse or any other culpable extravagancy ( through rage or lust not resisted in the first motion ) the man is utterly debauched from his naturall and spirituall strength , and no way able to resist those temptations , which at another time he would scorne to be captivated with . but these two causes will not be very pertinent to the businesse in hand : because , as is supposed in them , that which brought this weakenesse upon the man , was some culpable , nay wilfull act , ( or yeelding of his ) committed then against strength , ( though now that strength be not sufficient against the consequent assault ) and so no way apt to excuse the sinne , that it primarily betrayed him to . but if the case be set of some innocent accident which causes this alteration , then it will be pertinent to the thing which i now affirme , ( to wit the evidencing the difficulty of such particular defining 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as we know a man in time of sadnesse will be able to reject some jolly proposalls , which yet in time of mirth ( supposing that moderate and harmelesse , and as perfectly sinlesse in it selfe , as that contrary sadnesse ) he will not perhaps be able , nay , as hippocrates affirmes in his tract 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one aire or place may strongly incline a man to one whether virtue or sinne , which another doth not , & where the inclinations are stronger or weaker , there we know the strength being in degree supposed the same must prove unproportionable to the one though not the other , able and sufficient to resist the weaker , though unsufficient to subdue the stronger inclination . to come yet more clearely to that which is of every dayes experience . suppose a man a little drowzy at one houre ( which drowzinesse at that time particularly , is not a sinne , but a naturall desire of sleep , which is natures due debt ) and suppose him throughly awaked , and out of that fit of drowzinesse at another time ; and then suppose that the same proposall be made to him at both those times , it may very probably be received at one time , and rejected at another ; nay if the proposall be an undertaking destructive of his present desire of sleep , it may easily be affirmed that in that drowzy fit he hath no strength to resist it , though at another time he hath . the reason is , because sleepe being a ligation of the faculties , drowzinesse likewise is so in some degree , and the want of that degree may disable the understanding or upper soule from representing strongly enough at that time , that which at another time it shall be able to represent so strongly , that the contrary proposalls of the sense shall not dare to appeare before it . from whence i conceive it followes , that if the proposall , supposed in this cause , be a sinfull proposall , that sinne committed by that drowzy man will be a sinne of infirmity , which if it were committed by the same man broad awake , would be a sinne against strength , and so a wilfull sinne . from whence yet the man so deceived once or twice ought to receive admonition that hereafter , if any weighty matter , wherein his duty be concerned , be represented to him in the like posture , he will before he consents or refuses , discutere somnum , shake off sleepe , that he may not be so unfit a judge , or if he find his owne weakenesse such that he cannot , he will appoint some body else to awake him throughly , that he be not thus constantly impotent ; for if he doe not use these meanes to recover his strength , when he is aware of them , it may cease to be an infirmity . from all which as we have evidenced the difficulty of the problem applyed to particular individuall sinnes or persons , so we conceive our discourse to have given some hints which will be usefull toward this discovery . especially this , that any sinne committed by him that hath at that time strength or grace to resist it , or whose wilfull fault it hath beene , that he hath not that sufficient strength ( as if either some former wasting sinne of his , whether act or habit , have grieved the holy spirit of god , and provoked god to withdraw it from him , which he would not otherwise have done , or if by the use of some meanes beforehand he might have prevented the strength of that impression , or better fortified himselfe , or by use of some other meanes , as of prayer , &c. at the present he might yet get strength , or remove the tempter , and he make use of none of these meanes through sensuality or sluggishnesse ) is a wilfull sinne , ( not a sinne of infirmity ) to that man at that time . and so though we have no other particular way of defining , yet this we have , that will stand any man in as good steed for the examining himselfe , and his owne guilts , or any confessor ( that hath received of his confitent an exact account not only of the action , but the circumstances of the action , his qualifications at that time , and the particular vigor of the assault ) as particular definitions concerning this , or that sinne universim would . as for example , if i would know whether any act of mine owne , ( or being a confessor ) of my poenitent , be a wilfull sinne or no , i must first inquire , whether in that point of time , when being tempted i committed it , my understanding or upper soul , and the spirit of god in me did move me more , or as strongly not to doe it , as the flesh did to the commission , allowing farther somewhat of grace to incline the will , or of the understanding to move it as much in proportion as the will since the fall is naturally inclined to the carnall appetite , ( as you know when one scale is heavier of it selfe then the other , or by some default in the beame one is more apt to turne then the other , you must , if you would even the ballances and make an aequilibrium , put more weight in the scale that is apt to fly up ) or if this be an obscure operation , why then i must desire thee to examine whether at that time thy spirit or conscience told thee , this was not to be done , and that on paine not only of gods displeasure but also of thy eternall damnation , ( which must certainly be farre greater motives of determent even to flesh and bloud , then any pleasure the flesh can represent , can be allective to the contrary ) and if thou findest it did , and yet for all this thy will consented to the flesh in its proposall , then this is a sinne against strength , a wilfull sinne , and not of infirmity . but if thy conscience , or spirit or upper soule , at that time did not this , then 't is to be resolved on , that it failed to doe the duty of a watchman , and if it did so , then my second inquiry will be , from whence that failing of thy spirit arose ? ( for if it be awake and disposed as it should be , ( and as even yet by grace it is prepared to be , if we make use of that grace ) it will speake and admonish us , and that not in words which are subject to misunderstanding , but in sense which therefore we cannot conceive ) whether , first , from gods just desertion the punishment of some former sin , or secondly , from some present actuall sinne of mine upon me at that time , as drunkennesse , crapula , &c. or thirdly , from some habit which i have , by former acts of the sinne which i am now tempted to , contracted , to the blinding of my understanding , or grieving of the spirit , or glibbing that sinne , that it shall be able to passe downe insensibly and escape the search of my understanding ; in all these cases , the originall of that failing being sinfull , the failing it selfe will not yeeld any excuse or compleat apology , but the sinne will still remaine a wilfull sinne . if none of all these be found chargeable upon thee , as the originall of that failing and negttive productive of that sinne , then i can as yet thinke of but one inquiry more , whether thirdly , thy understanding and the grace of god in it , being thus layed asleepe as it were , by some naturall , sinlesse , or at least invicible and so excusable frailty , or else ( as in a drowzy fit ) not perfectly awake , there be not some meanes prescribed and presented to thee by god , which if thou hadst used , thou mightest have wakened thy understanding , or fortified thy will , or weakened the temptation : and if so , and thou hast , through negligence , or confidence , spirituall security or pride , omitted to make use of them , then will this still amount to a wilfull sinne or a sinne against strength ; as when the lunatique son was brought to the disciples of christ , and the text faith mat. 17. 21. they could not cast the evill spirit out , and christ gives the reason why they could not , because , saith he , this kinde goeth not out , but by prayer and fasting , christ yet chargeth them with infidelity almost unsufferable , ( o faithlesse generation , how long shall i be with you ? how long shall i suffer you ? ) because there being such meanes to enable them to doe the worke , they neglected those meanes , & so only by that neglect became unable . the style of faithlesse in that place gives us yet a more perfect notion of a wilfull sinne , then hitherto we have arrived to , that it is not only that which is against naturall conscience , or spirituall infusions , but also that which is particularly against faith , i. e. comes to be committed by neglecting the use of some meanes , which the word of christ , or the scripture offers and prescribes to us , especially if by our former faylings we have discerned the want we have of such helpes or auxiliaries . for in this respect of directing to such meanes of victory faith is said to be the overcoming the world , 1 john 5. 4. as well as in presenting us with the promises and terrors of the gospell . farther yet in the fourth place , if at the time of commission of the sinne thou caust truely say , 't was not in thy power to resist it , because of the strength of the temptation so hurrying thee , as not to give thee leasure to judge or deliberate , ( which may seeme to intitle that action to the title of infirmity ) thou must then enquire , whether thy yeelding ( voluntarily from contēplation of the pleasure &c. ) to some entrances and beginnings of that sinne , whether marose thoughts , or somewhat father , be not that , that hath made the temptation so strong , or thee so weake ; which thou wilt discerne by this enquiry , whether before those morose thoughts &c. were entertained , thou wert not able to make resistance to the actuall sinne , and then , if so thou wert able , nay actually didst , and only the intervenience of those preparatory yeeldings did betray thee to this impotence , and it was in thy power ( by naturall or supernaturall strength already had , or prayer either as it hath a promise of more strength , or as it is an excellent meanes of diversion ) to have resisted those beginnings , when thou didst yeeld , then still is this a wilfull sinne , or sinne against strength . as for other sinnes more clearely and immediately against naturall conscience , against faith , ( or directions of the scripture for the overcoming the world ) against supernaturall strength or grace , as contumacious stubborne presumptuous sinnes , there will be little scruple to any man , or cause to keepe him from pronouncing of , and charging on them the crime of wilfulnesse , and concluding ( without reall change ) the certaine damningnesse of them even under christ . i say particularly , presumptuous sinnes , when ( presuming that gods mercy in christ is either unlimited , and may belong to any the most unreformed , or that it is decreed absolutely to some persons , without any respect to qualifications or demeanures , to saul the persecutor , as well as paul the apostle ) the sinner runnes comfortably and alacriously on , without any regret of conscience : the doing so is certainely no sinne of infirmity , because though some errour may be pretended for his so doing , and that errour seeme apt to lend him excuse ; yet first , errours , that are not simple errours , but bring vitious life after them , are not excusable ( because not invincible ) errours , the rule of the agenda or duties of life being so cleare in the scripture and in the heart , that no man can be invincibly ignorant of that , rom. 10. 8 , 9. and deut. 30. 14. the word that is now commanded is not hid or impossible , or like fetching christ from heaven , or the grave , a thing quite out of our power , but it is nigh thee , in thy mouth , and in thy heart , that thou mayst doe it . and secondly , it will be apparent , that even those errours on which that presumption is built , being simply considered , are demonstrable to be errours ( suppositâ fide ) or to one that acknowledges the scripture , because there be so many places in the scripture point-blanke against them , particularly those of the conditionall promises every where scattered . neither circumcision , &c. but the new creature , but faith consummate by love , but keeping the commandements of god ; without holinesse no man shall see the lord ; he that confesses and forsakes shall have mercy ; he that hath this hope purifies , &c. and having therefore these promises let us cleanse , &c. from what hath beene said , it will be more then probable , that all acts of fornication , adultery , &c. ( which i shall suppose never to be actually committed without some space of deliberation , or if they be , then i meane those other wherein that deliberation inteposes ) are wilfull sinnes , and so also all acts of drunkennesse , unlesse when through ignorance of the strength of the liquor , or the weakenesse of the braine , the man suddainly fall into it by desiring to quench his thirst , or doe somewhat which is lawfull ; wherein yet , if after one or more trials he miscarry the second or a third time , it will still be a wilfull sinne ; so also lying or speaking that which we know to be false , to the defrauding and wronging of another , or for any vainglorious designe ; so againe , any sinne of oppression , injustice , &c. or generally all those where there is any time of advice and deliberation ; for where ever that liberty is , there is supposed an ability and readinesse in the upper soule of a christian to present arguments for obedience to god , stronger then any the devill , or the world , or flesh , can offer for the contrary . as for killing a man , though the law of the land is wont to distinguish of wilfull and not wilfull murther , yet to any man in his wits , the stabbing his neighbour ( or using any other such meanes as may probably take away his life ) would seeme so strange , that i cannot conceive but his spirit should be able to deterre him from it in that space , which is required that any such weapon may be prepared ; for if it be said , his rage doth gag or silence his spirit ; i shall answer , that the raising of his rage to that pitch was not in a minute , but grew upon him by degrees , and then there was time and meanes to prevent that growth , which he that did not make use of will hardly be able thereby to excuse or extenuate the subsequent sinne . for swearing also i know not how in ordinary discourse or in any case ( extra causas juramenti legitimas , where it is supposed perfectly lawfull ) it can be made a sinne of infirmity ; for in communication christ's words are so plaine [ but i say unto you , sweare not at all , and particularly , let your communication be yea , yea , &c. for whatsoever is more , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the evill one ] that it would amaze any man to see that it should become an ornament or tolerable part of a christians dialect . and if it be in rage , then i dare say , that either that man hath formerly in some measure enured his tongue to swearing , or not so strictly made conscience of an oath , as christ's precept obligeth him ; for he that never swore , will not in impatience probably fall out into those formes of speech that he never used , ( but alwaies vowed and resolved against ) but into some other which he hath been more used to , or which he could heare in others with lesse horrour and detestation , or which were a more naturall remedy for that passion . and if you marke it , that which rage doth is onely to blind the understanding , ( and so to steale out any proper effects of rage , as presuming of their impunity , or not considering the contrary danger ) but not to hurry us to the commission of any or every other sinne indifferently , and at a venture . and why a rage should cast one upon using gods name in oathes , ( which before he had never phansied for any use but in his prayers ) any more then on many other unheard of sinnes , i am so farre from conceiving any reason , that i must conclude it impossible , unlesse it proceed from the being used in some measure to that sinne , or having a more favourable easy opinion of it . and yet after all this , that rage it selfe being so vn-christian a thing , which we are so obliged to prevent , ( and if in time it be not prevented , will not alwaies passe for an infirmity in a christian ) will be unable to patronize or excuse any such one oath , which that puts into our mouthes ; but on the other side , the observing that my rage hath made me sweare , must in any reason give me so strict a watch over my selfe in time of provocation , as never to let loose into a rage , which proves so inconvenient and so complicated a sinne unto me ; as he that finds himselfe quarrelsome in his drinke , hath the greatest obligation to temperance of any . as for any other meanes that bring on swearing , custome , pride , ostentation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , filling up the discourse , none of these will excuse it from a wilfull sinne ; especially considering the naturall intrinsecall untemptingnesse of that sinne , that were it not for some accidentall or extrinsecall advantage , evill example , ( which if it had been a good one , we could easily enough have rejected and not imitated ) or custome locall or personall , or that other of the company we are used to , scarce any man that heares swearing forbidden by christ , will discerne himselfe to have any carnall invitation to sweare , no not in time of rage . the same i thinke may be defined of all the grosse outward acts of sinne , or sinnes in the members ; because for the acting of them , over and above the consent of the will , some space is necessarily required , wherein the spirit or upper soule , if it be about us , will be able and ready to interpose , if it may be hearkned to , ( which me thinkes is intimated by the turkes in a custome of theirs , who when they meane to give themselves liberty to be drunke , use to make a great noise , which they say is a warning to their soule to retire into some extreame part of the body , that it may not be spectator or censor of this their beastiality . ) and if it be thus driven away , gagg'd , or not hearkened to , then that is a sinne against strength , a wilfull sinne . which perhaps was saint james his observation , when he said , sinne being perfected bringeth forth death . for the conception of lust precedent signifies certainly the consent or conjunction of the will with the carnall appetite , when in the wooing ( or canvasse for that consent ) of the upper soule on one side , and of the lower soule or carnall part on tother , the will which is thus courted by both , yeelds to the second , and so they joyne in mutuall embraces , from whence , saith the apostle , sinne is brought forth , that very consent of the will to the sensuall faculty , being formally sinne without , or before the acting of it ; but this perhaps a sinne of iufirmity , as the case may be ( for universim or alwaies it is not ; but very often wilfull and damning , though it never come to act ) whereas if this sinne ( of infirmity while it was onely in the conception , i. e. consent of the will ) come to birth ( i. e. actuall commission ) or perfection , and fitnesse for birth , ( which requires some space , and time ) it may justly be said a sinne against strength , & so in the very covenant of grace a fatall mortiferous sin . and therefore though before we said that the same sinne in specie , might be but an infirmity in one , and yet a wilfull sinne in another , yet this affirmation will need this caution to interpret it , that the meaning of it be onely this , that a sinne that is onely an infirmity in one , may by some meanes of aggravation become wilfull in another , but not è contra , that that which , upon some grounds or supposition of strength common to all men , may be in universum defined a wilfull sinne , can by any meanes be extenuated into an infirmity . that which i now say , i meane of any grosse outward act , or habit of sinne , because in these i conceive there is some mora or stay , wherein the spirit may be advised with ; and then that being supposed in good health or regenerate state will not faile to suggest sufficient arguments against that sinne , and so be a meanes to retract that sudden stolen consent , before it come to act , at least to habit ; or if it be not it selfe without auxiliaries able to combat with the temptation , yet it will out of the word of god be able to direct us to some aid , which being called in , will either improve us to a competent strength , or help to disarme and weaken the temptation , which we shall find by trying , and making use of those meanes ; be they our prayers either for grace in time of need , or as i said prayer as a meanes of divertisement , or be they fasting , vigilance , &c. or be it but a tempting to do our best , for this is very ordinary to observe in our selves , that ( when we put our selves to it , and do our best ) we prove able to doe farre more , then ever we dreamt , we had been able . and this is very remarkable , whether you consider it , as a truth in morality , wherein it hath been observed that necessity or extreame danger enables men to doe miracles , which when they are past they are amazed to see them done by them , ( as hierocles excellently shewes on that golden pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or as a truth of scripture , wherein there be many promises that god will aid when we fight , cooperate when we work , assist when we endeavour , and not be wanting to them which are not first culpably wanting to themselves . having said thus much of wilfull sinnes ( for the disabusing of those who are over apt to flatter themselves that their sinnes are infirmities and no more , and therefore sure of their pardon in christ , though continued in , or not retracted by particular repentance ) i shall not thinke this discourse chargeable or accusable of any dangerous or hurtfull seuerity , by being apt to drive men to despaire . 1. because it is knowne in scripture and acknowledged by all , and now confest by this paper , that there is a tabula post naufragium , a planke after shipwracke , repentance , as it implyes forsaking , and change of mind , and the working of that in every such sinner , is the thing that all this while i intend , and there is no way possible for the working it , but this , by representing the danger , if it be not wrought , which he , that takes all his sinnes for infirmities , will never be convinc'd of , while he so thinks . and 2. because the despaire that is dangerous is that which is contrary to the purifying hope , to that hope that sets upon amendment , by assuring that there is mercy to be had on such termes ; and as any other hope is but groundlesse confidence , so any other despaire but that which makes us give over amending , is in some respects a very usefull , at least not very noxious , despaire : usefull , if it set us on mending , when without it we would not ; as in case of despaire or distrust onely of our present condition , in respect of our present sins , but not of the future , because there is yet place for repentance : or not noxious , i meane not so farre , as to damne , or do any thing but deprive us of some comfortable assurance here , ( the want of which , if we want nothing else , will never prejudice any mans salvation , whatever they thinke , that take this assurance to be faith ) as in case of dying without all hope of heaven , when that no hope proceeds onely from an amazing sight of former sinnes , which though we have sincerely forsaken , yet none but god infallibly sees that we have , and our selves out of an humble lowly conceit of all our owne actions , ( our repentance particularly undervalued by us ) thinke and resolve we have not . for sure if god see we have changed sincerely , and so there be assurance respectu objecti , in respect of the object , t is an errour in us to thinke we have not ; ( from whence proceeds the non-assurance of the subject ) and this errour if it be onely in the understanding , and produce no evill life , will sure damne none that should not otherwise be damned . for whereas it may be objected , that he may seeme to want that affiance in christ for salvation , which is a saving necessary grace , i answer , that that affiance ( that is so ) is the rolling my selfe on christ for salvation , and if i perish , i perish , the denying and renouncing all trust in my selfe in my owne righteousnesse , faith , repentance , my owne any thing , but only christ , and god's mercy in him ; not the beleeving my personall election , or that i shall be saved what ever my sinnes be , and how unreformed soever . for besides that this is in an unreformed sinner ( speaking of wilfull sins ) were the beleeving of a lye , because there is really no mercy or salvation for such ; besides this i say there is no obligation or command in scripture , which can be thought to make it duty or necessary for any to beleeve himselfe a true poenitentiary even when he is so . 't is true we are commanded to prove our worke &c. gal. 6. 4. i. e. to ponder and ballance every action we take in hand whether it will beare the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tryall of the test or no , and this we are incouraged by that which follows , that we shall have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 boasting only in our selves . but then , first , this precept of trying is not a precept of knowing or beleeving . secondly , this trying his owne worke , signifies the direct act of conscience , the doing each action with a good conscience , but belongs not to the reflexive act of conscience upon the whole life past , or if it doe , requires not , that every man should at every minute of his life beleeve or know infallibly that this state is good , and shall be so to the end . thirdly , the boasting there is set only in opposition to boasting over another ( as appeareth by that which followes v. 5. for every man shall beare his owne burthen , i. e. another mans being worse then you will doe you no good ) to judging well of our selves by that deceitfull way of comparing our selves with those that are worse then wee : and therfore , fourthly , 't is observable that it is not said by way of promise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shal have matter of boasting in himselfe , ( for sure the best man living hath little of that ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only in himselfe , all the boasting or comfort that he hath shall be in himselfe and in the uprightnesse of his owne conscience , as that is opposed to comparing or comforting himselfe ( as the pharisee with the publican ) because others are worse then hee . and so still the want of this assurance being the utmost inconvenience that this doctrine can possibly at the worst view of it bring upon him , this will amount no higher then some present discomfort , which will be recompenced abundantly by the gaines it brings with it of being disdeceived and brought timely and happily to repentance . the short is , let these sinnes which thou seest improved , perhaps beyond thine expectation into wilfull sinnes , be sincerely resolved and laboured against , and all meanes used for the performing that resolution , & then if by any unsuperable weakenesse of thine thou failest in performing it or overcomming them , perhaps i shall retract my doctrine in some part as it is appliable to thee ; or if i doe not , be confident i have done thee no considerable injury , though i should have deceived thee in some particular ; i am sure i am not guilty to my selfe of any designe to do so , and therefore i hope my errour shall not be a culpable one , because error amoris , an errour of kindnesse , or care , or love , in that i desired to make heaven as sure to thee as i could , though not to make thee over sure of heaven . somewhat being thus set downe by way of character to know wilfull sinnes by , we shall suppose that that will also be helpefull to the defining what sinnes of infirmity are . for of that no scruple will be made to affirme , that what ever sinne is not wilfull in any of the former descriptions of it , must be resolved to be of infirmity ; there be no middle or third betwixt those two in the second covenant-account of sinnes . by the rule therefore of contraries we shall best proceed . 1. in generall , to define a sinne of infirmity , that which is not against strength or grace , or that which ( though we labour and endevour sincerely against all sinne , and use what meanes we are convinc't will tend to the overcoming of sinne ) we yet fall into , either through humane frailty alone , or through satans cunning , taking advantage of that our frailty . as first , when ( as at first we gave hints of resolution ) any invincible and so excusable ignorance of gods will in some particulars betray me to some sinne , ( for then my understanding or spirit is not of strength sufficient to advise me ) then the sinne is of weaknesse , and therefore rom. 14. they that are called the weake , v. 1. are explained to be they that lacke knowledge v. 10. which all they that have are called the strong through that chapter . or secondly , when the suddainnesse of the assault gives not my spirit leasure to represent those perswasives and determents which it would doe if it were not so surprized ; and so for want of those representations on that side , the present promises of the temptation doe preponderate and prevaile against all that is offered to the contrary ; for as a man that hath time to set himselfe upon his guard will be able to resist and vanquish that enemy which by surprisall takes , and bindes & conquers him with ease , so is the will of a man in case of suddaine surprisal ; it hath no leisure to make use of those succours that reason could afford , if it had time to muster them up . and so being more weake at such times then at other , the sinnes that at such time it yeelds to , but would not at another , are sinnes of infirmity . for 't is to be observed that the upper soule moves the will not as a naturall but rationall agent , uses syllogismes and arguments to perswade , hath not that despoticall power to have it at its becke or nod , 't is not by a goe and it goeth , and come and it cometh , ( as aristotle's philosophy seemes to set it ) that what the understanding prescribes to be done , the will must doe ; but the course is of some more length . the understanding must dispute and canvasse it against the carnall appetite , answer the motives brought by that , and then give more perswasive ones for the contrary ; and then perhaps the understanding is otherwise busy at that minute when the temptation comes , and the popular carnall argument that it hath used , hath prevailed and gotten consent before the understanding was aware of it , either through present businesse and inability to attend more things at once , or for want of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suddennesse of mind to represent presently the arguments it hath on its side , or to find out the sophismes on t other . or however , to dispute it throughly and cleare all difficulties , and indeed ( if it be but ) to make this one syllogisme , [ the terrours of the lord belongs to him that commits such a sinne as thou art now tempted to but that man is mad that will upon any carnall motives venture upon the terrours of the lord , therefore that man is mad that will adventure on that sinne , ] and then to prove and make good against the contrary fallacious suggestions of the flesh , &c. every part of that syllogisme , and moreover to bring it home particularly to thee at that time , will require some space , and that ( by the suddainnesse and no warning of the temptation ) being not afforded , the spirit in this case is not able to doe its duty , and so the sinne will be committed for want of strength . for the want of strength that especially denominates the sinne of infirmity , is not any want of bodily strength ( for whatever is committed for want onely of that is a kind of rape , no voluntary action , nor consequently any sinne so much as of infirmity , an act or defect of the body , not of the will , and so not chargeable upon the man which is primarily his soule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thy soule is thou ) but of spirituall or inward strength , i. e. of grace , and of motives and suasories to obedience , more effectuall , or operative , or powerfull , then any the world , or flesh , or devill hath to the contrary . and seeing these arguments are perpetually to be had from every regenerate christian 's spirit , and the only want is the non-representing or non-producing of them in time of neede , if the case stands so , that by reason of the suddaine surprizall , ( or which is somewhat different ) clancular surreption , when from some indifferent acts a sinne steales on us , as by drinking one glasse of wine i am prepared to a readinesse to drinke a second , and perhaps by that sending up some cloud to the understanding , or warming , and so emboldning me , i may be much induced to a third , and so every step make me more unable not to proceed ) they cannot be thus produced , this sinne thus consented to must needs be a sinne of infirmity in him that meerly through ignorance of the power of wine is so betrayed , though to him that had one such warning , and yet thus fals againe as before i said , i cannot be so favourable . or thirdly , when the vigilance and importunate diligence and indefatigable siege of the temptation is such , as that if the man doe not watch with as continued a diligence , the will will be taken unfortified , and so by that disadvantage won to consent , ( as in case of daily incursion of any one temptation , or of all sinnes , some at one time , some at another , every minute almost some ) then the sinne that is committed meerly thus , may passe for a sinne of infirmity ; because though every assault particularly considered be such as that the spirit might have beene vigilant enough to prevent it , yet to be so perpetually upon the guard is morally impossible ; and so sometime to nod , and slip , or fall may passe uncensured for an infirmity . and therefore when to that which is said truly of the second covenant [ that the condition of it is feisable because there is now under the gospell no more required sub periculo animae , but to doe what we are enabled to doe , and no man can be unable to doe that ] 't is wont to be objected that no man ever did all that he is able to doe , and therefore though it be logically possible to doe so , and so to performe the condition of the second ( though not of the first ) covenant , yet 't is moraly impossible , i. e. 't is not to be imagined that ever any man will do it , ( & then that will be all one in effect with the condition of the first covenant , which is acknowledged utterly impossible . ) to this we answer , that therefore the gospell hath made provision even for these morall impossibilities , and not required the regenerate christian , sub periculo animae , to performe alway what ever he is able to performe , but indulged so much to humane frailty , that what ever is morally consequent to that , shall be matter of excuse to us , and so particularly to fall sometimes through daily incursion of temptation , onely because i doe not ( which it cannot be expected i should ) watch alwaies , will be matter of excuse also . besides these 3 heads of sinnes of infirmity , some others there are , which will not so clearely be put under one or severall heads , such as are those that the levity of the matter and that inadvertence betrayes us to , ( supposing that that be not grosse , or affected , or caused by some wilfull sinne ) for some degree of this there will be in the most knowing and most vigilant man , and some sinnes will drop from us by this meanes , which wholly to avoid may be truely said to be above humane power . one head of these sinnes of infirmity there is yet behind , containing many branches under it , of which 't would be too long to treat particularly , and yet without a particular descending to particulars , hard to define whether they be infirmities , or no. namely , sinnes which passion betrayes us to , meaning thereby such passions which 't is not in the christian's power so to quell , but that they will be apt thus to betray him . these sinnes are either 1. the inordinacy of these passions themselves , which i thinke neither nature nor grace can so wholly conquer in this life , but that in some kind or other there will at some time appeare some inordinacy , some act of either immoderate anger , or feare , or love , or joy , or sorrow , at some time or other , and of these we may define in generall , that he that first studies himselfe so carefully as to discerne which of these he is most inclinable to by his temper , and then labours sincerely against all , but with most industry against that , to which he is most inclinable , ( of which sincerity he will be able to passe some judgement by the daily impairing of the violence of those passions , for sure if he labour sincerely , especially by the use of proper meanes , he will be able to advance somewhat toward victory , though not absolutely arrive to it ) shall have the excuse of infirmities for his some few acts of immoderate passion . or 2. these sinnes are some other specificall acts of sinne which these passions betray men to , which though much different in guilt as well as nature from the mother sinnes , and many times very far from infirmities , ( for sure he that for feare would sacrifice to idols , through anger kill &c. will hardly be thus excused ) yet is it very possible that such sinnes that some passions may betray us to , may deserve that title of infirmities . as when any naturall trembling or other passion incident to the flesh , being ( without any improvement into an inordinate passion ) an incitation of mind , makes me not discerne or not weigh the sinfulnesse of some small light sinne , which offers it selfe to rid me from my feare &c. as if the venturing of some lesser sinne should promise me rescue from death , which being otherwise represented to me as unavoidable , were withall very formidable to me . for although in this case the least sinne be not in strictnesse to be admitted , though it be for the saving of my life , and though the deliberate resolution that in such a case i will venture on such a sinne , because it is but a sinne of weaknesse and so excusable , do make it in that case to be wilfull and unexcusable ; yet abstracting it from this , and considering it not before-hand , but onely at the time of suddaine surprizall , it may be said , that the temptation of the feare being so great above the proportion and size that the sinne is at that time represented in , this may passe for a sinne of infirmity . to come now to specificall or particular sinnes , and define universim that they are sinnes of infirmity ( as of some i did that they were wilfull ) i shall not adventure , because as i said , some circumstances might improve some acts under those species into wilful sinnes , in some men at some time . all that i shall say is , that 1. evill thoughts being suddenly ( or assoone as they are deprehended ) rejected with indignation , 2. wandring thoughts in time of prayer , following us onely out of custome of thinking on some honest or lawfull things ( which yet i desire and in some ejaculation pray for strength to cast away from me , when i set about that worke ) and never distinctly consented to , but crouding in upon a confused imperfect consent , or non-rejection , 3. wicked motions unconsented to , or if on the suddaine consented to , yet presently retracted againe , ( and not onely strangled or frustrated for want of opportunity of acting them ) are most capable of that title of infirmities . for any more particular knowledge of them , every man will best be able to advise himself , when he hath tryed his actions by this touchstone , that [ those onely are sinnes of infirmity , when our sincere endeavour and industry and the use of grace given us , and prayer for more grace , and other meanes prescribed us , are not able to free us from some acts of those sinnes , or when all our failings in endeavour &c. are but consequents of humane frailty , not of wilfull sinne . of these that which i shall say for close , will , i conceive , be matter of as much comfort , as the former part was of discomfort to any . to wit , that through the mercy of christ under the second covenant , infirmities unconquered , unforsaken , sticking to us till our very deaths , may be and shall be most certainly pardoned to them , that have nothing else to be charged on them . i. e. by whom all wilfull sinnes be sincerely forsaken , and for infirmities 1. their soules humbled in confession , and contrition , 2. pardon humbly begg'd in christ's name , and 3. sincere endeavour used against them ; they shall i say be pardoned , if not so farre as not to be punished in this life , yet so farre as not to separate from the love of god here , or vision of god hereafter , though they be here never wholy overcome , or put off . this i would make the interpretation of that distinction of a generall and particular repentance , so ordinary among divines , that the particular repentance should not onely descend to particular wilfull sinnes , especially those that are committed after the receiving knowledge of the truth , but also extend to the actuall forsaking of them ; but the generall repentance belong onely to sinnes of infirmity ; and that 1 without descending to all particulars of that kind , 2 without extending our sorrow &c. for them to actuall forsaking . for the sacrifices of the law being appointed to be offer'd for these sinnes , but not for wilfull , argue that christ typified by those sacrifices , when we were weake , dyed for us , and by his death hath obtained pardon ( for all that walke not after the flesh , but after the spirit ) for all their sinnes of weakenesse , on termes onely of humiliation , particular , or , where that cannot be , generall confession , prayer for pardon , and affiance in christ for that pardon , without any actuall overcomming or casting off , or getting rid of them , ( which in wilfull sinnes must be superadded to the former ) , so , that he that at the time or minute of his death should be guilty of one of them , it would not hinder his salvation , any more then the same would be inconsistent with a regenerate justified estate in time of life . so that the conclusion may be safe and cleare . a true christian may safely live and dye with sins of infirmity about him , but live or continue in any wilfull sinne , much lesse dye he cannot , or if he doe , he ceaseth to be such . he that is borne of god sinneth not , and he that doth sinne is the servant of sinne . some spots there are which are not the spots of sonnes , deut. 32. 5. and they that are guilty of them , may be resolved , either never to have right unto , or if they had , to have forfeited all their priviledges of saintship here , ( such are justification , &c. ) and hopes and benefits of it hereafter . a paraphrasticall explication of heb. 6. for this cause ( or because it is an evidence of children and babes to be alwaies fed with milke , still taught nothing but the elements of the beginning of the oracles of god , ● . 5. 12. and to know nothing of that higher doctrine of righteousnesse , i. e. of our justification and sanctification , v. 13. which depends extreamely on the doctrine of christ's melchizedekian priesthood , v. 10. to which being consecrated , v. 9. he [ became the author of eternall salvation to all those that obey him , ] which words are the compendium of the doctrine of our justification annd sanctification . ) let us proceede to this higher and more perfect doctrine , or such as is proportionable to an upper forme of christians , leaving or passing over these doctrines that christ began with , ( such was that of repentance and faith , mark. 1. 15. the first words of his preaching ) and not beginning at the very elements of christianity , againe , those fundamentall docttrines that the rawest christians are taught ; as by name those , first , of repentance and turning from our unregenerate workes . secondly , of faith or beleefe on god. thirdly , of baptizing , as that containes both the baptisme of repentance and of faith precedent , both john's baptisme , the baptisme of repentance , and christ's baptisme administred by the apostles , the baptisme of faith in the father , son , and holy ghost . fourthly , of laying on of hands , whether that which is answerable to our confirmation , oft mentioned of those that had beene baptized , or that in absolution , or a third , that on the diseased , the ceremony of curing them , ( of which there is so frequent mention in the gospells , matth. 9. 18. and 19. 13. mark. 5. 23. and 6. 5. and 7. 32. and 8. 23 , 25. and 16. 18. luk 4. 40. and 13. 13. and many times in the acts in the description of miraculous cures . ) fiftly , of the resurrection of the dead . sixthly , of eternall judgement or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adjudging of men to eternall life and eternall death . and by the help of god , this we purpose to doe , i. e. to proceed to those sublimer doctrines of christ's melchisedekian priesthood , fore-mentioned , c. 5. and resumed v. 20. of this chapter . onely for those that are such non-proficients in christianity , that after so long profession of that doctrine need still to be taught the principles againe , even that of repentance from dead workes , being themselves turned backe or in danger so to turn to their former vn-christian unregenerate courses , let them know this important truth , for which i cannot but goe out of my way a little , and tell them in a parenthesis ; that it is impossible , that those who have bin once regenerated ( for this is the result of that which is expressed by many phrases ) that have once been baptized or enlightened , the word signifies both , because adulti were not baptized , till they had beene catechised , and sufficiently instructed in the faith . 2. that have had a gust or tast of the celestiall gift , whether of christ , that tit. 2. is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , salvificall saving grace , or whether the grace of christ . 3. that have beene partakers of the holy ghost , of those gifts and graces which that worketh in the heart by the preaching of the word , or invisible overshadowing . 4. that have had a gust of the good word , or gospell ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being all one ) of christ , and of the powers whether of the kingdome of grace , the state of christianity , ( for that is cal'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the age to come , by the lxxii . is . 9. 6. where it is set , as the title of christ , that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the father of the age to come , as opposite to that judaicall state ) or whether of the kingdome of heaven , ) and fall from that state of regeneration , and those priviledges of gods spirit that attend it , ( for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of equall latitude with all the former particulars , and is the falling from , or forfeiting of them all ) should renew , or recover in an intransitive sense , or in an active reciprocall , renew or recover themselves to repentance , ( or once more being applyed to saint paul's discourse of repentance , that saint paul's preaching ( taken by it selfe without superordinary measure of grace , should renew such in a plaine active sense ) being by such sinnes of theirs guilty of a kind of recrucifying of christ , and putting him to a shamefull death ; for christ who was once crucifyed and slaine , is as it were revived in the regenerate christian 's heart , lives and rules and reignes in him by faith , and when that man falls to his old unregenerate course againe , he crucifyes christ anew , and puts him to a contumelious death . the cleare understanding of these 3 verses 4 , 5 , 6. depends upon these 6 gospell-truths put together . first , that without god's spirit or special grace no man can convert , repent , renew himselfe , much lesse recover after a defection . secondly , that by this grace and strength of god , man may convert and repent , and being a regenerate convert , do all things through christ that strengthens him , worke out his owne salvation , and when he falls , if god do not with-draw that grace , according to the words of our article , he may by the grace of god rise againe . thirdly , that if in case of fall god doth so with-draw his grace , then the man cannot so renew himselfe , or recover to repentance , nor can the ordinary power of the ministery worke upon him . fourthly , that god hath in the gospell threatned upon our not making use of this grace , to with-draw it or take it away from us , as appeares by the parable of the talents , where 't is said , [ to him that hath , shall be given , and from him that hath not , shall be taken away even that which he hath ] i. e. to him that makes use of the grace given him , to the end for which 't was given , the resisting of sinnes , denying of lusts , and living soberly , and justly , and godly in this present world , tit. 2. 12. to him shall more grace be given ; but from him that makes not this use of it , ( is an unprofitable steward of grace , hath grace , but doth not thus resist sinnes by the helpe of it , from him ) shall be taken away even that which he hath . fiftly , that god doth not upon every sinne committed by a regenerate 〈◊〉 , no not upon every sinne committed against knowledge , against grace ( if it be but some single act ) presently with-draw his grace , for this sinne may be presently retracted by repentance , not indulged or staid in , and then to such humble sinners god gives grace doth not take it away from them . the case that such acts of sinne bring regenerate men to , hath from the scripture beene explained in another discourse , which i desire may be there considered , and not repeated here . and though it be a sad one , even god's delivering up to satan , yet doth not that inferre the with-drawing of his grace , or forsaking , but rather the giving or continuing sufficient grace , 2 cor. 12. 9. passage out , and power of bearing it , 1 cor. 10. 13. but then sixthly , that upon the regenerate man's walking after the flesh , relapsing into the sinnes of his former unregenerate life , like a dogge to the vomit , &c. or into a new set of other sinnes , spirituall pride , faction ( able to denominate a man carnall , 1 cor. 3. 3. ) and the like filthinesse of the spirit , then doth god with-draw his spirit from that man , and therefore such sinnes as these are called peccata vastantia conscientiam , & tristantia spiritum , grieving and quenching of the spirit of god ; which though it strives with sinners , yet shall it not alwaies strive , gen. 6. 3. when unrighteousnesse commeth in , i. c. any old or new vicious habit , then the holy spirit of discipline will not abide , wisd . 1. 5. and therefore t is said , 2 pet. ● ▪ 21. that they that after they have knowne , turne from the holy commandement , or the way of righteousnesse , and are againe entangled in the pollutions of the world , which they had once escaped , v. 20. fall into a worse estate then they were in before their regeneration ; which must needs be by the totall with-drawing of grace from them . to which purpose is that of saint james out of solomon , that god resisteth the proud , where resisting is opposed to giving of grace , and so notes taking it away , and the proud opposed to the humble , are the proud impenitent obdurate sinners , or they that go on in any impenitent course against knowledg or conscience . all which being premised , 't is cleare that they that are thus fallen from a regenerate state to their old unregenerate course of sinne , &c. and so by gods just punishment deprived of his grace , without which they were able to doe nothing , are not now possibly able to recover or renew themselves to repentance . as they that are only slipt or fallen , but not layne downe in their mire of sinne , might by the grace which they yet have , and by the preaching of the word , be able to doe . that this is the meaning of the place , may yet farther appeare by the similitude following , v. 7 , 8. brought on purpose to explaine it . for the ground that hath the benefit of the raine to moisten its naturall drinesse , and so to make it able to beare fruit , and that hath suck't in that raine , and been actually moistned by it , ( which is the lively expression of the premised regenerate man ) if it doe bring forth fruit to the husbandman , performe that which it is enabled ( and is expected from it ) to performe , ( which is an expression of him that makes good use of grace , lives like a regenerate man , this [ he that hath ] in the parable of the talent ) it shall receive blessing from god ( the more grace in the parable . ) but that same moistned and manured ground ( the same regenerate man ) which bringeth forth nothing but thornes and briars , ( the servant that proves evill and faithlesse , that makes not use of grace to its due end of resisting lusts , and overcomming the world , but falls into his unregenerate sins , lives as if no culture had beene bestowed upon him ) is rejected , ( deprived of that reward which tother had ) for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an agonisticall word , signifies generally in this booke , as 1 cor. 9. 27. one that misses the prize , the reward ) the blessing of more grace : and contrarywise is nigh to cursing , that punishment of withdrawing of grace due to it , and the end of it is to be burnt , or to burning , which whether it be set to note eternall perdition , or else an extraordinary kinde of husbandry , which we call devonshireing , cutting off the turfe and burning it upon the ground , to make that beare which ordinary culture would doe no good on , i shall not define . onely from that latter interpretation , which i suppose will be rejected , i shall take the hint to say that which though the interpretation be not admitted , will yet be without contradiction true , that how impossible so ever it be for such an one to recover himselfe , or for the ordinary meanes to worke upon him , yet 't is still possible , that god may by some extraordinary meanes of spirituall husbandry recover and reduce that man. all that is here affirmed is onely this , that there is no promise that he will , and the thing is onely in the hands , the free hands of god , not so much as constrained by a promise , and so no ground either of depending upon it for my selfe that god will doe it for me , or prejudging others that for them he will not doe it . i can foresee but one objection now producible against the probability of this interpretation , and it is this , that this impossibility of doing any good by our owne naturall strength without grace is so universall a truth , that it cannot be here appropriated to this one case of apostasie or recidivation of the regenerate . for the regenerate , remaining so , can doe no good thing without it , and those that are not yet regenerate are as unable to convert themselves , as these are to recover or renew . to which though i might answer , that the instancing in this particular , is most ( and only ) proper to the apostles present purpose , who speakes to converts , who were either thus fallen or in danger thus to fall , ( and therefore though the aphorisme might be extended to those others , yet we have no reason to expect , that the apostle should so farre recede from his businesse in hand as to doe it , and so the objection will be of no force ) yet will the answer be more cleare and satisfactory , if i adde , that indeed that which is here said , is proper onely to this kind of sinners , the relapst regenerate . for of the regenerate not so falne , it is most certaine and agreeable to scripture-doctrine to affirme , that by the spirit of christ he can do all things , that he hath sufficient grace , and by that sufficient strength to doe what god in the gospell requires of him , and therefore 't is affirmed of him , i. e. his person thus enabled , that he is thus able ; and consequently he is every where exhorted to doe accordingly , to worke out his salvation , to stand , to quit himselfe like a man , to purifie himselfe , and a hundred the like , which ( every one ) suppose him to have grace by which to doe it . and for the unregenerate , though indeed he having no grace , can as yet doe nothing , yet some promises there are in the new covenant of giving of grace to him , ( mention of giving christ for every man , ( that christ being the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the salvificall grace that appeares to all , teaching them , &c. ) and in christ striking a covenant with those to whom he is given , and part of the effect of that covenant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to give strength to serve him , and againe mention of the talents dispens'd among the servants , to all some , and upon the good use of the least more bestowed . from whence sure it may be concluded , that 't is by some default of our owne , whosoever have not sufficient grace given us , especially the promise being so punctuall , that god will give the holy spirit to them that aske him of god by importunate unwearied prayer . ) whereas in case of the fore-mentioned relapse , there is no such promise of grace , to give us such a claime to it , nor consequently the same degree of possibility to renew , that the other hath to convert , god's promise of giving grace to them , which doe not resist it , adding much to that possibility ; and his no promise to the other , being sufficient proofe of the impossibility of the other , according to the importance of aquinas his note out of aristotle , l. 3. eth. that those things are said to be possible to us which we can doe by the helpe of our friends , ( which we can doe by a derived power , though of our selves originally we cannot ) and god being a friend ( i meane no enemy , but lover and helper beyond all friends ) to unregenerate men , so farre as to give christ to dye for them , and his holy spirit to descend to them , being such enemies , to love them and give them the effects of love , whereas to them that have rebelled and vexed his spirit , he is not such a friend , but an enemy to fight against them , is . 63. 10. and so no such secundary derived way of possibility competible to them , because no such assurance of any friend to aid them in it , there being none other imaginable but god , and he being to such an one an enemy rather . parallel to this place thus interpreted is that in the same ep. c. 10. for those that after the accepting of the knowledge of the truth , after the embracing the gospell , or christianity , being regenerate and born a new of water and the holy ghost , doe fall willingly into their old ( or other new ) courses of sinne ( for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , not the single act , but the habit of sinne , 1 joh. 3. 6. and 5. 18. rom. 2. 12. heb. 3. 17. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 added thereto notes it to be a voluntary wilfull trade of sinne , which is supposed by having received knowledge of the truth ; whereas 't is possible to continue ignorantly , and so by infirmity in such habit , and then that will not be capable of such aggravations as there doe follow , nor withall pertinent to this case ) by this meanes fall into a condition , for which the gospell hath not provided any ordinary remedy . which is the meaning of [ there remaines not now a sacrifice for sinnes ] and that sense ariseth thus . for them that had sinned ignorantly under the law , there was place for sacrifice , the priest was to offer a sinne-offering for them ( called ordinarily in the 72. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and they were not to be farther punished or proceeded against in foro , but he that did wilfully or despightfully breake the law , was upon sufficient proofe of it by witnesses , put to death in capitall , or otherwise punished in other crimes , without mercy or pity to him , ( which is the sum of the 28 verse ) & so in like manner proportionably to those types , he that hath sinned through ignorance or ignorantly , lived , and gone on in sinne , ( and such the sinnes of the unregenerate life are counted to be , done ignorantly in unbeliefe , as saint paul saith of himselfe , and the same will hold of the sinnes of those that are christians in profession , baptized , &c. and yet have not amended their lives or forsaken their sinnes , for they are still in an unregenerate state , not capable of that description , c. 6. 4 , 5. ) there is mercy to be had for him ( as saint paul saith of himselfe , 1 tim. 1. 13. ) christ hath dyed , offered himselfe a sacrifice for sinne , and so delivered men from the danger of such sinnes , upon condition that they doe repent of them , and amend , nay by this sacrifice of his he hath purchased grace for such , sufficient to bring them out of that darkenesse to light , from that state of unregeneration to repentance , so that for that man considered in that state , though he be a sinner , yet ( as saint john saith , 1 epist . 2. 1. ) christ is an advocate and a propitiation , and here there remaineth a sacrifice , a meanes of pardon and a meanes of converting , christ giving himselfe , both that he might redeem and purifie , tit. 2. 14. justify and sanctify . yea farther , when this man being regenerate falls into any single act of sin , ( if it be through ignorance or weakenesse ( as still there remaine some relicks of them in the regenerate , the state in this nonage of ours , being but an imperfect state ) then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet of still this sacrifice remaines , and pardon is had by it to the regenerate disciple upon acknowledgement and petition ; nay if it be not capable of the excuse of ignorance or weaknesse , yet if it be not continued in , but retracted presently by repentance , this sarrifice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 still remaines in force for him , as in the law when the leprosie doth not spread , lev. 13. 23. or is healed in the leper , 14. 3. then though the priest shut him up againe seven daies , &c. answerable to excommunication or delivering up to satan , yet still v. 4. the priest shall offer sacrifice for his cleansing , and so here though the sinne be leprosie , an uncleane spot in the soule , yet being not spreading but presently retracted by repentance , it may bring some inconveniencies upon him , such as have been mentioned elsewhere in the case of delivering up to satan ; but yet it may passe for a spot of sonnes , at least such as shall now not hinder from being a sonne ; and this sacrifice here , or 1 joh. 1. 7. the bloud of christ parallell to it , cleanseth from such sinnes as these , continues pardon and grace as yet to such , obtaines of god that he with-draw neither . but if any man , after the embracing of christ , receiving the truth and grace , i. e. being thus regenerate , shall returne to his old pollutions again , ( or some new in exchange for them , the filthinesse of the spirit in stead of that of the flesh ) to a course and trade of sinne , having not now the excuses or alleviations , of which before he was capable , shewing himselfe to contemne both the mercy and grace of god , to despise that pardon , and ( to make no use of , but contrariwise ) to resist that grace ; there is no direction for any offering for such ; this very sacrifice of christ belongs not to him so farre as by covenant to obtaine continuance of pardon for him , or continuance of grace ; god may justly with-draw both , and christ's bloud say nothing to the contrary ; nay , god hath told us that in this case he will with-draw both in the places forementioned , and the same may be collected from this place from the aggravations here set upon the sinne , that it is the treading upon the sonne of god , profaning the bloud of the covenant , i. e. making the bloud of christ uneffectuall to his pardon , and contumeliously using the spirit of grace , and so grieving and quenching that spirit . and so v. 27. all that remaines behind in justice , or by tenour of the second covenant expectable from god , is that he should proceed to judge such a sinner , and his zeale or wrath burne like fire , to consume all such gainesayers or adversaries that walke thus contrary to all his methods of mercy , of grace , and from hence all that can toward comfort of such be concluded , is , that 't is not here said , that god cannot or never will give grace againe to such , or use meanes for the recalling them , because of god this is not here affirmed . from which negative argument , though the possibility of such recovery may be concluded , yet there are little grounds to conclude it probable , or reasonable for any man ( that should by that be encouraged to spirituall security ) to depend or hope in it , for if the weight of one passage be observed ( how much worse punishment shall he be thought worthy of or adjudged to ? i. e. worse then that under moses law , when the offender , 28. was put to death without mercy ) we shall rather have reason to feare god will punish such with excision or cutting off , without giving any new stocke of grace to recall them againe : for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this booke doth not so often import being thought worthy , ( which might consist with contrary mercy ) as meeting with that reward , actuall receiving of it . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. 3. 3. is to have honour bestowed upon him , ( and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 tim. 5. 17. ) and not onely to be thought worthy of it . in proportion to which if the words should be interpreted and taken without exception or dispensation , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. he shall be punished in a worse manner ] there will be little place of comfort for such to depend on , and from thence to fall into such dangerous snares ; and yet because after all this 't is possible that though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the good sense signifie actuall giving , yet it may not in the ill , actuall punishing , because to thinke worthy and to reward , still goe together in god , in retribution of good , but not so in evill , his pardoning mercy oft interceding ; and againe , because those words may well passe not for any law set to god , ( but onely as a meanes to keep us from so falling , when we stand , by setting such a direfull character upon it , shewing us how promiselesse and dangerous such our state is ) it will therefore be no temptation to anywho is in this sad estate to be hopelesse or give over labouring to get out again , but rather a summons or proclamation of terrour , straight to awaken him out of that estate to humiliation and prayers to god , lest it be too late . and in this the example of david will be encouragement to him , who after a years sleepe or lethargy in those sins of adultery and murther , &c. ( which were such falls of a regenerate man , and by god's ordinary meanes never retracted all that while ) was yet by god's grace , and mission of a prophet extraordinary recalled and reduced again , though it cost him afterwards many flouds of teares & penitentiall expressions to wash out those spots which he had thus contracted ( & though even still he lies under the reproach of that sinne , when he doth not of any other , because that only was indulged in so long ) 1 king. 15. 5. and the same may be said of solomon also , who after such heavie falls , which beyond all the children of god are sadly recorded of him in scripture , was by god brought back to repentance ; god's mercy being beyond all promise ( i shall adde beyond all other example ) to him in this behalfe . and therefore the close must be , that if we have followed them in their sinnes , we must be sure to imitate them also , not only in the repentance , and sincerity of that , but in all the degrees and demonstrations of their repentance , if we hope for the mercy which they met with . to which i shall adde no more save onely this , that the product of that which from these places hath beene concluded , seemes to be very agreeable with that famous case set by saint augustine , l. de persever : of two men supposed to be converted together , to live the life of converts in the same manner , to fall together , and so to continue some time , and then one of them before death to recover and rise againe , and the other to dye in his state of relapse ; where he makes this an argument and example of god's making a discrimination betwixt men , supposing this last act of recovery in the one , to be an act of spirituall extraordinary grace to him , which was not given , nor by any obligation due unto the other ; which is the most that from these two places thus paraphrased hath beene collected . he that thinketh he standeth let him take heed lest he fall . 1 cor. 10. 12. if any man be overtaken in a fault , you that are spirituall restore such a man , considering thy selfe lest thou also be tempted , gal. 6. 1. then saith the devill , i will returne to my house from whence i came out ; and comming he findeth it empty , swept , and garnished ; then goeth he and taketh with him seven other spirits worse then himselfe , and they goe in and dwell there , and the end of that man is worse then the beginning . so shall it be to this evill generation , mat. 12. 42. behold thou art made cleane , goe , sinne no more , lest a worse thing happen unto thee . joh. 5. 14. of a late , or , a death-bed repentance . brutus in epist . ad pergamen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by henry hammond d. d. london , printed in the yeere 1646. of a late or a death-bed repentance . concerning a late or death-bed repentance , ( which i conceive much fitter for a sad secret consideration in the presence onely of god , and the scripture , & ones own soul ; then for a dispute or debate , wherein either each party may be unwilling to yeeld , or willing to retaine their owne prepossessions , or else that person that hath long depended on the benefit of a late repentance , may thinke it great rashnesse to resigne up that hold upon slight grounds , and such will any seeme to be at a suddaine transient representation ; ) it must first be acknowledged , that one of those two things is ordinarily understood by it , either the perfecting our accounts with god at that time , reinforcing all our former good resolutions , and shutting up that busines of our soules , which in time of health had beene sincerely begun , but not perfected ; or else the beginning of that worke of repentance at that time . for the first of these it is acknowledged , that the close of our lives , whether it be old age , or sicke bed , is very proper and usefull to that purpose . for the person that hath before that , sincerely converted to god with unfained sorrow and confession of all former sinnes , and firme resolution of amendment , ( which is the least that true repentance can consist of ) may then , when he sees himselfe drawing toward a period of a life , mixt with infirmities , and sinnes , lay his full load on his owne shoulders , and so with true sorrow and compunction , come heavy laden to his saviour , lay downe that burthen before god by particular confession , and beseech his pardon through the sufferings and satisfaction of christ for every of these ; which pardon the true sincere penitent hath on those termes promise to receive from heaven . nay , he that had before made many good resolutions , and yet through custome / of the place , through strength of naturall constitution , and such like temptations , hath hitherto not beene so faithfull to his resolutions , as he ought , may now at last upon god's visitation , and by helpe of this discipline of heaven , radicate and settle such resolutions so deepe , that they would be constant , and persevering , if he should againe recover ; and so this discipline may in that case be thought to have beene designed by god to this wholsome end , and the working of such an effect will no doubt be acceptable in his sight . but for the second , the beginning , i say the beginning the worke of repentance at that time , i desire these particulars may seriously be laid to heart . 1. in a generall view of it , whether it be not reprochfull and contumelious thus to offer god the refuse and vilest of our age and parts , like that offering to ceres phygaliensis in pausanias ; none of the hony of their bees , but only the wax , or juicelesse part of their labour ; and of their wooll ; those fleeces which were not fit for use , but full of the daglockes , the coursest and foulest part of it . that kinde of wooll , if a late critickes bold conjecture might be heeded , was it in which the spunge of vinegar was put , when 't was given christ on the crosse . the criticisme i shall confesse very insolent , but the observation on that supposition , true and obvious enough , that it was the greatest contumely that could have beene offered unto christ . 2. whether a person that now in time of youth or health , depends in any measure upon that repentance of old age , or disease , that deferres the forsaking of wilfull sinnes , or labouring to overcome passions or vanities for the present , in contemplation of the possibility of doing all this at the last , and of the conceived benefits or usefulnesse of such repentance , do not , for the present , grieve , and resist , and refuse the holy spirit of god , which at that time importunes to be heard and obeyed . 3. whether he do not promise himselfe , that though gods spirit be thus grieved and resisted , yet he will never be wearied out , but will be as bountifull and constant in giving of grace , after such resistance , as before . 4. whether to hope this be not contrary , as to that of the prophet , is . 63. 10. they rebelled and vexed his holy spirit , therefore he was turned to be their enemy , and he fought against them ; so also to the method of god in dispensing his grace described in the gospell , especially in the parable of the talents , which goes upon this rule , that he that makes use of , and improves that measure of grace which god affords , shall have more , but he that doth not , that which he hath shall be taken away from him ; as gen. 5. 3. where we read my spirit shall not alwaies strive with flesh ; the greeke hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall not abide or dwell with him ; & the hebrew is thought to have a peculiar notion ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sheath ) my spirit or the spirit which i have given to man , shall not be thus unprofitably laid up , and sheathed in him , the talent that lies so long idle shall at length be taken away , and the floud be sent to awake or drowne such unprofitable-spirited-men . it is the phansy of a very learned man , that these were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 pet. 3. 19. the spirits ( in prison say we ) of whom god so complaines that they were sheathed , lay idly and unprofitable in mankind , in noah's dayes who went and preacht to them . which if it be rightly conjectured by him , will conclude them , and all such others in the number of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 20. disobedient , whose repentance and amendment gods patience ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) once expected , but at length gave over expecting ; the very same provoking condition ( exprest by the same word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that heb. 3. 18. is put under that direfull oath of god , that they should not enter into his rest . thus the preaching of the gospel , the means of working grace being allowed in an eminent manner to god's people the jewes , and after the death of christ , yet farther continued to them for some time , upon their resisting of those meanes , is taken away from them , mat. 21. 43. to which purpose that terrible passage so oft repeated and so little understood ( matth. 13. 13. mar. 4. 12. luk. 8. 10. joh. 12. 40. act. 28. 26. rom. 11. 8. all taken out of isa . 6. 9. ) is very observable , being in the place of the acts peculiarly applied to this matter , the removing of the meanes of grace from the jewes to the gentiles , v. 28. of all which severall repetitions of the same words , this is the plaine constant sense , that because they had first resisted that powerfull meanes of grace , so long vouchsafed unto them , therefore they were by god's just punishment deprived of those meanes ( that spoken to them obscurely in parables , which was to others plainely , as the places in the gospell specify ) and so delivered up to hardnesse of heart . for this reason or cause ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes ) because their heart was ( in the preter tense , was before , not is , in the present ) waxen grosse , and their eares were dull of hearing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the aorist , they had for some indefinite time been so slow and dull in hearing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their eyes had they closed , lest they should at any time see , or heare , or understand , or convert , and so god should heale them . that this is the meaning of that hard place ( a proclaiming of consequent desertion from god upon their precedent obdurating their hearts against god's meanes , and not any absolute , antecedent , unprovoked act of god's hardning of them ) the manner of setting downe the place both in saint matthew , and in the acts , and the rendring it as a reason of christ's speaking to them in parables , in three other places , will inforce ; as might be more largely here manifested , if it were seasonable . and indeed ( to returne from this short digression ) the promises of the gospell goe generally on this ground , assurance of grace to the humble , that is , to those that being sensible of their danger through sin , doe obey god's call , and resigne themselves up as subjects to christ , but withall that threat adjoined of resisting the proud or disobedient , ja. 4. 6. and though it may be said that god doth not alwayes with-draw his grace , and his cals the meanes of grace upon every such resistance of ours , and therefore i may still hope that he will continue them to me to the houre of my death , and then i may make use of them ; yet the answer will be pregnant enough , 1. that although god upon every act of our resistance doth not wholly withdraw all grace , yet we have reason to think that the oftner we refuse , and resist , the more apt god is to forsake and desert us , and perhaps the weaker are his after-cals ; as the angel of god which he promised to send as a guardian before israel , exod. 23. 20. indued with the power of god , v. 21. was , say the learned jewes , upon their worshipping the calfe , taken away from them , and an inferiour weaker angel given in his stead , with no more then meere angelical power ; and this they ground on exod. 33. 3. where god , that v. 2. saith he had promised to send his angel before them , now tells them , he will not goe up in the midst of them , for they are a stiffe-necked people . and then sure this will be able to inforce that warning of god's concerning that angel , exod. 23. 21. beware of him , and obey his voice , provoke him not ; as being sure that any such provocation will bring some revenge or punishment after it . a gleame of which truth it was , that the heathens conceived that their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gods , or angels of cities or nations , did upon the provocations and sinnes of the inhabiters solemnly forsake their altars and temples , resigne up their care and tuition of them . 2 dly . that every act of our present resistance adds to our future obduration , as the beating of an hammer on an anvill ( such is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in theod. the soule that reverberates every stroke or call ) makes the anvill the smoother , and in effect the harder , i meane lesse capable of impression ; and then in the ordinary dispensation of the spirit , though god should continue the same degree of grace , after our frequent resistances which he gave before ; yet we should then be lesse likely to receive it , then we were before , when yet it appeares we did not receive it . whether by one or both of these meanes it comes to passe , i know not ; but sure every such sinne that is thus added to the tale , makes the reduction of any sinner more difficult and improbable then before it was ; and i shall appeale to the conscience of every such man that hath for any time flattered himselfe with the hopes of what a death-bed repentance may do for him , whether he do not find that ever since he entertained those hopes , he hath grown more wretchlesse , prophane , atheisticall , and so much farther from the end he hopes for , or depends on , and every day in an estate more deplorable , and desperate , then other . 3 dly . that we have no reason of beleeving , or hoping , farther then we have grounds from the word of god , ( the foundation of all beliefe and hope ) and that either from some promise , or example there . and therefore the next thing i desire should be considered , is , 1 how farre those promises and examples may be extended , and from thence that it be resolved unreasonable and unsafe to extend our hopes or perswasions of our selves any farther , then those will make it prudent for us to extend them . for the promises , that which is most familiar with us , and on which 't is most likely most men take up this hope , is that , wherewith our common prayer-booke begins , at what time soever a sinner doth repent him of his sinnes &c. of which ( that we mistake it not ) these two things are observable . 1. that that place containes no promise of gods giving the grace of repentance at all times , which is the only thing which all this time we consider ; but onely that at all times god is ready to forgive on supposition that we doe repent . 3 that that place cannot so fitly or probably be applyed to a death-bed repentance , because if we look into the margent of our bookes we shall see the place cited from ezech. 18. 21 , 22. and therefore is in justice no farther to be extended , as an infallible promise of scripture , then that in ezech. will beare ; and that upon examination will yeeld no more then this , that at what time soever a wicked man shall convert to god , turning from all his sinnes , that he hath committed , and on the contrary live , and performe the actions of a new life , keep all gods statutes , that is , performe ( though not perfect , yet ) sincere , universall , impartiall obedience , and doe that which is lawfull and right , he shall surely live , he shall not dye , his transgressions shall be forgiven ; and in his righteousnesse , his renewed sincere obedience , he shall live . which doing , and keeping , and righteousnesse , how it can be applyed to him which begins his worke not till he sees that he is just ready to dye , will hardly be imaginable . but having said thus much of this one place , i remember the saying of an ancient ( uncontradicted by any that i have heard of ) that though god promise pardon to all penitents at all times , yet he hath no where promised repentance to those all at all times , and that is all we now speake of , & therefore shall now suppose there are no such places , and therefore seeke no farther for them ; and though without such promise 't is possible god may still give that grace of repentance , yet that he should do so ; 1. it is extraordinary , and therefore he that despises his present offers , hath little reason to hope that those extraordinaries shall be reserv'd for him , and if still he will hope , job hath told him , the hypocrites hope shall perish , and i shall be bold to adde , that there is no greater degree of hypocrisie , then this want of sincerity , which appeares now in him by his not accepting of grace for the present , by refusing or deferring to do that which he is enabled and sollicited to do . in stead of seeking after more such promises i shall adde one terrible threatning , psal . 95. which is repeated by saint paul in the epistle to the hebrews , and by our church thought fit to begin our dayly morning service . where after these words to day if you will heare his voice , harden not your hearts , which signifies the time present , or at farthest the time of gods calling to them in his word to heare his voice , 't is straight added to all others , i have sworne ( and gods oaths are irreversible ) in my wrath , that they shall not enter into my rest . to which these two other places may fitly be subjoyned , prov. 1. 26. where as the punishment of those that have refused god's calls , 't is added in god's name , i will laugh at their calamity , and mocke when their feare cometh . a terrible place to him that hath neglected gods seasons and opportunities , and at last comes to be surpriz'd with death , and the feares that accompany it , and then begins to fly to god for succour , and grace , and pardon , & god in stead of compassionating , scoffes , & laughs , & mocks , at him ; the least that this can import , wil be that that time is a very improbable time for that most necessary work to be wrought by christ in us . the other place is that admonitiō of the author to the hebrewes 12. 16 , 17. that no man be prophane as esau was , in selling his birth-right for a morsell of meate . i. e. ( at least by way of accommodation ) that pretious priviledge and birth-right of grace here , and ( consequent to the christian use of that ) his eternall inheritance in heaven , for some transitorie pleasure of this earth , lest it befall him eternally , what befell esau here in respect of his father's blessing , he found no place of repentance , could not get his father isaac to repent , or reverse the donation from jacob to him , though he cryed bitterly for it , hast thou but one blessing , o my father ? blesse me , even me also , o my father ; and so , as it follows there , sought it carefully with teares . the full importance of the place is , that they that are guilty of esau's despight and contempt , which is there called prophanenesse , may have reason to apprehend that they may fall into the same hazard for their spiritual estate , that esau did for his temporall , be irreversibly lost , and finde no place for repentance in god , though they seeke it with sorrow , and griefe , and bitter compunction , carefully with teares . to which purpose christ's dealing with the people of the jewes , is matter of example , and admonition to every of us , luk. 19. 42. when weeping over hierusalem he said , if thou hadst knowne , or o that thou , even thou didst know , at least in this thy day , the things which belong unto thy peace ; and as if that time were past , just as he was a speaking , he adds , but now they are hid from thine eyes . for the dayes shall come , &c. it seemes before the point of the comming of those dayes of their surprizall , the things belonging to their peace were hid from their eyes , to wit , upon that criticall fatall act of their crucifying christ , adding that bloody transcendent impiety to their former killing , and stoning of the prophets , on which certaine irreversible destruction went out against them ; in which case though noah , daniel , and job should intercede , they should not be able to reverse it . to which purpose 't is observed generally by divines from these , and the like grounds , that there is to every wicked man a time when the measure of his iniquities are filled up , and gods patience in waiting for him so wearied out , that he gives over calling , or expecting , or waiting his repentance . this was wont to to be called by the jewes the measure of judgment , i. e. a pitch of sin , upon which judgment infallibly followed , destruction of whole kingdomes , and the like . this time is not to be knowne by any man of himselfe , ( nor to be discerned by any observation , and comparing of himselfe with others ) either by the number of sinnes , or calls of god , or yeares spent in sinne contrary to those calls , there being so much variety in these , and in god's dealing with men , that nothing but gods revelation can give us any certaine knowledge in this point ; only this may be said of it , 1. that the death of an impenitent sinner , i. e. god's plucking him away in that state , is , when it comes , a certaine indication of it . 2. that it is possible , i say possible , that it may be before the time of death , i. e. that the man which is come to that fulnesse of sin and ripenesse for excision , may be kept alive by god beyond that time , and if that , which i say is possible , ever actually be , then is that man concluded under a finall sentence , an irreversible estate in evill , even in this life , and consequently 't is possible some impenitent sinner may in this life arrive to that estate . for as numb . 16. 38. the censers and the lives of corah and his company were forfeited to god together , ( as that place should be read , the censers of these sinners with their soules , or lives , v. 38. are hallowed , v. 37. i. e. consecrated , forfeited to god , their goods and their lives together ) so is it with grace , the speciall suppllex or furniture of the soule , that , and life are betray'd together , the same degree of sin , the same pitch of provocation makes forfeiture of both , and then god may use his power and dominion , as he please , take both together , or take one and reprieve the other for some time , withdraw grace , and leave life , for some ends in his wisedome seeming good to him ; and as there the censers were not destroyed , but made into broad plates for the altar , used to the service of god , when the owners were swallowed up quick , so no doubt on the other side , might the owners have been kept alive , & used by god some way to set out his glory , and yet the censers have beene destroyed . it being free to god to take the forfeiture , when , and how farre he please , and in case of such filling up their measure , either to withdraw grace only , ( which if it be totall and final makes up the irreversible estate ) or else if he so please , to call for both the deposita at once , take away grace and life together . that i thus take confidence to conclude , is upon the authority of scripture , which hath made it cleare to me that it was thus actually with pharaoh at one time of his life , after the sixth judgement peculiarly ( but not before , through all , or any part of the space of the former calls , much lesse at , or before his birth , or before gods messages to him ) when god is said to harden his heart , & to make him stand , or keepe him alive , ( when otherwise he had cut him off from the earth , but that he intended thus to reprieve him ) that he might shew in him his power . exod. 9. 14 , 15. which because it is a notable ( and as farre as i have observed in scripture a singular ) example , and because by some mistakes in our translation and by other prejudices it is become somewhat obscure , i will here set downe as it lyes in the story . moses & aaron are sent to pharaoh with that message from god concerning the dismission of the israelites , and with miracles and signes to give authority to their message , and pharaoh refused to harken or obey , but hardned his heart , exod. 7. 13. in which place our ordinary translation hath mistaken , for it is not to be understood , as we read it , that he , i , e. god ( as yet ) hardned pharaoh's heart , for the words do not beare that in the hebrew , nor had any such thing by way of story at that time beene intimated ( only by way of prediction , and evidence of gods praescience , ex. 3. 19. and by way of decree what god would doe upon it , c. 4. 21. and 7. 3. which was after fulfilled , and not yet , and might therefore be referred to that after-time ) ( but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pharaohs heart waxed strong , or hard , was hardned : and so it followes v. 14. the lord said to moses , pharaohs heart is hardned , he refuseth , &c. and so the very same words are rendred by our english c. 7. 22. and c. 8. 19. was hardned , in the passive , not actively he hardned . and so this denotes only an act of stubbornnesse in pharaoh , an obstinate resistance or refusall against god's calls and miracles , & not any act of gods either positive or privative ( by way of desertion ) in hardning him , only the lord had said that it would be so , ( in the end of that verse ) which referres to gods prediction of his stubbornnesse , c. 3. 19. i am sure that the king of egypt will not let you goe ; and that , i say , grounded only in gods praescience , which hath no more to doe with ( no more influence on ) the effect , nor degree of causality in the producing it , then my seeing of any object , hath on the object , being perfectly as extrinsecall and accidentall to the effect , as my sight or my knowledge is to another mans action , and the thing foreseene no more necessitated to be by that meanes , then it would if god did not foresee it , it being common to god with us to worke by his will , and not by his praescience , and the absurdity being as great , to affirme that he willeth by his knowledge , as that he knoweth by his will , or that i see with my eare , or heare with my eye , and such like : the truth of which calvin it seemes discerned by some hint in valla's writings , and from him beza learn't , and acknowledged it also . after this obduration of his against a call and a wonder , god proceeds to a judgement of turning the water into blood , v. 16 , 17. and that it seemes was a very sufficient meanes of conviction unto this obdurate pharaoh , for so saith god , hitherto thou wouldst not heare , but in this thou shalt know that i am the lord , behold i will smite , &c. this visible judgment was able it seemes to extort from him the acknowledgement of the hand that sent it , in this thou shalt know , and yet after this , it followes , that pharaoh's heart was hardned , v. 22. neither did he set his heart to this also v. 23. and the reason is given , because the magicians did ( in these two signes ) the same thing also by their inchantments . after this comes the plague of frogs , and that it seemes came so neare him ( on him c. 8. 4. and into the kings chamber , saith the psalmist ) that , though the magicians were able to do the like , yet being not able to deliver him from them again , he calls for moses , and intreates his prayers for deliverance from this plague , and promises that he will let the people goe , v. 8. and moses , to improve this mercy to him , that it may be a softning deliverance , that the frogges and the obdurate heart may depart together , bids him choose his time when , v. 9. and it shall be done for him , v. 10. that thou mayst know that there is none like the lord our god. but it seemes this had no effect on him neither , for when he saw there was respite , when the judgement was removed , ( now god's mercy was his temptation as before the magicians inchantments ) he hardned his heart , and harkened not , v. 15. and this was a third wilfull act of his owne obduration , agreeable to what god had foretold of him , as the lord had said . then comes the plague of lice , v. 17. and in this the magicians are posed , v. 18. the devill that before could hurt but not deliver , that could doe destructive , but not saving miracles , is not now able to destroy , to doe mischiefe , confesses and proclaimes the finger of god , as he doth the messias in the gospell , when the pharisees denied him , and yet for all this , this testimony and sermon of the very devill against him , it followes , his heart was hardened , v. 19. and he harkened not as the lord had said . after this comes the swarme of flyes , & that not only as a plague miraculously produced , but with a signe , v. 23. a division betwixt god's people and his , no flyes swarming in goshen , but in all egypt besides , on purpose to make him sensible of his sin by the particularity of the punishment , to the end that he might know , v. 22. on purpose to teach him piety . by this it seemes pharaoh is wrought on a little , first to give leave that they shall sacrifice to god without going out of the land ; then when that would not serve ( because by so doing they should sacrifice the abomination of the egyptians to the lord before their eyes , v. 26. i. e. those things which the egyptians would detest to see so used , gen. 43. 32. to wit in manetho's phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cattell w ch were sacred among the egyptians , first by law forbidden to be killed , & after , though not then , received into the nūber of their gods , for so was apis saith * tatitus , a bull and the speciall god of the egyptians ) he proceeds farther and giveth way that they may goe into the wildernesse , only you shall not goe very farre away , v. 28. and upon this promise , moses promises to intreate for him , v. 29. but now pharaoh had already hardned his heart foure times , & at one of those times he had over and above dealt falsely , promised faire , c. 8. 8. but brake his promise , and therefore now moses after this fift judgment , though he promise to pray upon his promise to mend , yet doth it with a particular warning more then at any time before ; but let not pharaoh deal deceitfully any more , v. 29. as ominating that , if he bid , now the danger would be greater then ever before , and yet v. 32. as soone as the judgement was removed , pharaoh hardned his heart , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hac vice , this turn , this time also . upon this god sends that plague of murrain upon all the cattle of egypt , c. 9. 6. and the heart of pharaoh was hardned , 7. and so still all this while though pharaoh was obdurate , yet this by no act of god's , but pharaoh hardens his owne heart , and will not let israel goe , as the lord commanded . upon this god sends another judgement , that of boiles and blaines , v. 10. and then 't is said in a new stile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lord hardned the heart of pharaoh , v. 12. ( which sure was the time at first referred to by god by way of prediction to moses c. 4. 21. as our margent directs , and was the judgement before threatned implicitely in that speciall caution or warning , c. 8. 29. ) and this god never did till then ; and therefore as after that warning 't is said that pharaoh hardned his heart this time also , so 't is here said , v. 14. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this turne , this time , now , though not before , god would powre all his plagues upon his heart , and those plagues on his heart are sure effects of gods obdurating . upon which immediately follows the passage wherin the greatest difficulty lyes , c. 9. 14 , 15. not as we read it [ for now i will stretch out my hand , that i may smite thee and thy people with pestilence , for the event proves there was no such matter , pharaoh was not smitten by the pestilence , nor cut off from the earth by that meanes , but drowned in the red sea some time after . but thus should the words be rendred , and ( or for ) now i had sent or stretcht out my hand , and i had smitten thee and thy people by thee pestilence , and thou hadst beene cut off from the earth . it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the preter tence , sent , saith ainsworth , or rather had sent , ( as 't is ordinary in hebrew for the preter tence to beare the sense of the pluperfect tence ) and paulus fagius from the chaldee paraphrase , nunc prope erat coram me ut dimisissem , i was neare stretching out my hand , referring as 't is probable to the plague of the murrain , in the beginning of the chapter , ( called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both in this verse , and that v. 3. ) which might have seized upon him and his people , as it did on his cattell , or else to those boiles , v. 11. which might be plague-swellings , and so proper enough to have cut him off ; and so that which followes will be more cleare , but ( not and ) in very deed for this cause , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i have ( not [ raised thee up ] but ) made thee stand , kept thee alive , sustentavi te saith the ancient latine , sustained thee , ( for otherwise had it not beene for this , i had smitten thee with the murrain or plague before , and thou hadst some time since beene cut off utterly , but that i intended ) to shew , or make known , or make to be seene ( for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literally signifies ) my power in thee , as in cutting up or anatomizing a man alive , which is condemned to death , ( saith chrysostome ) that others may be instructed and benefited by that dissection . in this matter 't is true saint paul reades 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for this very thing i raised thee up , say we ; but that must be understood and interpreted by what we have already found to be the meaning of the story , and not on the other side this rendring of the passage in the story ( which the context inforceth , and p. fagius , and out of him ainsworth acknowledge to be the importance of the hebrew ) brought to the sound of our english phrase in saint paul , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must not needs referre to the time of pharaoh's birth , or to any absolute destination of his person , ( it would be hard to bring any example of such a sense of it in scripture , or other author ) but may belong to some particular passage or part of his life , and so directly to this point of time , when god saies he might have slaine him with plague or murrain ; and so be rendred raising , as that signifies a raising one out of a danger or sickenesse , a rescuing or recovering him , and so keeping alive , as 't is ordinarily used in scripture of raising from sickenesse or death . the sense certainly is , that god continued him alive , when he had filled up his measure of obduration , and so in ordinary course was to be cut off by death ; in the same manner as the author of the booke of wisdome saith of god's dealing with the canaanites , c. 12. 20. those who are due to death thou punishedst with so much long animity , and so it 's intimated by that which follows , rom. 9 , 22. god willing to shew his wrath , &c. endured with much long suffering the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction . and then when pharaoh's heart was thus hardned by god in this extraordinary manner , god expostulates with him , v. 17. ( in triumph as it were over this sinner that now is the illustrious object of his judgements of obduration , plague of heart , & a kind of hell on earth , for which he was reserv'd , beyond the ordinary period of life , kept alive for this remarkeable judgement ) as yet exaltest thou thy selfe , &c. and in referrence peculiarly to that expostulation is that objection to be understood , rom. 9. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; why doth he yet find fault ? i. e. god might indeed , saith the objector , with good reason finde fault all the while of the former six judgements , when pharaoh hardned his owne heart ; but now when god hath hardned him , and by a totall deprivation of grace ( without which he cannot choose but sinne ) ingulfed him in an irreversible state , as much as if he were in hell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , why yet or still doth he find fault , or expostulate ? for who hath resisted his will ? then god might be said to will his obduration , which he had inflicted by way of punishment , ( though before 't is confest he could not ) and what possible resisting of his will is there , that he should still find fault ? the answer to this objection ( first by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not for any exact determining or stating any point of controversie or question , particularly of that immediately precedent , [ who hath resisted his will ? ] but for the puzling and silencing of the objecter , v. 20. 21. and then by speaking directly to the matter in hand about pharaoh , v. 22. ) might out of saint chrysostome be fully cleared , if this were not already too large an overgrowne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and this part of it impertinent wholly to the matter in hand . the result of all that i have laboured to lay downe concerning pharaoh is this , that although his state were a long time but reversibly ill , as long as he hardned his owne heart , yet when his owne obdurations were come to the fulnesse of measure , and he ripe and dropping into hell , as after the sixth judgement he was , then god exchanged the first part of that due punishment of his in another world , that was instantly to have commenced , for a temporary cooler hell here , hardned his heart , and obstructed all possibility of repentance from him , and so concluded him in this life in an irreversible estate . having gone thus farre , i shall now demand , whether an impenitent christian , that in the midst of many meanes of grace , many cals of christ for many yeares together afforded , doth repeate and reiterate his resistances , and hardens so oft his owne heart against god , be not as great a provoker as pharaoh was ? i am sure , that that which josephus makes the character of pharaoh , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , folly with wickednesse and malignity , is the just inscription of such for the most part . and if it be objected , that such an one is not allowed those signes and prodigies that he was , i answer , 1. that t is but the greater mercy to him , that he is not , those being all destructive miracles ; and if he complaine for want of them he may within a while ( if he have not already ) meet with some rouzing judgement , some sharpe disease of the stone , or strangury , or feaver , a thunder and lightning about his eares , which will be able to supply that place , and aggravate his guilt , perfectly as high as pharaoh's , if he be not reformed ; 2. father abraham's answer to dives may be conviction to him , that he that hath the moses and prophets in the christian sense , the many methods of the holy ghost , the many cals of christ in the church , and is not wrought on by them , neither would that man repent , though al pharaoh's miracles were shewed before him ; some magician-inchanting-deceit , ( flattery of his owne corrupt heart ) or comfortable hope , which the removall of a punishment would be apt to infuse into him , would be as sure divertisements to avoid the force of the most powerfull worke of gods upon him , as the like were then unto pharaoh . 't is true there may be some disparity ( in regard of some circumstances ) betwixt that pharaoh and the christian impenitent , and therefore there will be no certainty deducible from pharaoh's example , that any man now a dayes doth come in this life to that irreversible estate ; this i am most willing to graunt , and from thence to conclude , that 't will be a great madnesse for any melancholy hypocondriack from this discourse to take occasion to pahnsy himselfe actually in that estate , and from thence to give over all hope , and labour to get out againe . 1. because the doing so is the sure way to ingulfe him in it for the future , though he be not yet in it , which is one peece of fury , thus to run into that , which i feare , when the feare ought in any reason to drive me from it . 2. because this paper hath only laboured to prove that a man may fall into it , if he doe not take heed , which if it be beleeved and made use of , he never shall fall into it ; and to give over all heed is a use quite contrary to this doctrine . 3. because the only reasonable , and the farre more proper use of this doctrine will bee , 1. to hasten our repentance . 2. if it have beene deferred too long , then to helpe to repaire that defect by more zeale and intention , and vehement desire , by more humiliation to root it deepe , and by fruits ( all that are possible ) to evidence the sincerity of it , and in all these respects to lose no time in impious or melancholy thoughts , but by a speedy change to confute our feares , and shew that we are not lost irreversibly . 4. because whosoever is supposed to be subject to these discouraging thoughts , and so in danger to be hurt by this doctrine , is supposed for the present to be desirous to repent and amend , and then by a principle laid in another discourse , we must suppose his present estate , though it be ill , yet not to be irreversible , this care and desire to get out being a character and indicium of that state of sinne , which is styled sinne not unto death , for which the prayers of others , viz. of the church have that promise , 1 joh. 5. that god will in answer to them give him life , i. e. not present pardon or salvation , continuing as he is , but sufficient means of grace to bring him to repentance first , and then to life . but if he have cast of all desire of being better , then as i have no such grounds of comfort for him , so will not the principles of discomfort , that this discourse hath offered , prove matter of despaire to him , but rather of rouzing and wakening him out of his presumption . this one answer is alone aboundantly sufficient in this matter , and then for any man thus to give over the former only hope ( not upon any appearance , or probable argument , but upon a phansie or jealousie of his owne , raised only on some occasion or pretence , i am sure not ground , or cause taken from this discourse ) will be so unreasonable ( and withall so impossible to cleare or rescue any the truest and wholesomest discourse from such accidentall mistakes , and scandals , and inconsequent conclusions ) that i shall not adde any more words to prevent , or cure it . the truth is , there is another kinde of desperation , that of going on still in our wickednesse ( as jer. 2 , 25. [ thou sayest there is no hope ] is set to signifie , saith grotius , abstinere nequeo , i cannot abstaine , and that impotence an effect of a passionate will , or a custome in sinning , as followes in that verse , i have loved strangers , and after them will i goe ) the running headlong upon all the sinne , and danger , and misery in the world , which we are wont to call a desperate state , because it is the neglecting of the condition , upon which all the gospell promises ( the onely ground of hope ) are made over to us ; and to fprtifie us against that , is the only designe , and project of this paper . i wish it may prove successefull to it . all which being not only granted , but proposed as necessary considerations to be taken along with this doctrine , it remaines still cleare and uncontrolled , that god may , if he will , thus punish a hard heart with totall and finall substraction of grace , and so with hardning irreversibly , either here , ( which i only say he may , but know not that he will ) or at the hower of death , at which time there is no doubt but he will thus proceed with every impenitent . and though it be hard , if not impossible , to judge , when the former of these times is come , or before-hand to divine when the latter or former will come , either to another or to my selfe , and so still there is hope , to him that will make use of hope to present amendment , not to secure procrastination , yet these three things may be resolved on . 1. that there is or may be such a time , as to nations and people , so to particular sinners also . in the 10 th generation the deluge came upon the old world , and in the 10 th generation after that , the fire and brimstone came upon sodome , and nothing but repentance could then have reprived them , or put off their ruine ; to that end 120 yeares warning was given to the former , and noah designed a preacher of that repentance ; and to the latter , the chaldee reades , that god came downe to see , whether they had made to cease , or made an end ( so paraphrasing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) i. e. repented , gen. 18. 21. & if not , i know , saith he , what i will doe ; irreversible destruction in that case . and our saviours parable of the tree that for so many yeares received the owners expectation , is to the same purpose , and the issue of it , cut it down , why cumbreth it the ground ? secondly , that every day spent in an unreformed state , brings a man nearer to one of these periods of obduration , or excision irreversible , as every of those generations contnuing unreformed , came nearer to that 10 th and last generation . thirdly , that every call of gods being rejected , brings him yet nearer to it , as every step in the way brings nearer to the journeies end . fourthly , that an unreformed sinner , if he do ( on confidence of longer space , and resolution not to begin that so necessary a worke of repentance till the last , but in the meane to enjoy the pleasures of sinne , till the dayes come , that he shall say , i have no pleasure in them ) continue so one minute longer , doth by such presumption terribly provoke god to bring that fatall punishment on him , and so , if he will goe on , may that next minute ( for ought he knowes or any can ensure him ) engulfe himselfe in that irreversible estate , out of which , when he is once in it , no escape or issue is to expected . and though after all this , one of christ's parables seemes to allow as free a reception , and as faire an hire to the labourer , that cometh latest into the vineyard , as to any other , yet this is in case he be not sooner called , but come as soone as he is , not when the earlyer call hath beene oft rejected , on purpose to avoide the heat and burden of the day ; much lesse when 't is therefore rejected , because it is too early , and because the going in later will serve turne as well ; for sure god is not likely to be circumvented , and cheated , and mockt , by such crafty merchants as these , nor to call such at the eleaventh howre that would not come , at the 3 d , nor 6 t , nor 9 th , nor to admit , or reward them that come in that manner , as they are likly to comewith , ( i. e. only a desire of heaven ) when the doors are shut , when they are not called . to which purpose his dealing with the israelites is remarkable , god commanded them at his bringing them out of egypt to invade the canaanites , and promised them strength to overcome them , and possesse the land , but they refused to go up ; afterwards when he bid them not , they would needes go up , & then they miscarried in the attempt ; the application is easie and terrible to the delayer , or refuser , and the parable of the foolish virgins seemes to bring it home to our pupose , they come knocking when the doore is shut , and finde no admission . mat. 25. 11. and beside the deterrements that may thus be offered us on gods part in ths businesse , many other are ready at hand from consideration of our selves , as 1. that though god doe continue to call , yet we may be as likely to deferre still , as before we were , and to thinke that other one act of procrastination may be as safe , as the many former have beene . 2. that leisure , will , or strength may then be wanting , and then farre more probably then before , by how much a more chronicall habit doth harden the heart , weaken , and stop the eare , and many the like ; and so still nothing is safe , but present instant returning . the prophets speech is remarkeable to the confirmation and enforcing of this , esa . 55. 6. seeke the lord while he may be found ( it seemes there is a period of that time , and so a time when he may not be found , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when the storehouses are sealed up , saith epiphan : ) call yee upon him while he is neare . let the wicked forsake and returne , &c. an actuall forsaking and returning ( sorrow for losse of heaven , or apprehension of instant hell , will not serve the turne ) and then comes the promise that god will have mercy , &c. and so prov. 8. 17. those that seeke me early shall finde me , the promise is to the early seekers , and to no others , and so farre of the promises . then for any example in the word of god , on which to ground this hope , or make it prudent that a future death-bed repentance should be depended on , i thinke there is but one that will be pretended , that of the thiefe upon the crosse ; concerning which it is observable , 1. that it appeares not of him , ( nor have we any reason to charge it on him ) that he ever procrastinated or purposely posted off his conversion , till this so late a date , and so he will not be matter of comfort to them that do . 2. that as farre as we have any knowledge , he seemes not ever to have heard of christ , at least to have beene called or instructed by him , till he met him upon the crosse , and consequently he can be no precedent to any that hath lived an age or a great part of it under the preaching of the gospell . 3. that for the thiefe to be converted then , and beleeve in christ in that state of greatest humility , upon the crosse , ( which so scandaliz'd the jewes , when by all other motives they were inclined to have beleeved on him ) was a most notable illustrious eminent act of faith , and ought in any reason to be preferr'd before that which is ordinarily found among men . 4. that it was accompanyed with as many effects of sincere conversion , as that condition was capable of , confession of christ , and devout prayer to him for his mercy , or remembrance when he came to his kingdome . 5. that it was not extorted by the fear of death , but proceeded from a sight , and acknowledgement of the innocency , and power of christ , even upon the crosse , and this was an argument to himselfe and others , ( and was it seemes so acknowledged by christ ) of the sincerity of his faith , and conversion to god , and that being supposed sincere , will undoubtedly be accepted , be it never so late . 6. this was done by the thiefe in the midst of all temptations to the contrary , the crosse one great temptation , and such as almost all the disciples were shaken with , and besides the other thiefe was his tempter to the contrary , railing on christ , &c. luk. 23. 29 , and also the chiefe priests , and scribes , and elders , mocked him , and they that passed by reviled him wagging their heads , mat. 27. and so that new-convert-thiefe was a singular person , almost the only confessour in the company . these particulars being observed will give us reason to acknowledge the difference great betwixt the example of the thiefe , and any that make use of that example to deferre their repentance till the last , and will consequently advertise us , that though it succeeded very well to him , it may succeed very ill to us . for other examples it will , i beleeve , be very hard to produce any out of scripture ( and for allegations out of humane story , or observation , it will not be pertinent to produce them , because they bring not with them any evidence how they were accepted by god , as that of the thiefe did , this day thou shalt be with me in paradise ) and yet to be sure to omit nothing , that may to any seem pertinent , we will suppose the conversion of saint paul to have somewhat in it , something like that of the thiefe , for he was strucken to the earth , in the midst of his threatnings and slaughters against the church , and before he was recovered againe , undoubtedly converted , and after lived to be a most gracious apostle . to which example as farre as can concerne our case in hand , i answer , by proposing these three considerations . 1. whether , supposing that saul had died when he was thus stricken , ( yea though it had been after the delivery of those words , v. 6. [ he trembling and astonished , said , lord what wilt thou have me to do ? ] conceiving no more to be meant by them then was by saint peter's auditours , when they said , men and brethren what shall we doe ? to which he there answers , repent , &c. whether i say any man would affirme , that he had been saved ( and yet sure that trembling and saying amounted as farre as sorrow for sinne , without actuall amendment ) or at least bring any evidence o● scripture to confirme any such affirmation . if god's absolute decree , that of electing of his person be produced for such argument , that will as much hold for the saving him , though he has died in the midst of his blasphemies , without any such trembling ▪ and then he might have been saved , without ever having been converted ; which i have not yet heard to be asserted by any , unlesse the antinomian doctrine may amount so farre . 2. whether the case of saint paul be not quite distant from that of a christian , delaying and deferring repentance to the last . for that is sinne against light , and so a willfull , deliberate crime , and by that god is provoked to with-draw , rather then invited to give more grace . but saint paul affirmes of himselfe that he obtained mercy because he did it ignorantly , in unbeliefe , 1 tim. 1. 13. and therefore though ignorant christians , zealous in their erroneous way may be allowed some of our charity , upon this precedent of saint paul's conversion , and it may be agreeable to analogy of faith , to hope that god will by an extraordinary way bring them to a sight of their errours in time of life , or accept their repentance for all sinnes knowne and unknowne , ( so there were in them a preparation of mind to have deposited their errours upon sufficient light , and to have reformed the sinnes consequent to those errours ) yet that a bare sorrow shall be accepted for wilfull sinnes , when it is on purpose deferred so long , till it cannot bring forth fruits worthy of repentance , and so in effect can prove nothing but sorrow , ( no amendment being added to it actually ; and whether the resolution of amendment be sincere , it is both to the party himselfe , and to others by ordinary meanes utterly un-evident , because he is supposed to dye before any sufficient triall of it ) i conceive will not be thought concluded convincingly from that example . 3. whether the enlarging of sauls life and aboundant labouring and suffering of his , after conversion , be not an intimation ( very observable ) that great sinners , when they are converted , must doe much more in christianity , ( i meane exercise more acts of sorrow and repentance , whether by way of restitution to those that are wronged , or of satisfaction to those that were scandalized , or to expresse the sincerity of the change by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 cor. 7. 11. of revenge on himselfe ) then would be necessary to the salvation of another : and if ' were so of saint paul , whose former sinnes were committed ignorantly , then how much more of wilfull continuers in sinne , as he , that thus deferres his repentance , is supposed to be ? the promises and examples from scripture being considered , and found unconcluding : the fifth thing to be considered , is , whether he that thus depends on a death-bed repentance , doe it not because that time will be more probable for him to repent in , then any other , and that though he repent not before that time , yet then it will be probable , which if he doe , then must he think it either , 1. in his owne power to repent without grace , and that is pelagianisme , or 2. that god's terrours , and the imminency of approaching dangers have that or a greater force in them , then ordinary grace ; which is quite contrary to the doctrine of father abraham , luk. 16. 31. ( if they heare not moses and the prophets , neither will they be perswaded though one rose from the dead ) & indeed to all divinity , which asserts the principall or sole cause of true saving repentance , to be no outward impellent ( for such were an extorted , not voluntary , nor consequently true repentance ) but the gift of sanctifying grace , meeting with an humble malleable heart ( supposing that humility to be first wrought by god's preventing grace ) in that sense that 't is said , god gives grace to the humble . or 3. that there is some assurance or probability that that speciall grace shall not then be wanting ; for which yet we have shewed there is no assurance ; and for the probabilities which may induce perswasion , though not assurance , let us now consider , 1. is it probable , that in this case god shoul'd give more grace then ever he gave before ? or 2. that the same or a lesse measure of grace then , should worke that which before it wrought not ? or 3. that that performance which would not have been accepted before , should then be accepted ? for the first , the rule of scripture is , from him that hath not , that is , hath not made use of grace given , god will with-draw that which he had given , and rev. 22. 11. he that is unjust let him be unjust still , and he that is filthy let him be filthy still ; and this not onely god permitting , but god deserting , and sometimes god delivering up , and possibly obdurating also . for the second , 't is certaine that the longer a habit of impenitence in any sinne hath continued , the more obdurate the person is , especially if it have been sinne against light , ( as our case supposes ) and though it be not simply impossible to god to melt such , yet extreamely improbable it is , that they shall be melted without a farre greater degree then that , by which before they were not melted . and though sicknesse it selfe may be a meanes of some force to worke good , and being added to that grace , which without it prevailed not , may now possibly prevaile , yet is this a great uncertainty . for , 1. some men are worst under the rod. exod. 6. 9. they hearkned not for anguish of spirit and for cruell bondage , their anguish kept them from hearkning . this hippocrates observes , de aqua , aere & locis , and from thence hath a pretty heathenish argument , that a disease among the scythians which he speakes of , was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of god's sending , because it fell not on poore men , on whom he conceived the gods would inflict all their evill things because of their murmuring and blaspheming . 2. they that are affected by the rod , doe not all repent sincerely , hos . 7. 14. they have not cryed unto me with their hearts , when they howled on their beds ; thus ahab's humiliation , which the judgement produced , was we know no thorough reformation , onely a putting on sackcloth , and going softly , ( not much of an higher pitch then what hath been related of an horse that by the help of a hot floore and some traces was taught to dance to a tune ) and to that perhaps belongs that of the psalmist , god's enemies shall be found lyers unto him , submit themselves , as our other translation reades , but submit feignedly , their love of god is but little improved , though there be an outward forme of submission , extorted it seemes even from haters ; and so to this may belong that censure of saint chrysostome , ( l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ) which he brings as an argument why men should be onely perswaded , not forced to reformation of any fault or errour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because god rewards not those that upon necessity abstaine from evill , but only those that voluntarily do it . and it is observable in the ancient canons , that they that deferred their baptisme til they thought they should die , the clinici or bed-baptists , had an ill character set upon them , and if they recovered , though they were acknowledged christians , yet were excluded from any farther dignity in the church , could never be admitted to orders , a marke of the churches judgement of such men . nay , 3. that which is then done by any man , there is no certaine judgment to be made , whether it be his will and intention , or no , whether it come from the man , or the disease . 't is a rule in justinian that surdus & mutus testamenta non facit , there is small heed due to a testament made by one that is brought so low : and sure repentance is a very easie taske , if he that is disabled for all things else is strong enough for that . 4. the great diversions which the sick bed presents would be considered ; 1. disquieting , if not enraging , or stupifying paines ; 2. decay of spirits , and a consequent numnesse and dulnesse ; 3. the hurry of worldly businesse then to be composed and set in order ; all which being put together will add extreamly to the improbability of any mans being wrought on , or melted at that time , and rather define that it is undoubtedly the unfittest and unlikeliest season to begin or perfect a worke so great , so weighty , that before he could find no leasure , even when time lay on his hands , to set about it ; and yet farther , many diseases there are , a consumption by name , wherein the more desperately we are sicke , and the nearer our end , the lesse are we apt to beleeve we are so , and other sharper diseases , when they come to an height , deprive us of our wits , and hopes together , and by their indications to others , that they are mortall , disable us utterly from preparing for that mortality . for the third there is little hope of that , the condition which is now required under the gospell , being as indispensably required of all that come to yeares and powers and meanes of knowledge , as ever the condition of the first covenant was under that ; and that condition is , repent and beleeve the gospell ; & , except you repent you shall all likewise perish ; now i hope 't will be no newes to say , that repentance is more then sorrow ; if it be , then observe 2 cor. 7. 10. and it will be convincing . besides , the example of judas , that had this sorrow before he hanged himselfe , and the example of esau's birth-right lost , and the insufficiency of sorrow at last to get isaac to repent , or reverse the blessing , which god had decreed from him to jacob , will argue that bare sorrow will not serve the turne to regaine the spirituall inheritance . besides this sorrow , the most that that state is capable of , is a resolution of amendment , ( as for actuall amendment , or the evidencing of that resolution by actions , this state is supposed uncapable of that . ) now concerning a death-bed resolution of amendment these 8 things may be observed , 1. that it is at that time most improper and out of season , very unreasonable that the end of the life should be the first minute of living well ; it is an old rule in hesiod , that 't is too late to sow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for then the corne should be growing up ; the death-bed is a speciall season for the exercise and evidence of many christian vertues , and consequently very improper for a seedes-time , or plantation . 2. that it is a ridiculous thing , for a man to resolve to live well upon no other consideration , but because the time is come when he thinkes he shall dye . the very foundation of the resolution being contrary to the performance of it , the condition of all his good life , a presumption that he shall not live . and not only ridiculous , but null ; 't will be but an act of reason & justice to himself , to change the resolution when the motives are changed , and a contrary imprudence and unkindnesse to adhere to the conclusion , when the praemises are confuted , and to doe that which he resolved , when that upon which the resolution was made , ( selfe-love and carnall advantages , and interests ) shall as much oblige him to make contrary resolutions ; the invitations of the flesh being as perswasive in health , as the terrours of hell affrighting in sicknesse , the present pleasure now as strong an argument as was then the approaching paine , especially when the pleasure hath the advantage of being represented alone , without the rivall ; which was the only meanes by which the other came ever to prevaile . from such grounds of discourse as this , what can be expected of this sick resolver , but that he resume his sinnes with his health , leave his new vowes in that bed , where first he tooke them up , discharge his feares , and his good motions , his physitian and confessor together . 3. that a desire of dying well , of having heaven in another world , may then easily be mistaken for that resolution . 4. that as a wearinesse of paines may be taken for a wearinesse of this world , so that wearinesse may be taken for mortification , and that mortification for resolution of amendment . 5. that the no strength then to sinne , may easily passe for this resolved amendment ; or however resolution to amend at a time when i have no strength to sinne , may last no longer then that impotence lasteth . 6. that although this resolution , if it be sincere , ( and such as god sees would bring forth fruits of repentance , of time were given ) shall certainely be accepted by god , ( according to that of wisd . 4. 7. although the righteous be prevented with death , yet shall he be at rest ) yet this resolution while it is no more ' then so , first may be mistaken and thought sincere , when it is not , ( there was little difference to any mans sight , betwixt the seed that sprung up without root , and that which was sowed in good ground , till the shining of the sunne made the discrimination ) and that errour not only others , but our selves may be subject to ; we commit many things in time of temptation which in absence of the temptation we resolved against , and really beleeved that resolution had beene sincere ; & so we omit in like manner : and the reason is , because we resolved it only absolutely , but foresaw not the price to be laied down for it , either did not discerne , or else did not resolve on the paines or difficulties that it would cost us to performe it . he that is sicke , and is assured that such a potion will cure him , resolves firmely he will take it , & is perhaps at that time perswaded that this resolution is sincere , & yet when the potion comes , and proves extreme offensive to the tast , he will rather dye then swallow it ; this argues the resolution either not largely enough extended , or not deepely enough radicated ; he had only digested the potion , as physick , but not as loathsome , as prescribed for his good , but foresaw not then ( or after is not courageous enough to overcome ) the bitternesse of it . and though i shall not affirme or conceive that every resolution is unsincere which ever actually failes , or possibly might faile in time of temptation ( because those failings may be but infirmities , and those are reconcileable with sincerity , or but single acts of sin , and those if presently retracted againe by repentance , and not continued , or persevered in impenitently , are reconcileable also ) yet still sure there is such a thing as unsincere resolution , and of the many kindes of that i shall name a few 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. the resolution that doth not ( or would not on supposition of tryall ) hold out against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ordinary humane temptations , such as are proportioned to the strength which we have , or which , if we use the meanes prescribed , we shall be sure to receive . 2. the resolution that is not deepely rooted in an honest heart ( as that is exprest first by the good , then by the moyst hospitable soyle , contrary both to the thorny and stony ground , the one when the cares of the world are unweeded , unmortified , the other when the hard heart is unsoftned , unhumbled ) 3. the resolution that doth not forecast the meanes , as well as the end , the difficulties and temptations , as well as the easier and more amiable part of the taske : the man in the parable that sets on building without considering the charge , without laying or disigning the meanes whereby to goe through with it , the herod that rejoyced in john baptists light , i. e. saith saint augustine , beheld with joy the lustre of his doctrine , heard him gladly , and in obedience to him , did many things , but fell off , when he lookt upon himselfe , and the pleasant sinnes , the brothers wife , that in obedience to him he was to part with ; the resolution that doth not extend to the undertaking the condition , the unpleasanter part of the work , but onely layes hold on the prize , or the duty abstracted from the condition , which is the pleasanter , the balaams wish for the righteous mans death , without any reall change , productive of a righteous life , or the young augustines wish , that would be chast , but would not yet part with the pleasures of incontinence , or the generall humour of the world , to like heaven as the place of blisse , and piety as the way to heaven , but not to mortifie one lust for the compassing of either . 4. the resolution that proves weake , and failing , not for want of strength , but of courage , not for want of the gift of grace on gods part , but of our making use of this grace when 't is given , or of those meanes to which 't is promised , ( such are that spirituall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of prayer , humility , ardent importunate humble requests to heaven . ) 5. the resolution that is not universall against all both sinnes , and temptations to those sinnes , and those not onely such as now he findes inclinations to in time of disease , but also all other that in time of health may be most likely to assault and to winne him ; and in a word , the resolution which god , that sees unerringly , sees to be but temporary , or partiall , or hypocriticall , in any , or all these or any other respects ; and then such a resolution as these ( whatever it appeare to us who are not such infallible judges of our selves , but whose hearts are deceitfull above all things ) cannot have any rationall , or christian ground of hope ( meerely by the good hap of being taken away before tryall , i. e. in effect , before this hypocrisie was discovered ) to be accepted and rewarded by god ; or if it have , it must not be by the second covenant , under which nothing but sincerity hath that promise . secondly , supposing this resolution to be sincere , and so sure to be accepted by god , yet there is no evidence to us that it is sincere , or will be thus accepted , but by worthy fruits of repentance , by enemies and temptations wrestled with , and overcome ; from whence though it follow not , that god will not accept of that resolution , ( because he may see it sincere without those tryals , which i conceive is the ground upon which the schooles affirme that a strong contrition may on the death-bed be accepted without restitution , &c. i. e. that in him , who hath no time and ability for any thing but contrition , god may see that sincerity of change , which he will accept , because he sees it would bring forth fruit if it were allowed time ) yet we our selves in this case cannot know it , and consequently the death-bed repentance , if in any particular it prove to be such as shall availe in another world , yet cannot afford the dying man any comfort or rationall assurance in this , nor consequently his friends any thing but the judgement of charity , which hopeth all things , for which there is no evidence to the contrary . 7. let it be considered whether any example can be brought in scripture or story , of any that wilfully and advisedly deferr'd present repentance and rely'd and depended on late death-bed repentance , to whom it succeeded well . i professe my selfe to have heard terrible ones to the contrary , but as yet none in favour of such deferrers . methinks the mention of felix in the acts 24. 25. hath some efficacy in it . he when ( after some preaching of christ , v. 22. and knowledge of that way ) he heard saint paul reasoning of righteousnesse and continence ( things in which it appeareth by the text and by story , by tacitus and josephus , that felix was much failing ) did , as 't is added , tremble and answer , go thy way for this time , when i have a convenient season i will call for thee . this man upon advise and deliberation through the prevalency of his sinnes which he loved dearely , deferres his repentance till a convenienter season ; and all that i observe is , that we never read of any such season that he made use of to this purpose . 8. let it be considered , whether when the last hand of god comes on any man , ( i meane that disease that cuts him off speedily ) if that man have remained impenitent till then , it be not a very ominous and inauspicious signe , that that man hath fill'd up the measure of his iniquities , and now the voice be peculiarly gone out against him , as against the tree ( even now mentioned ) that had frustrated god's continuall expectation , [ cut it downe , why cumbreth it the ground ? ] if on the comming of a disease , ( which like the laying the axe to the root of the tree is oft times an hazning call to repentance ) this use be suddenly made of it , and god's long suffering do interpose in the counter-voice , nay but spare it one year longer , and if it beare fruit , well , but if not , then cut it downe , and that voice be hearkned to , that is , if that disease doe not prove the last , but upon resolutions of new living , the life be enlarged and the resolutions performed ; then 't is very well ; but if not , if it be ( without more time of repentance ) cut downe ; if god's long-suffering , and patience , which was on purpose to bring to repentance , have been made use of ( as it was said of god's long-suffering to pharaoh ) as a meanes to harden his heart , have we not reason to feare , that god's comming to strike is an argument of a severe purpose against that man ? or have we any reason to hope that when his patience is at an end , his mercy and gift of effectuall grace is not at an end also ? that which the apostle saith heb. 10. 26 , 27. 29. 31. is much to this purpose . and i know not what will be called falling into the hands of the living god , if this be not , viz. to continue in sin impenitently til we fal into god's attaching apprehending hands , of which the doom is there most sad ; it is a fearefull thing so to fall . having proceeded thus farre in defining ( as warily and as safely as i could ; by the conduct of god's word and spirit ) one thing may perhaps be necessary to be added , though not by way of answer to the possible exceptions and objections of disputers , because the doing of that , i find , would lead into some more nice and lesse profitable speculations , and contribute little to the direction of practice , the onely aime of this paper , ( and therefore what was thus prepared shall not here be inserted ) yet by way of necessary satisfaction to a practicall question . and the question is this , in case i be a minister , call'd to give comfort to such an one , viz. an habituall customary sinner , which were thus surprized by the hand of god , any mortall disease or wound , and were thus cast downe with extreame horrour of mind , and from thence professeth himselfe resolved that if god shall spare him , he will certainly lead a new life , whether i would not give that man comfort in that case , but suffer him to be swallowed up with desperation . to this i answer , 1. by setting before our eyes an example of god himselfe in a case not very distant from this proposed , which may be matter of direction to any who shall be called to for comfort in this kind , judg. 10. 6. the children of israel did evill again in the sight of the lord , and served baalim and ashtaroth , &c. and forsooke the lord and served not him , v. 6. upon this gods anger was hot against israel , and he brought a double distresse upon them , v. 7 , 8 , 9. and israel was sore distressed . and then v. 10. the children of israel cryed unto the lord , saying , wee have sinned against thee , both because wee have forsaken god and also worship't baalim . here is that confession and sense of the provocations , which our case supposes , and that in time of the sore distresse , and so in that parallel also . and then god's returne to them is remarkeable , 1. an expostulation continued for three verses , to aggravate their crime and ingratitude , and the close an absolute refusall , a denying present pardon to these confitents , wherefore i will deliver you no more . and then farther yet a bitter reproach and sarcasme , v. 14. goe and cry unto the gods which yee have chosen , let them deliver you in the time of your tribulation . and then the story proceeds to tell us the good use and effects that this severity wrought upon them . and the children of israel said unto the lord , we have sinned , do thou unto us whatsoever seemeth good unto thee , deliver us only we pray thee this day , v. 15. and they put away the strange gods from among them and served the lord , v. 16. their penitence is approved to god by their patience , and submission , and importunity , by present reformation , and contrary acts of piety ; and then it follows , his soule was grieved for the misery of israel , i. e. god ceased to afflict them , and on the other side prospered them to victory in the next chapter . and then this dealing of gods being examplary to us , as farre as the cases shall appear parallel , may passe for a generall or first answer . but then 2 ly . and more distinctly to the question , i answer , that in this case the course i would prescribe to others , or observe my selfe , is this , according to this copy premised , not presently to make haste to apply comfort to that man ( meaning by comfort words of pardon , or promise , or assurance , that his sinnes , in this state , shall certainly be forgiven ) but to dispense my comfort discreetly , and so that i may lay a foundation on which he may more safely build , and i more in fallibly ascertaine comfort to him ; i mean by preparing him to a right capacity of it , by encreasing yet farther in his heart , and rooting as deepe as i can the mourning ( which if sincere hath the promise of comfort , mat. 5. ) the sorrow for sinne , the humiliation and indignation at himselfe , the vehement desire , the zeale , the revenge , the all manner of effects of godly sorrow , and indeed by doing my utmost in perfecting this so necessary worke in him ; which if by the helpe of god it be done , and those graces deepely rooted , ( through a consideration not onely of the instant danger , but detestable uglynesse of sinne , the provocation offered to a most gratious father , & most mercifull redeemer , and sanctifying spirit , together with al the other humbling matter from the particular sinnes , and aggravating circumstances of them ) it will then be that godly sorrow which the apostle speakes of , and that will ( if god afford space ) bring forth that repentance , which consists in a sincere change and reformation , ( called by the same apostle , 2 cor. 7. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as some manuscripts read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. as i conceive a repentance , a change , or amendment , which will not be retracted againe , a lasting or durable reformation ) and then there is no doubt , but to him which is in this estate , mercy infallibly belongs ; and to him i shall then hasten to ascertaine it . and yet of this mercy if i through some errour or neglect of mine , should not give him ( nor he himselfe through the greatnesse of his sorrow , the floud of teares in his eyes , otherwise finde ) any comfortable assurance , yet is he by god's immoveable promise sure ( certitudine objecti , though not subjecti ) to be partaker , [ and all that he loses , by not being assured of it here by me , or by his owne spirit , is the present comfort , and joy of some few minutes , which will soone be repaired , and made up to him at death , by god's wiping off all teares from his eyes , the gracious revelation of his saviour-judge unto him , with a come thou blessed of my father , thou hast cordially mourned and converted , and thou shalt be comforted . whereas if i should goe about too hastily and preposterously to grant him any such comfortable assurance that he were already accepted , ( i meane not now that he should be accepted , if his change be sincere , or his sorrow such as would bring forth that change , for that conditionall comfort i have all this while allowed him , but positive assurance for the present upon a view of such his sorrow ) i might then possibly raise him up too soone , before the worke were done , the plant rooted deepe enough , ( and that were utterly to ruine him ; by giving him his good things , his comfort here , to deprive him of it eternally ) or at the best refresh him a little here before-hand , but not at all advantage him toward another life ; which losse being so unmercifully great , and acquisition so unconsiderably small , it were great uncharitablenesse to runne that hazard , and so still the best way must be by proposall of conditionall , but not of absolute comfort , to humble him unto the dust , if so be there may be hope , to set him this only taske of working out his salvation with fear & trembling , laying hold on god's mercy in christ ▪ his generall but conditionall mercy for all penitent purifying sinners , ( for confessours , and forsakers , and none else ) and so labouring for that sorrow , that purity , that confession , contrition , and forsaking , and then if he perish , he perisheth , no way is imaginable to doe good upon him , if this doe not . and if it be farther demanded , whether in this case supposed , i would upn his demand deny him absolution ? i answer , that absolution may signify two things . 1. the absolution of the church , as it is the churches pardoning him all offences done against her , quantum in ipsà est , to wit , the scandall of his sinnes , &c. and this absolution the church ( and i , if she have intrusted to me that power ) ought to grant him in articulo mortis , when the binding him , or retaining his sinnes is not probable to doe him any further good , by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or discipline ; in like manner , as every single person offended , or injured by him , is by charity obliged upon his demand ( though he be not confident that he is sincerely contrite ) to grant him his free forgivenesse , & the denying of this being thus demanded , were hurtful not to the dying man , but to him that were so uncharitable as to deny it ; and the giving it an obligation of charity both to him and to my selfe : but for the second thing signified by absolution , viz. the pronouncing him absolv'd in heaven , all that i am obliged to , by duty or in prudence , is then to doe it , when by examination of his sorrow and resolutions , i am inwardly perswaded that his repentance is a well grounded and radicated repentance ; and in that as i would not perswade any man to be over easy , or popular , ( that humor of the emperour now a dayes stolne into the confessor , neminem tristem dimittere ) because of the possible hurt , and unproportionable gaine of it ; so if any man should be over austere , and difficult , onely out of desire to make the penitent yet more penitent , ( and not to bruise the broken reed , to tyrannize over his wounded soule ) to make heaven more surely his , by his being not yet sure of heaven ; this will be at the worst but an errour of charity , which will never be imputed to the confessour , much lesse to the penitent , it being acknowledged that the ministers absolution doth not availe , nisiclave non errante , and consequently that his denying absolution ( clave errante still ) will never doe any hurt ; the errour of his key in shutting or retaining being in reason no more mortiferous , then the like errour in remitting is salvificall . agreeable to this decision you shall finde the practice of the church anciently , when ecclesiasticall discipline was in its vigour , in such or such cases they would not afford the dying man absolution , because they had no grounds of assurance , that the state of the person was capable of it , and yet would they make no scruple to allow him place of comfort and hope , that god might possibly absolve him , god having other wayes of discerning the sincerity of repentance , ( viz. by seeing of the heart , or by conditionate prescience ) which they had not ; and somuch for the satisfying of the question . all that i have now to add to this theme is only this , ( which will bring the whole discourse home to the particularity of the present estate of this kingdome , and so give you the full end of the writing of this discourse ) that by this long debate , and the evidence of the truth asserted , concerning the soutes of particular men , the condition of this poore calamitous kingdome is now dissected also . we have enjoyed a long day of god's mercifull and gratious calls to repentance , and many solemne admonitions at the doore as it were of every church , at the beginning of our daily service , [ to day if you will heare his voice , harden not your hearts ] and it is most sadly evident by our present punishments , that we have not heard the voice in that day of peace and prosperity , but hardened the heart ; the judgments being now faln most formidably on the land , and no part of it now remaining which hath not had its sympathy in this shaking , falling fit , some sorrow , and humiliation , and withall some acts perhaps of confession have beene extorted from us ; were there to these an addition of that other part of repentance , that of a sincere change & thorough-reformation , no doubt there would be mercy ; god would returne upon our returning ; nay were the resolutions of amendment , ( which perhaps may be observed in many ) sincere resolutions , such as that all-seeing eye doth discerne , would hold out against all the temptations of peace againe , there were yet hope that for that sincere change of those many , the judgment ( of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at least , that finall totall excision , that seemes to be threatned ) might be reverst , ( according to the purport of the treaty that was about sodom , betwixt god and abraham ) but by the continuance and no kind of relaxation of god's heavy hand , it is as cleare , as if euclid had demonstrated it , that yet that work is not done , that the repentance of the land is but hypocriticall , such as the present weight of the judgements hath extorted from us , not such as would continue upon their removall , like the strange quicke sent that is reported of the wild boy of leige , to have beene acquired by a thin forest-diet , and to have been lost again assoon as he came to full feeding , ( perhaps only a sarrow for the smart we are under ) and this is such a repentance as would not be for the honour of god to reward with such a donative ; the only course that a whole synod and assembly of angels could upon consultation advise us to , and promise it prosperous for the averting of ruine from the land , is so to improve our sorrow above the occasion of it ( the afflictions that are upon us ) as that it may be a sorrow for sinne , purely for sinne , ( for though judgements may be the monitor to put us in minde of those sinnes , and so the occasion of that sorrow , yet nothing but sin may be allowed the cause of that sorrow , or if it be , as soone as ever that be removed , the sorrow will be superseded also ) and then that sorrow bring forth such a change of mind as would prove immutable upon god's allowing us a time of respite , bring forth fruits of repentance worthy of such reprievall . when the whole heart of this kingdome , or of that part of it that still cleaves to the house of david is thus smitten , and really affected by god's rod , so that he to whose eyes all things are naked , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as when the skin is pull'd off , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. 4. 13. ( as the entrails of a satrifice cut downe the back , which the priest doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , view it censoriously , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , examine strictly , whether it be perfect , whether there be any blemish in it or no ) may pronounce it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a blemisblesse repentance , a sincere hearty change , then will there be a place for hope , assured hope , then may the priest intercede with confidence , spare thy people , o lord , and give not thine heritage to reproach ; and the hearer of prayers will be obliged by that his title to answer that importunity . but till this rod of the lord be thus heard , all hope in god for mercy to the land , or for victory , ( though to the justest cause that ever man espoused ) will be little better then presumption . if yee offer the blind for sacrifice , is it not evill ? and if yee offer the lame and sicke , is it not evill ? offer it now to the governour , will he be pleased with thee , or accept thy person , saith the lord of hosts ? mal. 1. 8. si tu sis securus , at ego non sum securus . aug. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45428-e160 sect. 1. sect. 2. sect. 3. sect. 4. sect. 5. sect. 6. sect. 7. sect. 8. of conscience . sect. 9. sect. 10. sect. 11. sect. 12. sect. 13. sect. 14. sect. 15. sect. 16. sect. 17. sect. 18. sect. 19. sect. 20. sect. 21. sect. 22. sect. 23. sect. 24. sect. 25. sect. 26. sect. 27. sect. 28. sect. 29. sect. 30. sect. 32. sect. 33. sect. 34. sect. 35. sect. 36. sect. 37. sect. 38. notes for div a45428-e15060 v. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of conscien p. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; notes for div a45428-e22490 sect. 1. sect. 2. sect. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . heins : in arist . 21. sect. 4. sect. 6. sect. 7. sect. 8. sect. 9. sect. 10. qui promisit ●oenitenti ve●iam , non pronisit peccanti ●oenitentiam . sect. 11. sect. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sect. 13. sect. 14. vid. instit . l. 3. 9. 23. num . 6. praescientiâ so●â nullam necessitatem creaturis imponi libenter concessero , tametsi non omnes assentiantur ; sunt e●im qui ipsam causam rerum esse volunt . vecùm acutiùs , & prudentiùs valla , &c. sect. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sect. 16. * caeso ariete in contumeliam ammonis . bos quoque immolatur quem aegyptii apim cotunt . sect. 17. sect. 18. tom. 5. p. 781. sect. 19. rom. 9. sect. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chrys : t. 5. q. 778. & againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( a figure of depelling the intention , or avoiding the hate of the objection ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sect. 21. sect. 22. sect. 23. of conscience , sect. 24. sect. 25. sect. 26. sect. 27. sect. 28. sect. 29. sect. 30. sect. 31. sect. 32. sect. 33. sect. 34. sect. 35. sect. 36. sect. 37. sect. 38. sect. 39. sect. 40. sect. 41. sect. 42. sect. 43. an ancient ●n● in magdalen colledge in oxford . sect. 44. sect. 45. sect. 46. lucian de sa●rif : the daily practice of devotion, or, the hours of prayer fitted to the main uses of a christian life also lamentations and prayers for the peaceful re-settlement of this church and state / by the late pious and reverend h.h., d.d. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1684 approx. 159 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 108 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45408 wing h532 estc r15616 12158779 ocm 12158779 55239 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45408) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55239) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 600:4) the daily practice of devotion, or, the hours of prayer fitted to the main uses of a christian life also lamentations and prayers for the peaceful re-settlement of this church and state / by the late pious and reverend h.h., d.d. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [10], 203, [1] p. printed for r. royston ..., london : 1684. attributed to henry hammond. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng devotional exercises. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-11 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the daily practice of devotion : or , the hours of prayer fitted to the main uses of a christian life . also lamentations and prayers for the peaceful re-settlement of this church and state. by the late pious and reverend h. h. d. d. cum clamore valido & lachrymis preces offerens exauditus est pro sua reverentia . london , printed for r. royston , bookseller to his most sacred majesty , mdclxxxiv . the introduction . all things tend naturally toward some certain end , and desire some good , the attainment of which is the perfection of their nature , and the enjoyment of it their supreme happiness . the highest perfection and happiness of mankind consists in their nearest approach unto god the supreme end and only good. the only means of thus approaching and applying our selves to god is , a sincere love of him ; the natural effect and expression of which is , our keeping his commandments , 1 john 3. 5. now the whole service of god , which is that we call religion , being in the holy scriptures largely and plainly declared to the meanest understandings , may seem to be all comprehended under these three heads : faith , works and prayer . i. by faith we nnderstand the hearty belief of whatsoever is revealed by god. ii. by works , the diligent observing of whatsoever is commanded by god. iii. by prayer , the humble petitioning for all requisites to that end . of the first we have a short summary in the apostles creed . of the second , in the two tables of the law. of the third we have an excellent pattern in the lords prayer . of which , though the last be the only subject of our present discourse , yet the first and the second were to be mentioned , being the natural introductions to it . the apostles creed . i believe in god , the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth . and in jesus christ , his only son , our lord , which was conceived by the holy ghost , born of the virgin mary , suffered under pontius pilate , was crucified , dead and buried ; he descended into hell ; the third day he rose again from the dead , he ascended into heaven , and sitteth on the right hand of god the father almighty ; from thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead . i believe in the holy ghost , the holy catholick church , the communion of saints , the forgiveness of sins , the resurrection of the body , and the life everlasting . amen . the two tables of the law. i. thou shalt have none other gods but me. ii. thou shalt not worship any kind of image . iii. thou shalt not take the name of god in vain . iv. remember that thou keep holy the sabbath day . v. honour thy father and thy mother . vi. thou shalt do no murder . vii . thou shalt not commit adultery . viii . thou shalt not steal . ix . thou shalt not bear false witness . x. thou shalt not covet any thing that is thy neighbours . the lords prayer . our father , which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name : thy kingdom come : thy will be done , in earth as it is in heaven . give us this day our daily bread ; and forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation ; but deliver us from evil , for thine is the kingdom , the power and the glory , for ever and ever . amen . the contents . of the daily practice of devotion . pag. 1 of set forms of prayer . 2 of the lords prayer . 3 the lords prayer . 4 the paraphrase . 5 of the parts of prayer . 7 of the difficulty of prayer . 9 preparatives to prayer . 10 preparatory prayers . 14 a general form of prayer . 15 the seven hours of prayer for every day . 31 the first hour . 35 the second hour . 43 of publick prayer the third hour . 59 the third hour . 63 the fourth hour . 69 the fifth hour . 79 the sixth hour . 85 the seventh hour . 93 of solemn repentance . 109 a general form of confession . 115 of the lords supper . 129 of frequent receiving . 133 of preparation . 137 prayers before the sacrament . 141 before the bread. 146 after the bread. 147 before the cup. 148 after the cup. ibid. an hymn . 149 after the sacrament . 151 an admonition after receiving . 153 of death . 157 a prayer preparatory to death . 160 lamentations and devotions for times of captivity . 163 psalms . 172 prayers . 183 a prayer for the church . 190 a prayer for the king and state. 195 a prayer for all christian princes and the ecclesiastical state. 202 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clem. alexander . stromat . lib. 7. p. 728. of the daily practice of devotion . micah 6. 8. he hath shewed thee , o man , what is good ; and what doth the lord require of thee , but to do justly , and to love mercy , and to walk humbly with thy god ? of prayer . as religion is the life of the soul , so prayer is the soul of religion , and the breath by which it lives and moves , without which it is stifled up and dies . it is a piece of service , as most acceptable to god , so most useful to us : for as in it we make our daily acknowledgment , and do homage as it were to the great king , so in it we have continual access into his high court , to offer up our petitions to him , to make known our wants , and implore his gracious relief . of set forms of prayer . and although the perpetual changeableness of all things in this transitory life do every day alter our occasions , and create to us new necessities ; yet our great and common wants and interests remaining still the same , in all reason we may still use the same words to express them to god. our extraordinary necessities may be added and inserted in their proper places in our ordinary prayers , as our daily occasions shall require . otherwise , being comprehended under the general heads expressed in our usual form , it will not always be necessary to mention them particularly to him that knows what things we have need of before we ask , and neither hears us the sooner , nor understands us the better for our many words . of the lords prayer . and indeed any sober christian may abundantly satisfie himself both of the lawfulness of set forms , and the usefulness of short ones , from the direction and example of our lord , who himself prescribed to his disciples a brief form of prayer , still remaining upon record in the holy history , and daily used in the catholick church . which excellent pattern , doubtless , we may do well to imitate in our devotions , as that which in a fit method and few words comprehends and summs up all necessaries ; as may appear by this short paraphrase . the lord's prayer . our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name : thy kingdom come : thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . give us this day our daily bread ; and forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation ; but deliver us from evil. for thine is the kingdom , the power and glory , for ever and ever . amen . the paraphrase . o mercifnl lord god , who hast vouchsafed to adopt and receive us thy unworthy creatures into the number of thy children , and heirs of thy kingdom , we beseech thee grant us the assistance of thy grace , that we may reverently worship thee , diligently serve thee , and readily and chearfully obey thy holy will here on earth , even as those blessed spirits do in heaven . and whereas by reason of our many weaknesses and frailties we are often hindred , and always negligent in the performance of these duties , we beseech thee continually to relieve and supply us with all spiritual and temporal necessaries , for our help and furtherance in thy service . and in whatsoever we have hih●erto been wanting , or have otherwise transgressed thy holy will , we beseech thee mercifully pass by and pardon it , even as we our selves do heartily and sincerely forgive all those who have wronged or offended us . and that we may not for the future fall again into the like sins , we beseech thee graciously to assist and preserve us in all temptations , and powerfully defend and deliver us from all the assaults of our daily enemies , the world , the flesh , and the devil . for thou , o lord , art the supreme king ; thou art able to do all things , and to thee is due the honour and glory of all , both in this world , and that which is to come . amen . and thus the very excellency of the prayer it self , both for the matter and method , beside the dignity and veneration of the author , may sufficiently commend it to our use : it serving so properly either for a beginning , or a conclusion to our other devotions . of the parts of prayer . the several sorts or parts of prayer are by the apostle reduced to these four heads , 1 tim. 2. 1. supplication . prayer . intercession . thanksgiving . i. supplication is the confessing of sins , and imploring pardon and reconciliation with god. ii. prayer is the petitioning for supply of all good things , spiritual and temporal , which we have need or use of , for our souls or bodies . iii. intercession is the praying for others , as well as our selves , extending to all sorts and states of men in the world . iv. thanksgiving is the returning of praise to god for all his mercies and blessings bestowed on us . and this last is the most pleasant and delightful part of all the worship of god , according to that saying of the prophet david , it is a good thing to sing praises unto our god , yea a joyful and pleasant thing it is to be thankful , psal . 14. 7. 1. of the difficulty of prayer . for otherwise prayer , in respect of the other parts , ( though as it is ordinarily used or abused , it be taken for an ordinary matter , yet indeed ) to perform it rightly and duly , is the highest and hardest piece of all the service of god. for ( beside the qualifications required to fit us for the preformance of it ) prayer being in it self a duty wholly spiritual , and requiring a spiritual intention of the soul to god , it will be found a very difficult and rare thing for us , who are continually clogged and incumbered with flesh and blood , so to abstract our thoughts from all bodily and worldly things , as to place them freely and purely upon an invisible object . and to this occasion the craft of our old enemy is no way wanting , who as he is always impertinently interposing in every good action , so is he never more importunate and impudent than when we are busie at our devotions . preparatives to prayer . i. therefore in this , as in all other things , before you begin sit down and consider with your self what you are about to do . ii. resolve , that to make any address to god , without a resolution at least to set your self heartily and wholly to his service , is not only fruitless , but hurtful , and that which will turn your very prayer into sin . for to hope for any favour at his hands , and yet continue in your sinful course , is to make him such an one as your self . iii. remember your own meanness , and the majesty of him to whom you speak ; that he is the great king sitting in heaven , and you a poor worm creeping on the earth . iv. consider how unworthy you are to receive the least favour from him , whom you have so often and so highly provoked in despight of his continual mercies to you . v. consider how great a favour and benefit you enjoy in this liberty of approaching and speaking to god. vi. be sober and moderate in your petitions regulating and submitting your desires , both for the matter , and manner , and measure , and season , to his wisdom and will. vii . remember that he is a spirit , and sees into the heart , and therefore not only your words and behaviour , but also your thoughts and imaginations must be such as may not offend his pure eyes . viii . let your praying be rather frequent than long , that the tediousness of many words may not weary and dull the devotion of your mind . ix . recollect and take up your thoughts from the world and worldly things , that they may be wholly intent upon the business you are about . and this you may do by a short meditation , or preparatory prayer , or reading somewhat in the scripture , or some other pious book . x. now when you have thus brought your gift to the altar , remember the advice of your saviour ; first put away all malice and hatred out of your heart , and forgive all others before you presume to ask pardon for your self . and know that this is a qualification so necessary , so essential to the due performance of any devotions , that our saviour in that very short prayer of his own thought it worth the mentioning , and that as a kind of condition , forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . preparatory prayers . give ear to my words , o lord , consider my meditation . hearken to the voice of my cry , my king and my god , for unto thee will i pray , psal . 5. 1 , 2. thou that hearest the prayer , unto thee shall all flesh come . let not my lord be angry if i , who am but dust and ashes , presume to approach and speak unto thee : o thou that art easie to be intreated , and rejoycest in doing good , bow down thy gentle ear , and hear me , and have mercy upon me . raise up my soul , and sanctifie my heart and lips , that i may ask those things which are most agreeable to thy holy will. let the words of my mouth , and the meditations of my heart be acceptable in thy sight , o lord my strength and my redeemer . a general form of prayer . hear my prayer , o lord , and hearken to the voice of my supplication , when i cry unto thee , when i lift up my hands toward the mercy-seat of thy holy temple . o holy lord god , whose pure eyes will not behold iniquity , i the vilest of all thy creation , and most sinful among all the sons of men , do yet presume to cast my self down before the foot-stool of thy throne of grace , humbly beseeching thee to stretch forth thy golden scepter of peace , that i may touch it , and not die , but live to praise thy mercy . i confess , o lord , that i was even conceived in sin , and brought forth in iniquity ; and though thou hadst wash'd me from that original pollution of nature in the holy fountain of baptism , yet have i since again defiled my self with all manner of actual abominations . o my god , i am ashamed and blush to lift up my face unto thee , for mine iniquities are increased over mine head , and my trespasses are waxed great unto the heavens . since the days of my youth i am in a great trespass , and my whole life is nothing else but a continued transgression of thy law , and provocation of thy wrath . i have but slightly performed , or neglected , and wholly omitted , and even contemned those duties and services which thou requirest of me : but have greedily committed , and carelesly , and even presumptuously continued in those sins which thou hast strictly forbidden , and severely threatned . so that if thou shouldst enter into judgment with thy servant , i could expect nothing but to receive my portion with hypocrites and unbelievers , and to be cast out into utter darkness , in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone for evermore . but thou , o lord , which desirest not the death of a sinner , but rather that he should turn from his wickedness and live ; turn thou me , o good god , turn me from all my transgressions , and let not iniquity be my ruine . open thou mine eyes , and awaken my dull and stony heart , that i may see and understand the vileness and misery of my sinful state ; that i may hate , and abhor , and forsake all my evil ways , and turn to thee with all my heart and with all my strength . give me that godly sorrow which worketh true repentance ; forgive and put away all my sins and offences , nail them to the cross of jesus christ , and bury them in his grave , that they may never rise up in judgment against me . receive me , o my father , and be reconciled unto me in the mercies and merits of thy dear son : for his sake restore me again to thy grace and favour , and the light of thy countenance , and establish me with thy free spirit , psal . 51. 12. send down the dew of thy heavenly grace , the light of thy holy spirit into my heart , to lead me in thy way , and enable me to walk in it . give me strength to resist all temptations , and to stand against all assaults of the world , the flesh , and the devil ; that no allurement may draw , no terror may drive me from the streight path of thy service , but that i may persevere in it to the end of my days ; that having lived in thy fear , i may die in thy favour , rest in thy peace , rise in thy power , and reign with thee for ever in thy glory . and thou , o lord , which hast promised to add all other necessaries to them which seek first thy kingdom , and the righteousness thereof , remember me also with thy temporal blessings , as shall seem best unto thee , and may be most for the advancement of mine eternal interest . give me health of body , soundness of mind , competence of means , comfort of friends , peace in this world , and contentment of mind what state soever thou shalt please to call me to . give me grace to set my heart not on things below , but on things above ; that i may chearfully expect when it shall please thee to translate me from thy blessings in this world to the joys of thy eternal kingdom . and thou , o lord , which hast commanded us to make prayers and supplications for all others as well as our selves , we beseech thee to extend thy mercy and goodness to all mankind in all the corners of the earth . open and enlighten the eyes of them that sit in darkness and the shadow of death , and guide their feet into the way of peace : that thy way may be known upon earth , and thy saving health among all nations , psal . 67. 2. inlarge the bounds of thy catholick church : unite and sanctifie all that are already received into her bosom , and restore her to her ancient purity and prosperity . send such priests whose lips may preserve knowledge , and make the people diligent to seek thy law at their mouth ; and so direct and rule both priests and people , that by their holy conversation they may shine as lights in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation . and thou who hast promised to make kings and queens the nursing fathers and nursing mothers of thy church , protect all the governments of the world , especially christian kings and princes , and more particularly him whom thy particular providence hath placed over us . preserve and prosper him in all his ways ; give him success in all his undertakings and actions , that having lived and ruled here in justice , piety , prosperity , peace , and happiness , he may quietly pass from this earthly and transitory to a heavenly and eternal crown . bless his illustrious family , and the whole state under him . distribute thy blessings to every one as thou shalt judge most meet , and as may best fit , and enable , and encourage them in their several places and callings , in the performance of their duties of worship and obedience to thee , and of justice , and honesty , and charity to their brethren , bless all those to whom i am bound by any special relation . parents , freinds , kindred , benefactors , family . thou , o lord , knowest the name and place of every one , thou knowest our several desires and wants : we beseech thee to proportion thy reliefs and blessings to every one , that we may be mutual helps and comforts to each other in our passage through this vale of misery and tears . have mercy and compassion upon all that are under any calamity in body , or mind , or outward condition , especially those that suffer for righteousness sake : give them patience to bear , and prudence to make a right use of all their afflictions ; and in thine own good time relieve and restore them here , or take them away from these temporal miseries to thine eternal rest in heaven . and let not my lord be angry , and i will speak but this once , and that in obedience to thy command , for our enemies , slanderers , and oppressors , especially those that have caused or increased the publick distractions : lord , restrain their malice , and open their eyes and hearts , that they may see the crookedness of their own ways , and return into the streight path of meekness and charity ; that we may live together in peace here , and reign together in thy glory hereafter . and that our ingratitude for thy former blessings may not make us more unworthy and uncapable of the future , we humbly desire to offer up our sacrifice of praise and thansgiving for all thy goodness and loving-kindness multiplied and continued upon us . that thou hast been pleased to create us men after thine own image , the most excellent of all the works of thy hands . and when by our own sin and fall we had made our selves worse than the vilest of all thy creation , thou wert yet pleased to find out a means of redemption and reconciliation , by the death and satisfaction of thine own only son. and hast farther vouchsafed in some measure to shed abroad in our hearts the good gifts and graces of thy holy spirit , to excite , inable , and incourage us in the performance of thy service here , and to seal to us the good hope of eternal happiness with thee hereafter . that thou hast vouchsafed me to be born of christian parents , and brought up in the bosom of thy church , and nourished with the sincere milk of thy word , and to live under the glorious sun-shine of thy gospel : that thou hast bestowed on me sufficient endowments and abilities of nature , as soundness of mind , and health of body ; and withal a competence of means , comfort of friends , and other conveniences and contentments of life : that thou hast preserved me from my childhood until now from all mischiefs and dangers , and hast not cut me off in the midst of my sins , but allowed me space of repentance , and brought me safe thus far of my life to this present day . these and all other thine innumerable and inestimable mercies , o lord , as we had nothing in us to deserve them , so have we nothing to return for them , but an acknowledgment of our extreme unworthiness of any the least of them . we therefore offer up our selves unto thee , beseeching thee graciously to receive us , and sanctifie thy mercies to us , and us to thy service ; that we may make use of them to the honour and glory of thy name , and the eternal good of our own souls . o holy lord god , that knowest our necessities before we ask , and our ignorance in asking , have mercy upon our infirmities , pass by and pardon the imperfections of our prayers ; bow down thy gentle ear , and hear , and grant these our requests as shall seem good to thee . and whatsoever else thou knowest more useful or expedient for me or any of thy servants : thou that knowest to give good gifts , we beseech thee chuse for us , and give us those things : and all for his sake who hath given us confidence to come unto thee , and ask in his name , and hath taught us to summ up all our prayers in his own words , saying , our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name , thy kingdom come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . give us this day our daily bread , and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation , but diliver us from evil. for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory for ever and ever . amen . numb . 6. 24. the lord bless us , and keep us ; the lord make his face to shine upon us , and be gracious unto us . the lord lift up his countenance upon us , and give us peace . 2 cor. 13. 14. the grace of our lord jesus christ , and the love of god , and the communion of the holy ghost be with us all . amen . the seven hours of prayer for every day . psal . 119. 164. seven times a day do i praise thee , because of thy righteous judgements . psal . 119. 62. at midnight will i rise to give thanks unto thee . now for the times of prayer , our saviours counsel is , that men ought always to pray , and not to faint ; adding a parable to shew us the virtue of importunity . s. paul's is agreeable , praying always , and without ceasing , that is , frequently and constantly . among the ancients it was no less than seven times a day : ( nay david and s. paul add the eighth , at midnight ; so that every third hour of the night , as well as of the day , was begun with the solemnity of prayer . ) and this pattern i have thought worthy to be commended to the practice of all pious christians : for the having so often recourse to heaven , must need make us more careful of our conversation on earth . yet this without any design of laying a burthen upon those , whose occasions or devotion will not so often serve them : only wishing , that they who cannot afford so many , though so small portions of the day , to their maker , would yet joyn with david and daniel , at least three times a day ; or at the least of leasts , twice ; that the outgoings of the morning and evening may praise him . the rest may be supplied by lifting up the eyes of their souls to heaven with some short and hearty ejaculation , though in midst of any employment , of any company . the first hour of prayer , at the morning watch or cock-crowing ; about iii. in the morning . ephes . 5. 14. awake thou that sleepest , and arise from the dead , and christ shall give thee light . rom. 13. 12. the night is far spent , the day is at hand ; let us therefore cast off the works of darkness , and let us put on the armour of light . ephes . 5. 11. have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness . o god , thou art my god , early will i seek thee , psal . 63. 1. my soul flieth unto the lord before the morning watch , i say , before the morning watch , psal . 130. 6. have i not remembred thee in my bed , and thought upon thee when i was waking ? psal . 63. 7. mine eyes prevent the night watches , that i might meditate in thy word , psal . 119. 148. our father , which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name ; thy kingdom come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven : give us this day our daily bread ; and forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation ; but deliver us from evil . for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory , for ever and ever . amen . o lord , open thou my lips , and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise , psal . 51. 15. glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . psal . 139. o lord , thou hast searched me out , and known me ; thou knowest my down-sitting and mine up-rising ; thou understandest my thoughts long before . thou art about my path and about my bed , and spiest out all my ways . for lo there is not a word in my tongue , but thou , o lord , knowest it altogether . thou hast fashioned me behind and before , and laid thine hand upon me . such knowledge is too wonderful and excellent for me , i cannot attain unto it . whither shall i go then from thy spirit ? or whither shall i go then from thy presence ? if i climb up into heaven , thou art there ; if i go down to hell , thou art there also . if i take the wings of the morning , and remain in the uttermost parts of the sea ; even there also shall thy hand lead me , and thy right hand shall hold me . if i say , peradventure the darkness shall cover me , then shall my night be turned to day . yea , the darkness is no darkness with thee , but the night is as clear as the day : the darkness and light to thee are both alike . for my reins are thine , thou hast covered me in my mothers womb . i will give thanks unto thee , for i am fearfully and wonderfully made ; marvellous are thy works , and that my soul knoweth right well . my bones are not hid from thee , though i be made secretly , and fashioned beneath in the earth . thine eye did see my substance yet being unperfect , and in thy book were all my members written , which day by day were fashioned , when as yet there was none of them . how dear are thy counsels unto me , o god! o how great is the summ of them ! if i tell them , they are more in number than the sand . when i wake up , i am present with thee . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . o lord god , who by the power of thy word didst produce a glorious light out of darkness , let thy sun of righteousness with healing in his wings arise upon us , and enlighten the darkness of our hearts , and rescue us from the shadow of death ; that we may walk in the light of thy grace here , and rejoyce in the light of thy glory in thy heavenly kingdom hereafter , through the same jesus christ our lord. amen . and the very god of peace sanctifie us wholly , that our whole spirit , and soul , and body , may be preseved blameless unto the coming of our lord jesus christ . amen . the second hour of prayer , at the sun-rising , or first hour of the day . about vi. in the morning . eccles 11. 9. rejoyce , o young man , in thy youth , and let thy heart chear thee in the days of thy youth , and walk in the ways of thy heart , and in the sight of thine eyes : but know thou that for all these things god will bring thee into judgment . chap. 12. 1. remember now thy creator in the days of thy youth , while the evil days come not , nor the years draw nigh , when thou shalt say , i have no pleasure in them . morning . i laid me down and slept , and rose up again , and the lord sustained me , psal . 3. 5. i. as soon as you open your eyes , lift them up unto the hills from whence cometh your help , and begin the work of the day with thanksgiving to god , who hath delivered you from the dangers of the forepassed night , refreshed your weary body with quiet sleep , and brought you safely to the beginning of another day . ii. consider , that perhaps many others , no worse than you , have this night been hurried from their beds to the bar of judgment , and there received a sad sentence of eternal woe ; yet god of his infinite and undeserved goodness hath spared you until now , to repent and prepare your accounts . iii. return him all possible thanks and praise for this inestimable mercy : and commend your self to his grace and protection for the following day , and the rest of your life ; humbly beseeching him to continue his mercy and goodness to you , in preserving you from all evils , and supplying you with all neccssaries spiritual and temporal ; and implore his grace to guide and direct you in all your undertakings and actions , as may most conduce to the glory of his great name , and the good of your own soul . iv. consider what sin or sins you have more especially been guilty of yesterday , or since the last time of your solemn repentance ; and resolve by the grace of god assisting you , to avoid those sins , and all occasions of them . v. consider what you have to do this day : resolve , not to spend it in idleness or evil imployments ; and be careful to undertake nothing , in which you cannot with confidence and a good conscience desire the gracious assistance of god , without which all endeavour and industry , all toil and travel is vain and fruitless . whatsoever thou takest in hand , remember the end , and thou shalt never do amiss , ecclus. 7. 36. vi. keep diligent watch over your self in all your ways : and where you find you have gone awry , delay not to return presently : for the longer you go forward , the farther you have back again , and the less time left for that and the rest of your journey . vii . be careful of your precious time , that you do not lose it in doing nothing , or cast it away on that which is worse : for you know not how soon you may be called to account for every idle and ill-spent minute . resolve to spend this day as that which , for ought you know , may be your last : and remember , that as the night , so death draws on every hour , and may perhaps overtake you before mid-day . morning prayer . o let me hear thy loving kindness betimes in the morning , for in thee is my trust . shew thou me the way that i should walk in , for i lift up my soul unto thee , psal . 143. 8. o hearken unto the voice of my calling , my king and my god ; for utto the will i make my prayer . my voice shalt thou hear betimes , o lord : early in the morning will i direct my prayer unto thee , and will look up . but make me to remember that thou art god , and hast no pleasure in wickedness , neither shall any evil dwell with thee , psal . 5. 2 , 3 , 4. our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name ; thy kingdom come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven : give us this day our daily bread ; and forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation ; but deliver us from evil . for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory , for ever and ever . amen . o lord , open thou my lips . and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . psal . 19. the heavens declare the glory of god , and the firmament sheweth his handy work . one day telleth another , and one night certifieth another . there is neither speech nor language , but their voices are heard among them . their sound is gone out into all lands , and their words into the ends of the world . in them hath he set a tabernacle for the sun , which cometh forth as a bridegroom out of his chamber , and rejoiceth as a giant to run his course . it goeth forth from the uttermost part of the heaven , and runneth about unto the end of it again ; and there is nothing hid from the heat thereof . the law of the lord is an undefiled law , converting the soul : the testimony of the lord is sure , and giveth wisdom unto the simple . the statutes of the lord are right , and rejoyce the heart ; the commandment of the lord is pure , and giveth light unto the eyes . the fear of the lord is clean , and indureth for ever : the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether . more to be desired are they than gold , yea than much fine gold : sweeter also than honey and the honey-comb . moreover , by them is thy servant taught : and in keeping of them there is great reward . who can tell how oft he offendeth ! o cleanse thou me from my secret faults . keep thy servant also from presumtuous sins , left they get the dominion over me : so shall i be undefiled and innocent from the great offence . let the words of my mouth , and the meditation of my heart , be always acceptable in thy sight , o lord my strength and my redeemer . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . the song of zachary . blessed be the lord god of israel , for he hath visited and redeemed his people : luke 1. 68. and hath raised up a mighty salvation for us in the house of his servant david . as he spake by the mouth of his holy prophets , which have been since the world began . that we should be saved from our enemies , and from the hands of all that hate us . to perform the mercy promised to our forefathers , and to remember his holy covenant . to perform the oath which he sware to our forefather abraham , that he would give us . that we , being delivered out of the hands of our enemies , might serve him without fear ; in holiness and righteousness before him all the days of our life . and thou child shalt be called the prophet of the highest , for thou shalt go before the face of the lord to prepare his ways , to give knowledge of salvation to his people for the remission of their sins , through the tender mercy of our god , whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited us , to give light to them that sit in darkness , and in the shadow of death , and to guide our feet into the way of peace . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . blessed be thy holy name , o lord , who hast shewed me the light of thy countenance , and hast delivered me from the darkness and dangers of this night , and refreshed me with quiet sleep ; and raised me up again as it were from the grave , and restored me to life , and the joyful light of another day . give me grace to make it a resurrection to newness of life also , that i may spend this day , and all that thou shalt yet be pleased to add to it , in thy service , to the glory of thy name , and the good of my own soul. o lord , blot out as a nightmist mine iniquities , and scatter my sins as a morning cloud , isai . 44. 22. grant that i may become a child of the light and of the day ; that i may walk soberly , chastly , and honestly as in the day . open thou mine eyes that i may see , incline my heart that i may affect , and order my steps that i may walk and run in the way of thy commandements . hold me fast , and keep me close by thee . guide me with thy hand . uphold me when i am falling : lift me up when i am down . reduce me when i go astray , and hedge in my way , that i find not the path to follow after vanity . keep me in all my ways , and defend me from all the dangers and evils of this day , o lord , preserve my going out and coming in , from this time for evermore . and now , o lord , i offer up my self a living sacrifice unto thee , beseeching thee mercifully and graciously to receive me . cleanse me from all my pollutions ; heal all my infirmities , and sanctifie all the powers and faculties of my soul and body to thy service this day ; that in all my thoughts , words , and works , i may always have an eye to that supreme end of my creation ; and so order the whole course of my life , that i may be always ready and prepared for death , and that severe account which i must one day make unto thee , that so i may do it with joy and not with sorrow , and receive that crown which thou hast promised to them that persevere unto the end , heb. 13. 17. and with my self i commend unto thee all whom any bond of nature , or freindship , or religion , commands me to pray for ; especially — — and all that have at any time done good to me , thou , o lord , do good to them , and reward them seven-fold into their bosom . preserve us , o lord , from all evil : o lord i beseech thee , keep our souls ; keep us from falling , and present us faultless before the presence of thy glory at that day . and the peace of god , which passeth all understanding , keep our hearts and minds in the knowledge and love of god , and of his son jesus christ our lord. and the blessing of god almighty , the father , the son , and the holy ghost , be with us this day , the rest of our lives , and for evermore . amen . of publick prayer at the third hovr . psal . 119. 9. wherewithal shall a young man cleanse his way ? even by ruling himself after thy word . psal . 111. 10. the fear of the lord is the beginning of wisdom . a good understanding have all they that do thereafter . the praise of it endureth for ever . now as private prayer hath this promise of our saviour , that being performed in the closet secretly , it shall yet be rewarded openly : so , much more when two or three are gathered together in his name , hath he promised to be in the midst of them , and hear their requests . this therefore being the usual hour wherein the publick service of the church is every day to be celebrated , this private form is far from any purpose to supplant the use , or pretence to supply the want of that . which though it be now by the children of this generation shamefully east out of the house of god , yet certainly all true children of the church will receive it into their own houses , and make their family their congregation . but they that want even this convenience also , may yet at least perform their part of the publick duty in the privacy of their closet , and comfort themselves with this consideration , that the prayers which are sent up from never so divers aud distant places on earth , yet all meet together in the high court of heaven . the following form therefore is intended for no more than a preparation to the publick . and so likewise at the fifth hour , whereon the evening service of the church is to be celebrated . the third hour of prayer , at the third hour of the day , about ix . in the morning . hear my prayer , o god , and hide not thy self from my petition . our father , which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name ; thy kingdom come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven : give us this day our daily bread ; and forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation ; but deliver us from all evil . for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory , for ever and ever . amen . o lord , open thou my lips , and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . psal . 25. unto thee , o lord , will i lift up my soul. my god i have put my trust in thee ; o let me not be confounded , neither let mine enemies triumph over me . for all they that hope in thee shall not be ashamed ; but such as trangress without a cause shall be put to confusion . shew me thy ways , o lord , and teach me thy paths . lead me forth in thy truth , and learn me ; for thou art the god of my salvation . in thee hath been my hope all the day long . call to remembrance , o lord , thy tender mercies , and thy loving kindness , which hath been ever of old . o remember not the sins and offences of my youth : but according to thy mercy think thou upon me , o lord , for thy goodness . gracious and righteous is the lord , therefore will we teach sinners in the way . them that be meek shall he guide in judgment : and such as be gentle , them shall he learn his way . all the paths of the lord are mercy and truth unto such as keep his covenant and his testimonies . for thy names sake , o lord be merciful unto my sin , for it is great . what man is he that feareth the lord ? him shall he teach in the way that he shall chuse . his soul shall dwell at ease , and his seed shall inherit the land. the secret of the lord is among them that fear him , and he will shew them his covenant . mine eyes are ever looking unto the lord , for he shall pluck my feet out of the net. turn thee unto me , and have mercy upon me , for i am desolate and in misery . the sorrows of my heart are enlarged : o bring thou me out of my troubles . look upon my adversity and misery , and forgive me all my sin . consider mine enemies how many they are , and they bear a tyrannous hate against me . o keep my soul and deliver me : let me not be confounded , for i have put my trust in thee . let perfectness and righteous dealing wait upon me , for my hope hath been in thee . deliver israel , o god , out of all his troubles . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . almighty lord god , who hast created all things for thine own glory and service , give us grace to direct all our thoughts , words , and works to that one end , that so having served thee faithfully here , we may glorifie thee eternally in thy kingdom hereafter , through jesus christ our saviour . amen . now unto him that is able to do exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or think , according to the power that worketh in us ; unto him be glory in the church by christ jesus , throughout all ages world without end . amen . the fourth hour of prayer , at the sixth hour , or mid-day , about xii . at noon . psal . 34. 12. what man is he that lusteth to live , and would fain see good days ? keep thy tongue from evil , and thy lips that they speak no guile : eschew evil , and do good : seek peace , and ensue it . psal . 102. 24. o my god , take me not away in the midst of m●e age. as for thy years they indure throughout all generations . hear me when i call , o god of my righteousness ; have mercy upon me , and hearken unto my prayer , psal . 4. 1. our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name , thy kingdom come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . give us this day our daily bread , and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil. for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory , for ever and ever . amen . o lord , open thou my lips : and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be , world without end . amen . psal . 27. the lord is my light and my salvation , of whom then shall i fear ? the lord is the strength of my life , of whom then shall i be afraid ? when the wicked ( even mine enemies and my foes ) came upon me to eat my flesh , they stumbled and fell . though an host of men were laid against me , yet shall not my heart be afraid : and though there rose up war against me , yet will i put my trust in him . one thing i have desired of the lord , which i will require , even that i may dwell in the house of the lord all the days of my life , to behold the fair beauty of the lord , and to visit his temple . for in the time of trouble he shall hide me in his tabernable , yea in the secret place of his dwelling shall he hide me , and set me up upon a rock of stone . and now shall he lift up mine head above mine enemies round about me . therefore will i offer in his dwelling an oblation with great gladness , i will sing and speak praises unto the lord. hearken unto my voice , o lord , when i cry unto thee ; have mercy upon me , and hear me . my heart hath talked of thee , seek ye my face ; thy face , lord , will i seek . o hide not thou thy face from me , nor cast thy servant away in displeasure . thou hast been my succour : leave me not , neither forsake me , o god of my salvation . when my father and mother forsake me , the lord taketh me up . teach me thy way , o lord , and lead me in the right way , because of mine enemies . deliver me not over into the will of mine adversaries ; for there are false witnesses risen up against me , and such as speak wrong . i should utterly have fainted , but that i believe verily to see the goodness of the lord in the land of the living . o tarry thou the lords leisure : be strong , and he shall comfort thine heart , and put thou thy trust in the lord. glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be , world without end . amen . the song of ss . ambrose and augustine . we praise thee , o lord , we acknowledge thee to be the lord. all the earth doth worship thee the father everlasting . to thee all angels cry aloud , the heavens , and all the powers therein ; to thee cherubim and seraphim continually do cry , holy , holy , holy , lord god of sabbaoth . heaven and earth are full of the majesty of thy glory . the glorious company of the apostles praise thee . the goodly fellowship of the prophets praise thee ; the noble army of martyrs praise thee ; the holy church throughout all the world doth acknowledge thee , the father of an infinite majesty , thine honourable , true , and only son , also the holy ghost , the comforter . thou art the king of glory , o christ , thou art the everlasting son of the father . when thou tookest upon thee to deliver man , thou dist not abhor the virgins womb . when thou hadst overcome the sharpness of death , thou didst open the kingdom of heaven to all believers . thou sittest at the right hand of god in the glory of the father . we believe that thou shalt come to be our judge . we therefore pray thee help thy servants whom thou hast redeemed deemed with thy precious blood . make them to be numbred with thy saints in glory everlasting . o lord save thy people , and bless thine heritage : govern them and lift them up for ever . day by day we magnifie thee , and worship thy name ever world without end . vouchsafe , o lord , to keep us this day without sin . o lord , have mercy upon us , have mercy upon us . o lord let thy mercy lighten upon us , as our trust is in thee . o lord in the have i trusted ; let me never be confounded . we humbly beseech thee , o father , mercifully to look upon our infirmities , and for the glory of thy names sake turn from us all those evils that we most justly have deserved : and grant that in all our troubles we may put our whole trust and confidence in thy mercy , and evermore serve thee in holiness and pureness of living , to thy honour and glory , through our only mediator and advocate , jesus christ our lord , amen . now the god of peace , that brought again from the dead our lord jesus , that great shepherd of the sheep , through the bloud of the everlasting covenant , make us perfect in every good work to do his will , working in us that which is well-pleasing in his sight , through jesus christ , to whom be glory for ever and ever . amen . the fifth hour of prayer , at the ninth hour of the day , about iii. after-noon . preparative to the publick . 1 thess . 5. 2 , 3. 4. the day of the lord so cometh as a thief in the night : for when they shall say , peace and safety , then sudden destruction cometh upon them as travail upon a woman with child , and they shall not escape . but ye , brethren , are not in darkness , that that day should overtake you as a thief . enter not into judgment with thy servant , o lord , for in thy fight shall no man living be justified , psal . 143. 2. our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name , thy kingdom come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . give us this day our daily bread , and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil. for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory for ever and ever . amen . o lord , open thou my lips , and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . psal . 39. i said i will take heed to my ways , that i offend not in my tongue . i will keep my mouth as it were with a bridle , while the ungodly is in my sight . i held my tongue and spake nothing . i kept silence yea even from good words ; but it was pain and grief to me . my heart was hot within me , and while i was thus musing , the fire kindled , and at last i spake with my tougue . lord , let me know mine end , and the number of my days , that i may be certified how long i have to live . behold , thou hast made my days as it were a span long , and mine age is even as nothing in respect of thee ; and verily every man living is altogether vanity . for man walketh in a vain shadow , and disquieteth himself in vain ; he heapeth up riches , and cannot tell who shall gather them . and now , lord , what is my hope ? truly my hope is even in thee . deliver me from all mine offences , and make me not a rebuke unto the foolish . i became dumb , and opened not my mouth , for it was thy doing . take thy plague away from me ; i am even consumed by the means of thy heavy hand , when thou with rebukes dost chasten man for sin , thou makest his beauty to consume away , like as it were a moth fretting a garment : every man therefore is but vanity . hear my prayer , o god , and with thine ears consider my calling : hold not thy peace at my tears . for i am a stranger with thee and a sojourner , as all my fathers were . o spare me a little , that i may recover my strength before i go hence , and be no more seen . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the begininng , is now , and ever shall be , world without end , amen . o god from whom all holy desires , all good counsels , and all just works do proceed , work in us thy unprofitable servants both to will and to do , that the glory of both may return to thee the giver of every good and perfect gift , through jesus christ our lord. amen . now unto him that is able to keep us from falling , and to present us faultless before the presence of his glory with exceeding joy ; to the only wise god our saviour , be glory and majesty , dominion and power , now and for ever . amen . the sixth hour of prayer , at the twelfth or last hour of the day , about vi. in the evening . deut. 32. 29. o that they were wise , that they understood this , that they would consider their latter end . job 14. 1 , 2. man that is born of a woman is of few days , and full of trouble : he cometh forth like a flower , and is cut down ; he fleeth also as a shadow , and continueth not . praise the lord , o my soul , and all that is within me praise his holy name . praise the lord , o my soul , and forget not all his benefits , which forgiveth all thy sin , and healeth all thy infirmities ; which saveth thy life from destruction , and crowneth thee with mercy and loving kindness . our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name , thy kingdom come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . give us this day our daily bread , and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil. for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory for ever and ever . amen . o lord , open thou my lips . and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . psal . 90. lord thou hast been our refuge from one generation to another . before the mountains were brought forth , or ever the earth and the world were made , thou art god from everlasting , and world without end . thou turnest man to destruction : again thou sayest , come again ye children of men . for a thousand years in thy sight are but as yesterday , seeing that is past as a watch in the night . as soon as thou scatterest them they are even as a sleep , and fade away suddenly like the grass : in the morning it is green , and groweth up ; but in the evening it is cut down , dried up and withered . for we consume away in thy displeasure , and are afraid at thy wrathful indignation . thou hast set our misdeeds before thee , and our secret sins in the sight of thy countenance . for when thou art angry , all our days are gone ; we bring our years to an end , as it were a tale that is told . the days of our age are threescore years and ten ; and though men be so strong that they come to fourscore years , yet is their strength then but labour and sorrow ; so soon passeth it away , and we are gone . but who regardeth the power of thy wrath ? for even thereafter as a man feareth , so is thy displeasure . o teach us to number our days , that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom . turn thee again , o lord , at the last , and be gracious unto thy servants . o satisfie us with thy mercy and that soon ; so shall we rejoyce and be glad all the days of our life . comfort us again now after the time that thou hast plagued us , and for the years wherein we have suffered adversity . shew thy servants thy work , and their children thy glory . and the glorious majesty of the lord our god be upon us . prosper thou the work of our hands upon us , o prosper thou our handy-work . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . the song of s. mary . my soul doth magnifie the lord , and my spirit hath rejoyced in god my saviour . for he hath regarded the lowliness of his hand-maiden . for behold from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed : for he that is mighty hath magnified me , and holy is his name . and his mercy is on them that fear him throughout all generations . he hath shewed strength with his arm , he hath scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts ; he hath put down the mighty from their seat , and hath exalted the humble and meek . he hath filled the hungry with good things , and the rich he hath sent empty away . he remembring his mercy hath holpen his servant israel , as he promised to our forefathers abraham and his seed for ever . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it wrs in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . o lord god , who hast created the light and darkness , and by the continual interchanges of day and night puttest us in mind of our transitory condition , and the shortness of our abode here , give us grace to set our selves about the work of salvation , while the day of salvation lasteth ; that when the night of death cometh , and our lord shall call us to account , we may receive the reward of good and faithful servants , and enter into the joy of our master jesus christ . amen . now our lord jesus christ himself , and god even our father , which hath loved us , and hath given us everlasting consolation , and good hope through grace , comfort our hearts , and stablish us in every good word and work . to him be glory for ever and ever . amen . the seventh hour of prayer , at bed-time , about ix . at night . mark 13. 33. take ye heed , watch and pray , for ye know not when the time is . mat. 26. 41. watch and pray , that ye enter not into temptation . job 1. 21. naked came i out of my mothers womb , and naked shall i return thither . chap. 14. 12. man lieth down , and riseth not ; till the heavens be no more they shall not awake , nor be raised out of their sleep . evening . i. as you began , so end , the day with god , in thanks and praise , that he hath graciously preserved you hitherto ; and in prayer to him , that he will vouchsafe still to continue his mercy and protection to you . ii. remember that your days are but a span long , that in the midst of life you are in death , and every day brings you nearer to that long night . iii. consider , that perhaps many others , no worse than you , have this day been cut off in the midst of their days and sins , and cast into the place of darkness ; yet the long-suffering of god hath spared you until now , to make up your accounts . iv. shew your self truly thankful for this inestimable favour , by making right use of it , spending the time which is given you in doing some good , in working while it is called to day , before the night cometh , wherein no man can work . v. the evening of the day is now come upon you , and for ought you know the end of your life may be as nigh at hand , when you shall be called to account how you have spent your time here . vi. begin therefore with your self before-hand . when you have done with the world , and all business and company , and are retired to your privacy and quiet , sit down and call your self to a strict account how you have spent this day ; what you have done , what you have left undone ; what good you have neglected , what evil you have committed . where you perceive you have done well , give thanks to god , and ascribe it and all the honour of it to him alone , who hath enabled you to perform it , working in you both to will and to do . where you have omitted your duty , or otherwise done ill , confess and humble your self before him , and earnestly desire pardon and reconciliation . if you have wronged or offended any one this day , desire god to forgive you , and resolve to make satisfaction . if any one have wronged or offended you , freely forgive them , and desire god to confirm your pardon by adding his . how can he sleep at quiet that is not at peace with god , and in charity with the world ? and consider that if this be done constantly and sincerely every night , whensoever it shall please god to call you to judgment , you will have but one day to answer for . vii . the son of man cometh as a thief in the night , at an hour when you are not aware : be careful that he may find you watching , and imployed about his service . blessed is that servant , whom his lord when he cometh shall find so doing , mat. 24. 46. evening prayer . in the night i lift up my hands towards thy sanctuary , and bless thy name , psal . 134. 2 , 3. the lord hath granted his loving kindness in the day-time , and in the night-season also will i sing of him , and make my prayer unto the god of my life , psal . 42. 10. as long as i live will i magnifie thee in this manner , and lift up my hands in thy name . let my prayer be set forth in thy sight as the incense , and let the lifting up of my hands be an evening sacrifice , psal . 14. 1 , 2. our father which art in heaven , hallowed be thy name , thy kingdom come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven . give us this day our daily bread , and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil. for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory , for ever and ever . amen . o lord , open thou my lips , and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be , world without end . amen . psal . 91. whoso dwelleth under the defence of the most high , shall abide under the shadow of the almighty . i will say unto the lord , thou art my hope , and my strong hold ; my god , in him will i trust . for he shall deliver thee from the snare of the hunter , and from the noisom pestilence . he shall defend thee under his wings , and thou shalt be safe under his feathers . his faithfulness and truth shall be thy shield and buckler . thou shalt not be afraid for any terror by night , nor for the arrow that flieth by day : for the pestilence that walketh in darkness , nor for the sickness that destroyeth in the noon-day . a thousand shall fall beside thee , and ten thousand at thy right hand ; but it shall not come nigh thee . yea with thine eyes shalt thou behold , and see the reward of the ungodly . for thou lord , art my hope : thou hast set thine house of defence very high . there shall no evil happen unto thee , neither shall any plague come nigh thy dwelling . for he shall give his angels charge over thee , to keep thee in all thy ways . they shall hear thee in their hands , that thou hurt not thy foot against a stone . thou shalt go upon the lion and adder ; the young lion and the dragon shalt thou tread under thy feet . because he hath set his love upon me , therefore shall i deliver him ; i shall set him up , because he hath known my name . he shall call upon me , and i will hear him : yea i am with him in trouble , i will deliver him , and bring him to honour . with long life will i satisfie him , and shew him my salvation . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . psal . 121. i will lift up mine eyes unto the hills , from whence cometh my help . my help cometh from the lord , which hath made heaven and earth . he will not suffer thy foot to be moved , and he that keepeth thee will not sleep . behold , he that keepeth israel shall neither slumber nor sleep . the lord himself is thy keeper : the lord is thy defence upon the right hand ; so that the sun shall not burn thee by day , neither the moon by night . the lord shall preserve thee from all evil , yea it is even he that shall keep thy soul. the lord shall preserve thy going out , and thy coming in , from this time forth for evermore . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . the song of simeon . lord , now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace , according to thy word , luke 2. 29. for mine eyes have seen thy salvation . which thou hast prepared before the face of all people , to be a light to lighten the gentiles , and to be the glory of thy people israel . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost . as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . blessed be thy holy name , o lord my god , who hast shewed me the light of thy countenance , and caused me to see thy goodness in the land of the living : who hast preserved me in all my ways , and delivered me from all the dangers and evils of this day , and brought me safe thus far of my life to the beginning of this night . o lord , i beseech thee forsake me not in the vanishing of my days , but still contiuue the protection of thy gracious hand upon me : be thou my light and defence , my guide and guard , through the valley of misery and tears , and the shadow of death , to that holy hill , where thine honour and our rest dwelleth . give me grace to remember the many days of darkness , and prevent the long night of death by a timely preparation for it ; that being always ready and provided , whensoever thou shalt call me to judgment , i may give an acceptable account how i have spent my time here . lord , as we add days to our days , so we add sins to our sins . father , i have sinned against heaven and against thee , and am no more worthy to be called thy son , luke 15. 21. but i will confess my wickedness , and be sorry for my sins , psal . 30. 18. here make a particular confession of the sins you have committed this day , or since your last solemn account . thus have i wandred from the right way of thy commandments , walking after the foolish imaginations of mine own corrupt heart , and wearying my self in the by-ways of vanity and wickedness all the day long . but now , o lord , i desire to turn from my evil ways ; and evening after evening i return to thee with all my heart , and seek thy face : o hide not thou thy face from me , nor cast thy servant away in displeasure . out of the deep my soul crieth unto thee ; o hear my voice , and have mercy upon me . have mercy upon me , o lord , after thy great goodness ; according to the multitude of thy mercies do away mine offences . wash me throughly from my wickedness , and cleanse me from my sin . forgive and put away all mine offences and abominations , for the merits and satisfaction of thy dear son : in him be reconciled unto me , and restore me again to thy grace and favour , to the peace and comfort and communion of thy holy spirit , that mine eyes may see thy salvation , and thy servant may depart in peace , luke 2. 29 , 30. and now , o lord , i go to my bed as to my grave , and know not but that i may awake in another world : live or die i commend my self to thy mercy and goodness , beseeching thee to receive me under the wings of thy protection , where i may rest safe and secure from all evils . and with my self i commend unto thee all whom any relation or occasion hath made near or dear unto me — thou keeper of israei , who dost neither slumber nor sleep , receive us all into thy keeping , and preserve our souls in perpetual peace and safety . and the peace of god , which passeth all understanding , keep our hearts and minds in the knowledge and love of god , and of his son jesus christ our lord : and the blessing of god almighty , the father , the son , and the holy ghost , be with us this night , the rest of our lives , and for evermore . amen . of solemn repentance . now beside this daily and ordinary confession and repentacne , it were good to set apart some particular times , once a week ( on fridays ) or at least once a month , for a more solemn humiliation . in which you may proceed by these several steps . i. take an exect survey of the state of your soul : examine your self strictly , and search into every corner of your heart . recollect and reckon up particularly , as far as you can remember , all the several sins and abominations of your past life , especially since your last solemn account . represent every one in his own colours , with all the several circumstances of aggravation and odiousness you can call to mind . ii. labour to get a true and through sight and sense of the vileness and misery of your condition . consider in what a dangerous and deplorable state you had been , if god , should have taken you away in this course without repentance . and hereupon you cannot but acknowledge and magnifie his mercy and long-suffering ; that notwithstanding all these provocations he hath yet forborn you thus long , and now by his goodness leads you to repentance , rom. 2. 4. iii. strive to be seriously affected with a true and hearty sorrow for having so hainously offended so good and gracious a god. stedfastly resolve to forsake all these abominations , wherewith you have thus grieved his holy spirit . but be sure this be done sincerely , withou reserving to your self any other darling sin . though it seem never so small , though it be never so dear to you , yet spare it not for any respect . though it be to you as your right hand , or your right eye , yet pluck it out , or cut it o●● , and cast it from you , mat. 5. 29 , 30. it is better for you to enter into life halt or maimed , than to be cast whole into everlasting fire , mat. 18. 8. mat. 9. 43. 45. 47. god will have all or none ; he will not be content with a part , though never so great a part . iv. apply your self to god by a lively faith in his promises , of mercy and pardon in the bloud of jesus christ . pour out your soul before him in an humble confession of all your sins and abominations . beseech and importune him for the grace of godly sorrow , which may work in you true repentance , 2 cor. 7. 10. implore his mercy and pardon in the merits and satisfaction of his dear son jesus christ . v. offer up your self wholly into his hands with a promise and vow of new life , and more diligent performance of your duty . and desire the gracious in fluence of his holy spirit , as well for a seal of your pardon , as to excite , and assist , and enable you to perform his will for the future . vi. and though it be impossible for you to make restitution or satisfaction to god for the wrongs and affronts which in every single sin you have offered to his glory ; yet to shew the sincerity and readiness of your will according to your power , set your self with most diligence to the performance of those duties wherein you have been most defective . and act a kind of holy revenge upon those sins of which you have been most gulity , by setting your self most zealously to the practice of the contrary vertues . vii . and this your reconciliation to god it will be fit ( i may say necessary ) to make your peace with the world : by making restitution and satisfaction to all that you have wronged ; by desiring pardon of those you have offended ; and likewise by freely pardoning all that have offended or injured you . and if all this be done sincerely and uprightly , as is required , on your part , doubtless , god is faithful that hath promised , and will not fail in the performance of his part . a general form of confession . o lord , the great and dreadful god , keeping the covenant , and mercy to them that love him , and to them that keep his commandments ; we have sinned , and have committed iniquity , and have done wickedly , and have rebelled : even by departing from thy precepts , and from thy judgments . by our impious and godless thoughts of thee ; our confidence in the arm of flesh ; by placing our affections on earthly things , and neglecting to love and delight in thee ; by presuming of thy mercies , and yet continuing in our sins , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day , dan. 9. 7. by our want of reverence to thy service , not considering the awfulness of thy presence , and that honour due to thee in thy house ; by our formal and hypocritical worship ; by open profanation and sacriledge ; by shews and pretences of piety to cover our worldly and wicked designs , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by our vain and rash oaths , blasphemies and perjuries ; by our execrations on our selves , our brethren , and our enemies , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by undervaluing thy publick service , and neglecting to bear a part in it ; by mispending that time either there or elswhere in wanton or worldly thoughts or imployments ; by not keeping the spiritual sabbath unto thee , in serving thee truly all the days of our lives ; by not duly observing the times of festivity or fasting appointed by just authority , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by not duly acknowledging thine ordinance and authority in the persons of our superiours ; by speaking evil of dignities , and reviling the rulers of thy people ; by groundless jealousies and suspicions , mis-judging and censuring their actions ; by being as a people that strive with their priests , and not submitting our selves to those who by thy appointment watch over our souls ; by neglecting those committed to our charge , not correcting those sins which have cried loud for examplary punishment , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by rash anger , malice , hatred , revenge , and the bloudy effects thereof ; by uncharitable contentions and divisions , factions and animosities ; by cruelty and unmercifulness , and communicating in the sins of bloud , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by the manifold sins of uncleanness , by seeking or not avoiding the occasions thereof ; by idleness , intemperance and drunkenness , by immodest words and gestures , by shameless boasting or not blushing at those sins , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by thefts , rapines , and oppressions ; by vexatious suits practised and countenanced ; by exactions , and unjust gains in bargaining ; by defrauding the labourer of his hire , by want of due care in expending what we have , and a good conscience in acquiring more , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by lying , detraction , and contumely ; by censuring and rash judgment ; by false witness , and perverting the course of justice , we have provoked and rebelled against thee , o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by uncontentedness and desiring change in our estates ; by giving our selves over to lustful , covetous , and inordinate affections ; by neglecting acts of charity , and doing as we would be done to , and not doing our duty in that state of life unto which it hath pleased thee to call us , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by fretting our selves because of the ungodly , and being envious against the evil-doer ; by not loving our enemies , not blessing them that curse us , not doing good to them that hate us , nor praying for those that despightfully use us , and persecute us , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by presuming to do evil that good may come thereof ; by placing piety in opinions ; by straining at gnats , and swallowing of camels , scrupling at things indifferent , and making no conscience of known sins , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by running into open profaneness , under colour of avoiding superstition ; by guiding our conscience by humours and phansies , and not by the certain rules of thy law ; by having itching ears , and heaping to our selves teachers , and by having mens persons in admiration because of advantage , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face as at this day . by impatience under thy correcting hand , not endeavouring our amendment by it , and reflecting on our own sins as the causes of it ; by despising thy chastisements , and not rejoycing in tribulations , nor glorifying thee that hast counted us worthy to suffer for righteousness sake , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousness belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . by our want and neglect of those necessary christian duties of humiliation and godly sorrow for sin , of indignation and revenge upon our selves for it , of confessing and forsaking , of restitution and satisfaction to others ; and not by bringing forth fruits worthy of repentance , we have provoked and rebelled against thee . o lord , righteousnnss belongs unto thee , but unto us confusion of face , as at this day . who can tell how oft he offendeth ? o cleanse thou us from these , and from our secret sins , psal . 19. 22. try us , o good god , and search the ground of our hearts ; prove us and examine our thoughts . look well if there be any other way of wickedness in us ; and lead us in the way everlasting , psal . 139. 23 , 24. behold , o lord , we are here before thee in our sins ; we stand guilty of these and many more , not only of all sorts , but of all degrees also ; and we know and confess , that the least of these deserves no less than the wages of eternal death . but if thou , lord , shouldst be extreme to mark what is done amiss , o lord , who may abide it ? if thou shouldst thus severely proceed in judgment against us , our spirits should fail before thee , and those souls which thou hast made . deal thou with us therefore , o lord , not after the multitude of our sins , but according to the multitude of thy mercies . turn away thy face from our sins , and behold that son of thy love in thine own bosom , that doth not only intercede , but hath satisfied ; not only request and intreat , but even require and challenge thee to have mercy upon us . for his sake therefore , we beseech thee , have this mercy upon us , to make us capable of thy mercies . send down the dew of thy heavenly grace , that may melt and mollifie our frozen and stony hearts , that we may see and confess , and hate , and forsake , and sincerely repent us of all our past sins and abominations , and turn from the evil of our former ways , to thee that art the way , the truth , and the life , john 14. 6. and then , o lord , do thou return to us also ; forgive the debt which hath been discharged by the precious bloud of thy dear son , and seal to us our pardon by the gift of thy holy spirit , which for the time to come may prevent , excite , and enable us to walk before thee in holiness and rigtheousness all our days : that having cast off the works of darkness , and put on the armour of light , we may like valiant soldiers fight that good fight against all temptations of the world , the flesh , and the devil ; that having finished our course , we may receive of thee that crown of life which thou hast promised to them that continue faithful unto death , rev. 2. 10. and all for his sake , who by his death hath overcome death , and opened unto us the gate of everlasting life . to him , with thee , and the holy spirit , be all honour and glory , world without end , amen . of the holy sacrament of the lords supper , and the preparation before it . psal . 116. 12 , 13. what reward shall i render unto the lord for all his benefits toward me ? i will take the cup of salvation , and call upon the name of the lord. psal . 26. 6. i will wash my bands in innocency : so will i compass thine altar , o lord. there yet remains one principal piece of devotion , and that without which there is indeed no devotion ; it being the sacrifice , in the smoke of which our prayers must ascend up before him that sitteth on the throne . now although god being himself a spirit , desires also to be worshipped in spirit ; and in his own respect cares not for these outward and sensible performances ; yet because the minds of men , being as it were shut up in this prison of the body , can receive little information or affection but what is conveyed to them by the sense , it hath pleased him to accommodate himself to our imperfection and infirmity , and appoint certain ceremonies or outward actions which working immediately upon the senses , are by them conveyed in unto the soul , and make on it a more powerful impression of that which is signified by those sensible actions . such are looking up toward heaven when we speak to god , kneeling when we pray to him , standing up when we praise him , and bowing at the mention of his sacred name ; such is the dipping in water , and signing with the cross in the sacrament of baptism : and such is the receiving of bread and wine in this other , of which we speak . for though the eating of bread and drinking of wine are in themselves actions so very ordinary , that they are also very inconsiderable ; yet in this they are made use of to signifie to us the most extraordinary and excellent mercy that ever the great king of heaven bestowed upon his poor subjects and servants here on earth . for , i. it is the commemoration of the death of his own only son for the redemption of lost mankind ; the wounding of his body signified by the breaking of bread , and the shedding of his bloud by the pouring out of wine . ii. besides this , it is also an evidence of gods reconciliation and favour to us , and demonstration that we are in league and amity with him , in that we are admitted to his own table , to eat of his bread , and drink of his cup. iii. it is a means and instrument of conveying grace and strength to the souls of worthy receivers . iv. it is our sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving for all his mercies and blessings ; particularly temporal , the good things of this world , the fruits of the earth , which we here offer unto him under these two principal of bread and wine . of frequent receiving . this then being a service so acceptable to god and so beneficial , so necessary for men , it were but reason to expect that all good christians would shew themselves ready and forward to the performance of it . and accordingly in the first age of the church , when religion and zeal were in their youth and vigour , it was the good custom to celebrate this sacrament ( if not every day as it is thought , yet at least ) every lords day . but afterward as piety began to grow more dull , and love more cold , it was by little and little brought down to once a month. and this order still remains in the church of god , ( though now somewhat disturbed by prevailing sectaries among us . ) and at those times the supper is appointed to be made ready , and the table furnished for all such as can think fit to spare so much time from their worldly business , to come to the marriage-feast of the great king of heaven . for herein they are yet left to more liberty , and not necessarily required to come oftner than thrice a year . and truly such is the negligence of many ( who yet would be accounted christians ) that they are not ashamed to stretch this libetty to the utmost . yea , and it were well if even then they would come meetly provided , and had not more respect to the shame of the world , than to the honour of god , or their own good. certainly any sober christian cannot consider without shame and indignation how much mankind are fallen from their first love . but that which is ordinarily brought for an excuse , is in it self so unworthy and unreasonable , that it makes this neglect yet more abominable and intolerable . and indeed it is somewhat worse than that for which those invited in the gospel received a severe censure . there it was , they were taken up with their several affairs , one had bought a farm , or a yoke of oxen ; another had married a wife ; and therefore they could not come . but here one is engaged in such a sin , which he hath no mind to leave yet ; another is not in charity ; and in general they are not prepared , and therefore they cannot , that is , they will not come . such is the ridiculous madness of men in this barbarous and brutish age , that they can think fit to excuse and justifie one fault by pretending more and greater . but if you are not prepared to meet your saviour at his table , to celebrate the memorial of his mercy how would you appear before him at his seat of judgment , to which yet you know not but you may be sooner called ? if therefore you could wish to be always provided for death , which often comes suddenly , always uncertainly , think not much to bestow a little time in preparing your self for this sacrament , as often as you may have an opportunity of receiving it . and those which in these days of captivity have not that convenience of receiving from the hands of them who have authority to give it , may yet do well not to omit the duty of preparation . let them do that which they can , and for that which they cannot god will accept the will for the deed . of preparation . the best preparation to this holy duty is a continued habit of holy living , and frequent meditation upon heaven and heavenly things ; particularly the great mercies of god in the bloud of jesus christ . but because the minds of men cannot be always so intent and circumspect , but that they need some more solemn excitations and exercises , it will be requisite to set apart some few days before to be imployed more particularly in this business . i. therefore examine your self , and inquire strictly into the state of your soul , and take a view of your whole life , especially since the time of your last recieving . observe and consider how you have performed this duty formerly , whether worthily or unworthily , and what good or ill effect it hath wrought in you ; what progress you have made in grace and goodness , or whether you grow worse and worse in sin ; and what are the causes and occasions of either . ii. confess and humble your self before god , and earnestly intreat and contend for his mercy , and pardon , and reconciliation , and grace and favour in the merits of jesus christ ; that he will wash you from all your pollutions in his bloud , and cloath you in the white robe of his righteousness , that so having on a wedding garment , you may be a welcom guest to his table . and here solemnly renew that promise and vow which you formerly made in that other sacrament of baptism , and repeated since every time you have received this . that you will forsake sin and satan , and cleave to the lord your god with all your heart , and by the assistance of his gracious spirit walk before him uprightly , and serve him in holiness and righteousness all the days of your life . iii. consider , that you are now to communicate not only with god , but also with the congregation of your fellow christians ; and that the rule and essential character , by which you are to know and declare that you love god is , that you love your brother also , i john 4. 21. therefore take care to reconcile your self with the world ; by freely forgiving and meekly desiring forgiveness , and endeavouring to restore and establish peace and charity , and brotherly kindness , aud right understanding between your self and all with whom you have had any kind of difference . iv. recollect and raise up your thoughts from the earth and worldly things , and devoutly meditate on heavenly and spiritual matters ; such as , 1. the creation and fall of mankind , and the great miseries which we were thereby engaged in . 2. the inestimable mercy and goodness of god in bestowing his own only son for our redemption , and restoring us again to a capacity and hope of his heavenly good things . 3. the incomparable love of christ , in that he vouchsafed to be born meanly , to live in poverty and contempt , to die in shame and torment , and endure those pains which were due to us for our sins , that he might redeem and rescue us from both . these and such like are to be remembred , and considered with joy , and thanks , and praise . prayers before the sacrament . now for particular forms of prayers , meditations , and other exercises of devotion , before , and at , and after the holy sacrament , the many books designed peculiarly to that purpose will abundantly furnish you with such , and these short ones following will not hinder the use of them . before the sacrament . depart from me , for i am a sinful man , o lord , luke 5. 8. i am not worthy that thou shouldest come under my roof . for the house of my soul , which thou hadst made a fit temple for thy holy spirit to inhabit in , i have defaced and defiled with all manner of pollutions and abominations . it is become a den of ravenous beasts , and a cage of unclean birds , and every corner so crowded with filthiness , that thou wilt not find where to lay thy head , luke 9. 58. but thou , o lord , which despisest not a penitent sinner , but hast promised to dwell with the humble and contrite spirit , i beseech thee cast me not away from thy presence , but cast out all profaneness and uncleanness out of my heart , and remove every thing that may offend the pure eyes of thy glory , and the holiness of thy presence : and then , o lord , vouchsafe to come and enter in , and dwell there , and abide with me for ever . behold , o lord , i am before thee in my sins , clothed with filthy garments , and satan standing at my right hand , accusing me , and bringing my transgressions into remembrance before thee , with loud clamours for justice against me . o lord i acknowledge and confess my self guilty , and that i have deserved the utmost of thy wrath and indignation . but , o lord , i appeal from thy seat of judgment to thy throne of grace and mercy , humbly beseeching thee to rebuke and repel the malicious accuser of thy servants , and hearken to the intercession of our advocate in thine own bosom ; for his sake have mercy upon me , and pardon my offences , and blot out the hand-writing that is against me , and put away all mine iniquities , and drown them in the depth of the sea. wash me throughly from all my pollutions in that fountain which thou hast opened for judah and jerusalem to purifie in ; and then cloath me in that white robe of thy sons righteousness , the wedding-garment requisite at this feast , and admit me to thy table which thou hast prepared for thy children . and grant , o lord , that when i have tasted of these thy heavenly dainties , i may no more return like the dog to his vomit , nor as the sow that was washed to her wallowing in the mire ; but i may keep my self unspotted from the world , and walk before thee in all purity and holiness . and now , o lord , thou invitest and exhortest me to come to thy holy table . o my god , i know mine own unworthiness : yet in the multitude of thy mercies i will humbly approach to thine alter , beseeching thee to behold me not with a severe , but a gracious eye . thou knowest the earnest desire of my soul : be thou pleased to pass by the weakness of the flesh , and accept the willingness of the spirit ; and grant that i may now receive this holy sacrament to the honour and glory of thy name , and the good and comfort and salvation of my own soul. the good lord pardon every one that prepareth his heart to seek god , the lord god of his fathers , though he be not according to the purification of the sanctuary . before the bread. o blessed lord god , who hast given us thine only son to lay down his life for our sins , and his flesh for the food and nourishment of our souls ; purge and purifie my vile and sinful soul , that it may be a fit habitation for his pure , unspotted , and precious body , and that no unclean thing may presume to enter where his holy feet have trod , from henceforth for ever . after the bread. blessed be thy holy name , o lord my god , who hast vouchsafed to feed me with that bread from heaven , the flesh of thy dear son ; grant that in the strength of this food i may walk before thee in holiness and righteousness all the days of my life , till i come to the mount of god , the holy hill , where thine honour and our rest dwelleth . before the cup. o blessed lord god , who hast given the bloud of thine only son to be shed for our sins , and to refresh and restore our weary gasping souls ; cleanse and sanctifie me , o lord , that i may receive this cup with a pure heart , and not with polluted lips , to the eternal comfort and refreshment of my soul. after the cup. blessed be thy holy name , o lord my god , who hast vouchsafed me to drink of this fountain of living water , the precious bloud of thy dear son ; grant that this holy cup may be an antidote and preservative against all sin and evil , and may keep my soul in health and strength to the end of my days . an hymn . o lord , who didst not despise nor forsake man transgressing thy commandment and falling : but as a tender-bowell'd father didst visit him sundry ways ; giving him that great and precious promise concerning the blessed quickning seed . opening unto him a door of faith and repentance unto life : and in the fulness of time sending the same christ to take the seed of abraham : and by the oblation of his life to fulfill the obedience of the law , and by the sacrifice of his death to take away the curse thereof , by his death to redeem the world , and by his resurrection to quicken the same . who didst all things to this end , to bring back mankind to thee , that he might be partaker of the divine nature , and eternal glory . who diddest attest the truth of thy gospel , by many and manifold miracles , by the ever-memorable conversation of thy saints , by their supernatural patience under torments , by the most wonderful conversion of the whole world unto the obedience of faith , without strength , rhetorick or force . blessed , praised , and hallowed be thy name , the mention and memory , and all the monuments thereof , both now and for ever . amen . after the sacrament . lord , what is man that thou art mindful of him , or the son of man that thou visitest him ? psal . 144. 3. what is thy servant , that thou shouldest look upon such a dead dog as i ? 2 sam. 9. 8. the dogs eat of the crums that fall from their masters table ; but thou hast fed me with the bread of thy children , and given me to drink of thine own cup. thou hast fed me in a green pasture , and leadest me forth beside the waters of comfort , psal . 23. 2. o taste and see how gracious the lord is : blessed is the man that trusteth in him . psal . 34. 8. what reward shall i render unto the lord for all his benefits toward me ; psal . 116. 12. lord , i offer up unto thee my self , my soul and body , and all that i am and have , beseeching thee graciously to receive me for thy servant , to dwell in thy house , and praise thy name for evermore , psal . 84. 4. holy , holy , holy , lord god of sabaoth , thou art worthy , o lord , to receive glory , and honour , and power ; for thou hast created all things , and for thy pleasure they are and were created , rev. 4. 11. thou art worthy to take the book , and to open the seals thereof for thou hast slain , and hast redeemed us to our god , out of every kindred , and tongue , and people , and nation ; and hast made us unto our god kings and priests , revel . ● . 9. salvation to our god , which sitteth upon the throne , and to the lamb. amen . blessing , and glory , and wisdom , and thanksgiving , and honour , and power , and might , be unto god for ever and ever . amen . rev. 7. 10 , 12. an admonition after receiving . and now you have thus solemnly devoted and consecrated your self to god and his service , beware that you do not fall back , and return to your former course of sin , like the dog to his own vomit ; or as the serpent , which casts up his poison when he goes to drink , and when he hath quenched his thirst , returns and sucks it up again . and thus some are content to leave their sins at the church-door , but with an intent to take them up again when they come out . but god will not be so mocked . and know this , that if you have well and worthily perform'd this duty to day , yet if you do not persevere in piety , as you have promised and begun , not only your former sins , but even the piety of this day shall one day rise up in judgment against you . but a diligent watching and wariness over your ways after this , will be the best preparation against the next time . of death . and now i cannot think any conclusion more fit and proper for this daily course of devout life , than a short meditation on that which shall be the conclusion of life it self . i. first therefore , consider the shortness and miseries of this life , that our days consume in vanity , and our years psal . in trouble ; that our whole life is but as a dream , and when death awakes us , we find our hands empty of all that which hath cost us so much labour , and travel , and sorrow , and sin . ii. remember the swiftness and suddenness of death ; that our days are but a span-long , and our flourishing but as a flower of the field , which though it be not plucked up , yet soon withers of it self , and falls away . the young may dye soon , but the old cannot live long . iii. remember that in this short life , we are yet to provide for an eternity either of weal or woe ; and therefore cannot be too careful how we spend every minute of that upon which depends a matter of so great , so lasting importance . iv. there is but one way of birth , but many ways and means of death : and our life hangs by so small a thred , that every little chance is ready to break it off . v. after death we are immediately called to judgment before the high court of heaven , to give a severe account how we have performed that duty to which we were created ; and accordingly to receive an irrevocable sentence of eternal happiness or misery . vi. the judge , before whom we shall stand , is infinite both in knowledge and power ; so that it is impossible either to hide any thing from his all-seeing eye , or to escape out of the reach of his almighty hand . vii . the lord cometh in a day when we look not for him , and in an hour when we are not aware : let us therefore watch , and wait for his coming , that when he knocketh , we may open unto him immediately , vers . 36. how dangerous and deplorable a condition would it be , to be found and taken away in the midst of any sin , or in a continued course of sinful life ? on the contrary : how happy , and blessed , and joyful a thing would it be , to be found practising and persevering in that which is good ? blessed is that servant , whom his lord when he cometh shall find so doing , luke 12. 43. a prayer preparatory to death . o eternal lord god , who hast created the world and all time , who hast made my days as it were a span long , and mine age even as nothing in respect of thee : teach me so to number my days , that i may apply my heart to thy heavenly wisdom , and so carefully imploy this short time which thou hast appointed me to spend here , so make up thy reckonings before that great day come , that whensoever thou shalt call me hence , i may give such an account of the talent wherewith thou hast intrusted me , that i may receive that joyful sentence , well done , good and faithful servant , mat. 25. 21. grant that i may be always provided with oil in my lamp , and ready to enter in with the wise virgins whensoever the bridegroom shall come , and receive a blessing among those which watch and wait for thy coming . so come , lord jesu , come quickly . amen . rev. 22. 20. lamentations and devotions for the times of captivity . eccles . 12. 13 , 14. let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter : fear god , and keep his commandments ; for this is the whole duty of man. for god shall bring every work into judgment , with every secret thing , whether is be good , or whether it be evil . i. is it nothing to you , all ye that pass by ? behold and see if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow , which is done unto me , wherewith the lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger . the yoke of my transgressions is bound by his hand ; they are wreathed and come up upon my neck . he hath made my srength to fail ; the lord hath delivered me into their hands , from whom i am not able to rise up . the lord hath trodden under foot all my mighty men in the midst of me ; he hath called an assembly against me to crush my young men . the lord hath trodden the virgin the daughter of judah as in a wine-press , and all her beauty is departed from her . zion stretcheth forth her hands , and there is none to comfort her . her adversaries are the chief , her enemies prosper ; for the lord hath afflicted her . for the multitude of her transgressions her children are gone into captivity before the enemy . for these things i weep : mine eye , mine eye runneth down with water ; because the comforter that should relieve my soul is far from me . my children are desolate because the enemy prevailed . the lord is righteous ; for i have rebelled against his commandment . behold , o lord , for i am in distress . my bowels are troubled , my heart is turned within me ; for i have grievously rebelled . abroad the sword bereaveth , at home there is as death . they have heard that i sigh ; there is none to comfort me . all mine enemies have heard of my trouble ; they are glad that thou hast done it . ii. how hath the lord covered the daughter of zion with a cloud in his anger , and cast down from heaven unto the earth the beauty of israel , and remembred not his footstool in the day of his anger ! he hath cut off in his fierce anger all the srength of israel . he hath polluted the kingdom and the princes thereof . her king and her princes are among the gentiles : they are become like harts that find no pasture , and they are gone without strength before the pursuer , chap. 1. 6. the law is no more ; her prophets also find no vision from the lord. the lord hath cast off his alter , he hath abhorred his sanctuary , and violently taken away his tabernacle , and destroyed his places of the assembly . the lord hath caused the solemn feasts and sabbaths to be forgotten in zion ; and hath despised in the indignation of his anger the king and the priest . all that pass by clap their hands at thee ; they hiss and wag their head at the daughter of jerusalem . is this the city that men call the perfection of beauty , the joy of the whole earth ? behold , o lord , and consider to whom thou hast done this , vers . 20. iii. remember mine affliction and my misery , and the wormwood and the gall . my soul hath them still in remembrance , and is humbled in me . this i recal to mind , therefore have i hope . it is of the lords mercies that we are not consumed , because his compassions fail not : they are new every morning . great is thy faithfulness . for the lord will not cast off for ever : but though he cause grief , yet will he have compassion according to the multitude of his mercies : for he doth not afflict willingly , nor grieve the children of men . wherefore doth a living man complain , a man for the punishment of his sins ? let us search and try our ways , and turn again to the lord. iv. the lord hath accomplished his fury , he hath poured out his fierce anger , and hath kindled a fire in zion , and it hath devoured the foundations thereof . the kings of the earth , and all the inhabitants of the world , would not have beleived that the adversary and the enemy should have entered into the gates of jerusalem . the anger of the lord hath divided them , he will no more regard them . they respected not the persons of the priests , they favoured not the elders . as for us , our eyes as yet failed for our vain help ; in our watching we have watched for a nation that could not save us . they hunt our steps that we cannot go into the streets . our persecutors are swifter than the eagles of the heavens ; they pursued us upon the mountains , they laid wait for us in the wilderness . the breath of our nostrils the anointed of the lord , was taken in their pits , of whom we said , under his shadow we shall live among the heathen . v. remember , o lord what is come upon us : consider and behold our reproach . our inheritance is turned to strangers , our houses to aliens . we are orphans and fatherless ; our mothers are as widows . servants have ruled over us ; there is none that doth deliver us out of their hand . princes are hanged up by their hand . the faces of the elders were not honoured . the joy of our heart is ceased : our dance is turned into mourning . the crown is fallen from our head : wo unto us that we have sinned . for this our heart is faint ; for these things our eyes are dim . thou , o lord , remainest for ever , thy throne from generation to generation . wherefore dost thou forget us for ever , and forsake us so long time ? turn thou us unto thee , o lord , and we shall be turned : renew our days as of old . psalms . i. o god , wherefore art thou absent from us so long ? why is thy wrath so hot against the sheep of thy pasture ? remember the congregation which thou hast purchased of old ; the lot of thine inheritance , and this mount sion wherein thou hast dwelt . o god , the heathen are come into thine inheritance : thy holy temple have they defiled , and laid jerusalem on heaps . they have cast fire into thy sanctuary , they have defiled the dwelling place of thy name unto the ground . we are become a reproach to our neighbours , a scorn and derision to them that are round about us . lord , how long wilt thou be angry ? shall thy jealousie burn like fire for ever ? o remember not our old sins : let thy tender mercies speedily prevent us , for we are brought very low . help us , o god of our salvation , for the glory of thy name ; deliver us , and purge away our sins for thy names sake . wherefore should the heathen say , whereis their god ? remember this , o lord , that the enemy hath reproached , and the foolish people have blasphemed , thy name . o deliver not the soul of thy turtle dove unto the multitude of the wicked : forget not the congregation of thy poor for ever . have respect unto the covenant : for the dark places of the earth are full of the habitations of cruelty . o let not the oppressed return ashamed : let the poor and needy praise thy name . arise , o god , plead thine own cause : remember how the foolish man reproacheth thee daily . forget not the voice of thine enemies : the noise of those that rise up against thee increaseth continually . ii. hear , o thou shepherd of israel , thou that leadest joseph like a flock : thou that dwellest between the cherubims shew thy self . o lord god of hosts , how long wilt thou be angry against the prayer of thy people ? thou feedest them with the bread of weeping , and givest them plenty of tears to drink . thou makest us a strife unto our neighbours , and our enemies laugh among themselves . turn us again , o god of hosts , and cause thy face to shine , and we shall be saved . thou hast brought a vine out of egypt ; thou hast cast out the heathen and planted it . thou preparedst the soil before it , and didst cause it to take root and it filled the land. the hills were covered with the shadow of it , and the goodly cedars with the branches thereof . she sent out her boughs into the sea , and her branches upon the river . why hast thou then broken down her hedges , so that all they that pass by the way do spoil her ? the boar out of the wood doth waste it , and the wild beast of the feild doth devour it . return , we beseech thee , o lord of hosts ; look down from heaven , behold and visit this vine ; and the root which thy right hand hath planted , and the branch which thou madest strong for thy self . let thy hand be upon the man of thy right hand , upon the son of man whom thou madest strong for thy self . so will not we go back from thee . quicken us , and we will call upon thy name . turn us again , o lord god of hosts , cause thy face to shine , and we shall be whole . iii. o god , thou hast cast us off , thou hast scattered us ; thou hast also been displeased ; o turn thee unto us again . thou hast made the land to tremble ; thou hast broken it : heal the breaches thereof , for it shaketh . thou hast shewed thy people heavy things ; thou hast made us to drink the wine of astonishment . for thou hast forsaken and abhorred thine anointed , and hast been displeased at him . thou hast broken the covenant of thy servant , and hast profaned his crown to the ground . thou hast broken down all his hedges , and made his strong holds a ruine . all that pass by spoil him : he is become a reproach to his neighbours . thou hast set up the right hand of his adversaries ; thou hast made all his enemies to rejoyce . thou hast also turned the edge of his sword , and givest him not victory in the battel . thou hast made his glory to cease , and hast cast his throne down to the ground . the days of his youth hast thou shortened , and covered him with dishonour . how long , lord , wilt thou hide thy self for ever ? shall thy wrath burn like fire . behold , o god , our defender , and look upon the face of thine anointed . comfort us again now after the days wherein thou hast afflicted us and the years wherein we have seen adversity . shew thy servants thy work , and their children thy glory . and the glorious majesty of the lord our god be upon us . iv. truly god is good to israel , even to such as are of a clean heart . but as for me , my feet were almost gone , my steps had well nigh slipt : for i was zealous at the foolish , when i saw the prosperity of the wicked : for they are in no peril of death , but their strength is firm . they are not in trouble with the weak , neither are they scourged like other men . therefore pride compasseth them as a chain , violence covereth them as a garment . their eyes swell with fatness , they have surpassed the imaginations of their heart . they deride and speak maliciously , from on high they speak oppression . they set their mouth against the heavens , and their tongue walked through the earth . and they say , how doth god know ? is there knowledge in the most high ? behold , these are the ungodly , these prosper in the world , they increase in riches . verily i have cleansed my heart in vain , and washed my hands in innocency . if i say , i will speak thus , i should offend against the generation of thy children . and i thought to know this which was grievous in my eyes . and i went into the sanctuary , then understood i the end of these men . surely thou settest them in slippery places , thou castest them down into destruction . how are they brought into desolation ; as in a moment they are utterly consumed with terrors . as a dream when one awaketh , so ( lord ) when they awake thou shalt destroy their shadow . fret not thy self because of the evil doers ; neither be thou envious against the workers of iniquity . for they shall soon be cut down like the grass , and wither as the green herb. i have seen the wicked in great power , aud spreading himself like a green tree : and he passed away , and lo he was not ; yea i sought him , but he could not be found . mark the perfect man , and behold the upright , for the end of that man is peace . but the transgressors shall be destroyed together , and the end of the wicked shall be cut off . for the salvation of the righteous of the lord : he is their strength in time of trouble . and the lord shall help them and deliver them : he shall deliver them from the wicked , and save them because they trust in him . glory be to the father , and to the son , and to the holy ghost : as it was in the beginning , is now , and ever shall be world without end . amen . prayers . i. o my god , i am ashamed and blush to lift up my face to thee , my god : for our iniquities are increased over our head , and our trespass is grown up unto the heavens . since the days of our fathers have we been in a great trespass unto this day ; and for our iniquities have we , our kings and our priests , been delivered into the hand of the enemy , to the sword , to captivity , and to a spoil , and to confusion of face , as it is this day . o lord god of israel , thou art righteous : behold , we are before thee in our trespasses , for we cannot stand before thee because of this . nevertheless , for thy great mercies sake consume us not utterly , nor forsake us ; for thou art a gracious and merciful god. now therefore , our god , the great , the mighty , and the terrible god , who keepest covenant and mercy , let not all the trouble seem little before thee that hath come upon us , on our kings , on our princes , and on our priests , and on our prophets , and on our fathers , and on all thy people . howbeit thou art just in all that is brought upon us , for thou hast done right , but we have done wickedly . neither have our kings , our princes , our priests , nor our fathers , kept thy law , nor hearkened unto thy commandments , and thy testimonies wherewith thou didst testifie against them : for they have not served thee in their kingdom , and in thy great goodness that thou gavest them , and in the large aud fat land which thou gavest before them ; neither turned they from their wicked works . behold , we are servants this day ; and for the land that thou gavest unto our fathers , to eat the fruit thereof and the good thereof , behold , we are servants in it . ii. o lord the great and dreadful god , keeping the covenant and mercy to them that love him , and to them that keep his commandments , we have sinned and have committed iniquity , and have done wickedly , and have rebelled , even by departing from thy precepts and from thy judgments . neither have we hearkened unto thy servants the prophets , which spake in thy name to our kings , our princes , and our fathers , and to all the people of the land. o lord , righteousness belongeth unto thee , but unto us confusion of face as at this day . o lord , to us belongeth confusion of face , to our kings , to our princes , and to our fathers , because we have sinned against thee . to the lord our god belong mercies and forgivenesses , though we have rebelled against him . neither have we obeyed the voice of the lord our god , to walk in his laws which he hath set before us by his servants the prophets : therefore the curse is poured upon us , and he hath confirmed his words which he spake against us , and against our judges that judged us , by bringing upon us a great evil ; for under the whole heaven hath not been done as hath been done upon jerusalem . o lord , according to all thy righteousness , i beseech thee let thine anger and thy fury be turned away from thy holy mountain ; because for our sins , and for the iniquities of our fathers , thy people are become a reproach to all that are about us . now therefore , o our god , hear the prayer of thy servant , and his supplications , and cause thy face to shine upon thy sanctuary that is desolate , for the lords sake . o my god , incline thine ear and hear , open thine eyes and behold our desolations , and the people which is called by thy name ; for we do not present our supplications before thee for our righteousness , but for thy great mercies . o lord hear , o lord forgive , o lord hearken and do : defer not for thine own sake , o my god ; for thy people are called by thy name . iii o lord god , destroy not thy people and thine inheritance , which thou hast redeemed through thy greatness which thou hast brought forth out of egypt with a mighty hand . look not unto the stubbornness of this people , nor to their wickedness , nor to their sin ; lest the land whence thou broughtest us out to say , because the lord was not able to bring them into the land which he promised them , and because he hated them , he hath brought them out to flay them in the wilderness . yet they are thy people and thine inheritance , which thou broughtest out by thy mighty power , and by thy stretched-out arm. o my father , if it be possible let this cup pass from us : nevertheless not as i will , but as thou wilt . abba , father , all things are possible unto thee ; take away this cup from us : nevertheless not ours , but thy will be done . amen two prayers for the peaceful re-settlement of this church and state. iv. a prayer for the church . o blessed lord , who in thine infinite mercy didst vouchsafe to plant a glorious church among us , and now in thy just judgment hast permitted our sins and follies to root it up ; be pleased at last to resume thoughts of peace towards us , that we may do the like to one another . lord , look down from heaven , the habitation of thy holiness , and behold the ruines of a desolate church , and compassionate to see her in the dust . behold her , o lord , not only broken , but crumbled ; devided into so many sects and factions , that she no longer represents the ark of the god of israel , where the covenant and the manna were conserved , but the ark of noah , filled withall various sorts of unclean beasts : and , to complete our misery and guilt , the spirit of division hath insinuated it self as well into our affections as our judgments ; that badge of discipleship which thou recommendest to us , is cast off , and all the contrary wrath and bitterness , anger and clamour called in to maintain and widen our breaches . o lord , how long shall we thus violate and defame that gospel of peace that we profess ? how long shall we thus madly defeat our selves , lose that christianity which we pretend to strive for ; o thou which makest men to be of one mind in an house , be pleased so to unite us , that we may be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgment . and now that in civil affairs there seems some aptness to a composure , o let not our spiritual differences be more unreconcileable . lord , let not the ronghest winds blow out of the sanctuary ; let not those which should be thy embassadours for peace , still sound a trumpet for war : but do thou reveal thy self to all our eliah's in that still small voice , which may teach them to echo thee in the like meek treating with others . lord , let no unseasonable stiffness of those that are in the right , no perverse obstinacy of those that are in the wrong , hinder the closing of our wounds ; but let the one instruct in meekness , and thou be pleased to give the other repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth . to this end do thou , o lord , mollifie all exasperated minds , take off all animosities and pre udices , contempt and heart-burnings and by uniting their hearts prepare for the reconciling their opinions : and that nothing may intercept the clear sight of thy truth , lord , let all private and secular designs be totally deposited , that gain may no longer be the measure of our godliness , but that the one great and common concernment of truth and peace may be unanimously and vigorously pursued . lord , the hearts of all men are in thy hands , o be thou pleased to let thy spirit of peace over-shadow the minds of all contending parties ; and if it be thy will , restore this church to her pristine state , renew her days as of old ; let her escape out of egypt be so entire , that not an hoof may be left behind : but if thy wisdom see it not yet a season for so full a deliverance , lord , defer not , we beseech thee , such a degree of it , as may at least secure her a being ; if she cannot recover her beauty , yet , o lord , grant her health , such a soundness of constitution as may preserve her from dissolution . let thy providence find out some good samaritans to cure her present wounds : and to whomsoever thou shalt commit that important work , lord , give them skilful hands and compassionate hearts ; direct them to such applications as may most speedily , and yet most soundly , heal the hurt of the daughter of sion ; and make them so advert to the interests both of truth and peace , that no lawful condescention may be omitted , nor any unlawful made . and do thou , who art both the wonderful counsellor and prince of peace , so guide and prosper all pacifick endeavours , that all our distractions may be composed , and our jerusalem may again become a city at unity in it self ; that those happy primitive days may at length revert , wherein vice was the only heresie ; that all our intestine contentions may be converted into a vigorous opposition of our common enemy , our unbrotherly feuds into a christian zeal against all that exalts it self against the obedience of christ . lord , hear us , and ordain peace for us , even for his sake whom thou hast ordained our peace-maker , jesus christ our lord. v. a prayer for the king and state. o most gracious lord , who dost not afflict willingly , nor grieve the children of men , who smitest not till the importunity of our sins enforce thee , & then correctest in measure , we thy unworthy creatures humbly acknowledge that we have abundantly tasted of this patience and lenity of thine . to what an enormous height were our sins arrived ere thou beganst to visit them ! and when thou couldst no longer forbear , yet mastering thy power , thou hast not proportioned thy vengeance to our crimes , but to thy own gracious design of reducing , and reclaiming us . lord , had the first stroke of thy hand been exterminating , our guilts had justified the method ; but thou hast proceeded by such easie and gentle degrees , as witness how much thou desiredst to be interrupted , and shew us , that all that sad weight we have long groaned under , hath been accumulated only by our own incorrigibleness . 't is now , o lord , these many years that this nation hath been in the furnace , and yet our dross wastes not , but encreases ; and it is owing only to thy unspeakable mercy , that we , who would not be purified , are not consumed ; that we remain a nation , who cease not to be most sinful , and provoking nation . o lord , let not this long-suffering of thine serve only to upbraid our obstinacy , and inhanse our guilt ; but let it at last have the proper effect on us , melt our hearts , and lead us to repentance . and oh , that this may be the day for us thus to discern the things that belong to our peace ! that all who are ( yea , and all who are not ) cast down this day in an external humiliation , may by the operation of thy mighty spirit have their souls laid prostrate before thee in a sincere contrition ! o thou who canst out of the very stones raise up children unto abraham , work our stony flinty hearts into such a temper as may be malleable into the impressions of thy grace , that all the sinners of sion may tremble ; that we may not by a persevering obstinacy seal to our selves both temporal and eternal ruine ; but in stead of our mutinous complaining at the punishments of our sins , search and try our ways , and turn again to the lord. o be thou pleased to grant us this one grand fundamental mercy , that we who so impatiently thirst after a change without us , may render that possible and safe by this better and more necessary change within us ; that our sins may not , as they have so often done , interpose and eclipse that light which now begins to break out upon us . lord , thy dove seems to approach us with an olive-branch in her mouth , oh let not our filth and noisomness chase her away ; but grant us that true repentance which may atone thee , and that christian charity which may reconcile us with one another . lord , let not our breach either with thee or among our selves be incurable , but by making up the first prepare us for the healing of the latter . and because , o lord , the way to make us one fold is to have one shepherd , be pleased to put us all under the conduct of him to whom that charge belongs ; bow the hearts of this people as of one man , that the only contention may be who shall most forward in bringing back our david . o let none reflect on their past guilts as an argument to persevere , but repent , and to make their return so sincere as may qualifie them not only for his but thy mercy . and , lord , be pleased so to guide the hearts of all who shall be intrusted with that great concernment of setling this nation , that they may weigh all their deliberations in the balance of the sanctuary , that conscience , not interest , may be the ruling principle , and that they may render to cesar the things that are cesars , and to god the things that are gods ; that they may become healers of our breaches and happy repairers of the sad ruines both in church and state ; and grant , o lord , that as those sins which made them are become national , so the repentance may be national also , and that evidenced by the proper fruits of it , by zeal of restoring of the rights both of thee and thine anointed . and do thou , o lord , so dispose all hearts , and remove all obstacles , that none may have the will , much less the power , to hinder his peaceable restitution . and , lord , let him bring with him an heart so entirely devoted to thee , that he may wish his own honour only as a means to advance thine . o let the precepts and example of his blessed father never depart from his mind ; and as thou wert pleased to perfect the one by suffering , so perfect the other by acting thy will ; that he may be a blessed instrument of replanting the power instead of the form of godliness among us , of restoring christian vertue in a prophane and almost barbarous nation . and if any wish him for any distant ends , if any desire his shadow as a shelter for their riots and licentiousness , o let him come a great but happy defeat to all such , not bring fewel , but cure , to their inordinate appetites ; and by his example as a christian , and his authority as a king , so invite to good , and restrain from evil , that he may not only release our temporal , but our spiritual bondage , suppress those foul and scandalous vices which have so long captivated us , and by securing our inward , provide for the perpetuating our outward peace , lord , establish thou his throne in righteousness , make him a signal instrument of thy glory and our happiness , and let him reap the fruits of it in comfort here , and in bliss hereafter ; that so his earthly crown may serve to enhanse and inrich his heavenly . grant this o king of kings , for thy sake and intercession of our blessed mediator , jesus christ . a prayer for all christian princes and the ecclesiastical state. almighty god who rulest in the kingdoms of men , and in all events of the world , defend those with thy mercy whom thou hast adorned with thy power , lift up the horn advance the just interests of all christian kings , princes , and states by the power of thy venerable and life-giving passion . give unto all them who serve thee in the ministeries of religion , wisdom and holiness , the blessings of peace , and great abilities to minister prosperously to the good of souls by the power and aids of thy holy spirit of wisdom . pardon all our sins ; take away our iniquities from us all , and preserve us from all danger and trouble , from need and persecution , from the temptations of the devil , from the violence ▪ and fraud of all our enemies . keep us o god from sinning against thee , and from suffering thy wrath , through jesus christ our lord. amen . postscript . the desolation of sion being that which every good christian ought to remember in his daily . addresses to heaven , i should wrong , not only your charity , but even your good nature , to think you forgetful or careless of our common mother , the church of england , thus despightfully used by those ungrateful and unnatural children , who having formerly sucked her breasts , yet are not ashamed to trample upon her in the day of her calamity . i have therefore thought it not improper to add these foregoing lamentations and devotions in her behalf ; hoping they will not be unacceptable or unuseful to you , and such others as shall find it worth their while to have proceeded thus far . to the blessing of god i commend them and you . farewell . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45408-e1370 mat. 6. 7 , 8. mat. 6. 9. luke 11. 2. mat. 5. 23. mat. 6. 12 , 14 , 15. psal . 19. 14. psal . 27. 8. 28. 2. esth . 5. 2. psal . 51. 5. ezr. 9. 6 , 7. 2 cor. 7. 10. mat. 6. 33. 1 tim. 2. 1. luke 1. 79. isai . gen 18. 32. mat. 5. 44. luk. 18. 1. eph. 6. 18. 1 thes . 5. 17. psal . 119. 62. acts 16. 25. mal. 4. 2. 1 thes . 5. 23. psal . 121. 1. 1 thes . 5. 5. 8. rom. 13. 13. psal . 119. 18 , 36 , 133. psal . 91. 2. psal . 121. 8. psal . 121. 7. jude 24. phil. 4. 7. com. pr. mat. 6. 6. mat. 18. 20. eph. 3. 20. com. pr. heb. 13. 20. phil. 2. 13. jude 24. psal . 103. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. luke 1. 46. 2 cor. 6. 2. mat. 5. 21. 2 thess . 2. 16. mat. 24. 44. psal . 27. 23 psal . 84. 28. eccl. 11. 8. psal . 27. 9 , 10. psal . 130. 1. psal . 51. 1 , 2. psal . 121. 4. cor. 10. 13. heb. 20. 23. dan. 9. 4 , 5. pri. form of prep . psal . 130. 3. isai . psal . 103. 10. rom. 13. 12. 1 tim. 6. 12. joh. 4. 24. mat. 22. luke 14. 18 , 19 , 20. mat. 22. 12. zach. 3. 1. zach. 13. 1. 2 pet. 2. 22. psal . 5. 7. mat. 26. 41. 2 chron. 30. 18 , 19. 1 kings 19. 8. b. andrews man. p. 290. mat. 15. 27. 2 pet. 2. 22. psal . psal . 103. 15. luke . 12. 46. psal . 90. 12. mat. 25. 1 , 10. lam. c. 1. v. 12. 14 , 15 , 6 , 17 , 5. vers . 16. ver. 18 , 20 , 21. c. 2. v. 1 , 3 , 2 , 9. c. 2. v. 9 , 7 , 6. vers . 15. c , 3. v. 19 , 20 , 21. ver. 22 , 23 , 31 , 32 , 33. ver. 39 , 40. chap. 4. ver . 11 , 12. ver. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. vers . 20. chap. 5. ver . 2 , 3. vers . 8 , 12 , 15 , 16. vers . 17. vers . 19 , 20 , 21. psal . 74. 1 , 2. 79. ver. 1. 74. ver . 7. 79 ver . 4 , 5 , 8 , 9 , 10. ●4 . ver . 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. psal . 80. 1. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. v. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. ver. 17 , 18 , 19. psal . 60. 1 , 2 , 3. 89. ver . 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46. 84. ver . 9. 90. ver . 15 , 16 , 17. psal . 73. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 11 , 12. ver. 13 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. 37 ver . 1 , 2 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39. ezra 9. 6 , 7 , 15. neh. 9. 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36. dan 9. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. ver. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. deut. 9. 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. mat. 26. 39. mar. 14. 36. of resisting the lavvfull magistrate under colour of religion and appendant to it, of the word keima, rendred damnation, rom. 13, reprinted : also, [brace] of zelots among the jewes, of taking up the crosse, a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter, from the exceptions of mr. marshall. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45421 of text r40544 in the english short title catalog (wing h557a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 201 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45421 wing h557a estc r40544 19350334 ocm 19350334 108766 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45421) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108766) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1672:14) of resisting the lavvfull magistrate under colour of religion and appendant to it, of the word keima, rendred damnation, rom. 13, reprinted : also, [brace] of zelots among the jewes, of taking up the crosse, a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter, from the exceptions of mr. marshall. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. [2], 61 p. printed for h.h. and w.w., oxford : 1644. attributed to hammond by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng church and state -england. government, resistance to -religious aspects -christianity. zealots (jewish party) liberty of conscience. a45421 r40544 (wing h557a). civilwar no of resisting the lawfull magistrate under colour of religion: and appendant to it, of the word krima, rendred damnation, rom. 13. reprinted. hammond, henry 1644 39959 16 1185 0 0 0 0 301 f the rate of 301 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of resisting the lawfull magistrate under colour of religion : and appendant to it , of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rendred damnation , rom. 13. reprinted . also , of the zelots among the jewes . of taking up the crosse . a vindication of christs reprehending st. peter , from the exceptions of mr. marshall . oxford , printed for h. h. and w. w. 1644. of resisting the lawfull magistrate upon colour of religion . in this proposall of the point for debate , there are onely two words will need an account to be given of them : 1. what is meant by resisting . 2. why the word colour is put in . for the first , resisting , here signifies violent , forcible , offensive resistance , fighting against , as hesychius the best scripture-glossary explaines it , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} all one , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and the apostle in like manner , rom. 13. 2. using {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , promiscuously for the same , and so in other places , although it is true , it is used sometimes in a wider sense ; but that will not here be materiall , when we here set down before-hand what we meane by it . for the second , the word [ colour ] is in the title added , onely for this reason , ( not to prejudge the religion , which is fought for , to be onely a colour , but ) because it is possible for a man to fight for religion , and yet not upon colour of religion ; to wit , in case the religion for which hee fights be establisht by the law of the land , for then his colour for fighting may be the preservation of law , which the magistrate is bound by oath to maintaine , and though hee fight for religion , yet it is under that other colour : whereas hee that fights upon colour of religion , making that his onely pretence of fighting , is ipso facto supposed to fight for a religion distant or contrary to that which is established by law , and so all pretence or colour of law excluded , yea , and all supposition of falling in the magistrate ; he standing for the law present , not against it ; which i desire may be the setting of the case , to exclude the fallacy , plurium interrogationum , and to distinguish the quarrell of religion from that other of law , and so to meddle at this time onely with that which is fully within the divines spheare , and leave the other to some body else . those two termes being thus explained , and so the state of the question set , the lawfull magistrate , and the establisht law of the kingdome on one side ; and some person or persons inferiour to him , upon colour of religion , i. e. for some religion not yet established by law , on t'other side , that it should be lawfull to them to take up armes against him , would seem not very reasonable , if he were but a private man , abstracted from regall power , ( which sure doth not make it more lawfull to resist him then any body else ) having broken no established law , ( as is supposed in the case ) for what legall accusation can lie against him in a point wherein hee hath not broken the law ? but then this will be more unreasonable , it moreover it be considered , that colour of religion is so wide and unlimited a thing , that no man , that is never so much in the wrong in any opinion , but thinks himselfe in the right , ( for otherwise he would not continue in that errour ) and so that colour will be plea equally good to all sorts of errours , as well as truths : and besides , he that hath not so much religion as to be in an errour , may yet have so much wit as to make use of that apology for his sedition , ( to wit , colour of religion ) and plead it as legally as the most zealous professour ; and consequently , if that will serve turne , who ever shall but pretend to beleeve contrary to the religion established in any kingdome , shall be ipso facto absolved from all bond of allegiance in foro humano , and if hee will adventure the hazard of the judgement to come , shall have no restraint laid on him by any earthly tribunall ; and so by this meanes already , the grounds of the dissolution of any government are laid by this one unpolitick principle , and the world given up to be ruled onely by the religion ( which is in effect , the will ) of every man ; whereas before , there was a state as well as a church , policy as well as religion , a power in the magistrates hand , besides that in every mans owne brest or conscience ; and yet more particularly , a restraint for hypocrites , as well as any else , i. e. for pretenders of religion , who , if this ground would hold , were left unlimited . where , if it be interposed , that such an one that fallaciously pretends religion , though by this disguise hee escape here , yet shall surely pay for it hereafter ; and that that is sufficient , because there is no other court , but of that searcher of hearts , to which the hypocrite can be bound over : i answer , that although that be true , yet it is not sufficient ; because , although there be a judgement to come for all crimes , yet it is notwithstanding thought necessary to have present judicatures also , not to leave all offenders to terrours at such a distance : and indeed , for the continuance of the peace of communities , to provide some violent restraint at the present for those , whom those greater but future deterrements cannot sufficiently work on . this every man knowes is the originall of humane lawes , yea , and of dominion it selfe , a praevision that all men will not doe their duties for love or feare of god , ( it is apparent , the jewes would not under their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and therefore for good mens sakes , and for peace sake , and for the maintaining of communities , those superadditions have been thought necessary , as some thornes in the hedge of gods law , that may pierce the hands and sides of him that shall attempt to break over or thorough it . from whence the conclusion will be evident , that the rules for the preserving of government must be such as shall have force to restraine the atheist or the hypocrite , as well as the good christian ( which sure will lesse need those restraints ) or else they are utterly unsufficient to the attaining of their end , i. e. to the preserving of government , peace , community , or protecting any that lives under it : which being supposed , it will also follow , that nothing must be indulged upon any colour of religion , ( be his religion never so true , and himselfe never so sincere in it ; ) which will open this gap or out-let to others , that may make the ill use of it : for this will be utterly destructive of the end of government ( which is , that wee may lead a peaceable quiet life , 1 tim. 2. 2. ) yea , and of government it selfe . this argument being thus prosecuted and cleared , might be sufficient to determine this whole businesse , were it not for one rejoynder which is ordinarily made , the force of which is taken from that supreme care that every man ought to have of his owne soule , and consequently of the maintaining of his religion , on which ( to abstract from all possible disputes concerning the particular truth of it , he being perhaps not acute or artist enough to uphold it against all objecters ) he is fully convinc't , the health and salvation of that wholly depends . for the maintaining of which against all the humane power in the world , if he may not take up armes , or doe any thing , he cannot see what can be fit for him to fight for , ( nothing sure being more precious then that ; ) or consequently , why he may not take up that opinion of the beyond-sea-anabaptists , that it is not lawfull to fight at all : which if it should be yeelded to , although for the present it would produce peace , yet it would be little for the advantage of magistrates in the issue . to this i shall answer , by concession of these foure things : 1. that religion is to be every mans supreme care , the prime jewel in his cabinet . 2. that it cannot , at least in humane consideration , be expected that any man should be lesse carefull of his false religion ( if hee be really perswaded of the truth of it ) then any other is of the true . nay , 3. that if he doe not use any lawfull meanes to defend that false ( whilest he is convinc't it is the true ) religion , this is a sin of lukewarmnesse in him ; though indeed through prepossession not to open his eyes to greater light and revelation of the truth offered to him , and perhaps through sluggishnesse not to seek that light , be yet a farre greater sin in him . for though no man ought to defend the contrary to what he takes to be truth , yet ought he to be most ready to deposite his errour , not onely when it doth , but also when it may appeare to him to be so , and to seek to those helps that may be instrumentall to that end . 4. that in some cases the use of armes is not unlawfull . but then all this being thus granted , and so in effect , that all lawfull meanes may be used for the maintaining of religion , we must yet secondly deny the inference of the objection , upon this onely ground , because though armes may lawfully be used in some cases , and religion be maintained by all lawfull meanes ; yet armes are not a lawfull meanes for this end , and so may not be used in this case ; that is , by subjects against the lawfull magistrate in case of religion , at least when some other religion is by law established in that kingdome . which assertion i shall confirme onely by foure arguments : 1. taken from the nature of religion . 2. from examples of christ and christians . 3. from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . 4. from the constitution of this kingdom , which being subordinate to the other three , may deserve consideration , as farre as it agrees with them . 1. from the nature of religion , which is an act of the soule , which cannot be forced or constrained by outward violence ; and therefore , 't is apparent , needs no outward defence for the maintaining of it , much lesse invasion of others . a man may be as truly religious under all the tyranny and slavery in the world , as in the most triumphant prosperous estate ? they that have power to kill the body , are not able to commit them least rape upon the soule ; they may rob me of my life , they cannot of my religion ; the weakest creeple in the hospitall may defie the whole army of the philistines in this matter . but you will ask , is not the outward profession and publike exercise of religion some part of it , and that to be thus maintained , where any attempt to hinder it ? to which i answer , that the first of these , the outward profession , can no more be hindred then the former act of the soule , but rather may be most illustrious in the time of depression . i may confesse christ in the den of lyons , in the furnace , on the rack , on the gridiron , and when my tongue is cut out , by patient , constant suffering in that cause . religion is not so truly professed by endeavouring to kill others , as by being killed patiently our selves rather then we will renounce it . when i fight , it may be malice , revenge , some hope of gaine ( or impunity at least ) by the present service , any one of a hundred worldly interests , that may help to whet my sword for me ; or most clearly , a hope i may kill and not be killed : and so all this while here is no act of confession of christ in thus venturing my life , although i doe affirme i doe this for my religion ; because , though i so affirme , men are not bound to beleeve me , there being so much oddes against me , that i doe it for some-what else . but when i say down my life patiently , the sacrifice of my god , resigne up all possible worldly interests for the retaining of my one spirituall trust , this is to the eye of man a profession capable of no reasonable suspition of infincerity ; and indeed none so , but this . as for the second , the publike exercise of the true religion , it were by all men heartily to be wisht that it might be enjoyed at all times , for the advancing of gods glory , increase of charity , conversion of others , &c. but if it may not be had by the use of lawfull meanes , it will not be required of us by god , without whose speciall providence it is not , that hee permitteth us to be forbidden that exercise . till the same providence be pleased to remove such hinderance , and open to us a lawfull way of obtaining it , the primitive christians secret meetings will first be imitable to us ; and if those be obstructed also , their folitudes next . and however , that designe of obtaining free exercise of our religion , will never make any practice lawfull to be used in order to that , that before was utterly unlawfull . but are we not to take care of our children and posterity , as well as of our selves ? if our religion be now supprest , our poore children and progeny to the end of the world may in all probability be kept in blindnesse and ignorance , and so left to the place of darknesse irrecoverably . this objection sounds somewhat pathetically , and is apt to affect our bowels , more then our reason ; moves our compassion first , and thorow those spectacles is then represented with improvement to our judgement . but for answer to it , though the doctrine of election of particular men , as well and as absolutely to the meanes as to the end , might be to him that acknowledges it a sufficient amulet against this feare , and so no need of that their jealous care for their posterity , any farther then it is in their power to contribute toward them ( which sure is no more then to doe what is lawfull for them to doe ; ) yet the answer will be more satisfactory to all that acknowledge gods providence , however opinionated concerning decrees , that whosoever considers himselfe as a man , much more as a father of a posterity , must have many things to trust god with , and onely god ; and among those nothing more , then the future estate of those which are come from him . yet , if he be importunate and still unsatisfied , unlesse he himselfe contribute somewhat to the securing of his posterity in this matter , let me tell him , there is nothing ( after his prayers to god , and paternall blessing on them ) so likely to entaile his religion upon them , as his sealing it by his sufferings . this sure will be a more probable way to recommend his religion to them , ( when they shall heare , and be assured by that testimony , that their fathers thus hoped in god ) then that other so distant , that they died in a rebellion against the king ; or , that this religion had been in their time turned out of the land , had not they done something so unlawfull to protect it . besides , the greatest prejudice which but posterity ( of which wee pretend such care ) can suffer by my non-resistance , is onely to be brought up in a contrary religion , to heare that way first , but sure not to have their eares deafed against all others when they shall be represented , nor to bring the guilt of non-representation upon them if they be not . and if i bring forth reasonable creatures , i hope they will , by the grace of god , make use of the reason and his grace , to find out that truth that their soules are so much concerned in : and if ( through no default personall of theirs ) they should misse of it , i hope the invinciblenesse of their ignorance , and their sincere repentance for all their sinnes and errours knowne and unknowne , and their readinesse to receive the truth , if it were or might be represented to them , would be antidote sufficient , by gods mercy in christ , to preserve them from that poyson , so they were carefull according to their means of knowledge to escape all other dangers . and all this upon supposition , but not concession , that the religion of him that would fight for it , were the truth and only truth ; whereas indeed , there is not a more suspitious mark of a false religion , then that it is faine to propagate it selfe by violence : the turks and papists being the onely notable examples hitherto of that practice ; till some others , directly upon popish principles a little varied in the application , have falne upon the same conclusion . now secondly for the examples of christ and christians , but first of christ : his example ( as to this purpose ) is evident in three passages ( besides that grand transcendent copy , proposed from the aggregate of all his life and death , mat. 11. 29. learn of me ; for i am meek and lowly . ) the first is , luk. 9. 54. the inhabitants of a samaritan village would not receive christ , vers. 53. upon that , james and john remembring what elias had done in the like kind , 1 king. 18. and 2 king. 1. ask't his judgement of it , whether he , would be pleased that they should command fire to come down from heaven and consume them , as elias did , that is , in effect , whether they should not doe well to use whatever power they had ( and be confident that god would assist them in it ) to the destroying of those who-ever they were ( and yet that they were not their magistrates it is cleare ) which affronted them in the exercise of their religion , or indeed , which would not receive christ . to this christ answers sternly , the words are emphaticall , he turned ( as to peter when he gave him that check , mat. 16. 23. ) and rebuked them , and said , ye know not what manner of spirit you are of : that is , elias was a zelot , 1 mac. 2. 58. ( the full importance of which will belong to another disquisition ) & jure zelotarum , might doe somewhat against baals prophets , which will not agree with that distant calling or profession of a disciple of christ , or christian ; they are mistaken if they think they may doe as elias did . from whence , by the way , is a prohibition fully legall put in against all examples of the old testament , ( if any such there were ) from being pleadable amongst christians , upon this ground of josephus his observing , that the jewes were governed by a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , god being as it were their king on earth for a long time , presiding immediately , and interposing by his oracle , and other particular directions , as well as standing law , as in that case of phinees and elias , &c. by which those acts of theirs , though authorized by no setled or ordinary law , were yet as legall as what-ever in any other common-wealth were done by authority legally descending from the supreme magistrate . which whosoever shall now apply to christians , besides that he professes himselfe an asserter of enthusiasmes , will meet with christs check to the boanerges , you know not what spirit you are of : i have not authorized you to pretend to the spirit of elias , or to doe what a zelot among the jewes might doe . the second exemplary passage to this purpose in the story of christ is , mat. 26. 51. when christ was apprehended by those tumultuous persons , at the best but servants of the chiefe priests and elders ( not againe by any power of lawfull magistrate ) peter drew the sword , and smote off one of those servants ears ; upon that , christs answer is the thing to be observed , vers. 52. then said jesus unto him , put up again thy sword into his place , for all they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword : the speech particular to peter , a prime disciple or christian , that he having drawn the sword in defence of christ , and in him of christianity it selfe , ( a more justifiable course then ever any man since undertook under the colour of religion ) must put it up again ; but the reason added , of an unlimited universall obligingnesse to all christians ; for all they that take the sword ( as peter did , in defence of christ , &c. or else the citation had not been pertinent to him ) shall perish by the sword . and the two parallel places which are noted in the margent of our english bibles , are somewhat considerable ; the first , gen. 9. 6. where that law was given to the sons of noah , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} concerning the effusion of bloud , which sure was not any prohibition to legall , though capitall punishments of malefactors , ( but rather the investing the magistrate with that power of the sword ) and yet is by christ urged as a prohibition to saint peter ; signifying , that effusion of bloud by him in that case to be utterly illegall , and against the intention of that old law , not abrogated ( it seemeth ) by christ . the other parallel place is revel. 13. 10. where immediately upon the repeating of those words , he that killeth with the sword , shall be killed with the sword , is subjoyned , here is the patience and faith of the saints . i. e. christian martyrs , vers. 7. whose faith it seems and patience must goe together ; which sure is most irreconcileable with forcible resistance . * the third exemplary passage of christ was in his suffering , wherein many particular circumstances might be observed , especially his answer to pilate , john 19. 11. in acknowledgement of his legall power given him from above . but all that i shall observe is onely in the generall , that hee that had so many legions of angels , certainly sufficient to defend him and invade his enemies , ( whatsoever will be thought of the christians strength in tertullians time to have done so too , of which more anon ) did yet without the least resistance give himselfe up to suffer death . and if it should be objected , that this was to accomplish what god hath decreed ( ought not christ to suffer these things , and thus it is written , and thus it behoved christ to suffer ) and in obedience to that decree , not as matter of example to us , or of intimation , that it had not been lawfull for him to have done otherwise . to this i answer , that as christ was decreed to that death , and non-resistance , so are christians ( if saint paul may be beleeved ) predestinated to be conformed to the image of his son , rom. 8. that is , to that pattern of his in suffering , not fighting for religion : and that revelation of gods will in that decree being supposed , it will follow , that though christ might have lawfully done otherwise , yet wee christians now may not , especially being commanded to learne of him particularly his meeknesse ; i. e. especially that lamb-like quality of the lamb of god in his sufferings , isai. 53. 7. so much for the examples of christ . now for the like of christians ; it will be needlesse to mention any other then those of whom tertullian and saint cyprian spake , being so perfectly home to that purpose , tertul. in apol c. 37. and his book , ad scapulam , wholly to this purpose : and saint cyprian in his book against demetrianus , &c. the summe of which is this , that the christians of that age had strength sufficient , either to have resisted , or avenged themselves upon their heathen persecuting governours ; but in obedience to the lawes of christ , chose rather to die , then doe so . the severall testimonies ( of which this is the abstract ) being so fully produced by many , and known by all , it will be more to purpose to vindicate them from all exceptions , and intercept all evasions , which the wit of this last yeare ( beyond all that any former age pretended to ) hath invented to evacuate those testimonies ; witnesse goodwins anticavalierisme , p. 23. &c. and this i shall take leave to doe at large , because it is said , many have been satisfied in the lawfulnesse of their present course , by those answers and objections which that book hath helpt them to . 1. it is objected , the father ( tertullian ) might easily be mistaken , in making the estimate of the strength of christians , in comparison of the strength of them that were to oppose them . this is in civill termes , to say , tertullian wrote hee knew not what ; or at the softest , hee might be ignorant of what he affirmeth he knew ; and i am confident , was more likely to know , living then , then the objecter now , seeing or conjecturing at the distance of so many hundred years ; who hath not the least authority ( which must be the judge in matter of fact ) on his side , against so distinct and cleare affirmation , not onely of tertullian in severall places ( and that in an apologie against the gentiles , who could and would certainly have tript him in so manifest a falshood , if it had been such ; and though the negative argument be not fully convincing , that they did not thus trip him , because we doe not heare or read they did , yet will this be of as much force as any he hath to the contrary : this certainly , the writing it to the gentiles , will be able to conclude , that tertullian had been very imprudent and treacherous to his owne cause , to have affirmed a thing in defence of it , which his adversaries could so manifestly have proved a falsity , if it were not so as hee affirmed ) but of cyprian also , who lived about the same time ; and no writer of that age or since produced ( i doubt not but i may say , producible ) to the contrary . of the proofes that are offered to make it appeare possible and probable , that tertullian should be so mistaken , the first is , because this was no point of faith , &c. and therefore a devout father might fall under a misprision herein . i grant he might , but that doth not prove he did ; no nor that it is probable he should be a more incompetent judge in such a matter , then hee that now undertakes to controll him : nay sure , lesse reason is there to deny the authority of the ancients in matters of fact ( which if they were not evident to them , must needs be much lesse evident to us , who have no means to know any thing of them but their relations , nor cause to suspect such relations , but either by some impossibility in the things themselves , which is not here pretended , or by some other as authentick relation contradicting it , which is as little pretended ) then of faith , the ground of which being onely the written word of god , is common with them to us ; and therefore may enable us to judge , whether that which they affirme to be matter of faith , be so indeed , to be found really in that sacred writ , from whence they pretend to fetch it . and whereas it is farther added , that no rule of charity or reason binds us to beleeve another , in any thing which belongs to the art or profession of another , and wherein himselfe is little versed or exercised : i answer , that this saying , thus applied , will take away , the authority of a very great part of those histories which no body yet hath questioned . if it were spoken of doctrines , it might hold , and sure to that belongs the axiome quoted , unicuique in arte suâ credendum est ; but in narrations it is the unreasonablest thing in the world , to require the narrator to be of that profession of which hee relates the fact ; for then no man must adventure to write a kings life but a king : and if mr. m. mr. a. or mr. s. being ministers of the word , shall write their letters concerning the parliaments victory at keinton , and relate the number of the slaine on that side , so farre inferiour to those on the kings , we must now upon this admonition retract that beliefe we then allowed them , and begin now ( though too late ) to question whether it were indeed a victory or no , which caused such solemne thanksgiving in this city . but then secondly , why this relation should so wholly belong to the profession of another , i. e. not to tertullians , i cannot yet discerne : for the maine of tertullian's testimony was , that the christians chose rather to suffer then to resist , though they were able ; because christian religion taught the one , and forbad the other : and this sure was not without the sphere of the divine . but for their strength to resist , depending on the number of christians , not as even ballancing the heathens in the empire , but as very considerable , and able to raise an army , if they would make head , i doubt not but tertullian , a presbyter , that now laboured in converting and confirming christians , and was not alwayes in his study , nay , who had lately been a lawyer , and so not unacquainted with the publike , might know and relate with farre better authority , then any who hath dared now to contradict him . for , for the art of ballancing the power of parties in a kingdome , and grounds of precise determination of such differences , ( which as the objecter denies tertullian , so he is unwilling to yeeld to the states-man himselfe ) you shall see anon that we have no need to make tertullian master of it , his relation will stand unmoved without it . the second proofe to blast tertullians relation , is the ordinary one in fashion now-a-dayes ; if any man differs in opinion from us , presently to examine his whole life , and if ever hee did or spake any thing unjustifiable , lay that vehemently to his charge , and by that defame him , and then we may spare the pains of answering his reasons , disproving his assertion ; he once lyed or sinned , and therefore it is ridiculous to expect any truth from him . the argument is this , he might mistake and miscarry in this , for not long after he miscarried so grievously , as to turne montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost , &c. just as if i should resolve to beleeve no relation of any minister ( present in either of the armies ) of the strength of that army , untill i had examined , and were assured that hee were not a chiliast , an arrian , nor guilty of any others heresie condemned by the church : yea and more , till i had some degree of assurance that hee would never be such . or , as if i should resolve this man knew no logick , because in this period he offends so much against grammar in these words , [ to turn montanist , who called himselfe the holy ghost ; ] where the relative [ who ] hath certainly no antecedent ; tertullian cannot , for hee called not himselfe the holy ghost , but onely used that stile so ordinary now-a-dayes [ nos spirituales , ] and all others [ animales psychici ; ] and montanist cannot , unlesse as once areopagi signified the areopagites , so now by way of compensation , montanist must passe for montanas ; for he it was that called himselfe the holy ghost , not all or any of his followers . this way of concluding , from a slip in grammar , an ignorance in logick , ( especially being backt with the suffrage of so many unconcluding arguments ) will be as faire logicall proceeding , as to inferre , because tertullian afterward turned montanist , therefore then he spake hee knew not what . but then saint cyprian was no montanist , and yet he affirmed the same that tertullian doth , contra demetrian : as for the approving of dreames and furious phantasies for true prophesies , ( which is added to be revenged on tertullian , for contradicting this objecter ) i confesse i excuse not him , but wish we might learne any thing of him , rather then that . but i hope the narration we have now in hand , was neither maximilla's nor prisca's dreames : if it was a phantasie , it was quite contrary to a furious one . and for the close of this argument , wherein the warning is given as it were from heaven , how unsafe and dangerous it is to build on the authority of men , as i desire the reader may take it home with him , and from thence resolve to beleeve no longer any thing upon this objecters authority , so denudate of all reason ; so i doe not yet see , why hee that once erred , must never be allowed to speak truth ; the making of true narrations being compatible with the greatest heresie in the world . the third argument against tertullian's testimony , is an observation of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that there is a pronenesse of inclination in much devotion , in persons devoutly given , to over-value the workes and piety of other men . to which my onely answer shall be , that yet i hope it is not observed , that devout men are so strongly inclined to tell plaine lies , to this end , that they may make themselves over-valued by others . this must be tertullian's infirmity , ( if the objecter guesse aright ) being a christian himselfe , and in his apologie labouring to raise an high opinion of christians in the gentiles , to whom hee writes ; to which purpose , if he should forge falsities , i must confesse it were a shrewd weaknesse , very ill becoming devotion , whatever the practice of later times may say in excuse of it . the fourth proofe is from a second observation , that in the pious and orthodox fathers themselves , there are some touches and streins , some fibrae of the root of bitternesse , which afterwards grew rank in the times of popery , &c. the answ. all that i can collect from hence toward the conclusion designed , is , that this objectors sense is , that for tertullian to say there were christians enough in the roman empire to work revenge on their oppressors , was a spice of popery ; and so there is one new piece of popery more added , to the many which this age hath concluded under that title , above the inventory of the trent catechisme . and so now to debate this any further , or professe my selfe to opine as tertullian did , is to acknowledge my selfe popish , and that is as bad as prelaticall ; and so from henceforth all my arguments will but passe for temptations , which none but carnall men must submit to , be they never so demonstrative . yet must i have leave to wonder , how in the close of this section these words [ the sounder and more considerate knowledge of these latter times ] can have any reference to the point in hand : for certainly , for the strength of the then christian party , our knowledge in these latter times cannot be sounder or more considerate , then theirs that then lived amongst them : or if it be , the words [ latter times ] will be improper , for sure it will be affirmed onely of that time wherein mr. j. g. wrote this part of this book ; for i am confident he was the first that ever revealed this act of more considerate knowledge to the world . the fifth and last proof is , that what ever their number was , yet it is no wayes likely they should be fuffered to have any armes , &c. to which , and to all the prudentiall state motives whereon it is grounded , ( and so to all that section ) i shall return no answer but the very words of tertullian , which if all put together , they doe not defend their author from all their assaults , neither will i beleeve the christians strength was sufficient to buckle with their adversaries . his words are plain : first , if we would hostes exertos agere , deale like profest enemies , desiisset nobis vis numerorum & copiarum ? should we have wanted force of numbers ( i. e. men ) or armed souldiers ? ( for so sure copiae signifies . ) secondly , he saith as plainly , castella vestra , castra implevimus , we have filled your castles and camps , ( there , sure they were armed ; and so the thebaean legion , which yeelded themselves to the emperours butchery , wanted neither number nor armes to have resisted . ) thirdly , he saith , cui bello non idonei ? what war had we not been fit for ? etiam impares copiis , though we had not had so many armed men as they , qui tam libentèr trucidamur . their despising of death , ( nay , gladnesse to dye ) might have put them upon any hazard unarmed ; and hee professes the onely thing that kept them from resisting , was the doctrine which they had learnt , that it was more lawfull to be kil'd , then to kill . fourthly , hee saith , they had a way of revenge without arms , to wit , by departing from them , by that secession to have brought envie upon them ; ( as for example , upon dislike of the present state , to have gone to new-england , &c. to raise an odium upon the old ) but this they would not be so malicious as to doe neither : nay , besides , amissio tot civium ipsâ destitutione puniisset , the losse of so many citizens would have been a punishment , by making them lesse able to resist other enemies ; plures hostes , quàm cives usque remansissent , there would have been a greater number of enemies , then there would have been citizens remaining . fifthly , to put all beyond exception , he puts them in mind how one night with a few fire-brands they might have wrought their revenge , if it were lawfull for them to repay evill with evill . this one last particular being considered , is so full a demonstration of the truth now in debate , that supposing there were but one christian at liberty to use that one fire-brand , there can be no longer doubt but that there was sufficient strength to work their revenge , if their religion would have permitted them to doe so . and if their religion ( as was said out of him ) were the onely restraint , then certainly their weaknesse was not . nay , though they should after all this ( by a morally impossible supposition ) be supposed weak , yet if their religion did truly restraine them , as he professes it did , this were abundantly sufficient to decide the controversie betwixt us and the objecter . having proceeded thus farre in answer to the severall exceptions against the truth of tertullian's assertion , concerning the strength of those christians , i am invited farther by a second proffer of the objecter to make appeare , that although tertullian's assertion should be supposed true , yet it were unsufficient , it would not reach the question , or case in hand . this certainly is strange at first sight , the case in hand being , whether the reason of their non-resistance were their want of strength . which in all reason must be determined negatively , when once these two things are supposed ; first , that they had strength ; secondly , that the command of christ , or making of christianity was the cause of their non-resistance , and not want of strength . but there is no truth so evident , but the cunning of such a crafts-master will be able to transforme , both from evidence and truth ; and therefore ( though in all justice a man might vow never to have commerce with such a man more , that should undertake thus to master his understanding ; that he should beleeve and not beleeve the same thing ; yeeld the want of strength to be the cause , at the very time when hee acknowledges or supposes , first , no want of strength ; secondly , somewhat else , to wit , the command of christ , to be the cause ; ) yet i shall ( to exercise that christian meeknesse which i desire to assert by my actions , as well as words ) wait on this great artificer to the second part of his answer . the summe of which , as hee first sets it , is this , that supposing the father spake truth concerning their strength , yet on some considerations he mentions , it had been in those that were called to suffer , both want of wisdome in respect of themselves , and of charity in respect of others , if they should have made the least resistance . to which my onely answer shall be , to beseech him to consider , that this is part of tertullian's testimony , that the thing that restrained them was ( not this wisdome , but ) the doctrine of their christ ; concluding it more lawfull to be kil'd , then to kill ; and utterly unlawfull to repay evill for evill . and as for charity to others , i humbly wish that were , or may yet be considered , how much burden , &c. this resistance ( of which he is the profest a better ) hath brought on others , who are no parties on either side ; nor , i hope , ill christians , if their onely punishable crime be , making conscience of non-resistance . to the next section , in answer to a supposed reply , where he saith , that it is not probable they had any sufficiency of strength . i answer , that i cannot be so tame as thus to be caught , or so wild as to imagine that improbable , at a time when tertullian's testimony is supposed to be true , ( as now it is supposed ) the speciall part of which testimony is yeelded to be , that they had sufficient strength . and where he adds 2. that 't was not necessary they should be of one mind and judgement touching this sufficiency , &c. i answer , that wee doe not assert any such necessity , nor doth our cause any way incline us to it , or want that refuge : for sure we affirme not , that they did actually resist ( to which only , that concurrence would have been necessary ) but onely that they would not , though they were able ; and to the evidencing of that , the concurrence of judgement you speak of , is not materiall ; for if they that did so think of their strength , were upon grounds of christian patience and obedience , as farre from doing or attempting it as any other , these men would certainly have continued in the same obedience , though all the world had concurred with them in the opinion of their sufficiency . for , to professe christian meeknesse first , and then upon any supervenient occurrence to be ready for resistance , though it might be a character of the temporary ( that i say not hypocriticall ) subjection of our dayes , yet must not wee be so groundlesly uncharitable , as to affix it on those christians : and though the objecter should renounce his present supposition , and again contend , that tertullian lied , and so divest him of all authority as a father , of common honesty as a relater ; yet sure he will not be so severe to deny him so much of an ordinary rhetor , as to make that an ingredient in his apologie for christians , which were the highest piece of an accusation . grant but tertullian to have any skill in any of his professions , suppose him but an oratour , if not a divine , a tolerable pleader , if not a tolerable man ; allow him but skill at the deske , ( his first trade , before he was a christian ) the reputation of a little eloquence , though no sincerity , and his very pleadings will be argumentative , though his words may not . but 't is added in the third place , that having no invitation , countenance , or command from any authority , &c. their case was differing from ours . to which i answer againe , 1. that it was not still the want of such command or invitation , that restrained them , but the contrary command of christ ; as hath been cleare . but then secondly , i pray let me ask a question , as of one which i will in reason suppose not to be unacquainted with the sense of junius , brutus , and buchanan , and it is only this , whether , if all temporall magistrates neglect the worke of reformation , the ministers may not and ought not to attempt it , if they can hope to prevaile ? if so , then though the case be not just the same now and then , yet the difference is not materiall or pertinent ; for then sure ministers there would have been to invite , if that had been the christian way . but when it is added within three lines , that we are invited , &c. by as great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any : i must confesse , i had thought that the king and both houses had been a greater authority , unlesse the meaning be not simply , but ad hoc , as great and as lawfull an authority as this state hath any , to doe what is now done ; and then sure it shall be granted by me , who professe my selfe to suppose it impossible , that any command given to this purpose should be lawfull , or able to secure any from that sentence of saint paul's , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . yet once more , it is possible that the authour , by this state may mean a republique , which though it be a word of some signification in some other countries , yet that our lawes acknowledge any such here , i have not yet been taught ; nor sure can any part of this kingdome without the king be capable of this title , till we have moulded a new forme of government , and new lawes , as the modell of that ; for undoubtedly the old ones are not acquainted with any such . but that i will hope is not the meaning , because it is added , that inferiour magistrates , &c. which seemeth to acknowledge , that the parliament without the king are but inferiour magistrates . of the agreeablenesse of that title of magistrates and rulers , to that body without the head , i purpose not to speake ; onely to that which is added , that they should be obeyed , as well as kings . i answer , ( without canvasing of the place in saint peter , which others have done ) that if they are to be obeyed ; but as well as kings , then 1. the king that commands not to doe it , is to be obeyed , as well as they . 2. not they against the king , for that the inferiority implies . an inferiour magistrate , in that that is lawfull , and within his commission , and not thwarted by a superiour , is to be obeyed as well as if he were superiour in that , or as well as the superiour in any thing else ; but sure not to the despising of the superiours lawfull commands , when they doe interpose ; for that were more then as well . when the king commands that which god and the law doth not forbid , it may be said , that his commands are to be obeyed as well as gods ; which the apostle intimates , when he saith , you must be subject for conscience sake ; and the ground of this truth is , because indeed god the supreme , commands that subjection to the king in such matters . but sure for all this the king is not to be obeyed against god , or where any countermand of his hath intervened ; for this were , in saint peter's phrase , to obey men ( not as well , but ) rather then god . thus is it in that other case , the inferiour is to be obeyed , as well as the superiour , ( in things lawfull , and not contradictory to the superiours commands ) upon that ground of necessity of obedience to the superiour , from whom he hath his commission , and as saint peter saith , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is sent of him ; i. e. of , or by that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , supereminent person , the king ; but sure this holds not against the superiour , as in the other case it did not . 3. not they , when they command to take up armes against him whom saint paul bids me not resist , upon pain of damnation ; and by my oath of allegiance ( if it were otherwise lawfull ) i have bound my selfe that i will not . whereupon it is observable , that the assertors of this warre are now brought to undertake , that damnation , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. 13. shall not signifie damnation , ( poor men , what a weak threed doth the sword hang in , that is just over their soules ? and what a sad condition would it be , if to one that dyes a confident martyr in this warre , damnation at the day of doome should prove to signifie damnation ? ) but some temporary mulct ; and yet withall , that this warre is not against the king ; ( when yet that other against the earle of essex his army , is not doubted to be against the parliament ; ) which two so strange , and yet distant holds , ( for if it be not against the king , what need of that other evasion from the damnation that belongs to resisters ? or if resisters shall carry it away so easily , why may not warre be avowed against the king , by any that will adventure his wrath ? ) doe sure signifie mens consciences to be strangely grounded , and themselves very groundlesly confident , which are satisfied upon no better principles , and whose practices are capable of no better security . upon these grounds thus laid , of obedience due to inferiour as well as superiour ( supreme it should be , for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must here signifie , and i hope that our king amongst us is such ) magistrates , the objecter puts a case , that the inferiour governour requires that which is onely honest , &c. as to doe our best to defend our selves against those that contrary to law and conscience assault us , the superiour that which is contrary to both , viz. to sit still , &c. in this case hee resolves it is most cleare on his side , for ( whether the lawfulnesse or necessity he intimates not of ) resistance against the superiour . to this i answer , that it is hard to beleeve that the objecter did not purposely intend to deceive his reader by that phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] for that is a very doubtfull sense ; it may signifie , that nothing else were honest , and then it is in that sense apparently false ; for if it were honest to take up armes against a king , yet sure may not-taking-up arms be honest too ; for ( whatever that crime of neutrality signifie in these dayes ) it may be lawfull for a man to suffer injury , to suffer himselfe to be defrauded ( and that by a king , as well as by an equall ) 1 cor. 6. 7. i hope resistance , though it have lately commenced , and taken upon it the degree of vertue , yet hath not turned projector , got the monopoly of vertue and honesty into its hand , that it should engrosse and enclose that title , and there be no other vertue or honesty besides this : yet would the affirmations of some , out of no meaner place then the pulpit , [ that all that are for the king at this time are atheists or papists ] conclude and perswade thus much . but i would fain beleeve , that the meaning of the phrase [ onely honest , &c. ] is , [ no more then honest ] i. e. not necessary . but if that be it , then sure the superiour governour may deserve to be obeyed in forbidding it , as well as the inferiour in commanding : for it will not follow in that case , that the king commands somewhat contrary to the law of god , and nature ; but onely somewhat contrary to something which was agreeable , i. e. not against the law of god and nature ; i. e. prohibits a thing lawfull , not necessary ; as the other is supposed to command a thing lawfull , not necessary : which sure were as free for him to doe , as for the inferiour ; supposing , as the objector supposes , that the command of god indifferently extends it for obedience to either , in things that are lawfull . hence it appears , that in the case here put , the command of the superiour is falsly affirmed , to be an unlawfull command ; ( for then the matter of the inferiours command must be supposed , not onely honest , but necessary ) and if it be a lawfull one , it may and will then make void that obligation for that particular , which is supposed by the law of god to lie on us , to obey the inferiour in that which is lawfull . the short is , if that which is here spoken of , be in it selfe necessary , we must doe it , as in spight of all countermands of the superiour , so without all commands or invitations of the inferiour magistrate ; but if it be not necessary in it selfe , neither will the commands of an inferiour make it necessary to any who stands prohibited by a superiour . in the fourth section the objecter offers at a reason , why those ancient christians ( supposing strength in them ) should rather patiently suffer , because before their conversion they had consented to the emperour's power , whereby those edicts were made for the murthering of christians , &c. to which i answer , that it is ridiculous to seek out , or impose upon the reader probable or possible reasons for their non-resistance , when tertullian in their name specifies the true only reason , the gospel doctrine of christian patience and obedience . but for the particular of their consent , much might be added , to shew the vanity of that plea , if that were tanti , or pertinent . i shall only say , that if the emperour legally murthered christians , then their consent to that law ( or to the power of the emperour who made it ) would not bind or dispense with them to omit any thing necessary , or otherwise commanded by any greater power ; for if i swear to doe so , i must break my oath , non obstante what is concluded from psal. 15. 4. and if it were not otherwise necessary , or commanded by greater power then , neither is resistance now . and then , the kings prohibition will as much restrain me in any thing not necessary , as their heathenish consent could be supposed to restrain them then . nay , he that makes that consent a nullity . ( as this objecter in fine doth ) what reason can hee render , why he that gave that consent , might not plead that nullity , for such ( though carnall ) advantages as life is , if he could make good his pleading , and no other restraint lie on him , but onely that null-consent ? for the fifth section : how that may be lawfull [ for an entire body to doe , which may not be lawfull for a part , ] and so for us now , though not for them . i answer , that if the phrase [ entire body ] signifie the head and members too , then the period is true ; if not , then the whole section is fallacious : for it followes not , that though the representative body without the head is more then a party in the empire , without the representation of the rest , therefore the first may resist forcibly , though the second should not ; for he that from saint paul denies resistance of subjects indefinitely to kings , will not be moved from that hold , by discerning some other flight differences between subjects , unlesse they may appeare such that on one side they may authorize resistance . but then secondly , if the doctrine of christian patience , &c. were the cause of non-resistance , then sure was not this other consideration wherein they differ from us , the cause of it . well , having gone thus farre , in attendance on this objecter , and to exercise that patience , which we so much desire to perswade ; there is yet the greatest fort , behind unvanquished , erected in the sixth section , and rescued from all supposed assailants in six particulars following , set up like so many fortresses about it : the summe of it is ( for i would not be bound to recite what every one may read in a printed book ) that if those primitive christians had strength , and might lawfully have resisted , ( by the way , tertullian onely affirmes the first , and is so farre from supposing , that hee absolutely denies the second ) yet might god hide this liberty from them ; and so his after dispensations did require that he should hide it from them , and yet manifest it to us : and these dispensations he specifies to be gods counsell of antichrists coming into the world than , and of his being destroyed and cast out now . the hiding of this truth , of subjects power and right to resist their superiours , being necessary to help anti-christ up to his throne . and the commonalty of christians doing contrary to the will of their superiours , being the men that must have the principall hand in executing gods judgements upon the whore , revel. 18. 4 , 5 , 6 , & 9. that is , in the pulling him down . to this whole discourse ( the first i am confident that ever was written on this subject ) i must answer by degrees , ( that i may not omit any thing that is added for proofe or explication by the authour ) and first , i must desire the word may or might [ may hide ] may be changed into plaine intelligible sense . say , did god hide the liberty of resistance from those primitive christians , or no ? if he did not , then away with this whole section , and particularly that affirmation , pag. 30. that gods dispensations did require that it should be hid from them . but if god did indeed hide it , then first , this is more then a supposition ; it is a plaine concession , that those christians tertullian speaks of , might not lawfully have resisted , though they had had strength ( which was so long denyed ) ; for the light being hidden , they must have done it without faith , or against conscience ; yea , and against gods determinate counsell ; who , ( the objecter saith ) had great causes to hide it ; of which one sure must be , that it should not be used . 2. here is a great secret of new divinity , that god hides truths ( not as christ spake in parables , because they seeing see not , mat. 13. 13. but ) on purpose to help antichrist to his throne ; ( of which more anon . ) as for that instance of those that eat herbs , i pray consider , whether that be pertinent to prove that god purposely hides truths from us , or particularly this truth in hand : for sure that liberty god hid from none in the apostles time ; for the preaching of the gospel manifested the lawfulnesse of meats , as well as herbs ; onely some saw not , or considered not that that was manifested ; and thinking some old legall obligation ( as others did circumcision ) to lie still on them , submitted to it out of piety . now apply this to the point in hand . certainly , the liberty of forcible resistance against superiours ( though it should be granted ) would never be found of this kind , a liberty brought into the world by christ , which before had not been there . if hee shall affirme it was , ( as hee must , if that instance of eating be pertinent ) though by the concession of the latter part , hee must disclaime all his former old-testament pleas for resistance , from the people about jonathan , from david , and from elisha ; yet will hee never give any probable appearance for the affirmation in the first part , that christ gave any such new before-unrevealed liberty : but rather , if any such liberty before there were , it was undoubtedly taken away by christ , from whose example and precepts it was that those primitive christians , and we also , dare not make use of that supposed liberty . the onely thing i can imagine possible to be replied , is , that though the comparison hold not exactly , yet it may hold in this , that as that liberty of eating was hid to some , ( it matters not by whom , or how ) so this of resisting to others . to which i returne , that then it is confest , that this instance doth onely illustrate the objecter's meaning ; but not so much as probably confirme his assertion : and then i am sorry i have considered it so long . and therefore to bring the point to an issue , i must thirdly aske , where this liberty , or the authority for this liberty was , when it was thus hid ? was it in the old testament ? though it should be there , as it is not , yet it might be taken away in the new , ( as those things which in the old testament , or the law of nature , are nearest to giving of that liberty , are absolutely reformed by christs doctrine and practice ) and then that were good for nothing . was it in the new ? then deale plainly , shew the place in the new testament which gives that liberty , and is now found out by posterity , though hidden to them . sure we have found out no new scripture , to them unknown , ( the nazarites gospel , though it rehearse some speeches of christ not in our canon , yet is not produced for any of this nature : that famous one which it fathers on our saviour , nunquam laeti sitis nisi cùm sratrem in charitate videritis , is of another stamp ; i would to god this apocryphall precept might be canonicall among us ) and for any place of the known canon mis-understood by them , and now clearly unclouded and revealed to us in a right understanding , which inforces this , i must be so charitable to the objecter , as to think that if hee had discerned any such , hee would not have failed to have shewed it us , ( as well as his interpretations of rom. 13. and revel. 17. 17. ) if it were but to leave us unexcusable for not being his proselytes . beyond these severall wayes of revelation , if posterity have had any other , ( or indeed any but that , of understanding of scripture by scripture light , or assistance of gods spirit , which was not before understood ) from whence to fetch a liberty which is not in the old bible , or is denyed in the new , this is it which wee desire so to warne men of , under the name of enthusiasme , which is hardly ever distinguishable from a demure frenzie , and i must call it now , the dreame of the dreamers , jud. 8. that despise dominion , speak evill of dignities , but farre from divine revelation . and yet that this is the thing that this objecter hath an eye to , ( and not the understanding of scripture more clearly then before ) may appeare , in that hee affirmes this truth hid from their teachers , ( though not from all without exception ) who yet if it were hid in the scripture , were of all others most unlikely not to find it . as for that offer of proofe , that this truth might lie hid , because there was no occasion of studying it : i answer , that in tertullian's dayes , when there was occasion to study it , ( as great as ever can arise any , because the persecutions then were as heavie persecutions ) we may by that argument think they would have searcht into it , at least the light then would not in ordinary account have proved more dim , as hee saith it did , if the scripture were the candlestick where this light was held out . that which he adds in the next place , of the spirit of courage , patience , and constancy , which was by god poured out on the church in those dayes , and so made martyrdome seeme a desirable thing to them , is more like a reason indeed of their not-inquiring into this liberty : and herein , i must acknowledge the ingenuity of the objecter , or the power of truth which extorted this reason from him , so little to the advantage of his cause , and so much of ours : for this is certainly the bottom of the businesse , the want of christian courage , patience , &c. ( for that kind of courage is not in fighting , but suffering ) hath helpt us of this last age to that [ dreame , not ] revelation of liberty , which was never heard of among the ancients . but by the way , it seemes by the objecter , that now martyrdome is no desirable thing , nor taking up christs crosse , nor following of him . wee are resolved to have no more to doe with martyrdome , think that the thousand yeares for the saints to reigne on earth are now at hand , and so suffering , or conformity to the image of christ , no longer the thing wee are predestin'd to ; wee must set up a new trade of fighting , destroying , resisting , rebelling , leave enduring to those christians which were furnished with extraordinary strength from heaven . which are the objecters words of the primitive christians ; which , saith hee , kept them from studying cases and questions about lawfulnesse of escaping ( which word meere shame hath put in , utterly impertinently , instead of resisting ) i confesse , i had thought our queen mary martyrs had had this strength from heaven too ; and that it was not like miracles , an extraordinary gift onely for the infancy of the church : but now it seemes wee must expect to see no more martyrs , till wee can remove mountaines againe : this objecter , it is cleare , is resolved against it at this time , and that his actions , as well as writings , will be ready to testifie . for my owne part , i trust i shall be as ready to oppose the one , as i am to confute the other , and to think nothing more christian still , then to be crucified with my christ ; and if i might chuse the article of christian doctrine which i should most desire to seale with my bloud , i thinke it would be that of meeknesse , patience , non-resistance , peaceablenesse , charity , which i conceive christ hath been so passionately earnest to recommend unto me , as most diametrically opposite to the most unchristian damning sinnes of pride , ambition , malice , rebellion , unquietnesse , uncontentednesse , &c. fourthly , for the whole discourse about antichrist , there must many things be returned : 1. that it is not tolerable in a christian to affirme , that god purposely hid truths , that antichrist might come into the world : this so harsh sense the objecter first disguises in another phrase , that god by speciall dispensation suffered him to make many truths his footstoole ; but indeed that reaches not home to the businesse undertaken to be proved , for it followes not thence , that this of resisting superiours was one of those truths : if it were , then god suffered him to make use of it , which hee could not but by its being made known , whereas hee supposes it was then hid . if hee meane antichrist hid it , and so made the holding it , his footstoole ; then 1. it was not god that hid it , as before hee said , but antichrist . 2. it had then been manifest before , and then began to be hid , when there was most occasion to use it ; which before hee made improbable . if i were put upon the rack , i could not give a rationall account of those words of the objecter last recited , or such as may but be consonant to his present undertakings . that which followes is more cleare , that god caused a dead sleep to fall upon those truths : if hee did , i wonder who first raised them out of that dead sleep , jun. brutus , or buchan . or mr. goodwin ? but still it seemes god did on purpose hide truths , in favour and assistance to antichrist , to help him into the world ; and this , not like the spirit of slumber sent on men for their punishment , but on divine truths , which sure had not deserved it . yet more particularly , that the doctrine of liberty to resist superiours should be so opposite in a speciall manner to antichrist , that it was fain to be laid asleep to give him passage into his throne , seemeth very strange to me . 1. because one piece of antichrists pride is , to exalt himselfe above all that is called god , which is mostly interpreted kings ; and if rightly , then they that doe so enhaunce the power of the people , as to make the king universis minorem , and loose the reins of obedience so farre as to permit resistance , will i feare discerne some part of the mark of the beast upon their own brests . 2. because the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 2 thes. 26. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. 7. that hindred , or let antichrist , and was like to doe so still , till he were taken out of the way , was by the fathers commonly resolved to be the roman empire , or imperiall soveraignty of rome : see tert. de resurr . c. 24. ambr. com . in 2 thes. hier. qu. 11. ad algas . chrys. in 2 thes. cyr. hier. catech. 1● . aug. de civ. dei , l. 20. c. 19. lact. l. 7. c. 25. oecum . in loc. & ib. sever. & gen. and therefore on the sacking of rome by alaricus the goth , s. jerome presently expected that antichrist should come ; and in his book ad ageruchiam de monogam . wonders that any one would think of marrying at that time . hence , have learned men observed , was that custome in the most ancient times to pray in their lyturgies for the lasting of the roman empire , that so antichrist might be long a coming , tert. apol. c. 33. ad scap. c. 2. from whence , though nothing else can be demonstratively inferred , yet this certainly may , that in those many fathers opinion , the power of kings continuing intite , was not like to help antichrist in ; nor consequently , the bringing down that power , by the revelation of the doctrine of resistance , like to cause an abortion in antichrists birth , or now tend to the casting him out of the world . as for the evidence of that revelation-rule , that the communalty , in opposition to their kings , must have the great stroke in executing gods judgement on antichrist , proved , revel. 18. 4 , 6 , 9. i must answer , 5. that i shall never wonder enough at the power of prejudice evidenced in this objecter , by what hee hath put together to this purpose , pag. 32. to prove that the people contrary to their kings shall destroy antichrist , this is thought by him sufficient evidence , that the people are commanded to goe out of her , vers. 4. when vers. 9. it followes , that the kings of the earth shall bewaile her , and lament for her : the unconcludingnesse of the argument i shall not insist on , but onely looke forward to another place which hee cites immediatly , revel. 17. 17. where the ten kings are said to hate the whore , and make her desolate . now the word kings in this last place signifies , saith the objecter , not the persons of kings , but their states and kingdomes ; and to this purpose proofes are produced : but , first , i beseech him to deale ingenuously , doth the word king ever signifie the kingdome opposed to the king ; 1. any part of the kingdome excluding the king ? but then , 2. see the mystery of prejudice which i mentioned , where it is for the objecter's turne , revel. 18. the kings of the earth , must signifie their persons , in opposition to their people ; but where it is not for his turne , revel. 17. there the word kings , must signifie the people , or any but the king . would not the spirit of meeknesse have easily compounded this businesse , and have given the word [ kings ] leave in both places to signifie both their persons and their realmes ; and so have reconciled the places , that some kings with their kingdomes should bewaile her , and some againe hate her ; they bewaile her , that continued with her till her destruction , when they see the smoak of her burning , 18. 9. and others hate her , who had once tasted of her filthinesse , and repented and left her before : this were very agreeable to those texts , if wee had not peremptorily resolved to fetch some other sense out of them . 3. that first place alone by it selfe concludes onely thus much , that good men come ( or are exhorted to come ) out from antichrist , and avenge the whore ; and earthly men that have love to her , bewaile her ; but not that either the first are all common people , ( for sure kings may be called gods people , or be in that number ) or the second none but kings . as for the proofe that those people , vers. 4. are the subjects of those kings , vers. 9. because they are such as come out of babylon , sure that is very weak ; for babylon being the province of the whore , there may be kings as well as subjects there , and those kings come out too , as well as those subjects . for , suppose king and people of england all popish , why might they not all reform together ? it seems antichrist must never be cast out of a kingdome , till the people doe it in spight of the king ; and therefore it is concluded , that it was not done here in the dayes of king edward , nor queen elizabeth , nor king james : and now since the new revelations have assured men , that antichrist must now be cast out utterly from among us , it is become necessary that our soveraigne should be a papist ; and as much zeale , and as solid arguments used to perswade our friends that indeed he is so , ( though his constant word and actions now evidence the contrary ) as are produced to maintain any other article of our new saints beliefe : one of the most suspected and hated heresies of these dayes is , to doubt of the popish affections of our superiours , especially the king . well , by this doctrine , if the king should chance not to be a papist , hee must turne to be one , or else popery cannot be cast out in his time . if so hee should doe , turne papist on purpose to prepare , or dispose his kingdome to turne antichrist out , this might be but answerable to gods hiding of truths , to that end to help antichrist in . but should his majesty be so malicious as to prove protestant in earnest , then what would become of that sure word of prophecy , that so many have been perswaded to depend on , that antichrist must now be cast out of this kingdome ; which , saith the objector , cannot be , unlesse the people do it while the king bewailes . i hope i have said enough of this . as for the connexion of this observation , with the conclusion in hand , ( though it matter little now , the observation is proved so false , yet ) i shall adde , that if the people were to doe that great feat of casting out antichrist , yet it appeares not how liberty of forcible resisting their kings should be a necessary requisite to the work , unlesse the lawfull king be the antichrist in every countrey ; for otherwise it is very possible , that though they obey their kings , they may resist antichrist ; though they love and revere their lawfull superiour , they may hate and abjure their unlawfull . once more , whereas it is againe repeated , that the knowledge of the supposed subjects liberty would have kept antichrist from his throne ; i repeat again , that if it would , god sure would have revealed it to them of all others ; unlesse it appeare , that god was more angry with the sinnes of christians in tertullian's age , and so more fought against them , then hee doth in ours against us ; for though god may of mercy undeserved throw down antichrist , yet that hee should so immediately and illustriously labour to set him up , unlesse out of deserved indignation to a people , is not easily resolved ; yet if this may appeare de facto to be so , i shall yeeld ; till then , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the last blot laid on tertullian , to obliterate all whatsoever can be fetcht from him , is , that the authority of tertullian , and the submission of the christians , being both apocryphall , is too light to weigh against the practice of the great prophet elisha , &c. to which i answer , that that being supposed , yet the grounds on which tertullian saith the christians of his time did so patiently suffer , viz. the doctrine of christian patience and meeknesse , are not apocryphall , nor inferiour to that of elisha , though it were supposed to be argumentative , or concluding for resistance . for any thing else added by the objecter in this businesse , as the disproving of tertullian's relations on grounds of christian doctrine , from the contrary practice of david and elisha , though i might answer in one word , that christians are restrained from some things , which were practised without fault in the old testament ; yet because those old testament-examples have been fully cleared by many others of our writers , and indeed are not pertinent to the discourse i was upon , when this objecter first met me in the way , and led me this chace after him , i shall not be so impertinent as to adde any thing , but conceive my selfe to have vindicated the testimonies of those fathers from all possible objections , and so to have joyned the practice of christians , ( those ancient primitive ones ) and proved them correspondent to the example of christ , and so to have made good my second argument , proposed from the example of christ and christians . my third is , from the very making of christianity , and particularly of the protestant doctrine . and 1. of christianity , which as it differs from the lawes both of moses and nature , so it constantly reformes and perfects those ( dissolves not any thing that was morall in them , nor promises impunity for non-performance , but upon repentance and reformation ) elevates and raises them up to an higher pitch , at least then jewes or naturall men had conceived or understood themselves obliged to , which the ancient fathers generally resolve to be the meaning of his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. 5. 17. to fill up all vacuities in those former lawes , and adde unto them that perfection which should be proportionable to that greater measure of grace now afforded under the gospell . thus in that sermon upon the mount , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that top of practicall divinity , ( set down by way of particular instance of christs purpose , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) besides the third proaemiall beatitude , blessed are the meeke , which certainly though it may containe more , yet excludes not , but principally notes the meeke , obedient subjects under government , the non-resisters , and therefore hath the same promise annext which the law had given in the fifth commandement ; ( 't was there , that thy daies may be long in the land ; 't is here , they shall possesse the earth , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which psal. 37. 11. whence it is cited , refers clearely to the land of canaan , though improved into an higher sense now in the gospell . ) and againe , besides the seventh beatitude of the peace-makers , or peaceable , ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being equivalent in the scripture stile , vid. jam. 3. 18. ) and the eighth , of those that are persecuted for righteousnesse sake , ( whence sure is not excluded the cause of religion and christianity it selfe ) as also of taking up the crosse ( of which i designe another discourse to speake more largely ) which sure are opposite enough to forcible resisting of lawfull magistrates , especially for religion : besides all these , i say , in the introduction to that sermon , there is in the body of the sermon it selfe , an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which sure prohibits all forcible resisting or violence even to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the injurious or ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) troublesome person , which if it should chance to be our king , would not certainly be more lawfully or christianly resisted , then any body else ; especially , when it is our religion which is invaded , which of all other things a whole army of plunderers cannot rob us of , ( as they may of the cloake , vers. 40. ) and therefore needs not our violence to retaine it ; nor is ever injured , but more illustrated by our suffering . to this may be added the consideration of the depositum left by christ with his disciples , pacem , peace , john 14. 27. ( which it seemes onely the beloved disciple had recorded ) peace i leave with you , externall peace , for the pacem meam , my peace , followes after as a gift perhaps peculiar to them that prised and kept this legacy : and if it be objected that christ came not to send peace , but a sword , mat. 10. 34. that sure refers not to christs prime counsell or purpose , but to the event ; what he foresaw it would be , or what he had determined it ought ( which manner of speech is very ordinary in all authors ) for the precept is punctuall to peter against the use of the sword , and to all the disciples for preserving of peace , mar. 9. 50. and to that it is thought the mention of falt belongs in that place , which among other qualities is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; unitive , have falt in your selves , and have peace one with another . on these texts , many effectuall emphaticall descants are added by the apostles , rom. 12. 18. if it be possible , as much as in you lieth , live peaceably with all men , and heb. 12. 14. follow peace with all men , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an agonisticall word to run for it as for a prize , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and 1 thess. 4. 11. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , we render it , study ( it is , be emulous , contend , strive , make it your ambition ) to be quiet , to which i shall onely adde two places more , jam. 3. 17 , 18. the wisdome which cometh from above is first pure , then peaceable , &c. which before , ver. 13. he had called meeknesse of wisdome , then 1 pet. 3. 3. where after direction for the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} obedience of wives to husbands ( and we know the kingdomes relation to the king is besides others , that of a wife to an husband who is therefore espoused to it with the ring at his coronation ) it is added , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that her bravery consists in the sincerity ( i think it should be rendred ) of a meeke and quiet spirit , which is in the sight of god of great price . if it be objected , that these many places of peace are but generall wide illations against resistance , or however , no more pertinent to the case about resisting of magistrates , then of any other private man : i answer , that though i might thus argue , á minori , ( and also assume that no other resistance is neare so destructive of peace , as that resisting of the supreme power , that being indeed the shaking of government it selfe , which is the band of peace , and the dissolving of which returnes us to the state of common hostility , leaves us a wildernesse of beares or tygers , not a society of men ) yet i shall confesse , that i intended not to lay any more weight on this part of the argument , then any man will acknowledge it able to beare , and that therefore before i inferre my conclusion of non-resistance from the making of christianity , i must adde to these places so passionate for peace , another sort of places concerning obedience , of which ( without naming the places being so knowne already ) i shall venture this observation , that in the new testament especially the epistles of the apostles ( which were all written in time of the reigne of wicked heathen bloody adversaries of christianity , and can referre to none but those ) there is no one christian vertue , or article of faith more cleerly delivered , more effectually inforced upon our understandings and affections to be acknowledged by the one ( against all pretence of christian liberty to the contrary ) and submitted to by the other , then that of obedience to kings , &c. it were most easie to vindicate those places from all the glosses and scholia's that the writers of this yeare , mr. goodwin in anticav . mr bur. mr. bridges , &c. have invented to free themselves and others from the obedience most strictly required there , but i would not againe trouble any ingenuous man with such extravagant discourses as even now i learnt by experience would be necessary to answere such exceptions , which mens wit or somewhat worse hath produced ; besides , those places have beene by others vindicated already . i shall onely say , whosoever can without coloured spectacles find ground for the present resistance in those places of scripture , rom. 13. 1 pet. 2. 13. 18 , &c. so farre as to settle and quiet a conscience , i shall not conceive my understanding fit to duell with his , any more then i would wrestle with a fiend , or combate with the fire , which pythagoras tels me would availe little ; he that can be sure that damnation ( rom. 13. 2. ) signifies not damnation , but some temporary mulct onely ( if the king should proveable to inflict it ) when , vers. 5. it is added we must needs be subject , not onely for wrath , ( i. e. feare of temporary punishment ) but also for conscience sake , ( which when it accuses , bindes over to eternall wrath , or damnation ) i professe i know not what camell he may not swallow ; i shall onely in the bowels of christ desire him to consider , what a sad condition it would prove , if being on this confidence engaged , and by gods hand taken away in this warre he should at gods tribunall heare saint paul avouch , that by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or damnation in that place , he did meane no lesse then eternall damnation without repentance : o how would his countenance change , his thoughts trouble him , the joynts of his loynes be loosed , and his knees smite one against another , one generall {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} possesse all his faculties , and mr. bridg : &c. be unable to settle him or give him confidence any longer , when the tekel shall come out of the wall over against that interpretation of his , that it is weighed in the ballance ( of truth and judgement ) and found wanting ; of this word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i designe another disquisition : onely i could not deferre to forewarne the reader of his danger in this place , and now i shall not doubt from the making of christianity to inferre my conclusion of non-resistance , not doubting but the premises will beare it . for the other part of this third argument from the making of the protestant doctrine , i would faine be very briefe by way of compensation for my former importunity , and therefore shall engage my selfe not to trouble the reader with citations or names , which yet might be brought by hundreds of reformed writers for every junius brutus , and buchanan that hath appeared for the contrary since the reformation . though the truth is , suchas these if they must be called protestants , are yet in this somewhat more then that title ever imported , i may say perfect jesuits in their principles , and resolutions concerning kings ( no papists of any order hath gone so farre ) although they differ somewhat in the seat of that power of making such resistance . that which i designed to say on this point is onely this ; that the doctrine of allegiance to kings , and of their supremacy in all causes , hath alwayes beene counted a principall head of difference betweene the protestants and the worst of papists , and a speciall evidence , which most men have used , to conclude the papacy to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the antichrist , is this that the pope exalteth himselfe above all that is called god : 1. the kings of the earth , that he in case the king be not a catholicke , absolves subjects from their allegiance to him , that he pretends power over them in spirituall things , and in temporall in ordine ad spiritualia . it is not unknowne to any that the oath of supremacy if not of allegiance among us is principally designed to discerne and discover papists , of whom , one of the prayers appointed for the fifth of november affirmes , that their religion is rebellion , that sure is , that one maine difference betwixt romish and english , popish , and protestant doctrine , is that of liberty to rebell in some cases , particularly in that of religion : in opposition to all which doctrines or insinuations of theirs , there is no church that ever-exprest their sense in any article more fully and largely , then ours hath in this particular , witnesse the severall parts of the homily of disobedience and rebellion , printed in queene elizabeths time . and if herein all other parts of the reformed church have not gone as farre as we , yet shall i not retract my asserting this doctrine purely protestant , 1. because this kingdome hath alwayes beene esteemed a prime part of the reformation , wherein the papacy was legally cast out , not by violence or tumults of the people , and so nothing rejected but what in sobriety was necessary to be rejected , and therefore our church hath generally beene the norma , or rule , by which others have desired to compose themselves , and never yet any other so preferred before us , as that our ancestours could thinke sit to conforme to them . 2. because in many other countries the government is not regall , or monarchicall , as here it is , bodin . l. 2. c. 5. de rep. can finde none of this nature in europe , but france and spaine , and england and scotland ( i conceive ireland he contained under the word angliam ) in which , saith he , reges sine controversiâ jura omnia majestatis habent per se : singules civibus nec universis fas est ( it seemes master dale our embassadour , from whom he had received his advertisements of the state of this kingdome had not then heard that our king , though singulis major , is universis minor , which certainly had divested him of all soveraignty , it being impossible that the soveraigne or supreme of all should be minor then any ) summi principis vitam , famam aut fortunas in discrimen vocare , seuvi , seu judicio constituto id fiat , &c. as for the emperour of germany , charles the fifth by name , he saith plainly , tyrannide cives ad rempublicam oppressit , cùm jura majestatis non haberet , which if it be true , will be some excuse to the germane princes in what they did at that time in taking up armes for religion , though it is most certaine what he affirmes , that when those princes consulted m. luther about it , num id jure divino liceret , whether it were lawfull in the sight of god , ille negavit , he resolved it utterly unlawfull : this answer , saith bodin , luther gave perinde atque si carolus summam imperii solus haberet , and therefore much more must it be given when the case is of a monarch indeed , as he concludes ; and though he acknowledge that distinction , which it seemes luther did not , betwixt that emperour and true monarchs , yet is he faine to passe a sad observation upon the fact of those princes , in taking up armes for religion , against luther's advice , ita funestum bellum reique publicae calamitosum susceptum est , cum ingenti principum ac civium strage , quia justa causa nulla videri potest adversus patriam arma sumendi . i would to god those words were englisht in every of our hearts : a direfull and calamitous warre with the slaughter of all sorts , because ( though it were for religion ) yet no cause can be counted just of taking up arms against one's country . the truth is , what was done there though , 1. very unhappily , and 2. against no monarch , hath been thought imitable by knox and buchanan in scotland , and from thence infused into some few into england , as penry , &c. but by gods providence hath formerly beene timously restrained , and not broken out to the defaming of our protestant profession . it seemes now our sinnes are ripe for such a judgement , the land divided into two extreame sinfull parts ; one by their sinnes fitted to suffer under this doctrine , others sinfull enough to be permitted to broach and prosecute it . i meekly thanke god , that though my sins are strangely great , yet he hath not given me up to that latter judgement . i conceive i have also given some hints at least of proving my position from the making of the protestant doctrine . now for the last topicke , taken from the constitution of this kingdome . though that be the lawyers taske , very prosperously undertaken by others , yet one generall notion there is of our laws , which from my childhood i have imbibed , and therefore conceive common to all others with me ; and it is this , that the lawes of this kingdome put no man ( no papists i am sure ) to death for religion . when jesuits and seminary-priests have suffered , every man is so perfect in the law , as to know that it is for treason , by a statute that makes it such for them to come into this kingdome . the truth of this , and the constant pleading of it against all objecters , hath made me swallow it as a principle of our law , that even popery strictly taken ( and not onely as now this last yeare it hath learnt to enlarge its importance ) is no capitall crime . from whence , i professe , i know no impediment to forbid me to conclude , that in the constitution of our state no warre for religion is accounted a lawfull warre ; for that it should be lawfull to kill whole multitudes without any enditement , yea , and by attempting it , to endanger , at least , our owne , 1. many good protestants lives , for that , which if it were proved against any single man , would not touch his life in the least degree , is , i must acknowledge , one of the arcana belli which i cannot see into . and therefore sleidan tels us of m. luther , that he would not allow a warre , though but defensive , with the turke himselfe , com . lib. 13. pag. 403. and though after he had mitigated his opinion upon a new state of the question , and perswaded the emperour to it , yet it was with this limitation , modò nec vindictae , nec gloriae , nec emolumenti causâ subeatur , ( three things that are very rarely kept out of warre ) sed tantùm ut sparcissimum latronem , non ex religionis , sed furti & injuriarum actione aggrediantur . it seemes the cause of religion , although it were of christianity against mahometisme , was not to him a sufficient warrant for a defensive war . but then 2. for this warre to be waged against the prince , ( or by any one but the prince , in a monarchie , as this is ) who whatsoever he hath not , hath certainly the power of the sword immediatly from god ( or else must be acknowledged not to have it at all , for this power cannot be in any people originally , or anywhere but in god , and therefore it may be most truly said , that though the regall power were confest to be first given by the people , yet the power of the sword , wherewith regality is endowed , would be a superaddition of gods , never belonging to regall or whatever other power , till god annext it : in gen. 9. 6. which also seemes to be out of all dispute in this kingdome , even at this time , where the universall body of the commonalty , even by those that would have the regall power originally in them , is not yet affirmed to have any aggregate power , any farther then every man single out of government was presumed to have over himselfe , which sure was not power of his owne life ; for even in nature there is felonia de se , and therefore the representative body of the commons , is so farre from being a judicature in capitall matters , that it cannot administer an oath ) and therefore is not justly invasible by any subject , or community of subjects , who certainly have not that power , nor pretend to have it , and when they take it , thinke it necessary to excuse that fact by pretence of necessity , which every body knowes , is the colour for those things which have no ordinary meanes of justifying them ( like that which divines say of saving of children and ideots , &c. by some extraordinary way . ) nay , 3. for this warre to be waged , not against popery , truly so called , but against the onely true protestant religion , as it stands ( and by attempting to make new lawes is acknowledged as yet to stand ) establisht by the old lawes of the land , and therefore is faine to be called popish ( and our martyr-reformers not able , by those fiery chariots of theirs , to get out of the confines of babylon ) that it may be fit to be destroyed ; just as the primitive christians were by the persecuters put in wilde beasts skins , that in those shapes they might be devoured : this i confesse is to me a complication of riddles , ( and therefore put by some artist under that deep-dark-phrase , and title of fundamentall lawes of the kingdome ) to which certainly no liberty or right of the subject in magna carta , no nor legislative power , will enable any man to give any intelligible , much lesse legall name : at which i professe i am not ill pleased , because this i hope will keepe it from being recorded to posterity . i have done with my fourth argument , and am heartily sorry i have kept my reader so long from his prayers , which must set an end to this controversie , for sure arguments are too blunt to doe it ; i beseech god to direct all our hearts to a constant use of those meanes ( together with fasting and abstinence , at least from farther provoking sins ) to exorcize that evill spirit that hath divided his titles ( of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and now at length , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) among us , and by those meanes infused his mortiferous poyson into the very veines of this whole kingdome . [ i create the fruit of the lips , peace , peace to him that is farre off , &c. and i will heale him . thou hast moved the land , and divided it , heale the sores thereof , for it shaketh . ] the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to its origination signifies censure , judgement , and in its making hath no intimation , either of the quality of the offence to which that judgement belongs , or of the judge who inflicts it : that it belongs to humane judgements , or sentences of temporall punishments sometimes , is apparent by luke 23. 40. where one thiefe saith to the other , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , meaning it seemes , the same sentence of death , or capitall punishment , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , c. 24. 20. judgement of death , temporall ; and that at other times it signifies also divine judgement , is as apparent , act. 2● . 26. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , judgement to come , that is , certainly at the end of this world , at the day of doome . so rom. 2. 2. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the judgement of god , and so againe , vers. 3. which vers . 5. is explained to be wrath or punishment against the day of wrath , &c. so heb. 6. 2. resurrection of the dead , and eternall judgement . the truth is in this sense it is most-what taken in this booke , see matth. 23. 14. mar. 12. 40. luke 20. 47. rom. 3. 8. and therefore hesychius , the best glossary for the new-testament , renders it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods retribution or payment , or rendering according to works . it will not be worth while to survey and consider every place where the word is used , he that shall doe so , will perhaps resolve with me to accept of that glossary , and understand it constantly of gods judgment ; unlesse , when the circumstances of the place shall inforce the contrary , as they doe in the places first mentioned , and 1 cor. 6. 7. but then when the context rather leades to the second sense , there will be great danger for any man to apply it to humane judgements , for by so doing , hee may slatter himselfe or others in some sin , and run into that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as it signifies eternall judgement , when by that mis-understanding he doth not conceive himselfe in any danger of it . of places which without all controversie thus interpret themselves ; i will mention two , 2 pet. 2. 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee render it , whose judgement of a long time lingereth not : which that it belongs to eternall vengence , appeares by the next words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee render it , their damnation , it is literally , their destruction sleepeth not . the second place is , 1 tim , 3. 6. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fall into the condemnation of the devill ; that is , sure into that sentence that fell upon lucifer for his pride ( being cast out of heaven , and reserved to chaines of eternall darknesse ) for the person spoken of here , is the novice , or new convert , lifted up with pride , just parallel to the angells newly created , lifted up with pride also , the crimes and the persons parallel , and so sure the punishment also . now three places more there are which appeare to me by the same meanes of evidence , or rule of interpreting , to belong to the same sense , though i cannot say of them as i did before , [ without controversie ] for i see it is not onely doubted by some , whether they doe belong to this sense or no , but that it is resolved they doe not : which resolution sure must be obnoxious to some danger , that i say no worse of it . the first of these places is , rom. 13. 2. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : we render it , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation : but say others , it must be rendred judgement , as that signifies some temporary punishment which the higher powers may inflict , and nothing else : and this they labour to make appeare by the words following : for rulers are a terrour to evill works , and he beareth not the sword in vaine , &c. to which i answer , that there is no doubt made by me or any , but that rulers are to punish men for evill works , particularly that of resistance against them , and not onely that , but also crimes against our brethren , and god ; and in that respect it is added , vers. 4. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the minister or officer of god he is , and executioner for wrath , that is , punishment temporall to him ( indefinitely ) that doth evill . but doth it follow from hence , that either he that makes forcible resistance against the superiour or supreme power , or that commits any other sinne ( which the supreme power is set to avenge or punish temporally ) shall incurre no eternall punishment ? if this new divinity should be entertained , it must be priviledge and protection to other sins , as well as resistance and rebellion , even to all that any judiciall lawes have power to punish , for in these also he is the minister of god , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an avenger , or executioner for punishment , and there is no avoiding it ; but this must be extended indefinitely , or vniversally , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to any malefactour punishable by that power , or that comes under this cognisance ; and so by this logicke , he that is hanged , may not be damned , what ever his crime be ; an execution on earth shall be as good as a purgatory to excuse him from any other punishment . but then secondly , suppose a rebell escape the hand of justice here below , by slight , &c. nay , that he prosper in his rebellion , and get the better of it , that the king be not able to punish him ; nay , yet farther , that he proceed higher , despose the king , and get into his place , what {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is he like to receive , if that signifie onely the kings wrath or temporall punishment ? sure this prosperousnesse of the crime must make it cease to be a crime , make it commence vertue , as the turkes on their principles are wont to resolve it , saith busbequius , ep. 4. — ex opinione quae turcis insedit ut res quocunque consilio institutas , si bene cadunt , ad deum authorem referant , &c. or else give it , ( though it be a sinne never so great , and unrepented of ) perfect impunity both in this world , and in another : and certainly this is no jest , for he that observes the behaviours of many men , ( the no manner of regrets or reluctancies in their course of forcible resistance , ( save onely when they conceive it goes not on so prosperously as it was wont ) and the great weekly industry that is used to perswade all men of the continued prosperity of the side , as being conceived farre more usefull and instrumentall to their ends , then the demonstration of the justice of it , mens consciences being resolved more by the diurnall , then the bible , by the intelligencer then the divine , unlesse he turne intelligencer also , i would we had not so many of those pluralists . ) will have reason to resolve that this divinity is the principle by which they move ; which if it be not yet brought to absurdities enough , then looke a little forward to the conclusion , deduced and inferr'd vers . 5. wherefore ye must be subject , not onely for wrath , but also for conscience sake . words by prophetick spirit added by the apostle , as it were on purpose to contradict in terminis , that new interpretation . wrath signifies that temporall punishment , vers. 4. which if it were the all that is meant by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , then how can it be true , that we must be subject not onely for wrath ? certainely he that resists is not subject ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and both directly contrary to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the word used both in the third and fifth verse ) and therefore if we must be subject not onely for wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment , then he that resists , shall receive more then wrath , as that signifies temporall punishment , viz. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in our rendering , condemnation , if he doe not prevent it timously by repentance : which sure is the importance of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but also for conscience sake ; that if he doe it not , it will be sin to him , wound his conscience , bind him over to that punishment which belongs to an accusing conscience , ( which sure is more then a temporall mulct ) which is farther cleare from the first verse of that chapter , the command of subjection . for sure , every divine or apostolicall command entred into the canon of scripture , doth bind conscience ; and the breach of it , knowne and deliberate , is no lesse then a damning sinne , even under the gospel , mortiferous and destructive without repentance ; which is just equivalent to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he shall receive damnation , in our way of interpreting it . so much for that first place . the second is , 1 cor. 11. 29. he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation ( or as our margent , judgement ) to himselfe , &c. this place i find avouched for the confirming of the former interpretation , rom. 13. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies onely temporall punishment ; and thus it is known the socinians commonly interpret this place , per {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} non sempiternam damnationem nominatim , sed supplicium in genere intelligendum esse . volkelius l. 9. de ver. rel. . l. 4. c. 22. that which is used to perswade this to be probable , is that which followes vers. 30. for this cause many are weak and sickly among you , and many sleep ; which belonging onely to temporall punishments , is conceived to be a periphrasis of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , judgement , which should seem consequently to be so also : and , indeed , volkelius hath added other proofes , 1. because the apostle speaks of any one single act of this sin of unworthy receiving , ( not of any habit , or custome ) which hee conceives not actually damning now under the second covenant . 2. because it is vers. 32. and when we are judged , we are chastened of the lord , that we should not be condemned , &c. to these three ( and i know not that there are produced any more ) probabilities , i conceive cleare satisfaction may be given by those who affirme {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to contain in it eternall punishment : though if it were onely temporall punishment , yet being sicknesse , &c. which are not inflicted by the magistrate , but by the hand of god , it will not come home to that which was by master br. affirmed of the word in rom. 13. for this must be premised , that wee doe not conceive it to signifie eternall punishments , exclusivè , or so as to exclude temporall , but eternall and sometimes temporall too ; ( for so sure hee that for his rebellion receives damnation , hereafter , is not secured from being hang'd , drawn , and quarter'd here ) or else eternall if hee repent not , and perhaps temporall though hee doe : by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as i said , i understand with hesychius , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods vengeance , whether here , or in another world ; but , i say , in this place both of them , ( and so ordinarily in the former also . ) this being premised , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may still containe in it eternall punishments , vers. 29. though many for this cause of unworthy receiving did fall sick and die , vers. 30. for 1. they might both die and be damned too ; or if , as volkelius saith , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , obdormiscunt , sleep , be never used in the new-testament , of those that are destined to eternall destruction , then still may this be very reconcileable with our interpretation , that many for this cause are weak and sickly , and many others sleep , god chastising some by diseases to reforme them , and punishing others , who , as volkelius acknowledges , were guilty onely of some single act of the sinne onely , with death temporall , or shortning their dayes ; which certainly hinders not but that god might punish others that did customarily commit this sinne ( and perhaps with greater aggravations ) with no lesse then eternall death , however that it were just for him to doe so , whatever hee did , it is plaine by vers . 27. which is parallel to the 29. whosoever shall eat and drink unworthily , shall be guilty of the body and bloud of the lord ; that is , in volkelius his own words , ipusm christi corpus ac sanguinem contemnere & ignominiâ afficere , ac quantam in ipsis est profanare proculcareque censendi sunt , shall be thought to contemne and disgrace , and as much as in them lies to profane , and tread under feet the body and bloud of christ ; which , what is it but to count the bloud of the covenant an unholy thing , heb. 10. 29 ? which yet there is used as a maine aggravation of that sinne , for which , saith the apostle , there remaines no more sacrifice , vers. 26. it is apparent that the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , guilty of the body , &c. is parallel to the latine , reus majestatis , used for a traitour , and sure signifies no lesse then a guilt of a great injury to christ ; which how any man can affirme to be a sinne to which no damnation belongs , ( supposing no antidote of invincible ignorance or weaknesse , nor recovery by repentance , nor gracious pardon of god in not imputing some single act of it ) i professe my selfe not to discern , though i think i have weighed impartially all that is said of it . this sure will keep the first proofe from being any longer probable ; and for the second , ( or first of volkelius ) it is already in effect answered too ; for though hee that is guilty onely of some one act of this sinne found mercy , yet sure they that are guilty of the customary sinne , may speed worse : and indeed of all indefinitely the apostle speaks according to the sinne ; as when hee saith , the drunkard and adulterer shall not inherite the kingdome of god : where yet perhaps he that is guilty onely of one such act , may find mercy . for the last proofe , i conceive it so farre from being a probable one against me , that i shall resolve it a convincing one on my side ; for if those that were sick , &c. were chastened of the lord , that they should not be condemned , then sure if they had not been so chastened , nor reformed by that chastening , they should have been condemned with the world ; and so their temporall judgements may be a meanes , through the mercy of god in christ , to free them from their eternall , but not an argument that eternall was not due to them , but a perfect intimation that it was . the third place ( which is not indeed of much importance in it selfe , but only is used to give countenance to the interpretation in the two former places ) is 1 pet. 4. 17. the time is come that judgement must begin at the house of god . here , say they , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} judgement , is that that befalls the house of god , the godly ; therefore but temporall judgements . to which i answer in a word , that here is a mistake in applying judgement in its latitude to the house of god , when onely it is affirmed by saint peter {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the beginning or first part of judgement : for of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or judgement , in this verse , there are specified two parts , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first part , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the end ( or as the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} seems to sound in our english , the taile ) of it ; as psal. 75. 8. the cup of gods displeasure , or punitive justice , is supposed to consist of two parts , 1. red wine , ( or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) and 2. mixture of myrrhe and other poysonous bitter spices , called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , apocal. 4. 10. and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , mat. 24. 17. and both together , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , myrrhate wine , mar. 15. 25. now , this cup is poured out , and tasted of indefinitely , by the godly some part of it ; but the dregs thereof , i. e. the myrrhe-bitter part , that goes to the bottome , is left for the wicked to wring out and drink : so that onely the tolerable , supportable , easie part of the judgement belongs unto the godly ; but the end , the dregs , the unsupportable part , to those that obey not the gospel of god . or yet a little further , the beginning or first part , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of the judgement , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from the godly , ( and so it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) intimating , that the judgement doth not stay upon them , but onely take rise from them : but the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the second , sadder part of it , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of them , ( or belongs to them ) that obey not , &c. so that still in this place also , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies gods judgement of this life and another both ; not of this life onely , to the excluding of the other , but one part in this life , another in that other : and though the godly had their part in it , yet there was somewhat in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that the godly never tasted of , but only the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they that disobeyed the gospel of god : and this is apparent by vers . 18. for if the righteous {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee read it , scarcely be saved ; it signifies ( by comparing that place with pro. 11. 31. where instead of recompensed on the earth , the greek translation reads , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) be rendred unto , or recompensed , i. e. punished in the earth , then where shall the ungodly and sinners appeare ? there are againe the two parts of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gods retribution to sinne here , wherein the godly have their part ; and the other , his rendring to the wicked hereafter ; and so neither of them the punishment of the magistrate in this life , as mr. bridg. out of piscator , contends to have it , rom. 13. and as it must be here also , if others speake pertinently , who use it to avoid that interpretation , which i confesse mr. bridg. doth not . they that are unlearned and unstable wrest the scriptures to their owne destruction . yee therefore beloved , seeing yee know these things before , beware lest you also be led away with the errour of the wicked , and fall from your owne stedfastnesse , 2 pet. 3. 16 , 17. of the zealots among the iewes , and the liberty taken by them . there was among the jewes , either truly or pretendedly , a judicium zelotarum , a peculiar liberty or power of zelots , ( i. e. of private men led by zeale ) to punish or execute malefactors , whether with death , or any lower punishment . these they stile pious-men inflamed with the zeale of god : and these were wont , when they found any man in the fact , guilty of sedition , blasphemy , or any other crime of the greater size , openly and publikely committed , presently to set upon him , to smite , and if need were , to kill him , without any processe of law against him . the originall of these came from the fact of phinees , num. 25. 7. of whom mattathias , in his dying oration to his sonnes , hath these words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . phinees our father ( by zealing the zeale of god , saith the vulgar latine ) by behaving himselfe zealously , received the promise of an eternall priesthood , 1 mac. 2. 54. which is also affirmed of elias , vers. 58. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . elias by zealing the zeale of the law , or behaving himselfe zealously for the law , was received up to heaven ; ( which belongs to that fact of elias , immediately before his assumption , when he call'd twice for fire from heaven on ahaziah's messengers , 2 king. 1. 10 , 12. unlesse you will rather apply it to that fact of his , 1 king. 18. 40. against the prophets of baal , whom hee apprehended and slew together every man of them : ) by which examples hee there stirres up and incites his sonnes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to be zealous for the law , vers. 50. though not to commit any such particular act of that nature , as that which those had done . testimonies of jewish writers to this purpose , master selden hath put together in his book , de jure natur. & gent. ad heb. plac . lib. 4. cap. 4. and given some hints of explaining some difficulties in the new-testament from thence . to this belongs that fact of christ , joh. 2. 15. as appeares by the disciples ; of whom it is said , vers. 17. that upon that occasion they remembred how it was written by the psalmist , psal. 69. 9. the zeale of thy house , or for thy house , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hath fed on me , or carried me with a kind of fury . that christ did not take upon him to be a magistrate , or a judge , or a publike person here on earth , is sufficiently acknowledged : as also , that as a private man hee neither did , nor attempted any thing contrary to the lawes or customs of the jewes or romans : or if hee had , that the jewes who had a competent measure of animosity against him , would not probably have suffered him to have done it scot-free . from all which it will follow undoubtedly , that this was done by christ , jure zelotarum , by the power that belonged to the zealots , for whom onely the law allowed this liberty . the same is to be said of that attempt of the jewes , joh. 10. 31. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the jewes therefore carried stones again that they might stone him , no legall processe having preceded . the same master selden notes of the servant of the high priest that struck christ , joh. 18. 22. whose answer is a seeming argument of it , vers. 23. if i have spoken well , why smitest thou me ? intimating , that if hee had said any thing amisse , or irreverently of the high priest , hee should not have questioned his striking him : and yet the truth is , the phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , beare witnesse of the evill , seems an advertisement , that if christ had offended , it would have better become the servant to have accused and witnessed against him , proceeded legally , then thus , jure zelotarum , to have stricken him . on the same ground was the fact of ananias , act. 23. 2. though sitting in the sanhedrin , when he appointed paul to be smitten , though without any just crime also . the like proceedings the scribes were , it seemes , affraid of , luk. 20. 6. the people will stone us : which must have been an act of popular zeale , without publike judgement . that saint steven , act. 7. 57. was stoned after this manner , is observed by hugo grotius , and certainly upon good reasons ; for although hee were accused of blasphemy , c. 6. and false witnesses brought to that purpose , yet after that , there was nothing legally past against him through all the seventh chapter , beside his apology for himselfe to the high priest . in the conclusion of which ( no sentence passing against him ) it followes , that the people {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. 54. which hesychius will help us to render thus , they were very angry , they were madded with fury or zeale against him , and gnashed their teeth ( it seems that flame of zeale produced the same effect in them that the flames of hell are said to doe , mat. 8. 12. ) against him , and crying with a loud voice , they stopp'd their eares , and ran with one accord upon him , ( all which , were evidences of a most violent zeale ) and cast him out of the city , and stoned him ; which out of doubt was not now lawfull for the jewes , ( all power of capitall punishment being before this taken from them , joh. 8. 31. ) nor before legall condemnation ever lawfull by the common way of proceeding ; no nor after condemnation , to be done thus tumultuously by the people : save onely that by the liberty of zealots it was permitted . so act. 14. 19. it befell saint paul , ( god in his providence permitting him to be thus dealt with , by way of retaliation , for his having an hand in stoning saint steven , when barnabas met not with the like adventure ) certaine jewes that came from antioch and iconium having stoned paul , &c. by this judgement onely of zeale , which we now speake of . hither perhaps we may referre that of the jewes , who brought the woman taken in adultery to christ , that she might be stoned ; not desiring , as it appears , that christ should give sentence of death on her by ordinary legall judicature , ( for neither was christ a judge , nor had the jewes now power of capitall punishment ) but by the liberty of zealots , which was thought principally to belong to that case of one taken {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in the very fact , as appeares by the example of phinees . so act. 23. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , great cry ( such as was observed in the story of saint steven ) was the beginning of the flaming of zeale , and vers. 10. it followes , that the chiefe captaine , or tribune , sent souldiers to rescue and defend paul , that hee might not be taken by that party of zealots , who , vers. 12. had bound themselves under a curse , that they would neither eat nor drink untill they had slain paul ; who sure could not have done so impunè , had it not been thus indulged to them , as zealots . so when james and john demand of christ , whether they should command fire from heaven to descend on a village of the samaritanes , luk. 9. 54. this they did by the liberty of zealots , for the legality of their action taking their pattern from the example of elias , and presuming of the power to doe it , because elias had . ( in reference to both which , wee read of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , luk. 1. 17. the spirit and power of elias ; that spirit , by which hee was incited to that act of zeale , and that power by which hee could call for fire from heaven ; whereupon it is procopius his expression of elias , that hee was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , accended with divine zeale , or set on fire by it . ) now when christ reprehendeth those disciples , telling them they knew not , i. e. considered not , what spirit they were of , hee advertiseth them that this practice of zealots is not agreeable to the spirit of the gospel , nor generally to the temper which hee came to plant among christians . and having now among the apostles of christ themselves found some footsteps of the jewish zeale , 't will not be amisse to interpose a conjecture , that from the same originall sprung that bloudy fact of peter , cutting off malchus his eare , mat. 26. 51. for that this was not lawfull for him to doe , or justifiable by the ordinary rule , may be guest by christs answer of reproofe and vouching the law , ( all they that take the sword , shall perish by the sword ; ) and yet that it was not a fact very enormous among the jewes , or being compared with their avowed practices ( though clearly forbidden by the gospel ) origen and theophylact seem to intimate . origen on mat. 26. unus eorum qui erant cum jesu nondum manifestè concipiens apud se evangelicam patientiam illam traditam sibi à christo , nec pacem quam dedit discipulis suis , sed secundùm potestatem datam judais per legem de inimicis , extendens manum accipit gladium , &c. one of them that were with jesus , having not yet any full cleare conception of that evangelicall patience delivered them by christ , nor of that peace which hee gave to his disciples , but according to the power given the jewes by the law of enemies , took out his sword , &c. theophylact yet more clearly in mat. 26. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . let us not find fault with peter ; for what hee did , hee did out of zeale , not for himselfe , but for his master : but the lord reducing him to the gospel-discipline , teaches him not to use the sword , though thereby a man should seeme to defend or vindicate god himselfe . and in another place in luk. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the disciples are mov'd with zeale , and draw swords . and in a third place in mark . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , intimating , that peter himselfe counted this fact of his a piece of zeale , for which hee might be commended . thus much was not amisse to produce in behalfe of this conjecture , that what peter did in defence of christ , hee did as a zealot ; and yet to see , christ is so farre from approving it , that it incurres the same reprehension which james and john before had met with ; nay , somewhat a severer , that all might discerne how distant the spirit of zealots was , from that other of disciples ; the judaicall fervour , from the meeknesse of the gospel : though the apostles themselves had not yet perfectly learn't this truth at christs death , nor untill the holy ghost came to teach them all things , and to bring to their remembrance whatsoever hee had in person being present said unto them . a plaine mention of these zealots we find , act. 21. 20. where of some of the jewes 't is said , they are all {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , zealots of the law , that were like to be very hot if they saw any thing done to the prejudice of the law : of whom therefore saint paul is advised to beware . so of paul himselfe before his conversion , act. 22. 3. 't is said hee was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a zealot of gods , or in gods cause ; and presently it followes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i persecuted to death , &c. for so the zealots were wont to doe . so act. 17. 5. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the zealots of the jewes , or , the jewes inflamed with zeale , ( as the old translation reads it , zelantes , better then the new , invidiâ commoti ) of whom 't is added , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , took unto themselves certain lewd fellowes of the baser sort , and made a tumult , and set all the people in an uprore . of which kind master selden has observed , that simon was one , luk. 6. 15. act. 1. 13. called by saint luke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , simon the zealot ; but by the other evangelists , saint matthew and saint marke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or ( as schindler and other learned men are bold to mend it ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which we render , the cananite ; but 't is apparent the word is to be fetcht from the hebrew {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , canna , which signifies , zealot ; not from the name of the place : and so is all one with the greek {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as perfectly the same as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and cephas , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and tabitha , and many the like . and thus farre by scripture light have we past in this disquisition . now what tumults and riots have been wrought by the rude multitude among the jewes , ( or those at least who had no lawfull power in their hand ) under the pretence of the priviledge of zealots , no man can be ignorant , who is not wholly unacquainted with josephus story . for in his relation there is nothing more ordinary , then to find all things disturbed by them , the temple or holy place defiled , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by their prophane feet , to the reproach of god ; chiefe priests removed , and others placed in their roome without all respect of bloud , elected by them either according as they pleased , or else by lot ; ( as it was in the election of one phannias the son of samuel to the high priesthood ) a man , saith josephus , who {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , was not onely unworthy to be high priest , but that did not so much as know what the high priesthood was , such was his rusticity . many passages we find scattered in this authour , in his books of the captivity , and large stories of the seditions , and uprores , and massacres , by two sorts of men among the jewes , the one called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sword-men or cutters ; ( of whom saint luke makes mention , act. 21. 38. we render them , murtherers ; and it seemes foure thousand of them got together in a company ) the second {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , zealots ; of whom hee makes relations , especially lib. 4. c. 11. where hee saith of them , that they killed many of the chiefe men of the nation , and still when they did so , boasted and bragg'd of themselves , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that they were become the benefactors and preservers , or saviours of the city . and by the timidity and basenesse of the people concurring with their insolence , advanced so farre , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that they took to themselves the election and constitution of the high priests . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and contemning the rules of birth by which the high priests were to succeed , they constituted ignoble obscure men in those places , that by that means they might have some abetters and partners of their villainies . and cap. 12. hee saith , the name of zealots was of their owne imposing , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as if all that they did ( murthers , sacriledges , profanations , before mentioned ) were by them done in good intentions , and not , as indeed they were , in emulation , and even to the out-stripping and exceeding the worst actions that had bin recorded . thus far josephus . that these zealots were a fourth sect of the jewes , ( added to sadduces , pharisees , essens ) having its originall from judas gaulonita and sadduchus , is the affirmation of bonaventura cornelius bertramus , in the end of his book de polit. jud. a sect , saith hee , judaeis ipsis omnibus perniciosissima , ut quae judaeorum omnium excidium totiusque reip. judaicae prostrationem non modo accelerârit , sed & eam tam miseram & calamitosam effecerit : a sect most sadly pernicious to the jewes themselves ; the destruction of all whom , and the prostration of their whole common-wealth , it did not onely hasten and precipitate , but made it so miserable and calamitous when it came . having proceeded thus farre by way of narration , it may chance to be worth the paines to present unto the reader a conjecture upon the twelfth verse of , the fourth chap. of the 1 epistle of saint peter , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the vulgar latine renders it by words utterly unintelligible : nolite peregrinari in fervore . beza , ne tanquam peregrini exploratione illâ per ignem percellimini : as if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signified a strangers being stricken or amazed : and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} triall by fire : which whatsoever it may in some other place , it cannot doe here : because here is added {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which is befallen for your triall , which word would be superflous , if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} noted triall by fire . the more simple and cleare rendring will be to set the words so , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may signifie a combustion , or fire , or burning , ( so both the vulgar and beza , revel. 8. 9. render {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} fumum incendii , and the smoke of her burning ) and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} may denote these 3 things . 1. to wonder ( so the greeke scholiast , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) 2. to be affrighted : ( so tertullian , ne expavescite ) 3. so as it may be all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to be stricken as with an accident wherewith we are unacquainted . these three senses each , as all of them , may be allowed their places here . now the conjecture is , that by the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the combustion or burning , &c. should be meant , that notable combustion of the zealots before mentioned , ( for indeed the words are of some affinity , the one comming from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fire , the other from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , growing fervently hot or burning . ) the grounds of the conjecture are these ; 1. because that last fatall day , the destruction of jerusalem is spoken of in that very chap. ver. 7. as that which for some time had been at hand : for i conceive i can make it plaine by comparing of places of the new test. that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the end of all things is ( not the finall period of the world , but ) that destruction of jerusalem or the jewish common-wealth , and of that it is said , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it is , or hath for some time beene at hand , it was not yet comen : but of this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or combustion , that it was then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , already come ; which is directly agreeable to the observation of josephus , and others conversant in the jewish , who affirme that that raving and rioting of , ( and sad civill combustion wrought by ) the zealots , was antecedent and precursory to the finall destruction of the jewes by titus . 't is affirm'd of this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that it was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i. e. among you , in your land , in the midst of you , ( as that phrase frequently signifies in the new test. ) by which is marked out some remarkable thing , which was fallen out among the jewes , as that time when peter wrote ; to which time that the raving of the zealots endured , is apparent by mention of them , act. 21. 20. act. 22. 3. and that by their stirres these christian jewes of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or the dispersion to whom he writes , had beene first scattered abroad , may be conjectured by act. 8. 1. this may suffice for a conjecture , which whether it stand or fall , will not be much concernant to the businesse which occasioned this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . to conclude this historicall uneven discourse , i shall onely annex these few animadversions by way of corollary . 1. that this law , or power , or custome , or liberty of zealots , was never of force but among the jewes . 2. that the originall and ground of it among them is to be fetcht from hence , that among that people , god immediately presided , and reserved many things to be manag'd and ruled by his peculiar and extraordinary incitation and impulsion , not by any rule of standing publicke law ; that so that common-wealth might be truly capable of that title which josephus bestowed on it , none of the kinds of humane governments , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the government of god . 3. that it followes not from hence , that all things which were by the jewes themselves done under pretence of this right , and passed unpunished , were therefore well done ; but onely those which were undertaken by men truly incited by god , ( such as phineez and elias ) for that priviledge is not therefore stil'd zeli privati , of private zeale , because private men by their owne incitation ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as that is opposed to gods ) did what they did ; but because they did it without legall processe , or publike judicature . and though i should be so scepticall , as not to dare peremptorily to affirme , that nothing was well done or justifiable in that kinde , but what they did who were truly and immediately incited to it by god ; yet should i not be so cowardly as to doubt , but that all those jewes were so bound to observe those examples of phineez and ellas , that if they were not immediately incited by god , yet they should not dare to exceed the limits of those patterns commended by god , either in respect of the manner of doing , or matter of the action . in one of which you shall finde all the examples mentioned in the new testament , except that of christ , to have miscarried . and therefore i hope no man will be so unjust to the charitable designe of this paper , so treacherous to his readers , so unkinde to his owne soule , as to borrow from these premises new hints of arguments to susteine a desperate cause by his pretence of zeale ; for that would be to extract rosacre out of treacle , poyson from that which was designed for antidote . and he must withall resolve , that if the practice of christ first mentioned , be his president , he must also prescribe to christs power ; or if any of the other new testament examples ; he must be content to fall under their condemnation , for not one of them that i ever yet heard of , was excused by any . 4. that this sect of zealots when they thus got together into a body was by the jewes themselves ( among whom the priviledge of zealots was yet in force ) taken for the most unlawfull , yea pernicious and fatall , most eminently destructive to that common-wealth ( as appeares by josephus and bertram ) and that those things which they did under pretence of law and colour of zeale , were violations of law and meere sacriledge . 5. that all use of this liberty , all imitation of that jewish priviledge of zealots in the old testament , is cleerly interdicted all christians ; first , because the written word is the onely oracle wherein god constantly reveales himselfe to christians now under the new testament , neither are any other incitations to be expected from god , but what in the gospell or new test. the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the administration of the spirit ( as preaching the gospell is call'd ) doth yeild or afford us ; what is more then this , yea , though it come to us from the pulpit , savours of enthusiasmes and seducing spirits ; secondly , because christ hath both by his doctrine and example commended to his disciples all manner of meeknesse ( and saint peter , the meeke and quiet spirit , as most precious in gods sight under the gospell , and this a grace most directly contrary to that spirit of zealots ) yea and hath forbidden all private revenge of injuries ( done not onely to our selves , but god ) referring all to the magistrate ( whom saint paul calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. 13. 4. the minister of god to execute wrath , or an executioner for wrath ) and therefore himselfe medled not with the woman taken in adultery ; thirdly , because he interdicted james and john the use of this power , adding a reprehension , and words emphaticall to this purpose , he turned and rebuked them , saying , you know not what spirit you are of ; intimating , the christian spirit to be very distant from that of the zealots among the jewes . i shall adde no more , but my prayer , that as many as have zeale , may have it according to knowledge , and that knowledge , according to the directions of the gospell . of taking up the crosse . many places of the new testament there are that require this duty of a christian , ( of which i thinke i may truly say , that 't is a duty never so much as in kinde required before by god in the old testament , nor by the lawes of nature , or canons of any other religion , and so a peculiar christian duty ) the chiefe places are these , matth. 16. 24. if any man will come after me , let him deny himselfe and takeup his crosse , &c. and in the same words in the parallel places , mark 8. 34. and luk. 9. 23. so againe , to him who desired to be put in a course by christ to inherit eternall life , mark . 10. 21. in the close , come , take up the crosse , and follow me . in all these places 't is a duty of plaine command ; yet somewhat farther , mat. 10. 38. he that taketh not his crosse and followeth not after me , is not worthy of me : and in luk. 14. 27. the words are most punctuall , and of unlimited extent , from whence 't will be hard for any man to obtaine any dispensation , or excuse , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — whosoever doth not beare his crosse and come after me , cannot be my disciple . no man will be exempted from the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} — and no christian it seemes can be without it ; for that is the meaning of [ my disciple , ] not onely those peculiar twelve of his , and their successours in the ministry , for that relation belongs to them , considered under another notion , as apostles sent out after by christ , answerable to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} among the jewes under the temple , but the disciples are all true followers of christ , all sincere christians , and so the doctrine is most plaine , that whosoever doth not beare ( which as from those other former places appeares , implyes a taking up ) the crosse of christ , cannot be a true christian . now the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , taking up the crosse , will be easily explain'd what it 's full importance extends to , the voluntary embracing of shame , contumely , ( for the crosse was a contumelious death heb. 12. 2. ) and consequently all other losse of goods , liberty , &c. and beyond that , paine of body and death it selfe : which are said , to be taken up , not when we bring them unnecessarily upon our owne shoulders , ( for that is to pull the crosse upon us ) but when by the providence of god they are laid , or permitted to lye in our way to christ , or christian obedience , so that we cannot serve christ perfectly , but it must become detriment or dammage to us , then voluntarily to undergoe that detriment , whatever it is , is to take up the crosse ; and patiently and cheerfully to beare it , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to carry or beare the crosse of christ , which is the duty , without which a man cannot be a christian . there is now one thing to be a little more punctually considered , the strict and neere dependance and connexion betwixt christianity and the crosse ; and that from the pleasure and providence of god , and dispensation of things under the gospell , so ordering it generally that we should not serve the lord our god of that that costs us nothing , but that true christian piety should bring endurances and sufferings upon us . thus it is plaine it did to christ our elder brother ; the discharge of the office he had undertaken , brought him to the crosse , and that crosse was the onely way to his consecration to the office of high priest , to which at his resurrection he was inaugurate ; vid. heb. 2. 10. it became him , &c. i. e. god {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( not in bringing , but ) bringing , ( or being about that most gratious and mighty designe of bringing ) many sonnes unto glory , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by sufferings to consecrate or inaugurate , ( for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} critically signifies , being the word solemnely used by the septuagint to signifie the legall consecration of the priests under the law ) the captaine of our salvation , that is christ , who {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being so consecrated , became the author of eternall salvation , &c. heb. 5. 9. from hence , without more places it would follow , that we christians are to expect our {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( whether consecration to our {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} our dignity of being kings and priests , i. e. christians here ; or consummation and crowning hereafter , as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} also signifies ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . nyss. ) by the same method and means that our captain had his , which is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by sufferings : which course of divine oeconomy is so generall and without exception , ( 2 tim. 3. 12. yea , and all that will be godly in this world , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , shall be persecuted ) that heb. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. the words are very remarkeable , whom god loveth , he chastneth , and scourgeth every sonne whom he receiveth , if you endure chastning , god dealeth with you as with sonnes , for what sonne is he whom the father chastneth not ? but if you be without chastisement whereof all are partakers , then are you bastards , and not sonnes . words of a large unlimited latitude , which i cannot discerne any way in the world to soften , so as they may be supportable to him , that ( as the psalmist saith ) hath no changes , hath enjoyed an age of an uninterrupted continued prosperity , without ever having the crosse on his shoulders . i confesse i would faine finde out some {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or mollifying distinction , as that of the animus martyris , the preparation to suffer , though god never send occasion , that that might suffice for his qualification , who hath no other , but sure that will not be able to allay or take off the force of [ and chastneth every sonne , &c. ] and if yee be without , not onely if you be not prepared to beare , but if you be without chastisement , then are you bastards , &c. which when it is set downe as an aphorisme of divine observation under the kingdome of christ , an axiome of gods gospell-providence , there will be no safety in disputing or labouring to avoyd the literall importance of it . to that purpose i conceive those words tend rom. 8. 28. where to prove the conclusion premised , vers. 28. that all things tend to the good of them that love god , ( and what those all things are , is specified , vers. 35. tribulation , distresse , persecution , famine , nakednesse , danger , sword , ) the apostle thus argues : from whom he hath foreknown , i. e , fore-appointed , the lovers of god premised , those he hath also predestin'd to be conformable to the image of his sonne , i. e. in suffering ; and whom hee hath predestined , those he hath also called ; to wit , to that conformity to which he hath predestined them , ( as 1 pet. 2. 21. the phrase is used , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for to this ye were called , i. e. to this suffering as christ did , and c. 3. 9. ye are thereunto called , that you should inherit {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , blessing ( not as we render it , a blessing ) i. e. that yee should blesse enemies as christ did , and so inherit that exemplary grace of his , which as a grace may as properly be said to be inherited ; thus the context seemes to inforce it [ not rendring evill for evill , but blessing , knowing that you are thereunto called , that you should inherit blessing , &c. i. e. possesse that grace after him , so eminently discernible in him . ] and whom hee hath thus called , he justified and glorified . where the first and second proposition must be acknowledged universall , that all whom he hath foreknowne , all lovers of god , are thus predestined , and all that are predestined , called ( by their very title or profession of christians ) to this conformity with christ in sufferings . adde to these 1 pet. 4. 18. if the righteous hardly be saved ; which must be understood by the sense of the hebrew phrase , prov. 11. 30. rendred by the 72. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and here retained by saint peter , and then the sense will be [ and if the righteous be recompenced , i. e. by an hebraisme , punisht in the earth , &c. or more literally to the greeke , if he escape hardly or with difficulty . ] ( as 1 cor. 3. 15. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , he shall bee mulcted or suffer losse , but shall escape ) which interpretation the former verse in saint peter , confirmes [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] for it is the season of that act of divine dispensation , viz. of judgements beginning from the house of god , i. e. of gods inflicting judgements of this life ( which are the beginning or first part ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as it followes ) of gods retribution for sinne ) on the godly ] which signifies that the state of the gospell , is that season , though the law was not : and to the same purpose , the verse following also , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. they that suffer according to the will of god , it seemes by all put together , that the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} [ scarcely saved ] is spoken of suffering , and the will or providence of god is that that disposes it so , and so the conclusion from thence is cleare , and universall . the righteous shall be punisht in the earth . 't is true indeed , under the old-testament we finde not any such oeconomy , but promises of a long and happy life , in a temporall canaan to the obedient servants of god , ( though sometimes , god was pleased to interpose some variety in this kind , many troubles of the righteous in davids time ) but under the gospell 't is quite contrary , even those duties which are promised a reward on this earth , as mercifulnesse or almesgiving , are yet to expect the payment of this reward with some mixture ( like homers good cup powred out alwayes with a dash of the bad ) the hundred-fold which such men are promised to receive {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in this time , this first inferiour harvest of retributions , though they be secular blessings , houses , and lands , &c. yet must they be with persecutions , mark . 10. 30. which particular though neither s. matthew nor s. luke records , yet s. peter ( who had most reason punctually to observe those words of christ , being an answer directed to a question of his proposing , as all the three evangelists acknowledge ) remembred them , and so we finde them in s. markes gospell , which is resolved to have been dictated by saint peter . having thus farre in the passage briefly pointed at this piece of gospel-providence , 't will not be amisse as briefly to guesse at the ends of this divine oeconomy . 1. to administer occasion of the practice and exercise of many christian duties , and graces , as of patience , meeknesse , waiting on christ , of loving our enemies , of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the non-resisting evill , we render it , or not using any violence against him that molests us , ( rendring [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] of the person , &c. ) which if we have in seed or habit , 't is certainly a great felicity to us , to meet with oportunities to actuate them , both inrespect of the evidencing the sincerity of them to god , to our brethren , to our own soules ; and in respect of that reward , or crowne promised , the great degree of glory , math. 5. 12. that is proportioned to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} according to his worke , psal. 62. 12. 2 cor. 5. 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} according to the nature and number of the acts , or operations of those gifts or graces , as on the other side , a greater portion of the torments of hell is allotted to the more multiplyed acts of wilfull winne . 2 to helpe to mortifie any remainders of sinne in us , which by continued prosperity are ready and apt to take root , and reflourish in us . 3 to assimilate , or make us like to christ , to conforme us to the image of his son , rom. 8. 29. that is the image of the crucified saviour , as was said , that he might be the first borne of many brethren , that is , might have a church or family , a multitude of brethren like himselfe , all sufferers as he was . 4 that our sins being punished here , there might remain no arreare to be paid in another world ; having had all our purgatory here , there might remain nothing but heaven hereafter ; which the apostle expresseth 1 cor. 11. 32. we are chastned of the lord , that we should not be condemned with the world : to which father abraham referres luke 16. 25. lazarus received his evill things in this life time , and now he is comforted . these and such like being the designes of this act of gods gospell-providence ; it is next observable what a character the spirit of god sets upon the crosse , i. e. tribulation or affliction here , that it is the happiest , blessedest estate , the most comfortable joyfull condition that a christian can meete with . this riddle and paradox , or prodigy to carnall reason , is become the most ordinary beaten acknowledged truth in the new testament . 't is the close of the beatitudes , in that institution of christians , the sermon in the mount , matth. 5. 10. blessed are they that are persecuted , and vers. 11. reviled : and the exhortation in this case {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} rejoyce , and be exceeding glad , so luke 6. 22. ( which there is some reason to thinke was spoken by christ at another time ) blessed are you when men shall hate you , and separate you , and reproach you , and cast you out , &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rejoyce ye in that day , and leape for joy , &c. saint paul had learnt this , col. 1. 24. who now rejoyce in my sufferings , yea , and glory too . 2 cor. 11. 30. 12. 5. 9. saint james his exhortation is remarkable in the front of his ep. 1. 2. my brethren , count it all joy when ye fall into divers temptations , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all joy ; i. e. the most joyous accident possible , and vers. 12. blessed is the man that endureth temptation , &c. & cap. 5. 11. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , behold we count them happy , wee render it ; it signifies more ; behold we account them as a kinde of saints in heaven , ( for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} usually signifies ) and aristotle speaking of some heroicall super-humane excellencies , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith he , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) it seemes that of suffering , a most blessed condition . to these adde saint peter , 1. ep. 3. 15. but sanctifie the lord god in your hearts ; where the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is to sanctifie , as that is all one with glorifying , or hallowing , or praising ; a consequent of the generall rule , verse 14. if ye suffer for righteousnesse sake , happy are yee ; and perfectly opposite to [ being afraid of their terror , and being troubled , ] in the end of that vers . and so is an expression of this duty of praising , thanking , blessing god for our sufferings in this life . so againe , 1 ep. 4. 13. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vers. 12. be not frighted or stricken , &c. but rejoyce in as much as you are partakers of christs sufferings , and vers. 14. if yee be reproached for the name of christ , happy are you , &c. and vers. 16. if any suffer as a christian ( not as a murtherer , a thiefe , an evill doer , a busie-body in other mens matters , vers. 15. no great joy or comfort in any of those sufferings ) let him not be ashamed but let him glorifie god on this behalfe , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that it is the season for judgement to begin , or of judgements beginning , at the house of god , as hath beene explained ; 't is seasonable that the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the first part of gods {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; retribution to sinne , that which is in this life , should befall the house of god , christians , and the most obedient of them ; and being so , this is matter of rejoycing , and glorifying god . other places ye will observe easily to the same purpose , let these for the present suffice , to soften this carnall paradox . but now having proceeded thus far in a matter , to him that is conversant in the new testament , so obvious and vulgar , that i shall presume it matter of wonder to him , what should move me to so superfluous and unnecessary an undertaking ; i must now take confidence to proceed to that which arrian cals the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the applying of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} known and granted principles , to particular persons , or cases , or practices . for therein as that excellent philosopher observes , consists the ground and beginning of all strife and difficulty , and difference betwixt men ; no man having any considerable temptation , to keep him from consenting to the truth of a generall proposition sufficiently assert , as long as he appeares not concern'd in it , and yet every man almost having some irreconcileable quarrell to it , when his actions are required to be ruled by it ; hence is it , that the speculative part of knowledge , is farre easier then the practicall ; and as aristotle saith , the mathematicks which are the most abstruse science , are most easie to be learnt by a young man , or a dissolute , of any the most untamed affections , so he have but an ordinary naturall capacity , ( and 't is evident by his organon , that he supposed children to have learnt geometry before they came to logicke ) whereas of the precepts of morality , such are utterly uncapable {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : they can recite them by rote , but beleeve not a word of them . i wish it were now uncharitable to affirme the same , of many that have taken upon them , to be the best , and most reforming christians amongst us ; that it continued still to be but our jealousie , what is now proved our sense , that some of those who have hitherto been admired for our strictest christians , have at length confest themselves farthest from the merit , and true desert of that title , if the doctrine of the crosse which hitherto we have laid down for acknowledged truth , doe not at last prove a fable . the apostle phil. 3. 18. tels us even weeping , that there are many walkers , ( i thinke he meanes by that phrase {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , christian professors ) whom judging by their actions , he cannot chuse but call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( of whom it seemes he had oft admonished them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) enemies of the crosse of christ ; what those were in the apostles time will not be pertinent now to examine , i shall onely with a sad heart ( not desiring to judge my brother , but if it were possible , to direct him to prejudge , or at least examine himselfe , and so either anticipate and prevent , or else prepare himselfe to approach with confidence gods judgement , and withall , to helpe undeceive others whom we finde ductile to some moderne sinnes , much-what upon that dangerous prepossession which the apostle cals having mens persons in admiration ) make these few quaere's , and leave every mans owne soule to answer them . 1. supposing our grounds layd to be true , i demand whether it be the temper of a true christian , and not rather of an enemy of the crosse of christ , instead of rejoycing , to repine and murmure under the crosse , and evidence that by speaking evill of those powers who have layd it on our shoulders ? 2. to be more refractary after such sufferings , ( instead of being more meek and more humble ) more violent in matters of indifferency , ( by our own continued practice acknowledged to be so in our account , till after such sufferings our judgements or rather our practice altered ) and more resolv'd not to yeeld obedience in them , then before we thought our selves bound to be . 3. to plot and project , and to that purpose to hold correspondence with other men , ( whom we conceive already moved with discontents , or our selves have labour'd so to move ) to find out the most probable way of delivering us from the crosse , whatsoever that way be , beside our addresses to god in prayer to remove it , if he see it best for us in all respects . 4. to make use of any meanes to this purpose , which wee are not assured is administred and offered unto us by god , of which wee can no way possibly be assured , but by the evident goodnesse and justifiablenesse , at least , lawfulnesse in all respects of that meanes which we thus designe to make use of . 5. to move or stirre the quiet and peace of one or more kingdoms , ( though not principally , yet collaterally , or at all ) in this contemplation , that we shall get the crosse off from our own shoulders , come to a more prosperous condition , yea , though it be but to a more peaceable enjoying of our manner of religion , then hitherto we have attained to . 6. to venture on , and ( though not primarily to designe , if it may be done without it , yet if it may not , then secondarily and consequently ) to resolve on the shedding of any one mans bloud , which wee know would not otherwise be shed , especially if it proceed further , to the waging or but occasioning of a warre , in which ( whether offensive or defensive on our parts ) it cannot be hoped but a great effusion of christian and protestant bloud will follow . 7. to attempt or desire the removing of the land-marks , the altering of the government of church and state , the working of any considerable change in either , ( which wee can have no revelation to assure us may not prove authour of some inconvenience which wee fore-see not ) the better to secure our selves or others , that the crosse shall not returne to our shoulders again . 8. to thinke it just and reasonable ( and our selves injur'd if it be not so ) that wee should have the greater portion of secular dignities for the future , in regard of some former sufferings of ours ; which if it should befall us , would be parallel to that curse , mat. 6. mercedem habent , they have their reward , in this life . 9. to endeavour to lay this crosse on other mens shoulders , of which wee have freed our own , whether those other men be such as were not guilty of our former sufferings , but perhaps pitied and mourned , and prayed for us , ( for that were rewarding good with evill ) or whether they be our greatest persecuters , ( for that will be rendring evill for evill ) most perfectly contrary to christs doctrine , mat. 6. 44. rom. 12 , 17 , 19 , 20 , 21. secondly , supposing things to be as now they are in this kingdome , my question is , first , whether we have no great reason to beleeve , that ( the doctrine of the crosse being not so well laid to heart by those who three yeares since conceived themselves the principall schollers in that schoole ) god is now pleased to call another sort of men into that forme , to try whether they will prove better proficients then their predecessours have done . secondly , whether those on whom that lot is now falne , be not most eminently bound to glorifie god in this behalfe , 1 pet. 4. 16. thirdly , whether by the experience of other mens failings in this kind , they have not reason to be earnest in prayer to god , and diligent in using and improving all gods directions , for the due christian discharging of so glorious , and withall , so difficult a task ; that when they are proved to the utmost , are brought forth to resist to bloud , they may be found faithfull . fourthly , whether the obtaining of this grace from god be not more highly conducible to every mans owne individuall interests , then the removing of the crosse from us , though wrought most directly , and by meanes administred undoubtedly by god himselfe . fifthly , whether it can become a christian to make use of any meanes which he is not on sure grounds satisfied to be purely and perfectly lawfull ( i. e. agreeable first to the gospel-rule of obedience to christ in every particular , and second to the lawfull commands , of our undoubted superiours , not contradicted by any law or power higher then they ) to get now either totally or in part from this crosse , i. e. from any pressure which in the discharge of a good conscience god shall permit to fall on any of us . when every man in this broken state and church , most sadly militant , of what perswasions soever hee be , hath laid the severall parts of these two quaeries to his heart , and examined himselfe by them , ( which truly i should not have laid thus plainly before him , had i had any other thought or aime , but this one of making it impossible for him to be blinde in judging himselfe ) i shall hope hee will pardon his monitor , and save this paper the labour of proceeding further to beare witnesse against him at any other tribunall then this of his owne conscience . the lord prosper this short discourse to the end to which it is designed . a vindication of christs reprehending saint peter , from the exceptions of master marshall . there is nothing more unjust and uningenuous , then master marshall's dealing about christs reprehension of saint peter's using the sword ; whilst hee labours to answer the objection , which from thence is brought against the use of armes , though but defensive , taken up against a lawfull magistrate . the argument is briefly this : saint peter , in defence of his master ( christ himselfe ) drew his sword , and cut off the eare of malchus , one of the high priests servants , sent by commission from their masters , to apprehend jesus : and our saviour commands him to put up his sword ; adding by way of reason , for they that take the sword ( take it not when 't is put into their hands by god , or the supreme magistrate , or any delegate of his , who hath the power of the sword ; but take it , usurpe it , without legall authority or concession , giving or permitting it to them ) shall perish by the sword . which reason , or backing of christs reprehension , is brought to inferre , that 't is a sinne for any to use the sword against the supreme magistrate , though for defence of christ , or christian religion . to this master marshall's answer is three-fold : 1. that the speech of christ to peter , is not a reproofe of the sword taken for a just defence ; but of the sword taken for unjust oppression , and a comfort to those who are oppressed with it . for origen , theophylact , titus , euthymius , interpret the meaning to be , that christ doth not rebuke peter for using defensive armes ; but to let peter know , that hee need not snatch gods worke out of his hands ; for god would in time punish those with the sword , that came thus with the sword against him . and that these words are a prophecy of the punishment which the roman sword should exact of the bloudy jewish nation , according with the like expression , revel. 13. 10. hee that kills with the sword , must be killed with the sword : here is the patience and faith of the saints ; i. e. this may comfort the saints in their persecutions , that god will take vengeance for them : and for all this , the margine advises the reader to consult grotius de jure belli , l. 1. c. 3. n. 3. this is the place at length in master marshall his letter to a friend , which ( being of some concernment and importance to the present controversie of the times , though not to confirme his cause by this exposition , yet to dispatch one of his speciall adversaries out of the way ) i shall now beg leave to examine ; and of all together , observe these foure things : first , that the ancient writers , vouched by him , are not vouched from his owne reading , but taken upon trust from grotius , as also the observation of the roman sword , and the place in the revelations . secondly , that the interpretation , asserted by him out of them , is not asserted by them . thirdly , that it is not asserted by grotius . fourthly , that grotius , to whom hee owes all this seeming aid to his cause , is the most declared enemy of this whole cause of his , in behalfe of defensive resistance of the magistrate , that hee could possibly have falne on ; and upon occasion of these words of christ to peter , hath said as much against it . if these foure things be made good , i cannot guesse what could be further added , to prove the injustice and uningenuousnesse , i shall adde , the untowardnesse and unluckinesse of this answer . and for the particulars , i shall but require a reader with eyes in his head , and suppose him not possest with a beliefe of an absolute infallibility in master marshall , and then i shall be confident to demonstrate them . for the first , the proofe will be short , if you please but to look on grotius in the place directed to in his annotations on the gospels , pag. 465. almost verbatim transcribing what hee had before published de jure belli ; you shall in each find every of the particulars mentioned : but for this i would not charge master marshall , i wish hee would alwayes gleane out of so good writers . the onely fault here is , that having borrowed so much from him , and digested it into nourishment of his owne errour , hee did not also take the paines to borrow what was present to be had , a most soveraigne antidote for his owne poyson , meanes of rectifying his mistake : but like the man in gellius , that had eat so much poyson , and therewith so invenom'd his bloud , that hee could poyson the flea that came to bite him : so , hee the grotius , that came to prick and wound ; or , if hee had pleased , to convert , to b●ing him to repentance . for the second , i shall not expect to evince it against so great an authority of master marshall , without transcribing the very words of those writers in this matter . origen upon the place in mat. 26. tr . 35. p. 118. explaines the whole period in these words , ( i shall omit no word that is pertinent to the matter in hand : ) unus eorum qui erant cum jesu , nondum manifestè concipiens apud se evangelicam patientiam illam traditam sibi à christo , nec pacem quam dedit discipulis suis , sed secundùm potestatem datam judaeis per legem de inimicis , extendens manum accepit gladium , &c. peter it seemes had not perfectly learned the doctrine of christian patience , and the peace which christ commended to his disciples , but proceeded according to the jewish law of dealing with enemies . this concludes peter's act contrary to christian patience and peaceablenesse , and so makes him capable of christs reproofe , which master marshall will wholly divert from him , and cast upon the jewes . then hee goes on , mox jesus ad eum , converte gladium in locum suum : est ergo gladii locus aliquis , ex quo non licet excipere eum , qui non vult perire maximè in gladio . ( this clearly of saint peter againe , and not the jewes , that hee must not take the sword out of its place , unlesse hee will be content to perish by the sword : ) pacificos enim vult esse jesus discipulos suos , ut bellicum gladium hunc deponentes , ( o that master marshall would remember this , and after so faire an admonition , put the military sword out of his mouth also . ) alterum pontificium accipiant gladium , quem dicit scriptura gladium spiritûs . simile autem mihi videtur quod dicit , omnes qui accipiunt , &c. i. e. omnes qui non pacifici , sed belli concitatores sunt , in eo bello peribunt quod concitant , &c. et puto quòd omnes tumultuosi & concitatores bellorum , & conturbantes animas hominum , maximè ecclesiarum , accipiunt gladium , in quo & ipsi peribunt . excellent seasonable doctrine for these times , if it might be laid to heart ; but no way excusing saint peter . againe , qui accipiunt gladium , &c. cavere nos convenit , ut ne occasione militiae , vel vindictae propriarum injuriarum ( remember , not for revenge of ones owne injuries ) eximamus gladium , aut ob aliquam occasionem , quam omnem abominatur haec christi doctrina , praecipiens ut impleamus quod scriptum est , cum his qui oderunt pacem , eram pacificus . si ergo cum odientibus pacem debemus esse pacifici , adversus neminem gladio uti debemus . these are the words of origen ; out of which , he that shall inferre that origen conceived the meaning of the scripture to be , that christ did not rebuke peter for using defensive armes against malchus , i shall resolve , he hath gotten the philosophers stone , is alchymist enough to extract fire out of water ; any the most contrary sense out of any words . not so much as one word here of the jewes or the roman sword that should give them their payment ; but all of peter's sword , and the miscarriages of that . and so much for origen . then for theophylact ; hee is also punctuall enough to this purpose : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . let us not find fault with peter , ( make not too much haste master marshall to catch that , till you see the consequents ) for hee did this not for himselfe , but in zeale for his master : herein i shall interpose my conjecture , that theophylact might think peter did this , as a zealot ; as james and john would have destroyed the village of the samaritanes , jure zelotarum : so his words also sound on luke , pag. 518. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : and then though that were unlawfull for a christian , a piece of judaisme out-dated by christ ; yet in peter , as a jew , not perfectly illuminate , or instructed in the christian doctrine , ( as origen before observ'd ) it was not so blameable yet , till after the coming of the holy ghost , who was to bring all things to their remembrance which christ had taught them . and therefore perhaps it is , that , although saint augustine calls this of peter , earnalem amorem ; yet , amorem magistri still . the same authour upon saint marke hath these words , upon this same occasion , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . counting this zeale , as in a jew , rather a commendable thing . if all this be yeelded , yet will it be no justification of the like in a christian ; because now christ hath reformed that law , and checkt that peter , and therefore , the same theophylact goes on ; that though wee should not aggravate peter's fault , nor chide him for it , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ yet christ reformes him , turnes him to the gospel-discipline , and teaches him not to use the sword , though by so doing hee seeme to defend or vindicate god himselfe . could any man have spoken more expresly or prophetically against master marshall his doctrine , then this father doth . ( so likewise in other places upon saint lukes gospel , pag. 518. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ hee confesses peter was chid for his zeale . and on saint john's gospel , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. the lord reprehends peter , and threatning , saith , put up , &c. threatning whom ? sure that person , in theophylact's opinion , to whom hee said , put up : and that sure was peter , not the jewes . ) but to shew you the occasion of master marshall's mistake : it followes indeed in theophylact on matthew , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . insinuat autem , as oecolampadius renders it : christ insinuates that by the romans sword , the jewes that took the sword against him , shall be destroyed . this acknowledged truth , ( that the romans should destroy the jewes , the apprehenders and crucifiers of christ , i. e. that were guilty of crucifying him , ) was , saith hee , insinuated in those words of christ , wherein , as before wee shewed out of theophylact's words , hee reproved saint peter . now wee know that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or insinuating , or intimating , signifies a secundary or allegoricall sense of a scripture , as it is frequent in that authour . speaking of the cutting off malchus his eare , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , saith hee , hee insinuates , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that the jewes did not heare and obey the scripture , as they should : a meere allegoricall interpretation . so when christ bids him that had no sword , sell his garment and buy one , luk. 22. 36. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. hee speaks aenigmatically ; and tells them by way of insinuation , what warres and dangers should betide them . which insinuated or aenigmaticall sense , though it be acknowledged true , will not evacuate that other literall . for i hope , in master marshall his owne judgement , that 't is lawfull to use a sword in ones owne defence , in time of warre and danger , and that that lawfulnesse is authorized by christ , in those words : which i shall not doubt to acknowledge with him , if it be not against the lawfull magistrate . the product then of theophylact's interpretation will be this ; that by those words , ( for all they that take the sword , shall perish by the sword ) christ reprehends and chides peter for drawing his sword , and using it , as hee did : and withall , insinuates aenigmatically the destruction of the jewes by the romans . which if it be acknowledged true in both senses , 't will no way prejudice us , or serve master marshall , whose cause depends upon rejecting of the former sense , not on asserting the latter : and doth not onely affirme , that it is a reproofe of the sword taken for unjust oppression , but also that it is not a reproofe of the sword taken for just defence : which is absolutely false in theophylact's opinion , if defending of christ be just defence , or chiding be reproving ; or if teaching not to use the sword , though one seeme to defend god himselfe , be rebuking peter for using defensive armes for christ . the short is , though theophylact's interpretation bring the jewes under christs threatning and reprehension , yet doth it no way free peter from the same ; but primarily subjects him to it : the contrary to which is the onely thing would be for master marshall his purpose . 't is true indeed , in his scholia on saint john , hee saith , christ comforted peter , which seemes opposite to rebuking ; but that was not in those words , for they that take the sword , &c. but in those , the cup , &c. ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. ) which saint john immediatly adds , omitting the words of the threatning out of the law . and so much for theophylact also . now that which hath been thus largely set down out of theophylact , will sufficiently cleare this whole businesse , without proceeding to examine what may be found in titus bostrensis , or euthymius , to this purpose . the former of these , in his exposition of saint luke , in the bibliotheca patrum graec. hath not the least word sounding that way , but rather contrary ; interpreting christs command of buying a sword , as a designation onely of the jewes preparation against him , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and that they were about to apprehend him : which ( as theophylact did , so ) hee calls , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the intimation of the sword ; and saith , that therefore christ adds , that the things written of him must be fulfilled . and againe , that if christ would have had his disciples use any humane help at his apprehension , a hundred swords would not have been sufficient , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and if hee would not , even these two would be too many . but all this hee saith upon the passage of the two swords . the truth is , in the exposition of the gospel , hee saith nothing of this reprehension of peter , but passes it over in silence . and for his notes on saint matthew , as also for euthymius his , though , i confesse , that i have them not by me , yet ( besides that i find nothing that way in those excerpta that lucas burgensis hath out of them , who would not probably have omitted the mention of such a rarity , if it were there , ) i thinke i may take upon me at a venture to say , that hee that examines those bookes , shall not possibly meet with more then out of theophylact was cited : these three expositors running generally on the same notions , and all of them for the most part gleaning from chrysostome , ( euthymius being his scholler , titus his profest epitomater ) who i am sure hath nothing in favour 〈◊〉 this exposition . out of him , as the homes of those after-expositors , i shall transcribe these few passages , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in his homil. 54. on mat. c. 26. why did hee bid buy a sword ? to give them assurance that hee should be betray'd : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} not that they should be armed on that occasion , ( away with that ) but to signifie his betraying . then , that their having those two weapons at that time , was upon occasion of killing the lambe for the passeover , and the disciples then coming from supper , and hearing that some would come to apprehend him , took them out from thence with them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , meaning to fight for their master ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which was their opinion onely , not christs intention : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wherefore peter is chid for using of it : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and that with a sound threat ; which what can it be , but that about which wee now contend , they that take the sword , & c ? upon the hearing of which words , saith hee , hee straight obeyed , and did so no more . againe , citing the passage in saint luke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , hee chid and threatned the disciples into obedience ; and then sets down the words of the threat , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. for all that take , &c. and yet after all these plaine words of reprehending and threatning peter , in those words ( all they that take the sword , shall perish by it ) hee yet adds , that hee comforted his disciples by two things , first the punishment of the betrayers , applying to that the same speech in a parenthesis ( they that take , &c. ) and that hee suffered not unwillingly . all which together signifie clearly the same that wee found in theophylact , ( and presume the utmost either of titus or euthymius their exposition ) that in that threatning of peter , is intimated also or insinuated aenigmatically a threat of those other sword-men that came out with swords and staves to take jesus : which will not be denyed by any , or disputed of by me , so the other be granted , viz. that peter was here reprehended and threatned ; which is the onely thing we quarrell in mr. marshall . and so much for the second under-taking . now that , in the third place , grotius himselfe who cites these foure ancients , and is here cited by master marshall , de jure belli , l. 1. c. 3. n. 3. doth not in this place , or any other of his writings , assert this interpretation , i shall thus prove : the thing that in that place hee hath in hand is to enquire , whether all use of the sword , for a mans owne defence , be unlawfull under the gospel ? and hee resolves , that in case of one private mans being invaded by another , 't is lawfull by the law of christ , ( not necessary , but lawfull ; a man is onely not obliged to the contrary ) or notwithstanding the prescribed rules of christian patience , to kill another in defence of my owne life . against this , three objections hee mentions out of the new testament , mat. 5. 39. rom. 12. 19. and the saying of christ to peter , put up thy sword , &c. for all they that take the sword , &c. to those three hee answers : 1. by opposing some other places of scripture ; that of christ to his followers luk. 22. 36. that to buy a sword , they should sell a coat . in which company of his auditors there were , saith hee , at that time none but his disciples ; and although , saith hee , it be a proverbiall speech , signifying the great dangers approaching , yet it referr'd to the ordinary use of swords at that time , for private mens defence in time of danger , not there prohibited by him : applying that of cicero , gladios habere certè non liceret , si uti illis nullo pacto liceret : wee might not be allowed to have swords , if it were in no case lawfull to use them . which still confirmes his point in hand , that in some case , the use of the private sword is lawfull . 2. hee proceeds to the particular places , saith , in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , there is some exception allowed , that it binds onely in tolerable injuries ; such as the box on the cheeke , &c. there mentioned : in the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies not defence , but revenge . then for that of peter , it containes , saith hee , a prohibition of using the sword , but not in case of defence : for hee needed not defend himselfe ; for christ had said , let these goe , joh. 18. 8. nor christ , for hee would not be defended , &c. besides , saith hee , peter took up the sword ( in eos qui nomine publicarum potestatum adventabant , quibus an ullo casu resistere liceat , peculiaris est quaestio , infra à nobis peculiariter tractanda ; ) against those that came in the name of the publike powers ; against whom , whether it be lawfull to make resistance in any case , is a peculiar question , to be handled afterward peculiarly . ( and , let me pawne my faith for it , stated negatively . ) as for that which christ adds , all they that take the sword , &c. that is , either a proverb , or ( which is the opinion of origen , theophylact , titus , and euthymius , ) indicat , it shewes or intimates , that wee should not snatch revenge out of gods hands : and to this applies the place in the revel. a place in tertull. adeò idoneus patientiae sequester deus , &c. and adds , simúlque his christi verbis vaticinium videtur inesse de poenis , quas à sanguinariis judaeis erat exacturus gladius romanus : and also in the words there seemes to be included a prophecy of the punishment , that the romane sword should exact of the bloudy jewes . from all which put together , this will be the utmost that master marshall can conclude , that grotius conceived , that the speech of christ to peter prohibited not all use of the sword , for private defence ; ( no man saith it did ; or that all such defence is unlawfull ; our case is onely of resisting magistrates ) that origen , theophylact , &c. owned an exposition of it , that thereby wee should be taught , not to take gods office of revenging out of his hand ; ( which wee also make a speciall part of the importance of that speech , both there , and in the revel. and so a plaine check of peter , who did take it ; ) and that withall in these words a prophecy seems to be implied , of the revenge of christs death , wrought by titus upon the jewes ; ( and wee can acknowledge the scripture so rich a mine of variety , that it may have this propheticke sense also : though by the way , grotius cites not this out of those foure writers , ( nor could hee , for in origen we find it not ) but as from himselfe , simúlque vaticinium videtur inesse , &c. but for the literall sense , that peter should not be rebuked by christ , for using defensive armes against the magistrate , ( when with the use of those , the leaving vengeance to god is utterly unreconcileable ) and christians conceive themselves bound not to use those armes against the magistrate , for this very cause , because hee is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , punishable , revengeable by god alone : ) and yet be rebuked for snatching gods work out of his hand : or that these words should not belong in the prime sense to peters fact , as well as in a secundary propheticall seeming one to the jewes , there is not any appearances of sound of any word in grotius there , or in any other place in that book , or his large annotations on the gospels : which if master marshall had read with his own eyes , hee would confesse with me . and so much for his citation of grotius . now , in the last place , for the opinion of this learned man grotius , ( an excellent casuist , exactly distinguishing the severall obligations of nature , of moses , and of christ ; a protestant , and , if an arminian , farre from deserving that part of the censure which master cheynel layes on such , of being as lawlesse as that faction at munster , whose law it was , magistratibus ac principibus nullus subjiciatur ) in the businesse of taking up armes against a king for just defence , i shall referre you to his first book de jure belli , & cap. 4. ( not that i can hope you will be moved with his authority , when hee appeares against you , that is not the manner of men now-a-dayes , to be content to be tried by your owne witnesses ; but for the satisfaction to conscience , which this authours reasons and perspicuity will yeeld any christian reader ) the very place whereto hee referr'd the reader even now for his resolution in that point ; and the state of this question being set ( an aut privatis aut publicis personis bellum gerere liceat in eos , quorum imperio subsunt ; ) whether any private or publike persons may lawfully wage warre against them , under whose command they are ; hee defines , that by the very law of nature ( so much now talkt of ) 't is not lawfull . 2. that by the law of the jewes it was not allowed . 3. that it was lesse allowed , but become more unlawfull by the evangelicall law , rom. 13. 1. & 1 pet. 2. 12 , &c. and practice of ancient christians . 4. confutes the opinion of those that affirme it lawfull , for inferiour magistrates to wage warreagainst the supreme , by reasons and scriptures . 5. proposes the case of extreme and inevitable necessity , when the king goes to take away a mans life unjustly : and ( whatsoever might from nature or practice of the jewes , as of david , or of the macchabees , be brought to assert resistance in this case ) hee defines from the christian law , ( which commands so oft to take up the crosse ) an exacter degree of patience ; and particularly , when for religion our superiours goe about to kill us , though hee will allow flight to some sort of men , yet to no man more then flight ; but rather rejoycing when wee suffer as christians . this , saith hee , was the course that brought christian religion to such an height in the world : and resolves it the greatest injury that can be done to the ancient christians , to say , that it was want of strength , not of inclinations that way , that they defended not themselves in time of most certaine danger of death . tertullian , saith hee , had been imprudent and impudent , if in a writing presented to the emperours ( who could not be ignorant of the truth ) hee had dared to lye so confidently , when hee saith , non deesset nobis vis numerorum , &c. most admirable passages out of ancient writers hee there cites , for a leafe together to the same purpose , of dying for the truth of religion ; and never defending themselves by arms , against the illegall will of the lawfull magistrates . ( i beseech master marshall to send to the shop and read the passages , and consider how farre hee hath departed from the primitivenesse , and christianity of those examples . ) and to conclude , though grotius ( according to his manner ; which is to say all that can be wisht in any subject ) mentions some cases wherein a king may be resisted , yet if you read them , you will find little joy in any of them : as in case a king shall abdicate his kingdome , and manifestly relinquish his power , then hee turnes private man , and so may be dealt with as any other such . and some other the like . well , i have said enough of grotius in the businesse , and should adde no more ; but , i remember , i promised to shew that on occasion of these words of christ to saint peter , hee hath as much against the exposition pretended to be his , and the whole doctrine of resistance , as the kings friends could desire ; and that is in his annotations on the place , mat. 26. 52. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. neque vero ad petrum tantùm admonitio ista pertinet , sed & ad christianos omnes , qui à publicis potestatibus ad poenam expetuntur ob pietatis professionem : the admonition belongs not to peter onely , but to all christians , when they are called by the magistrate to suffer for the profession of piety : and sets the rule in that case , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to commit our soules to god , to expend our lives in his cause that gave us them ; alledging to this purpose , what this peter had learned from this master , 1 pet. 4. 16 , 19. and answering the common frivolous objection , fetch from the law of naturall defence , or selfe-preservation , shewing the difference between the use of that liberty against theeves , &c. ( against which the lawes and magistrates give us the liberty ) and against the commands of the supreme magistrate ; whom if in any case of injury , &c. private men may have permission to resist , or repell force with force , omnia erunt tumultuum plena ; nulla legum , nulla judiciorum authoritas : the perfect image of our kingdom at this time , when the words are englished , as god knowes the sense is : and then hee concludes with the case of religion , wherein there is no place of resisting the higher powers , be their violence never so unjust . i have undoubtedly made good my foure under-takings in this businesse ; and shall beseech master marshall hereafter to write more cautiously , lest hee provoke men to put him and the world in mind of other unjustifiable passages in his writings ; to tell him of ( that which in meere charity to him i desire hee should know men doe take notice of ) his dealing in a sermon of his , about josiah's reformation , preacht before the house of commons long since : and of the applying of the curse that fell on the inhabitants of meroz , judg. 5. ( for not helping their soveraigne , namely deborah , against a forraigne enemy , jabin ) to those that will not joyne with himselfe against his soveraigne , and his cavaleirs ; i. e. those forces raised by him . i wish heartily that master marshall , having gotten so much authority as to be the augustine , the truly polemicall divine of our times , would be so charitable to his disciples , as to imitate him , in retracting so many of his misadventures , as hee cannot chuse but know to be such ; and not to impose too intolerably on their credulity : or so tender of his owne reputation , as to acknowledge those himselfe , which every man that hath eyes doth discerne in his books ; and would , were it not for meere pity , and the duty of loving enemies , give a large account of . but i must remember , that master marshall adds two appearances of answer more to that allegation from christ to saint peter ; a word or two of those . secondly , saith hee , supposing it was a reproofe of peters using the sword , then the plaine meaning is to condemne peters rashnesse , who drew his sword , and never staid to know his masters mind whether hee should strike or not ; and so reproves those who rashly , unlawfully , or doubtingly use the sword . but , i pray sir , are those the words of christ , they onely that take the sword without asking , or knowing my mind , shall perish , &c. or have we any reason to think , that christ would have then dispensed with a known law if hee had answered him , and not rather have referred him to be regulated by it , as you see hee doth , for all that take , &c. 2. to see the unluckinesse of it againe , the text luk. 22. 49. saith expresly , that they did ask him , said unto him , lord , shall wee smite with the sword ? so that the question was aske before hee smote : and sure , if it had been christs pleasure they should smite , one syllable would have exprest it , and justified them ; and that might have intervened before his striking : and that it did not intervene , is no argument of the lawfulnesse of that striking in him , or the like in us ; especially when so sharp a reprehension immediately followes . 3. i shall grant the meaning is to condemne peter's rashnesse , in doing a thing so unlawfull , without any commission ; especially , when it was denyed by christ upon asking ; but not that the matter of the fact was perfectly justifiable , if abstracted from that rashnesse : or that now christs judgement being declared by his answer to him , it should be more justifiable in us , who have his example for our document . 4. i shall aske master marshall , whether hee hath asked and received knowledge of his masters mind or no ? hee must not meane any of his great earthly masters , ( that joyne with him in the warre against the supreme ; for sure , if such tell us wee may , or be so minded , that doth not prove that 't is lawfull ; for then i must aske them what master they asked ? and so , if they have none , conclude them in the number of the rash smiters ; ) but christ , ( for sure hee was peter's master ) or some taught by him in his word , who may give him assurance of the mind of christ : and if this be produc'd wee will be his disciples also . for , for his supreme master on earth , the meer-humane christ , the lords anoynted , i beleeve hee meanes not that hee should be asked , whether hee may be , and should be resisted ? and as little reason is there for us to be satisfied by being told by any others inferiour to him , ( especially by the chiefe resisters ) that wee may lawfully resist . 3. master marshall adds a consideration , that now was the houre come of christs suffering , and not of his apostles fighting , wherein christ would not be rescued , no not by twelve legions of angels , much lesse then by the sword of man : therefore hee saith to peter , put up , &c. but intended not , that it should alwayes be unlawfull for his people to use the sword in their just defence against unjust violence ; for then hee would never have commanded them but a little before , that hee that hath two coats , let him sell one and buy a sword . to this i answer , 1. that christ might suffer , though peter did resist ; as wee know hee did ; and consequently , the houre of his suffering being come , could not make it in him a crime to resist , if otherwise it were not : it might make christ refuse the help of his sword , but not produce the text proper to man-slayers against him , unlesse the fact in it selfe were of that nature . 2. this patient manner of christs suffering , and prohibiting resistance in his just defence , though it were then peculiar , and by decree necessary to christ ; yet is it since become matter of example , and necessary imitation to us , by force of that observation past upon it by saint peter , and entred into the canon of our scripture , 1 pet. 2. 21. christ suffered for us , leaving us an example that wee should follow his steps , &c. and this used as an argument to enforce on us that duty , vers. 18. of being subject not onely to good and gentle , but also to froward masters . so that now , thirdly , though that checke had been peculiar to saint peter's act , clothed with those circumstances , of being done when 't was christs houre of suffering ; yet it will be obliging to us also , who are hereunto called , vers. 21. to suffer as patiently as christ did . but then fourthly , wee conclude not from any or all of this , that it should be alwayes unlawfull for christians to use the sword in their just defence : nor indeed , that it was unlawfull then ; kings may and might subdue by the sword their rebellious subjects : and private men might defend themselves from private invaders , and besides the proverbiall meaning of that speech ( of selling a coat and buying a sword , whereby , say the fathers , hee foretold them the dangers impendent over their heads , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} chrys. and advised them to provide for their owne security ) i shall not doubt to acknowledge that this liberty of private defensive resistance is authorized by that same scripture : but the resisting of the magistrate by the subject , is the thing that from christs words to peter wee undertake to shew unlawfull , and not any other resistance ; and that the swords were appointed by christ to be bought to that purpose , is not attempted to be proved by master marshall ; and to suppose it without proofe , is to affirme , that no man could invade , or be fit to be killed , but magistrates . the truth is , here is some art used , either by master marshall , or some other artificer ( interest , prejudice , or the like ) by master marshall to deceive the reader ; or by that other to deceive the composer , by using the phrase of just defence against unjust violence , ( which every man grants lawfull among private men ) and concluding that not to be made unlawfull by this text , ( which we doe not affirm , ) whereas all the dispute is , of resisting ( not simply any man , but peculiarly ) the magistrate ( and those that come with authority from him , ) which wee doe affirme to be the very thing exemplified and rebuked in this text , and so still stands ( by that reprehension of christ ) forbidden to us , in despight of master marshall's evasions . 't will be now matter of wonder to any , that all this paper should be spent in defence of this one argument , so briefly confuted and dispatcht by master marshall ; but i shall answer that wonder too : first , that at the entring on this examination of those few , the necessity of this length of words was not fore-seen . secondly , that though the escaping the force of this place would not be matter of triumph to master marshall , because there be other places of the new testament produced by his adversaries , yet unanswered , and one is enough to establish a christian truth ; yet the vindicating and clearing of this one from all exceptions , is the absolute carrying the cause against him by that one : and therefore if this may be compassed , ( which i am confident is by this discourse ) wee may spare all further travell in this business ; and command the subjects sword taken out ( though upon supposition of just defence , how unjustly soever that be pretended ) against the lawfull magistrate , to returne to its sheath againe . i wish to god it would obey the command . tu verò discipuli & amorem pium & humilitatem considera : alterum enim ex diligendi fervore ; alterum ex obedientiâ fecerat . nam cùm audisset , mitte gladium tuum in vaginam , statim obtemperavit , & nusquam postea istud fecit . titus bostr. in matth. non se sed magistrum est ultus , praeterea nondum perfectae & consummatae virtutis erat . quod si vis petri sapientiam intelligere , videbis posteà caesu● & sexcentas injurias passum , nullis malis , nullis calamitatibus pertur●●●● 〈◊〉 omnia tolerantem . euthym. in johan . ille utitur gladio , qui nullâ superiori ac legitimâ potestate vel jubente vel concedente , in sangninem alicujus armatur . nam utique dominus jusserat , ut ferrum discipuli ejus ferrent , sed non jusserat ut ferirent . quod ergo incongruum , si petrus post hoc peccatum factus est pastor ecclesiae : sicut moyses post percussum aegyptium factus est rector istius synagogae ? uterque enim non detestabili immanitate , sed emendabili animositate justitiae regulam excessit , uterque odio improbitatis alienae ; sed ille fraterno , iste dominico , licèt adhuc carnali , tamen amore peccavit . aug. lib. 22. cont. faust . man. cap. 70. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45421e-240 * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * the fo●… of this ●lace of christ to st. peter , see m. m hath labour'd to delude , an● therefore 〈◊〉 have labour'd to vindicate in anoth●● discourse hereto appendant , to which i referre the reader . of the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a45421e-5570 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a45421e-9210 vid. suprà pag. 7. what if a man should construe this ( not o●… occasion of the militi● in matth●… p. 162. ●…f socin. ●…3 . in luk. p. 464. of schisme a defence of the church of england against the exceptions of the romanists / by h. hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1653 approx. 285 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 97 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45426 wing h562a estc r40938 19537241 ocm 19537241 109048 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45426) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109048) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1689:5) of schisme a defence of the church of england against the exceptions of the romanists / by h. hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 183 , [6] p. printed by j. flesher for richard royston ..., london : m.dc.liii [1653] errata: p. 183. advertisement: p. [3]-[6] at end. imperfect: tightly bound. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -apologetic works. catholic church -controversial literature. schism. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of schisme . a defence of the church of england , against the exceptions of the romanists . by h. hammond , d. d. london , printed by j. flesher for richard royston at the angel in ivie-lane . m. dc.liii· of schisme . a defence of the church of england , against the objections of the romanist . chap. i. an introduction , the danger , and sin of schisme . § . 1 two wishes rather then hopes there are , wherein all christians are very much concerned ; first , that all that have given up their names to that holy profession , would sincerely betake themselves to the discharge of all those duties ( as well more common , one towards another , as more particular , of each single man toward god and toward himself ) which christ came on purpose to plant in , or reduce into the world : the second , that the faith of christ might gain an amicable , universal reception in the hearts of all men over the whole world , and that all mankinde ( by an uniform obedience to those divine precepts which are most agreeable to our rational , i. e. humane nature , and which are able to advance us to the highest pitch of moral excellency and dignity , that any created substance is capable of ) might attain the great end of our creation , a paradise , or blisful beeing here in this world , only with the mixture of some allayes to that blisse ( and those necessary both to the exercise of some most eminent virtues , and such as the angels are not , for want of passible bodies , capable of , and also to the inhaunsing of our crown ) and then a state of infinite reward , and uncompounded felicity hereafter . § . 2. that the later of these may in gods good time be effectually attempted by all christian kings , and bishops , and advance more successfully , then of late it hath done , ought to be the indevour of all those , whose eminencie in the world hath given them capacities , or qualifications to contribute some considerable degree of assistance to so glorious a work . and for others , whose inferiority of condition or sphere of motion , and the improbability , consequent to that , of advancing so magnificent a designe is their just excuse for not entertaining any such hopeless thoughts , it is yet their certain duty by constant , fervent prayers to solicite the good hand of god , who alone can accomplish so divine a work , and by the diligent strict observance of all christs precepts to exemplifie to all others the power , and real energie of the faith of christ , where it is admitted into the heart , thereby to attract all others to the imbracing of that , which hath such admirable virtues in it . § . 3. as for the former , that is ( in proportion to his condition ) the known duty of every single christian , much more of every congregation , and community of such ; who are therefore associated into one body , that each supplying the defects , and infirmities of others , they may by so advantagious an instrument , as union of forces is , be enabled to doe what without it they are justly supposeable to want means , or strength to doe , and so are deprived of all excuse , if they be found culpable . § . 4. in this kinde 1. the duty of charity , and peace to all : 2. of ready , and filial obedience of those under authority to their lawful authorized superiours : and 3. of charitative paternal exercise of their power , in all those that are invested with it by christ , may be justly looked on as virtues of the first magnitude , which have the most lively characters , and impresses of the law-giver , christ's image , and superscription upon them , & accordingly deserve the first fruits of our care and diligence that they be most diligently conserved , where they are , and industriously reduced , where by the malignity , or infelicity of the times , they are torn , or escaped from us . § . 5. for that malices , and rancors , and animosities among single christians , but especially seditious , mutinous spirits , that divisions , and schismes , and ruptures , and preparative thereto , causless anathematizing , and tyrannizing over the faith of christ's flock , are most scandalously contrary to christ's platform , to the prophecie of the plough-shares , and the pruning-hooks , the happy exchange for the sanguinary , hostile instruments , is a truth so eminently , and signally visible in the practise , and doctrine of christ , and his apostles , that it cannot be doubted , or questioned on either side . and agreeably , there is no one vice , which hath fallen under so much of the displeasure , and correption , and severest discipline of the holy fathers of the antient church , as this of schisme , and the ingredients , and preparatives to it have done . § . 6. it is but a small part of the character thereof , that from s. paul , and s. jude they tell us , that it is a special piece of (a) carnality ; an (b) excommunicating and condemning , i. e. voluntary inflicting of that punishment on ones self , which the governours of the church use to inflict on the most scandalous sinners ; that (a) they that so divide on their own presumption , may not at their own will return to the church , and communicate again with the bishop , and his christian people ; that (b) it is contrary to the faith , (c) even when it hath not , in respect of doctrinal points , any heresie joyned with it ; (d) contrary to charity , yea to all the (e) advantages that belong to a member of the church , the (f) benefits of prayers and sacraments ; that it is (g) as bad as heresie ; that (h) there was never any heresie in the church , which was not founded in it ; and (i) that it is constantly forced , in its own defence , to conclude in some heresie or other ( all of which being put together will be sufficient to keep men from being in love with the guilt , or company of schismaticks ) but it is farther branded with these superadditions of terror , that (k) there is scarce any crime so grear as schism , not (l) idolatry , (m) sacrilege , parricide ; that it hath been under peculiar marks of gods indignation , in the story of the jewish church , as in the (n) case of the ten tribes , and of the (o) samaritanes , who are ranked with the gentiles , mat. 10.5 . (p) and so in the story of core , &c. that it is the (q) antichristianisme mentioned by saint john , the (r) worshipping or serving the devil , and , in a word , so great a crime , that it is not (ſ) expiable by martyrdome to him that continues in , and hath not repented , and returned from it . § . 7. much more of this subject is every where to be met with in the antient monuments , and nothing of alleviation to be had for any , who have not the (t) excuse of involuntary seduction , of error , or simplicity to plead for them , and the surest way to doe that effectually , to qualifie them for that plea , is to forsake their course , to get out of so dangerous a snare . § . 8. nay 't is farther observable , how unsafe it hath been deemed by these , for (u) light , and inconsiderable causes to break this unity , it being in their opinion very (x) hard , if not impossible to receive such an injury , or provocation from the governours of the church , as may make a rupture , or separation excusable . and for the vniversal , or truly catholick church of christ , it is not , in (y) s. augustine's opinion , possible that there should be any just cause for any to separate from it , nor consequently apologie to be made for those , that on any , whether true , or pretended cause whatsoever , have really incurred this guilt . § . 9. from these premises thus acknowledged and undeniable , the conclusion follows irrefragably , that it is not the examination of the occasion , or cause , or motive of any mans schisme , that is worth the producing or heeding in this matter ; the one thing that is of force , and moment , and , by consequence , pertinent to be inquired into , is the truth of the matter of fact , whether this charge be sufficiently proved or confessed , i. e. whether he that is thus accused , stands really guilty of separation from the church of christ ; and this will be a means of shortening our method , and giving very moderate bounds to our ensuing discourse , which will now be regularly finished by making these two inquiries . § . 10. 1. what schisme is , and how it may be most fitly branched . § . 11. 2. what evidences are producible against the church of england , whereby it may be thought liable to this guilt , and withall how it may be cleared from all force of those evidences . § . 11. which when we have done , we shall not from the office of advocates proceed to that of the accuser , or judge , but leave all others , that are under the same charge , to their proper tribunal , to stand or fall , as they shall appear able , or not able , upon firm grounds , to maintain , and vindicate their innocence . chap. ii. what schisme is , together with some general considerations thereon . § . 1. our first enquirie must be what schism is , in the strict & proper notion ( as (a) distinguished from heresie , the (b) introducing of some false doctrine into the church . ) and herein there will be no difficulty the origination , and universal use of the word , according and consenting exactly , to give us the importance of it . § . 2. in the origination of it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scindi , it signifies literally scissure , or division , which being a figurative , and withall a relative word , referring to some body , which is thus cut or divided , but that no natural , but political body , the church , or congregation of christians , the literal notation of the word in the ecclesiastical use , will be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a division in or from the vnity of the church of christ . only the form & termination of the word must be farther noted , which being not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the active 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the passive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the use of such passives is observable , being of the nature ( and for want of conjugations , designed to supply the place ) of the hebrew hithpa●l , and so noting reciprocal action or passion , where the passion is from , and on himself , and is most fully expressed by the latine neutrals , which partake both of active and passive , but are strictly neither of them . this might be largely exemplified in the use of other words , but the advantage of the observation will not be proportionable to the length of such a diversion , being no more then this , that the distinct notion of the word [ schisme ] is a voluntary dividing , or , in the neutral expression , which the fathers familiarly use , a separating , or receding of any member from the unity of the body , i. e. the church of christ , and so that the scismatick is he that * divides himself from the church of god , not that is cut off , or separated , he that (a) goes out , or (b) withdraws , or recedes of his own accord , not he that is cast out by the governours of the church . for whatever blame , and vengeance may justly light on such , who are by the righteous , and charitative censures of the church , cut off from communion , in case they doe not by humiliation , confession , and reformation , and meet fruits of repentance , prepare and qualifie themselves for readmission to that communion , yet certainly this punishment of excommunication is very disparate and distant from the crime of schisme , the judge , i. e. bishop or governour of the church , being the only actor in the one , ( and that ex officio , an act of duty in him , when duly executed ) but in the other , the offender , or guilty person , who is therefore said to (c) accuse , to cast , to (d) condemn himself , throwing himselfe , by his voluntary recession from the church , into that very condition , into which the adulterer , and obstinate offender is cast by the censures of it . § . 3. this is so evident a truth , that this punishment , and so judicial act , of the governour , cannot be the guilt of him that is punished , and though it be supposed to be founded in some offence , is not yet in any propriety of speech the offence it self , much lesse the sin of schisme , especially when he is punished for heresie , or some other crime , and not for schisme , that i need not farther insist on it . only , as beside the formal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is also an interpretative excōmunication , when he that is not under the censures of the church , is yet refused admission , or reception unto it , unlesse he will submit to such & such conditions , indispensably proposed to him , and because both in the one , and the other , in the formal , and in the interpretative excommunication , the governours , being men , may possibly erre , and consequently censure , and excommunicate the innocent , and in like manner propose those conditions of communion which are not lawful for that man to submit unto , so it is possible in both cases , that the person excluded may be absolutely innocent , free not only from that of schisme , but from all other guilt , so that he which is excommunicated may not be obliged to regain the peace , nor he that is barred out , to force his passage into the communion of the church , and so both sorts of these , continuing out of the actual communion , neither the one nor the other be guilty of schisme in the least degree by so continuing . § . 4. he that is excommunicated unjustly , cannot be rendred criminous by that misfortune , nor concluded culpable by that argument , upon which he is supposed innocent . our saviour hath pronounced of the anathemaes of the jews , of their bitterest execrations , their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their sharpest censures , nay the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , casting men out of the synagogue , falsly or unjustly , that it is to be looked on as a most auspicious token , a matter of the greatest rejoicing to them which fell under it , one of the principal ingredients in , and forerunners of their blisse ( and accordingly the apostles when they were thus cast out , and contumeliously used , went out of the temple rejoicing that they were thought worthy to suffer shame for christ's name ) to which purpose is that of photius patriarch of constantinople to michael metropolitan of mitylene , ep : 116. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the excommunication of the jewish sanhedrim sent out against christ's disciples brought them so much neerer to their lord and master , and alien'd the jews themselves , removed them so much farther from the kingdome of heaven , and so doth all unjust excommunication now unite us to the apostles by this conformity with and participation of their sufferings . and i suppose the arguments , and testimonies produced by the chancellour of paris are ( and , when they were first published , were so deemed by those of the romish communion ) unanswerable to this matter ; and accordingly that of thomas de curselis in the councel of basil , that it was * said by christ to the pope , whatsoever thou shalt binde on earth shall be bound , not whatsoever thou shalt affirm to be bound , ] hath with it the evidence of undeniable truth , equally applicable to him and all bishops in that and in all future ages . § . 5. and then certainly what hath thus been said of the formal , will with the same evidence be extended also to the interpretative excommunication , whensoever the conditions of the communion contain in them any sinne , and so become as the former censures were supposed to be ; for in that case certainly it is no act of schisme from any church , for any member to be , or to continue thus excluded from it . for how desireable , and valuable soever an intire , inviolate peace with all christians , with all men , ( together with the approbation of our willing , cheerful obedience , and submission of our judgments and practises , to our superiors ) must forever be deemed by all true disciples of christ , yet must not the purchase of this treasure be attempted by the admission of any sin , any more then the glory of god might be projected by the apostle's lie . the least transgression of god's law must not be adventured on upon any the most christian designe , or consideration ; the peaceable living with all men , which is so often exhorted to ▪ and inculcated , is yet no farther recommended , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if it be possible , and as much as in us lies , and that , we know , must be interpreted of a moral and leg●● possibility , by which we are pronounced able to doe that ( and no more ) which we can doe lawfully , and so when the apostle 1 thess 4.11 . exhorts to the most earnest pursuit of this blisful state ( this ease , and rest , and quiet from the labours , and toils and hell of the factious , turbulent spirit ) it is in a style , which supposes this reserve , we must , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have an ambition , and emulation , and contention to live peaceably , and quietly , obliging us to use all means that would be allowed to the ambitious person in his warmest pursuit , i. e. the utmost lawful , but not the lowest unlawful means . § . 6. in which matter it is remarkable what course hath been taken by the late author of infidelity unmasked , in his discourse of the schisme of protestants , where having acknowledged how perfectly unlawful it is to dissemble , equivocate , or lie in the matters of faith — and withall urgeing from all antiquity , that to forsake the external communion of god's visible church is the sin of schisme , he makes a shift to conclude ( as a natural consequence ) from hence , that therefore the church ( i suppose he means , of rome ) is infallible , and not subject to errour , because otherwise men might forsake her communion — where though the consequence be very strange , that we may forsake the churches communion , in case she be fallible or subject to errour ( for this supposes it lawful 1. to forsake the communion of any erroneous church , which is much more then we would desire to be granted us , and 2. to forsake all that are fallible , though they be not actually in errour , which is in effect to forsake the communion of all but saints , and angels , and god in heaven , for they only have the privilege of impeccable and infallible ) yet it absolutely acknowledges that it would be lawful to separate from , and forsake the ( even vniversal ) church of christ , in case , or on supposition that we could not be permitted to communicate with it , without lying , and dissembling , and equivocating in matters of faith , which he there acknowledgeth to be the denying god on earth . § . 7. now ( to return to our present consideration ) of this there is no question , but that , as it is said to be customary among the kings of the hunnes ( as soon as they have any children , and so no need of their brethrens assistance ) to banish all their brethren out of their dominions , and not to admit them again without putting out their eyes , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith cinnamus , hist : l. 1. ) so it is possible ( i wish it were not justly supposable ) for a particular church so to fence , and limit , to guard , and restrain their communion , to require such severe conditions of all whom they will admit , or tolerate within their church , that some men cannot without putting out their eyes , or wilful acknowledgment of untruths , others without committing sin against conscience , undergoe the conditions thus required , nor consequently be admitted to communion with it . as in case any unsound or untrue position be entred into the confession , or catechisme of any church , and all the members of that communion be explicitly required to believe , and acknowledge the truth of every branch of that confession , and so that confession be really the condition , and accordingly in the reputation of men esteemed the tessera , or symbol of that communion , then he that shall enter this communion thus conditionated , must certainly either actually subscribe , or ( which , as to the scandal of the action , is equivalent ) be reasonably supposed to acknowledge that untruth ; and if in some persons blameless ignorance may be supposed sufficient for the excusing , or alleviating that fault , yet 1. he that hath means of discovering that untruth , and criminously neglects to make use of those means , and 2. he that hath discovered the truth , and yet thus professeth himself to believe the contrary , will not be thus excusable ; and it is not here sufficient to object the supposable levity of the error , or intellectual falsity , for how light , and inconsiderable ( and extrinsecal to the foundation ) soever the error be supposed to be , yet if there be obstinacy in continuing in it against light and conviction , or if there be falsness in professing , or subscribing , contrary to present perswasions , or scandal and ill example , temptation and snare to others , in seeming to doe so ; these certainly are sins , and neither light nor inconsiderable , nor reconcileable with that fabrick of christian practise , which ought to be superstructed on that foundation . § . 8. nay if the errors be really on the other side , if the doctrines so proposed , as the condition of the communion of any church , be indeed agreeable to truth , but yet be really apprehended by him , to whom they are thus proposed , to be false , and disagreeable , it will even in that case be hard to affirm that that man may lawfully thus subscribe , contrary to his present perswasions ; for though it be certain , that he that thus erres , be obliged to use all probable means to reform , and deposite his error , and , as long as he remains in it , is so farre guilty of sin , as he wants the excuse of invincible ignorance , and being obliged to charity and peace , as farre as it is possible , and in him lies , he cannot be freed from offending against that obligation , if he doe not communicate with those , the condition of whose communion contains nothing really erroneous , or sinful ; and so though such a man , on that side , be , or may be in several respects criminous , yet it is as evident on the other side , that he that professes to believe , what he really doth not believe , that subscribes with his hand , what he rejects in his heart , or that doth that which is under the scandal of doing so , is farre from being guiltless , he certainly offends against the precept of sincerity and veracity ( yea and of charity to his brethren , in respect of the scandal ) hath added hypocrisie to his error , and so which way soever he turns , he is sure to sin ( the worst and most unhappy kinde of straight ) he remains in error , and schisme on the one side , and by flying from that , he advances to lying and hypocrisie on the other , and the desire of avoiding one of these , cannot justifie the other . § . 9. this i say , in case the error be really on the mans , not on the churches side ; but if ( as in the case proposed ) the errors be supposed to be wholly on the churches side , and withall indispensably required to be subscribed by all , and so the conditions of that communion being exacted of him , who cannot without sin undertake them , be to him really , and unexcusably unlawful , then certainly to that man in that case it is no crime not to communicate ( when he is thus excluded from communicating ) with that church , but a crime , and a great one , thus ( by testifying against the truth and his own conscience ) to qualifie himself for that communion . the admission of such guilts as these , hypocrisie , and lying against conscience , and due grounds of conviction , is too high a price to be paid even for peace , or communion it self . § . 10. a meek son of the church of christ will certainly be content to sacrifice a great deal for the making of this purchase , and when the fundamentals of the faith , and superstructures of christian practise are not concerned in the concessions , he will cheerfully expresse his readiness to submit , or deposit his own judgment in reverence and deference to his superiours in the church where his lot is fallen . but when this proves unsufficient , when peace with the brethren on earth will not be had at a cheaper rate then this of a voluntary offending against our father which is in heaven ; in this case , the christian must be content to live without it , and though he would rejoice to sell all that he hath to purchase that jewel , yet his conscience , the health and peace of that ( which is interrupted by every wilful sin ) is a commodity , that must not be parted with , whatsoever the acquisition be , which is in his view and thus offers it self in exchange for it . § . 11. the evidence of which is , i conceive , so demonstrative and irresistible , that it will be justly extended much farther then the present case of the church of england gives me any temptation to extend it ; for in case our ancestors had unjustly and criminously made a separation from the church of rome ( which it shall anon appear that they have not ) and we their successors in that schisme should unfeignedly confess , and repent , and desire to reform that sin , and uprightly discharge our conscience in neglecting no means , that patience , humility , charity could suggest to us , in order to obtaining our reconciliation , yet if that cannot be obtained by all these submissions , without that harder condition of renouncing , or professing , or seeming ( in common reputation of men ) to renounce any part of divine truth , or christian practise , which we verily believe to be the truth , and our duty , it would not be our guilt , but only our unhappiness , that we were thus forced to continue in that separation . the reason is evident from the former grounds , we must not sin , that we may give glory to god ( such is confession , & fruits of repentance , jos . 7.19 . ) a penitent thief must not lie , to enable himself to make restitution , nor the contrite schismatick commit any new sin ( such certainly is hypocrisie , lying , professing contrary to present perswasion ) to complete his repentance for the old . § . 12. if this last be conceived ( as it is not the present case of the church of england , so ) to be an impossible , unsupposeable case , not only upon the romanists grounds , who i presume will not acknowledge any such hard condition ( as is the profession of an untruth ) to be required to any mans reconciliation , and readmission to their communion , but upon this other score , because if any false profession be now required to our re-admission , the same was formerly required to our continuance in their communion , and consequently our ancestors departure then could not be supposed ( as in this last fiction of case it is ) a schismatical departure . i shall not need to give any more distinct answer to this , then 1. that we that acknowledge not the church of rome to be infallible , may be allowed to make a supposition , which is founded in the possibility of her inserting some error in her confessions , and making the explicite acknowledgment of that the peremptory indispensable condition of her communion ; 2. that it is possible also ( though not by us pretended ) that she should since that supposed departure of our ancestors , introduce some new doctrines , and consequently some new errors , and those now be supposeable to lie in the way to our return , though they had no part ( before their birth ) in driving us from them ; 3. that that may be by the church of rome permitted , and allowed to those that have alwaies remained in their communion , which to them that have departed , and either in their persons , or posterity , desire to return to it , will not be permitted by them ; it being more ordinary to indulge liberties to sons , that have alwaies continued in the family , then to grant them to offenders , and suppliants , that expect favours , and graces , and restauration to privileges ; 4. that those which have had their education out of the communion of the church of rome , may very possibly & probably come to discern that , which in that communion would never have been ( for want of representation ) discerned by them , and consequently may observe some errors in her doctrine or practise , which their ancestors at their very departure from them had not discerned , and then though those errors subscribed to by them , had the lenitive , or antidote of blameless ignorance , yet because those that now really discern that truth , which the ancestors discerned not , cannot lawfully professe not to discern it , or professe against conscience to believe what they doe not believe , it is therefore necessarily consequent , that the return of such to the peace of the roman church may by this means be rendred impossible though their ancestors continuance there , lying under no such prejudice , their separation were acknowledged unlawful . chap. iii. the several sorts of schisme . § . 1. thus much hath been necessarily premised for the true notion of schisme , taken from the origination of the word , as that includes , in the neuter sense , a recession , or departure , in the reciprocal , a separating , or dividing himself . § . 2. it is now time to proceed and inquire how many sorts there are of this schisme in the ecclesiastical sense , or by how many waies the guilt of this sin of the flesh may be contracted . § . 3. in which inquiry it will be first necessary to consider , wherein ecclesiastical unity consists , viz : in the preserving all those relations , wherein each member of the whole church of christ is concerned one towards another : these relations are either of subordination ( paternal on one side , and filial on the other , ) or of equality ( fraternal . ) the unity of those members that are subordinate one to the other , consists in the constant due subjection , and obedience of all inferiors to all their lawful superiors , and in due exercise of authority in the superiors toward all committed to their charge : and the unity of the fellow brethren in the performance of all mutual duties of justice and charity toward one another . § . 4. of the former sort is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , obedience to the rulers of the church , heb. 13.17 . and back again the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , due feeding , i. e. governing the flock of god among them , 1 pet. 5.2 . and because there be ( under the king or emperor , or supreme power , to whom all are subject in any his dominions ) many possible links in that subordination , patriarchs , metropolitans , bishops , presbyters , deacons , and the brethren , or congregation , the unity must be made up of the due subordination , and christian i. e. charitative exercise of power in all these . § . 5. of the later sort there are as many branches , as there are varieties of equalities . the brethren or believers in every congregation , i. e. all beside the governors of the church ( however unequal in other respects ) are in this respect equalized , and comprehended all under the one title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the younger , 1 pet. 5.5 . and this whether we respect all other fellow-members of the same , or whether of any other congregation , whether parish , or city , or diocese , or province , or nation , of the west , of the east , of the whole christian world , as farre as each member is qualified to exercise any fraternal duty toward them . so again the several deacons , or presbyters of any diocese , the several bishops of any province , the several metropolitans of any nation , the several primates or patriarchs one with another ( as the several apostles ) over the whole world , are each of them to be looked on as equals to all others of the same sort ; and proportionably ( and together with the pastors ) the flocks , the several communities , or congregations of christian men considered in complexo , the parishes , dioceses , provinces , nations , climes of the whole christian world . and according to these so many equalities , there are , or ought to be so many sorts of unities , so many relations of that mutual fraternal charity , which christ came to plant in his church . § . 6. having seen what the unity is ( to which communion superadds no more but the relation of external association , whether by assembling for the worship of god in the same place , where the matter is capable of it , or whether by letters communicatory , by which we may maintain external communion with those which are most distant from us ) it will be easie to discern what schisme is , viz : the breach of that vnity ( and communion ) and what be the sorts or species of it ▪ either those that offend against the subordination which christ hath by himself , and his apostles setled in his church , or those that offend against the mutual charity , which he left among his disciples . § . 7. for the first of these , those that offend against the due subordination , they are possibly of as many sorts as there be distinct links in the subordination . as first those brethren or people , which reject the ministerie of the deacons , or presbyters in any thing wherein they are ordained , and appointed by the bishop , ( and as long as they continue in obedience to him ) and of their own accord break off , and separate from them , refuse to live regularly under them , they are by the antient church of christ adjudged and looked on as schismaticks ; so ignatius the holy bishop , ( and apostolical person ) and martyr of antioch , in ep : ad trall : admonishing them to beware of the poyson of seducers , i. e. the schismaticks of those times , he directs them this one way to doe it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this ye shall doe , saith he , if ye be not puffed up , and if ye be not separated from god , from christ , from the bishop — he that continues within the sept is pure , he that doth ought without the bishop and presbyterie and deacon , is not of a pure conscience , accounting all that live out of this obedience to be so far infected and defiled with schisme . so again in the former part of the same epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let all revere the deacons as the ministers of jesus christ , and in like manner the bishop as jesus christ the son of the father , the presbyters as the senate of god and college of apostles , without these it is not called a church . where every particular church being administred by these , no man is farther deemed a member of the church , then he lives regularly within this obedience : and the same is the importance of his exhortation to the philippians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , observe the bishop , and the presbyters , and the deacons , intimating this to be the only way of preserving unity against schisme , as appears by that which had gone before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is one altar ( or sept ) as there is one bishop together with his presbyters and deacons , and the living in union with , obedience to these , is the only way to doe , whatsoever ye doe , according to the will of god. where this subordination being looked on , as that which is placed in the church by god , it is both schisme and impiety not to continue regularly under it ; and so in the inscription of that epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he salutes them in the blood of christ , especially if they be at one with their bishop , and the presbyters with him , as also the deacons designed by the appointment of jesus christ , looking upon all as schismaticks , that were not so . thus again in his epistle to the ephesians , he admonisheth them to obey the bishop , and presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with an undivided minde , making the disobedience an act of schism or division in any ; and so generally throughout all those epistles . § . 8. in like manner ; if we ascend to the next higher link , that of the bishop , to whom both presbyters and deacons , as well as the brethren , or people , are obliged to live in obedience , the withdrawing or denying this obedience in any of these will certainly fall under this guilt . so the same holy ignatius in ep : ad smyr : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let no man without the bishop doe any of those things which belong to the church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherever the bishop appears , there let the multitude be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that doth any thing without the privity of the bishop , serves the devil ; the title by which those foule gnostick hereticks and schismaticks ( the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the troublers and dividers of the church ) were signified . so in the processe of that epistle , having mentioned obedience to their bishop , as a necessary requisite to their sanctification , supposing the contrary to be an act of pollution , i. e. of the poyson of the schismaticks , and again admonishing them as of their duty ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to concurre with the sentence of their bishop , he adds , that he that doth not so ( expressed by not being within the altar or sept ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , falls short of the bread of god , is an excommunicate person , being rendred such by this act of division from the bishop . so in the epistle to the magnesians , speaking of those that act without the bishop ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these seem not to him to be men of a good conscience ( the phrase by which he oft expresses schismaticks , whose minde and conscience was defiled by the poyson of the gnosticks at that time ) because they assembled not according to that order and establishment which was setled in the church . and again , as christ did nothing without his father ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) being united to him , or all one with his father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — so neither must ye doe any thing without the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but assemble together and have but one prayer common to you all , where the living out of this regular obedience to the bishop , is the contrary to union and communion , and so is formally schisme . and to the philadelphians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as many as are god's and christ's , are with the bishop , excluding them from the unity of christ's body who are thus separated from the bishop ; and in the same epistle speaking of the repentance of schismaticks , and hereticks , and god's pardon offered to such , the * condition of that pardon , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the syncerity of that repentance , is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if they return to the unity of god and senate of the bishop . so frequently in s. cyprian , the schisme especially of the five presbyters of faelicissimus his faction , ep : 40. appears to consist in their disobedience to , and breaking off from their † proper bishop , and causing others to doe so ; and de vnit : eccl : the schismatick is described to be filius impius qui contemptis episcopis & dei sacerdotibus derelictis constituere audet aliud altare , an impious son , which having contemned the bishops , and ( which is all one ) forsaken the priests of god , dares constitute another altar ; and ep : 76. qui schisma faciunt & relicto episcopo alium sibi foris pseudo-episcopum constituunt , the schismaticks are they that having left their bishop set up for themselves abroad another false bishop , and all their adherents are involved in the same guilt , qui se schismaticis contra praepositos & sacerdotes irreligiosâ temeritate miscuerunt , who joyn with the schismaticks against their bishops , and ep : 65. hi sunt conatus schismaticorum — ut sibi placeant , ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant , these are the endevours of schismaticks , that they may please themselves , and proudly contemn their bishop , and ep : 69. vnum scire debes — si quis cum episcopo non sit , in ecclesiâ non esse , one thing you are to know that he that is not with the bishop , is not in the church , the church being there by him defined plebs sacerdoti adunata & pastori suo grex adhaerens , the people united to the bishop , and the flock to their pastor . § . 9. and as this disobedience may be of two sorts , either of a lower , or of a higher kinde , the denying obedience in any particular lawful command of the superior , or the casting off all obedience together , dethroning them , or setting up our selves either in their steads , or in opposition to them ( the first parallel to the contumacy of the levites , the sons of eliab , num. 16.12 , 14. which said , we will not come up , the second to their rebellion , levelling and equalling themselves to moses and aaron v. 3. ● and both together subjecting them first to that curse , of gods , not accepting their sacrifice , v. 15. and then to that sudden exemplary destruction , v. 31. ) so will the schisme be also a lighter , and a grosser separation , a defection from the bishop , and a rebellion against him , the former ordinarily called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 schisme , the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sedition , the latter adding very much to the guilt of the former , and uncapable of the alleviating excuses of ignorance or mistake ( in thinking the commands unlawful , and consequently the obedience ) which may be pretended in the former . § . 10. from this of bishops we may further ascend to the higher dignity , and authority of metropolitanes , over bishops themselves , which what it is , will be fit to be examined a while . § . 11. and the first rise may be taken from scripture it self , where the commission which is given to titus by s. paul , to ordain elders , tit. 1.5 . ( that is bishops v. 7. ) in every city of crete , demonstrates him to have had metropolitical authority bestowed on him ; so saith s. chrysostome ( on tit. 1. hom. 1. ) of titus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if he had not been an approved person , in whom the apostle had perfect confidence , he would never have committed a whole island to him , never have appointed him to perfect what he had left imperfect , never have intrusted to him the jurisdiction over so many bishops : and theodoret in arg. ep. ad tit. that titus was ordained by s. paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to ordain bishops under him for the governing of that whole province , being a very great one ; and eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that titus had the inspection of all the churches in crete , of which that there was an hundred in number , and gortyna the metropolis of them all , appears by dionysius bishop of corinth about the year of christ 175. who inscribes an epistle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the church about gortyna , together with the rest of the dioceses in crete , of all which he mentions and commends philip their bishop , i. e. the metropolitan , under whom they all were , as appears by eusebius l. 4. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 12. what hath been thus said of titus , is with the same evidence of the text affirmable of timothy , when being placed by s. paul at ephesus the chief metropolis of asia ; he had by that means the inspection of all the bishops there , and consequently is directed both for the ordaining ( 1 tim. 3.2 . ) and exercising jurisdiction over them c. 5.1.19 . and so saith s. chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t is manifest that timothy was intrusted with more churches then one , even with a whole nation , that of asia , and therefore s. paul discourses to him of elders or bishops , so the anonymus writer of the martyrdome of timothy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the apostle timothy is ordained by s. paul , and enthroned bishop of the metropolis of ephesus , and accordingly is by theodoret styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the apostle , i. e. chief ruler or bishop of the asiaticks ; and by eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop of the province about ephesus . § . 13. the same might be shew'd of james bishop of jerusalem , who by that means was evidently metropolitane of all the cities of all judea , and even of syria and cilicia also , if we may argue concludently from the sending of that canon to those regions , act. 15.23 . it is likewise the affirmation of agrippa ( in philo ) of jerusalem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it was the metropolis , not only of one region judea , but of many more , because of the colonies it had sent out , naming 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , syria and cilicia among others . and thereto agrees again ( as far as syria ) what we find in the letters of commission , which saul had received from the sanhedrim at jerusalem ▪ to the synagogues of damascus , a city of syria , as being supposed under that metropolis of judea , act. 9.1 , 2. and accordingly after the destruction of jerusalem , tiberias had this privilege , as appears both by the imperial code , tit . de jud. & caelic . and by epiphanius , in the heresie of the ebionites , who refers all syria and cilicia to that metropolis , in the same manner as the synagogues in assyria and media to the sanhedrim in bagdat , and in all aegypt to that in alexandria ; but all this doth rather belong to the jewish form among themselves and the jurisdiction of that great sanhedrim over their colonies thus far diffused , and is not so appliable to the christian church at jerusalem , it being affirmed by joseph . de bel . jud. l. 3. c. ● . that antioch was metropolis of all syria , but this by the way . § . 14. thus philippi appears to have been the metropolis of one part of macedonia ( as thessalonica another ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prime city of a portion , or division , or province of macedonia , act. 16.12 . and is accordingly so styled by photius the patriarch of constantinople 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the city of philippi being a metropolis of a province of the macedonians , and so epaphroditus their bishop in s. pauls time ( as * theodoret and others resolve from his being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their apostle , phil. 2.25 . ) had under him many bishops , who are accordingly named in the plural phil. 1.1 . and all these subordinate to him as their metropolitane . § . 15. so of the seven churches of asia , rev. 2. and 3. it appears ( what hath been elsewhere proved ) that they were all metropoles ; of ephesus it hath been already clear , and s. chrysostome is expresse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ephesus is a metropolis of asia , and theod. in ep. ad dioscor . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in photius , the antient writer of the martyrdome of timothy ( bib . num . 254. ) saith of s. john ▪ that being returned from his banishment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he resided at the metropolis of the ephesians . and in vlpian , the proconsul under antoninus being to go to asia , was to touch upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ephesus one and the chief of the metropoles of asia : and accordingly act. 19.38 . it is said of that city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the proconsuls were there , and the assises , as in the chief city of that province , and in eusebius , antoninus pius his epistle concerning the christians is said to have been read and proclaimed at ephesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the common councel or consessus of asia , and in aristides it is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the common magazine of asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whither they applied themselves for all their wants . all which are evidences that it was a metropolis ( and the chief ) of asia . § . 16. so of thyatira , saith ptolomee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it was a metropolis . of philadelphia the councel of constantinople sub menâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bishop of the metropolis of the philadelphians of the province of the lydians , i. e. in this lydian or proconsular asia . so laodicea , sardis , and smyrna ( together with ephesus ) are set down by plinie as cities in which the roman proconsuls kept their assises , and dispensed justice to all the neighbouring cities , which is the character of a metropolis in the civil notion , and the same he also affirms elsewhere of pergamus : and thus the whole number of the seven churches appear each of them , to have been metropoles , and accordingly by ignatius his epistles to the trallians and magnesians , ( the christians of two neighbour cities of lydia on the banks of meander , and so of this asia ) and by the mention of their bishops damas and polybius , it is evident that there were other episcopal sees in that asia , beside those seven named in the revelation , and those afterward appear to have been subject to the metropolis of ephesus , which alone of all the seven continued till constantin's time , the rest being destroyed . § . 17. from these manifest footsteps of metropolitical power in scripture , it is easie to descend through the first times , and find the like ; as when ignatius the archbishop of antioch ( the primitive martyr ) in his epistle to the romans styleth himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pastor of the church which was in syria , that whole region belonging then to that metropolis of antioch : agreeable to which is that of the author of the epistle to the antiocheni ( whosoever it was ) inscribing it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the church of god in syria , that belongs as a province to that of antioch : so the epistle to the romans is inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the church which hath the presidencie in the place of the region or province of the romans , which gives the bishop of rome a metropolitical power over all other the bishops of that province , the vrbicarian region , as it was styled , and * distinguished from the province of italy properly so called , confined to the seven provinces of the civil jurisdiction of the vicarius italiae , and the ecclesiastical of the archbishop of milan the chief metropolis thereof . of the circuit or compasse of this province of the bishop of rome , many learned men have discoursed excellently out of the antient surveys of the provinces , particularly that very learned frenchman so rarely skilled , and judicious in antiquity , jacobus leschaserius , in his little tract de region . suburbic ▪ but none with more evidence of conviction , then our modest countreyman m r brerewood , who thus describes the antient jurisdiction of the bishop of rome , that it contained all those provinces of the diocese of italy , which the old lawyers term suburbicarias , of which there were ten , three islands , sicily , sardinia , and corsica , and the other seven in the firm land of italy , taking up in a manner all the narrow part of it , viz. all italy eastward , but on the west no farther extended then to the river magra ( the limit of tuscanie ) toward the tyrrhene sea , and to the river esino ( antiently asius ) toward the adriatick sea. for at that river esino met both the picenum , suburbicarium , and annonarium , the former of which belonged to the prefecture of rome , of which that city was the metropolis , and the later , with all the other provinces in the broader part of italy ( seven of them in all ) to the diocese of italy , of which milan was the metropolis . thus ruffinus in his paraphrase rather then translation of the nicene canon saith , that the bishop of rome was thereby authorized suburbicariarum ecclesiarum sollicitudinem gerere , to take and manage the care of the suburbicarian churches ; and there is no reason to doubt but that he that lived so neer after that councel , and was of italy , knew competently what he affirmed of that matter . and it being evident that in all other places the ecclesiastical jurisdictions were proportioned to the temporal of the lieutenants , and that the suburbicarian region , and the so many and no more provinces in them , pertain'd to the praefecture of the city of rome , it must follow that these were the limits of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of that bishop also . but this by the way , in passing . § . 18. so when of s. mark it is affirm'd out of the anc●ent records by eusebius , that he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , first constituted churches ( in the plural ) in alexandria , and under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the province of alexandria , put them all into the hands of anianus in the 8 th of nero , it is evident that alexandria was a metropolitical , or patriarchal see to which all aegypt did belong . § . 19. so s. cyprian the bishop of carthage , to which the whole province of africk pertained , is by the councel of constantinople in trullo , can. 2. called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the archbishop of the region of africk , and accordingly he often mentions the many bishops in his province , vniversis vel in nostrâ provinciâ — to all the bishops in our province — ep. 40. and latiùs fusa est nostra provincia , habet etiam numidiam & mauritanias duas sibi cohaerentes . our province is extended farther , hath numidia and the two mauritania's annexed to it , ep. 45. in each of which there being a church and consequently a bishop in every city ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. 14.23 . is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every city act. 16.4 . ) they were all subject to this metropolitane . § . 20. by all this , and much more which might be added , it is manifest , that as the several bishops had praefecture over their several churches , and the presbyters ▪ deacons , and people under them , such as could not be cast off by any without the guilt and brand of schisme , so the bishops themselves of the ordinary , inferior cities ( for the preserving of unity , and many other good uses ) were subjected to the higher power of archbishops or metropolitanes . § . 21. nay we must yet ascend one degree higher from this of arch-bishops or metropolitanes , to that supreme of primates or patriarchs , the division of which is thus cleared in the division and notitia of the roman empire . constantine the great instituted four praefecti praetorio , two in the east , as many in the west ; of the western , one at rome , another at triers , this last then called praefectus praetorio galliarum . these praefects had their several vicarii , who in their power , and name judged the provinces , as for example , the praefectus praetorio placed at triers had three vicarii , or lieutenants , one placed at triers , a second at lions , a third at vienna , from the greatnesse of whose authority , and the resort of all other cities and provinces to them for justice sprang the splendor , and dignity of those cities where they resided , and the dependence of large provinces and many other cities on each of them . this whole circuit which was thus subject to , or dependent on any such lieutenant , was by the greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the style devolving from the civil to the ecclesiastical divisions , as the former both of cities , and of territories , and of metropoles or mother cities ( the chief in every province ) had done the bishop being answerable to the defensor civitatis , and the archbishop to the praesident in every province , from thence it came that every such metropolis which was the seat of any vicarius or lieutenant general , was ( over and above 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the bishop thereof primas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , patriarcha , a primate , exarch , or patriarch , and all that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is larger then a province , the joynt administration of many provinces , with the several metropoles , and metroplitanes contained in it ) was subjected to him . thus s. irenaeus being bishop of lyons , is by eusebius affirm'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to have the over sight or government of the provinces of france , either those only that were under that primate , or perhaps of all france , of which lyons was then in the ecclesiastical account the first exarchate ; for so saith the same eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lyons , and vienna ( but first lyons ) were famously known to be beyond all others in those parts , the principal metropoles of france . and again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these were the most splendid illustrious churches there . to which first times i conceive belongs that verse of guilielmus brito in philippeide . et lugdunensis , quo gallia tota solebat , vt fama est , primate regi — placing all france under the primate of lyons , or affirming it from tradition ( ut fama est ) that it was wont antiently to be so placed , which was not well understood or taken notice of by the learned jos . scaliger , when he affirms it nuperum & novitium , & ex beneficio romani pontificis indultum , a privilege lately granted to the bishop of lyons by the pope , quod primatem sese vocari gaudeat , that he calls himself primate , which privilege , if not title , did so long since belong to irenaeus the bishop of that diocese . § . 22. i shall not need inlarge on this subject , or set down the several primates and dioceses belonging to them . it is known in the ancient notitiae of the church , that beside the three patriarchs of rome , alexandria , and antioch ( to which title afterward constantinople , and jerusalem were advanced ) there were eleven primates more , there being fourteen dioceses , or joynt administrations of many provinces ( for so the word anciently signified , not in the modern sense of it , one city and the territory , the jurisdiction of an ordinary bishop , for which they then used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) seven in the east , and the praefecture of the city of rome , and six more in the west , into which the whole empire was divided . and though the patriarchs had in councels the praecedence , or deference in respect of place , either because these three cities had the honour to disperse christianity in a most eminent manner to other cities , and nations , or from the great dignity of the cities themselves , ( * rome being the seat and first city of the empire , and thereupon thus dignified saith the councel of chalcedon : and alexandria by † dio chrysostome , and others affirmed to be the second , and antioch the third , saith josephus ) yet it is certain that the power and jurisdiction of primates , was as great as of patriarchs , and the office the same ( see anacle●us epist . ad episc . ital. and gratian dist . 99. ) and many times in authors the very titles confounded , as appears by justinian , who commonly gives primates the names of patriarchs of the dioceses . and if it be now demanded whether there were not anciently some summum genus , some one supreme either of , or over these patriarchs , i answer , that if we respect order , or priority of place again , then the bishop of rome had it among the patriarchs , as the patriarchs among the primates , that city of rome being lady of the world , and the seat of the empire ; but if we respect power , or authority , there was none anciently in the church over that of primates , and patriarchs , but only that of the emperour in the whole christian world ( as of every soveraign prince in his dominions ) as may appear by the ancient power , and practice of congregating , or convoking of councels , provincial by the metropolitan , patriarchal by the patriarch , or primate , national by the prince , for the first 1000 years , through the whole west , and general by the * emperor , when for the conserving the unity , or taking care for the necessities of the church , those last remedies appeared seasonable . but this of general councels being extraordinary , and such as the church was without them for the first three hundred yeers , and are now morally impossible to be had , we need not farther to ascend to these , but content our selves with those standing powers in the church , the uppermost of which are archbishops , primates , and patriarchs , to whom the bishops themselves are in many things appointed to be subject , and this power , and subjection , defined , and asserted , by the ancient canons , and the most ancient , even immemorial apostolical tradition , and custome , avouched for it , as may appear concil . nicen. 1. can. 4.6 . concil . antioch . c. 9.20 . concil . chalced. c. 19. in the sixt nicene canon , where the jurisdiction of all aegypt , lybia and pentapolis is affirmed to belong to the patriarch of alexandria , and order is taken that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or privileges of eminency which belong to the bishop of rome , of antioch , and metropolitanes of all other provinces , shall be conserved intire to them , the introduction is made in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let the ancient customes be in force , the very form which s. ignatius useth concerning apostolical customes which were to be solicitously retained in the church , and seems there particularly to refer to those orders , which s. mark had left in aegypt , lybia , and pentapolis , subjecting all the bishops there to the patriarch by him constituted in alexandria . § . 23. so in the 9 th canon of the councel of antioch , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bishop presiding in the metropolis , is appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to undertake the care of the whole province ▪ ( and all the inferior cities , and bishops in them ) and the bishops commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is straight added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the ancient canon of the fathers , which hath continued in force ( from the first times also unto that councel ) where if it be demanded what is the importance of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i conceive the word to be best explained by hesychius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( it should doubtlesse be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and so the meaning of the canon to be , agreeably to the expresse words of other canons , that as any ordinary bishop hath full power in his own church , which he may in all things , wherein that alone is concerned , exercise independently from the commands or directions of any , so in any thing of a more forein nature , wherein any other church is concerned equally with that , and so falls not under the sole cognizance or judgement of either , there the bishop of that church is to do nothing without directions from the metropolitane , and that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — that no bishop must do any thing but what belongs particularly to him ratione officii ( any thing that another is concerned in , as well as he ) without the metropolitane . § . 24. so in the councel of chalcedon the direction is given for appeals in this order , from the bishop to the metropolitane , from the metropolitane to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or primate of the diocese or province , as where there are more metropolitanes then one ( as was shewed of ephesus in asia , and elsewhere frequently ) there some one is primate or patriarch among them , and to him lyes the appeal in the last resort , and from him to no other , see justinian novel . 123. c. 22. and cod. l. 1. tit . 4. leg . 29. who speaking of this calls it an ancient decree . § . 25. that which we find in the eighth canon of the great councel of ephesus , shall conclude this matter , when upon some claim of the patriarch of antioch for an interest in the ordaining of the patriarch of cyprus , the bishops of cyprus deny his claim , and deduce their privilege of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or independence from any forein bishop , from the very apostles times , a sanctis apostolis , say they , nunquam possunt ostendere , quòd adfuerit antiochenus & ordinaverit , vel communicaverit unquam insulae ordinationis gratiam , neque alius quisquam , from the very apostles times they can never shew that the patriarch of antioch or any other was present and ordained , or ( being absent ) sent the grace of ordination to this island , but that the bishops of constantia , the metropolis of that island , by name troilus , sabinus , and epiphanius , and all the orthodox bishops from the apostles times , ab his qui in cypro constituti sunt , have been constituted and ordained by their own bishops of the island , and accordingly they required that they might continue in the same manner , sicut initio à temporibus apostolorum — permansit cypriorum synodus , as they had done from the times of the very apostles , still appealing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the ancient manner , the ancient custome , the privileges , which from their first plantation they had enjoyed , and that from the apostles themselves : and accordingly that councel condemned the pretension of the patriarch of antioch , as that which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an innovation against the ecclesiastical lawes and canons of the holy fathers , and orders not only in behalf of the cypriots that the bishops of their churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — shall continue to enjoy their right inviolate according to the ancient custome , but extended their sentence to all other dioceses in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the same shall be observed in all other dioceses and provinces wheresoever , that no bishop shall lay hold of another province , which hath not been formerly and from the beginning under their or their ancestors power . and again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this holy and oecumenical synod hath decreed , that the privileges and rights of every province shall be conserved pure and inviolate , as they have enjoyed them from the beginning , according to the custome that hath anciently been in force . all deducing this power of primates over their own bishops ( and together excluding all forein pretenders ) from the apostles and first planters of the churches , and requiring all to remain , as they were first thus constituted . wherein as there be many things of useful observation , which will be more fitly appliable in the progresse of this discourse , so that which is alone pertinent to this place is only this , that there may be a disobedience , and irregularity , and so a schisme , even in the bishops in respect of their metropolitanes , and of the authority which they have by canon and primitive custome over them , which was therefore to be added to the several species of schisme set down in the former chapters . chap. iv. the pretended evidences of the romanist against the church of england examined , and first that from the bishop of romes supremacy by christs donation to s. peter . § . 1. the scene being thus prepared , and the nature and sorts of schisme defined and summarily enumerated , our method now leads us to inquire impartially , what evidences are producible against the church of england , whereby it may be thought lyable to this guilt of schisme , and these pretended evidences may be of several sorts , according to the several species of this sort of schisme described , and acknowledged by us . § . 2. the first evidence that is offered against us is taken from a presumed supremacy of the bishop of rome , as successor to s. peter , over all churches in the world , which being in the dayes of henry viii . renounced , and disclaimed , first by both vniversities , and most of the greatest and famous monasteries of this kingdome ( in their negative answer and determination of this question , an aliquid authoritatis in hoc regno angliae pontifici romano de jure competat plusquam alii cuiquam episcopo extero ? whether the pope of rome have of right any authority in the realme of england , more then any other forein bishop hath ) and that determination of theirs testified under their hands and scales , and after by act of convocation subscribed by the bishops and clergy , and confirmed by their corporal oaths , and at last the like imposed by act of parliament , 35 hen. viii . c. 1. all this is looked on , and condemn'd , as an act of schisme in this church and nation , in renouncing that power of s. peters successors placed over all christians by christ . § . 3. this objection against us consisting of many branches , every of which must be manifested or granted to have truth in it , or else the objection will be of no force , 1. the matter of fact , that thus it was in england ; 2. the consequence of that fact , that it were schisme , supposing these successors of s. peter were thus set over all christians by christ . 3. the matter of fact again , that s. peters successors were thus constituted vniversal pastors by christ ; this again of two branches , 1. that s. peter was so constituted , 2. that the power instated on s. peter devolved on the bishops of rome ; i shall endevour to expedite this matter by granting , and not requiring the pretenders farther to prove the two first branches , and leave the issue of the debate to their manifesting the truth , or our manifesting the falshood of ( the last mentioned , but indeed ) the principal fundamental part of the contention , as it consists of two branches , one as it respects s. peter , the other as it respects his successor in the see of rome ; wherein if the romanists pretensions shall appear to have truth in them , we must be acknowledged by breaking off from our submission to that see , to be formally schismaticks according to the grounds allready laid , and acknowledged by us ; but on the other side , if their pretensions herein shall appear to be false ▪ or unsufficiently proved and manifested , there is no other branch of the argument , be it never so true , which can give the conclusion any authority with any pondering rational man , it being in the power of any weak link to destroy the usefulnesse of the whole chain , and consequent to the falsenesse , or inevidence of any one proposition , that the conclusion shall not be inferred by that arguing . § . 4. and first for the pretension as far as it respects s. peter , and must be managed by evidences , and so concluded either on one side or the other , i shall begin with offering my evidences for the negative . § . 5 and first it is evident by scripture , that this apostle was the apostle of the circumcision , or jewes exclusively to the uncircumcision , or gentiles , which were generally anothers province ; by apostle here i understand a commissioner of christs , endued with authority by him , and this commission given to him , as to all the other apostles , indefinitely , and unlimitedly , not restrained by christs words to any particular province , but extending equally to the whole world ; what therefore is done in this kind is by subsequent act of the apostles themselves , who are testified to have done that , which it had been very unskilful , and improvident , and consequently unreasonable not to have done , viz. distributed their vniversal great province inro several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. 1.25 . distributions , or lots , or lesser provinces , one or more to goe one way , the other another , which is there called by s. peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to go to his own , or proper place , or assignation , for the witnessing the resurrection , and proclaiming the faith or doctrine of christ to the world . § . 6. now if the circumcision , or jewish christians were peculiarly s. peters province , the lot , or division assigned unto him , ( agreeable unto which it is , that both his preaching in the acts is to the jewes in judaea and samaria , and his epistles are both of them addressed to the jewes of the dispersion , and none else ) then it is not imaginable , how he should be the vniversal , or supreme pastor , or bishop of the whole world : for the christians of that age of the world being either jewes or gentiles , the jewes again either those that remained in their countrey , or those that were dispersed in other regions , there was but one portion of one of these , which can reasonably be placed under s. peters jurisdiction . the jewes that were in judaea were all immediately subject to the several bishops in each city , and all they to their metropolitane , james the bishop of jerusalem ; of this james the brother ( or neer kinsman ) of christ , many a of the ancients affirm , that he was by christ after his resurrection constituted bishop there ; b others that it was done by christ and his apostles ; c others the more ancient , that the apostles constituted him in that see , peter , james , and john , the three most honoured by christ , conferring this honour upon him , whereupon in this his see he is named before peter and john , gal. 2.9 . and hath the principal place in the councel at jerusalem , where s. peter is present , and accordingly gives the sentence , act. 15.19 . upon which the rescript is grounded , v. 22. from all which as it appeareth , that the jurisdiction in that metropolis ( which had extended very far among the jewes , not only to all judaea , but even to syria and cilicia and other regions , saith agrippa in a philo , as hath formerly been mentioned ) belonged to james the just , and not to s. peter , so it is as evident , that it was not by s. peter alone intrusted to him ( which might conclude some peculiar transcendent power of s. peter there ) but by s. james and s. john together with s. peter , which quite takes off all pretension of his to the singular supremacy there . § . 7. so again for the uncircumcision or gentile christians , they were not s. peter's province but peculiarly s. paul's ( by s. peter's own confession and acknowledgment gal. 2.7 . ) who is therefore styled the apostle of the gentiles , rom. 11.13 . and that without any commission received , or consequently dependence from s. peter , as he declares and contests it , gal. 1.12.17 . having his assignation immediately from christ , v. 16. accordingly whensoever those two great apostles came to the same city , the one constantly applied himself to the jewes , received disciples of such , formed them into a church , left them , when he departed that region , to be governed by some bishop of his assignation : and the other in like manner did the same to the gentiles . § . 8. thus we know it was at antioch , where s. peter converted the jewes , and s. paul the gentiles ( and certainly s. paul no way subordinate , or dependent on him , as appears by his behaviour toward him avowed , gal. 2.11 . ) and acordingly in ignatius his epistle to the magnesians we read of the church of antioch , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 founded by s. peter and s. paul , not by one , or other , but by both , and in the ancient , if not ignatian epistle to the antiochians , you , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have been the disciples of peter and paul , i. e. converted and ruled by them , the jewish part by one , and the gentile by the other , and the church of the gentiles at antioch , and syria ( of which antioch was the chief city ) and cilicia , is it , to which peculiarly the decrees of the councel at jerusalem are sent , act. 15.23 . and inscribed [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the brethren at antioch — those of the gentiles ] and that separately from the jewish church in that city or region , as is evident both by the contents of that rescript , or decretal epistle , in which only the gentiles were concerned , v. 28 , 29. and also by that which we read of s. peter , and the jewish proselytes , gal. 2.11 . that they withdrew from all communion and society with the gentile christians , upon which s. paul reproved him publickly v. 12. according to this condition of disparate , not subordinate churches at antioch , it is , that the writer of the apostolical constitutions tells us , that euodius and ignatius at the same time sate bishops of antioch , one succeeding s. peter , the other s. paul , one in the jewish , the other in the gentile congregation , and so continued a while , till both the churches ( the wall of separation being by compliance and christian charity removed ) joined , and united together under ignatius , who therefore as by a origen and b eusebius he is called the second , so by s. hierome is called the third bishop of antioch , and yet as truly by c athanasius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 said to be constituted bishop after the apostles , and by d s. chrysostome to the same purpose ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — ) that the blessed apostles hands were laid upon him , whil'st yet theodoret ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) affirms him to have received the archisacerdotal honour from the hands of s. peter . § . 9. the same is as evident at rome where these two great apostles met again , and each of them erected and managed a church , s. peter of jewes , s. paul of gentiles . so saith e s. irenaeus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the blessed apostles founded and built the church there ; and f epiphanius more expressely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , peter and paul were apostles and bishops in rome : so the inscription on their tombes , which , saith a eusebius , continued to his time , mentions them both as founders of that church . so gaius an ecclesiastick writer of great antiquity , coaetaneous to pope zephyrynus , speaking of the monuments of s. peter and s. paul , calls them b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the monuments of them that founded that church . § . 10. so dionysius the bishop of corinth , who lived about 20 years after their death , affirms both of the church of rome and of corinth , c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it was ( each of them ) the plantation of peter and paul ; and d prosper , petrus & paulus apostoli in urbe româ — peter and paul the apostles consecrated or constituted a church in the city of rome . and the very seales of popes are an irrefragable evidence of the same , as they are set down by mathew paris in the year of our lord 1237. in bullâ domini papae , saith he , stat imago pauli à dextris crucis in medio bullae figuratae , & petri à sinistris ; in the bull of the pope stands the image of s. paul on the right hand of the crosse , which is graven in the midst of the seal , and the image of s. peter on the left hand ; and this only account given for s. pauls having the nobler place ( quia paulus credidit in christum quem non vidit , à dextris figuratur ) because he believed on christ without seeing him ( here on earth ) and all this very agreeable to the story of scripture , which as ( according to the brevity of the relations there made ) it only sets down s. peter to be the apostle of the circumcision ( and of his being so at rome we make no question ) so it affirms of s. paul , that he preached at rome in his own hired house , receiving them which came unto him , act. 28.30 . which will most fitly be applied to the gentiles of that city , the jewes having solemnly departed from him v. 29. § . 11. accordingly in ignatius , ep. ad trall . we read of linus and clemens , that one was s. paul's , the other s. peter's deacon , both which afterward succeeded them in the episcopal chaire , linus being constituted bishop of the gentile , clemens of the jewish christians there ; and hence growes ( unquestionably ) that variety , or difference observed among writers , some making s. peter , others s. paul the founder of that church , but others ( as hath been shewed ) both of them ; some making clemens , others linus the first bishop after the apostles , both affirmers speaking the truth , with this scholion to interpret them : linus was the first bishop of the gentile christians , after s. paul ; clemens the first of the jewish after s. peter ; and after linus his death , cletus ( or anacletus ) succeeding him , and dying also , both congregations were at length joyned in one , under clemens ; by which one clew i suppose it easie to extricate the reader out of the mazes , into which the ancient writers may lead him , in rehearsing the first bishops of rome so very diversly , but this is not a place to insist on it . § . 12. by all which it appears that even in those churches , whereof s. peter is acknowledged the founder , as that of rome , and the like , yet he cannot be deemed the sole founder , but coequal to him s. paul of the gentile , as he of the jewish proselytes : and if the sole government of that church be devolved to the original , it will be found to have begun in clemens , in whom the union of the jewish and gentile congregations there was first made , and not in s. peter . § . 13. but then for another great part of the christian world , it is manifest that s. peter had never to doe either mediately , or immediately in the planting , or governing of it , and consequently that from him that power can never descend to any other . not to mention the travailes and labours , and plantations of the other apostles ; which certainly had each their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and consequently their provinces by apostolical joynt consent assigned them act. 1. ( though that short history written by s. luke , s. paul's attendant , mention them not ) i shall only insist on the beloved disciple his fellow-apostle of the circumcision , and that abundant labourer s. paul. § . 14. for s. john , who had the favour of christ , and the dignity of place before all others in christ's life time , even before s. peter himself ( which is the plain meaning of his style of the beloved disciple , and of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leaning on his breast at supper joh. 21.20 . his having the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first place next to christ , as being in abrahams bosome plainly signifies being in dignity of place next to the father of the faithful ) 't is evident that he is one of those that by agreement went to the circumcision , was assigned the jewes for his province , as well as s. peter , and consequently he had the converting , and then governing of all the converted jewes of that lydian asia , and placing bishops over them , as a clemens alexandrinus , and b eusebius , and c prosper , and others tell us ; and the d author of the martyrdome of timothy saith of him , that being returned from his banishment by nerva's decree , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — he placed his seat of residence in ephesus , and having seven bishops with him he undertook the care of that metropolis , that is in effect , or by interpretation , of all asia , which was under that prime metropolis , as far as extended to the jewish christians there . § . 15. but then as before was said of the several churches and bishops in the same place , one of the dispersed jewes , the other of gentiles ; so it is evident that through all this asia ( the lydian or proconsular ) the faith was by s. paul planted among the gentile part , and by him s. timothy constituted bishop there : and so saith s. chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a whole intire nation , that of asia was intrusted to him . § . 16. where i shall demand of any man of the romish pretensions , or perswasion , what can be said , in any degree probably , for s. peters vniversal pastorship , whilst he lived , over this asia , whose seven metropoles ( and sure there were inferior churches , or episcopal sees under them ) are so early famous , being honoured with christs-epistle to them in the revelation ; was s. peter the supreme pastor of these churches ? had he any , or did he ever exercise , or pretend any jurisdiction over them ? was not all the jewish part of that province ultimately under s. john ? and the gentile part under s. paul , and s. timothy constituted , and commissionated by him ? doth not s. paul give him full instructions ( and such as no other apostle could countermand , or interpose in them ) leaving no other appeal or place of application for farther directions , save only to himself , when he shall come to him , 1 tim. 3.14 , 15. did not s. paul by his own single power delegate that province to him , and seat him there ? ( as appears by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i exhorted or appointed thee , when i went to macedonia , 1 tim. 1.3 . ) and may it not as reasonably be said that s. peter was with him in his journey to macedonia , as that he joyned with him in giving that commission to timothy ? § . 17. and so likewise of titus in crete , was he not by s. paul peculiarly left in crete , and constituted primate there ? is it imaginable that under christ there could be any head of that church of that whole island , save only s. paul ? § . 18. the same may certainly be said of all the gentile churches in all other islands , and parts of the world , and consequently in this of britannie , wherein our present debate is terminated : and therefore if that of * simeon metaphrastes should be thought to have truth in it , that s. peter was in britannie some time and baptized many into the faith of christ , and constituted churches , ordaining bishops and presbyters and deacons in the 12. of nero , in all reason it must be extended no farther then s. peters line , as he was the apostle of the circumcision , i. e. to the jewes that might at that time be dispersed here , and so not prejudge the other more authentick relations , of joseph of arimathea or simon zelotes having planted the faith in this island . § . 19. this i suppose is one competent proof of the negative , as it respects the person of s. peter , that he was not ( could not be , as things stood with him ) vniversal pastor of the whole church , constituted by christ . and accordingly we see in prosper disputing against hereticks : which divide from the church , he expresses it by relictâ pace communionis , & panis unius dei & apostolorum , that they leave the communion of christ and his apostles in the plural , and adds cum in ipsâ hierusalem jacobus — joannes apud ephesum , andreas & caeteri per totam asiam , petrus & paulus apostoli in urbe româ , gentium ecclesiam pacatam unámque posteris tradentes , ex dominicâ pactione sacrarunt , that james in jerusalem , john at ephesus , andrew and the rest through all asia , peter and paul at rome consecrated the church of the nations . whereas the church had the several apostles for the founders ( and those independent one from the other ) so the unity from which hereticks , and schismaticks depart , is said to have been founded equally in each of them , in john and james and andrew and others , as well as in s. peter , nay at rome , not in s. peter alone , but in him and s. paul , together . § . 20. in the next place another evidence we may have of this ( in reference again to s. peters person ) from that which is visible in the donation of the power of the keyes set down in scripture . this power mat. 16.19 . is promised to s. peter , [ i will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven — ] but to him that from hence pretends this donative and consequent power , as a peculiarity and inclosure of s. peters , these considerations will be of force to supersede his conclusion , 1. that these words here set down by s. matthew , c. 16. are not the instrument of christs conveyance , the words of his commission , but those other joh. 20.21 . as my father hath sent me , so send i you , upon which words it is added , he breathed on them , and said , receive the holy ghost , whose sins you remit , they are remitted — and these ( as also those mat. 28.19 . which are a repetition much to the same purpose ) are delivered in common , and equally to all , and every of the eleven apostles , as is evident by the plural style throughout that commission . § . 21. secondly , the words mat. 16. are only a promise in the future , what christ will afterward do , and so the donation there set down only by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or anticipation , and if the making this promise to him peculiarly , seem to make any thing for him , then the repetition of that promise , mat. 18.18 . which is made to all the apostles indefinitely will take off that appearance , where it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i say unto you ( to all of them equally and without any peculiarity of restriction ) whatsoever ye shall bind &c. the applying the words particularly to s. peter hath one special energie in it , and concludes that the ecclesiastical power of oeconomy or stewardship in christ's house ( of which the keyes are the token isa . 22.21 . ) belongs to single persons , such as s. peter was , and not only to consistories , or assemblies , that whatsoever s. peter acted by virtue of christs power thus promised , he should be fully able to act himself , without the conjunction of any other , and that what he thus did ( clave non errante ) no one ( or more men ) on earth could rescind without him , which is a just ground of placing the power ecclesiastical in single persons , and not in communities , in the prelate of each church , and not in the presbytery . but still this is no confining of this power to s. peter , any more then to any other single apostle , who had this power as distinctly promised to each of them , as here s. peter is pretended , and acknowledged to have ; to which purpose , as the words of scripture are most clear mat. 18.18 . ( and accordingly mat. 19. the promise is again made of twelve thrones for each apostle to sit on one , to judge , i. e. to rule , or preside in the church , and when that promise was finally performed in the descent of the spirit , act. 2. the fire that represented that spirit was divided , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sat upon every one of them , without any peculiar mark allowed s. peter , and they were all filled with the holy ghost , and so this promise equally performed , as it was made , to all ) so is this exactly the notion , which the ancient fathers of the church appear to have had of them ; thus theophylact according to s. chrysostomes sense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though the words [ i will give thee ] were delivered to s. peter alone , yet the power hath been conferred on all the apostles . s. cyprian hath an eminent place to this purpose , dominus noster — episcopi honorem & ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in evangelio loquitur , & dicit petro , ego tibi dice , quia tu es petrus , & tibi dabo claves — inde per temporum & successionum vices episcoporum ordinatio & ecclesiae ratio decurrit , ut ecclesia super episcopos constituatur , & omnis actus ecclesiae per eosdem gubernetur , christ meaning to set down the way of ordering his church , saith unto peter , i will give thee the keyes — from this promise of his , the ordination of bishops and course of the church hath continued by all successions and vicissitudes , so that the church is built upon bishops ( in the plural ) and every ecclesiastick act is governed by them . so s. ambrose , claves illas regni coelorum in beato petro cuncti suscepimus sacerdotes , all we bishops have in s. peter received those keyes of the kingdome of heavens . and accordingly s. athanasius mentions the office of bishop as one of those things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which christ effigiated or formed in or by the apostles ; and s. basil the great calls episcopacy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presidency of the apostles , the very same , that christ bestowed upon all , and not only on one of them . § . 23. by all which it is evident again , that the power which christs commission instated on s. peter , was in like manner intrusted to every other single apostle , as well as to him , and consequently that this of universal pastor was no personal privilege , or peculiarity of s. peters . § . 24. thirdly , that argument which is taken by learned romanists from the name of peter [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a rock or foundation stone ] bestowed on him by christ , as if that were sufficient to found this pretended supremacy , is presently evacuated , and retorted on the pretenders , when 't is remembred 1. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , directly the same , signifies vulgarly a stone ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in homers iliad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) and of it self denotes no more , but by the context , mat. 16.18 . being applied to a building must needs signifie a foundation stone ; and then 2. that all the 12 apostles are in like manner ( and not he only , or above any other ) styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , twelve foundations apoc. 21.14 . each of which stones having the name of an apostle on it , in respect of the power , and dignity that belonged to every one , is severally compared to a precious stone ; and it being there in vision apparent , that the wall of the city , i. e. of the church , being measured exactly , and found to be an hundred fourty four , i. e. twelve times twelve cubits , 't is evident that that mensuration assignes an equal proportion whether of power or province to all and every of the apostles which is again a prejudice to the vniversal pastorship of any one of them . chap. v. the evidences from the bishop of romes succeeding s. peter examined . § . 1. from this argument of the pretenders as it respects s. peters person , and hath thus been manifested to be utterly incompetent to inferre the designed conclusion , it is now very easie , but withall very unnecessary to proceed to the other part of it , as it concerns s. peters successors in his episcopal , or ( which is all one as to this matter ) his apostolical seat , and power at rome , for certainly what he had not himself , he cannot devolve to any of his successors upon that one skore of succeeding him , and therefore as this of s. peters personal power , and eminence is the principal , so it is in effect the only ground of the romanists pretension , this other of derivative power in his successor , being like water that flowes from a spring , apt to ascend no higher , then the fountain stood , and therefore i again think fit to remind the romanist , and peremptorily to insist on this exception , that if he cannot make good s. peters oecumenical power , and pastorship over all the rest of the apostles , from the donation of christ ( which i suppose hath been evidenced he cannot do , and for any proofs made use of by any to that purpose , and drawn either from feed my sheep , and lambs , or from the mention of the two swords , or from thou art peter — they have so little apparence of strength in them , and have so often been answered by those of our perswasion , that i cannot think it useful , or seasonable to descend to any farther survey of them ) his other pretensions are at an end for the vniversal pastorship of the pope his successor , whose power , and authority over all other bishops cannot farther be extended ( upon this account of succession ) then s. peter's was over all other apostles , the several bishops of the world holding from ( as succeeding ) some apostle or other , as certainly as the bishop of rome can by any be supposed to succeed s. pe-peter , according to that of * tertullian , sicut smyrnaeorum ecclesia polycarpum à joanne collocatum refert , sicut romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum edit , perinde utique & caeterae exhibent quos ab apostolis in episcopatum constitutos apostolici seminis traduces habent , as the records of the church of smyrna deduce polycarp their bishop from s. john , and as the church of rome relates that clement ( their bishop ) was ordained by s. peter , in like manner the rest of the churches shew us the bishops which they have had constituted by the apostles , and who have brought down and derived the apostolick seed unto them . § . 2. what therefore i shall now adde in return to the second branch of this argument , concerning the power of s. peters successor , as such , will be perfectly ex abundanti , more then needs , and so i desire it may be looked on by the reader , whose curiosity perhaps may require farther satisfaction , when his reason doth not , and in compliance therewith i shall propose these few considerations . * first whether s. peter did not as truly plant a church of jewish believers at antioch , and leave a successor bishop there , as at rome he is supposed to have done ? 2. whether this were not done by him , before ever he came to rome ? 3. whether the concession of these two unquestioned matters of fact ▪ doe not devolve all power , and jurisdiction on the bishop of antioch s. peters successor there , which by that tenure and claim of succession from s. peter can be pretended to by the bishop of rome , s. peters successor also ? nay , whether the right of primogeniture be not so much more considerable on this side , then any circumstance on the other side , which can be offered to counterbalance it , that he which succeeded him in his first seat ( antioch ) is , if there be force in the argument of succession , to be looked on as the chief of his strength , partaker of more power by virtue of that succession , then he that afterward succeeded him at rome ? § . 3. this we know , that anciently there were three patriarchates , and antioch was one of them , as rome was another ; and though i , who lay not that weight on the argument of succession from s. peter , am not engaged to affirme that antioch was the chief of these , yet this i contend , that there is much lesse reason , that any precedence , which is afforded rome by the ancient canons , should be deemed imputable to this succession from s. peter , when 't is evident that claim belongs to antioch , as well as to rome , and first to antioch , and afterwards to rome , and no otherwise to rome , then as it was first competible to antioch . § . 4. of rome it is confessed that the primacy of dignity or order belonged to that , the next place to alexandria , the third to antioch , which is an evidence that the succession from s. peter was not considered in this matter , for then alexandria , which held only from s. mark , must needs have yeelded to antioch which held from s. peter . the original of this precedence , or dignity of the bishop of rome is sure much more fitly deduced by the fourth general councel holden at chalcedon , confirming the decree of the councel of constantinople , that that see shall have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , equal privileges , and dignities , and advantages with rome , upon this account , that constantinople was new rome , and the seat of the empire at that time , which , say they , was the reason ( and not any donation of christs to s. peter , or succession of that bishop from him ) that rome enjoyed such privileges ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fathers at constantinople being moved with the same reasons had rightly judged that now the same privileges should belong to that church or city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that this being next to old rome should in all ecclesiastical affaires have the same dignity , or greatnesse that old rome had . where , as the original of the dignity of that see is duly set down , and ( which is observable ) in the whole contest never so much as quarelled at by the legats , viz. the residence of the imperial majesty there ( a thing very remarkable in the several degrees of dignity in the church , that of patriarchs , primates , archbishops , bishops , which generally observed their proportions with the civil state , as hath been shewed ) so is the nature of it also , no supremacy of power over all the bishops of the world ( for that monarchical power is not at once competible to two equals or rivals ) and withall the moveablenesse or communicablenesse of that dignity , as that which may follow the imperial seat , whithersoever it is removeable , and is not fixed at rome by any commission of christ or succession from s. peter . § . 5. but because i shall suppose that a canon , though of an vniversal councel , when it is found thus derogatory to the height which rome now pretends to , shall not by the romanist be acknowledged to be authentick , as wanting that which the romanist makes absolutely necessary to the validity of councels or canons , the suffrage of the bishop of rome and consent of his legates ; and because i mean not here to goe out of my way to vindicate ( which i could very readily doe ) the authority of that canon , or to shew the strangenesse of this dealing , not to admit any testimony against them , but wherein they have given their own suffrage ( a method of security beyond all amulets , if no man shall be believed against me , till i have joyned with him to accuse and condemne my self ) i shall therefore lay no more weight on this , then will , without this support , be otherwise upheld , and is in some measure evident by the romanists rejecting this canon , and adding that the church of antioch rejected it also ; which argues that that which the church of constantinople was willing to acquire by this decree , was as derogatory to the dignity of antioch as of rome . and as that concludes that antioch had professedly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , equal privileges with rome , the dignity of a patriarchate , and the attendants and pompes of that , so it proceeds on a concession , that all that constantinople wanted , or in which this new came short of the old rome , was only the dignity of a patriarchate , without any ordinary jurisdiction over other churches . which again shewes us what was the nature of the preeminence of the roman see at that time ; no supreme authoritative power over other primates , but only a precedence , or priority of place in councels , an eminence in respect of dignity , which is perfectly reconcileable with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and independence , the no-subordination or subjection of other primates . § . 6. this hath formerly been manifested , when we discoursed of the original , and power , and dignity of primates , and patriarchs , and is put beyond all controll by that canon of the councel of ephesus in the cause of the archbishop of cyprus , over whom the patriarch of antioch , though patriarch of all the orient , was adjudged to have no manner of power . and this independency of cyprus , not only from the patriarch of antioch , but from all others whomsoever , was contested then , as from the apostles times , and asserted , and vindicated by that councel , and order given indefinitely against all invasions for time to come , in whatever diocese , that no bishop shall encroach upon anothers province , or usurp a power , where from the apostles times he had not enjoyed it ; which how directly it ( is applicable to , and ) prejudgeth the pretensions of rome , as well as of antioch , is so manifest , that it cannot need farther demonstrating . § . 7. of the same kind , two farther instances i shall here adde ; first of the archbishop of carthage , who being the chief primate , or metropolitan ( for these two words in the african style , different from the usage of other churches , are observeable to signifie the same thing ) in africk , i. e. in one of the thirteen dioceses of the empire , appears to have been independent from all other power , an absolute primate , subject to no superiour , or patriarch , whether of alexandria , or rome . this is evident by justinian in the 131 novel , where the emperour gives the same privileges to the archbishop of * carthage , which he had formerly given to the bishop of justiniana prima ; which being the second example i meant to mention , i shall briefly shew what that prerogative was , which equally belonged to these two . § . 8. justiniana prima was the head of a dacia the new ; a diocese ( as that signifies more then a province , a b primat's , a patriarch's dominion ) erected by justinian the emperour ; and that city thus dignified , as the c place where he had been born , and the archbishop thereof made primate of all that diocese . this is thus expressed in the imperial constitutions , nov. 11. that he shall have omnem censuram ecclesiasticam , summum sacerdotium , summum fastigium , summam dignitatem , all power of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , the supreme priesthood , supreme honour and dignity ; and in the constitutions set out by gothofred out of an old ms. copy , tu & omnes justinianae primae antistites , quicquid oriatur inter eos discrimen , ipsi hoc dirimant , & finem eis imponant , & nec ad alium quendam eatur , sed suum agnoscant archiepiscopum omnes praedictae provinciae — that all the provinces shall in the last resort make their appeal to him for all controversies . and nov. 131. c. 3. that in all that diocese he shall have locum apostolicae sedis , the place or dignity of an apostolical seat ; which gave nicephorus occasion ( in his relation of this matter ) to affirme that the emperour made it a free city , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an head unto itself , with full power independent from all others : and though the first bishop thereof was consecrated by vigilius bishop of rome , as by some bishop it is certain he must , yet that is of no force against the conclusion , to which i designe this instance , it being evident that being consecrated , he was absolute , and depended not on any , and his * successors were to be ordained by his councel of metropolitanes , and not by the pope . § . 9. which as it makes a second instance of the point in hand , so when it is remembred , that all this independent absolute power was conferred upon this city ( the emperors favorite ) only by his making it a primate's , or chief metropolitane's see , and that carthage's being the prime metropolis of africk is expressed by having the same privileges , that justiniana prima had , it will follow ( what is most certain , and might otherwise be testified by innumerable evidences ) that every primate , or chief metropolitane was absolute within his own circuit , neither subject nor subordinate to any forein superiour , whether pope , or patriarch ; and that was all which was useful ( much more then was necessary ) to be here demonstrated . and being so , there remains to the see of rome no farther claim to the subjection of this island , nor appearance of proof of the charge of schisme , in casting off that yoke , upon this first score of s. peter's , or his successors right to the vniversal pastorship . § . 10. upon this head of discourse depends also all that is , or can be said for the confining the catholick church to the number of those , who live in obedience to the roman church , or bishop . for if there have been from the apostles times , an independent power vested in each primate , or chief metropolitane ( as hath been evidently shown ) then how can it be necessary to the being of a member of the catholick church , to be subject to that one primate ? 't is certainly sufficient to the conservation of the unity of the whole church , that every one pay an obedience , where an obedience is due , and no way usefull toward that end , that those that are born free , should resigne up , divest themselves of that privilege , and become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 servants or subjects of their own making . but i shall not enlarge on this matter , but conclude with that of our bishops in convocation , anno chr : 1537. in their book intituled , [ the institution of a christian man : ] that it was many hundred years before the bishop of rome could acquire any power of a primate over any other bishops , which were not within his province in italie , and that the bishops of rome doe now transgresse their own profession made in their creation , for all the bishops of rome alwaies when they be consecrated and made bishops of that see , doe make a solemn profession and vow , that they shall inviolably observe all the ordinances made in the eight first general councels , among which it is especially provided , that all causes shall be determined within the province , where they be begun , and that by the bishops of the same province ; which absolutely excludes all papal , i. e. forein power out of these realms . chap. vi. their third plea from the bishop of rome having planted christianity among us . § . 1. the next part of the romanist's arguing against us , is taken from a peculiar right , or claim , that the bishop or see of rome hath to our obedience , upon the score of having planted christianity among us . § . 2. but before i proceed to shew the invalidity of this plea , i desire it may first be observed , that the pleading of this , as the title by which the bishop of rome hath right to our subjection , is absolutely unreconcileable with his former pretensions founded in his oecumenical pastorship by succession to s. peter ; for certainly he that is supposed ( in grosse ) to have that original title to all power over all churches , cannot be imagined to acquire it afterward ( by way of retail ) over any particular church . he that claims a reward , as of his own labour and travail , must be supposed to disclaim donation , which is antecedent to , and exclusive of the other , as the title of descent is to that of conquest , and it is a very great prejudice to the justice of his pretensions , who findes it necessary to mix things that are so incompetible . § . 3. and therefore i am obliged to offer this dilemma to the romanist in this place , and to demand , which is the pope's true title to the subjection of this island ? the donation of christ , or conversion wrought by augustine the monk ? if the latter be affirmed to be it , then it must be granted by him , both that this island before the time of pope gregory was no way subjected to the romish see , and withall that no christian nation is at this day thus subject , but such as doth appear to have been converted by rome , as the saxons here are supposed to have been ; and then this concession will lose more subjects to the apostolick see , then the return of these islands to the desired subjection would ever be able to countervail , or recompense ; and therefore it is reasonable to insist on the terms of this bargain , and not to yeild the one , till the other be yeilded to us , but if the former be affirmed to be it , and that indeed the commission from christ to s. peter be still the fundamental hold , by which our subjection is , and alwaies hath been due to his successors , then is that other of the conversion by augustine but a fallacious pretense , a non causa pro causâ , to amuze us , and need not farther be answered , or invalidated , then by this confession . § . 4. but then passing by this advantage , and taking the objection , as it lies by it self , these farther considerations will take off all force from it . 1. that this island was converted to the faith of christ , long before augustine's preaching to the saxons , either in , or very neer the apostles times , in tiberius his reign , saith gildas , and long before tertullian's , and origen's time , as by them appears , tertull : in apol : and orig : in ezech : hom : 4. to this i shall not need to adde the testimony of eleutherius the bishop of rome , in the vulgar epistle to our lucius , the first christian king of the world , styling him vicarium dei in regno suo , god's vicegerent in his own kingdome , because , as there is some doubt of the authenthenticknesse of that epistle , so the * only thing that we have now need to conclude from it , is otherwise evident , viz : that the nation was in his time converted , and so long before augustine's coming . and though by dioclesian's persecution , christianity were here shrewdly shaken , yet i suppose , that will not be thought argumentative , both because it might be of ill example against other nations , where the faith was as bloodily persecuted in that , or other times , and possibly at some point of time against rome it self , where s. peter's chair was not alwaies amulet sufficient to avoid the like destructions , and especially because it is evident , that the british church survived that calamity , three of our bishops being ten years after that , present ( and their names subscribed , eborius of yorke , restitutus of london , and adelfius coloniae londinensium ) at the councel of arles , eleven years before the first councel of nice . so likewise at the time of that nicene councel it appears , that as britaine was one of the six dioceses of the west empire ( see notitia provinc : occident : ) so there were in it three metropolitanes , the bishop of york ( his province maxima caesariensis ) the bishop of london ( his province britannia prima ) the bishop of caeruske ( his province britannia secunda ) in monmouthshire , * which after in king arthur's time was translated to s. davids , where it continued an archbishoprick , till king henry i. who subjected it to canterbury , and † all this space of about 500 years after augustines coming , the bishops thereof , eleven in number , were all consecrated by the suffragan bishops of that province , without any profession , or subjection to any other church , as the annales there affirm . § . 5. to the same purpose is it , that when augustine required subjection to the pope and church of rome , the abbat of bangor is recorded to have returned him this answer , notum sit vobis , quòd nos omnes sumus — be it known unto you , that we are all subject , and obedient to the church of god , and the pope of rome , but so as we are also to every pious and good christian , viz : to love every one in his degree and place , in perfect charity , and to help every one by word and deed to attain to be the sons of god ; † et aliam obedientiam quàm istam non scio debitam ei quem vos nominatis esse papam , nec esse patrem patrum vendicari & postulari , and for any other obedience i know none due to him whom you call the pope , and as little doe i know by what right he can challenge to be father of fathers , bishop of bishops , or vniversal bishop . praeterea nos sumus sub gubernatione episcopi caerlegionensis super oscâ — as for us , we are under the rule of the bishop of caerlegion upon vsk , who is to overlook and govern us under god. § . 6. from hence the result is clear , that whatever is pretended from augustine the monk , or supposed to have been then pressed by him , for the advancing of the popes interest in this island , and concluding us guilty of schisme in casting off that yoke , yet the british bishops still holding out against this pretension , and that with all reason on their side , if the title of conversion , which the romanist pleads for our subjection , may be of any validity with him , it must needs follow , that the whole island cannot upon this score of augustine's conversion , be now deemed schismatical , it being certain , that the whole island , & particularly the dominion of wales , was not thus converted by augustine , nor formerly by any sent from rome , or that observed the roman order ( as appears by the observation of easter , contrary to the usage received at rome ) but either by joseph of arimathea , or simon zelotes , as our annals tell us most probably . and this in the first place must needs be yeilded to by those that expect to receive any advantage to their cause by this argument ; and if they will still extend their title equally , to those parts of britannie , which augustine did not , as to those which he did convert , to wales , as well as to kent , it is evident they must doe it upon some other score ( whatsoever the pretense be ) and not upon this of conversion . § . 7. but then 2 dly , for as much of this island , as was really converted to the faith by the coming of augustine , there is no title for their subjection , and the perpetual subjection of their posterity from this . § . 8. to examine this a while by other known practises of the christian world , s. paul by himself or his apostles , or procurators , was the great converter of the gentiles ; concerning him i shall demand , whether all those nations converted by him and his ministers , are to all ages obliged to be subject to that chair , where s. paul sat ( whether in the church at antioch , or rome , or the like ) at the time of his sending out , or going himself to convert them ; if so , then 1. there cannot be a greater prejudice imaginable to s. peter's vniversal pastorship ; and 2. it will in the story of the fact appear to have no degree of truth in it ; timothie that was placed over asia in ephesus , and titus over crete , being ( as hath formerly appeared ) supreme in those provinces , and independent from any other see , and generally that is the nature of primates or patriarchs , to have no superior either to ordain , or exercise jurisdiction over them , but themselves to be absolute within their province , and their successors to be ordained by the suffragan bishops under them ; which could not be , if every such church , where such a primate was placed , were subject to that church , from which they received the faith. § . 9. to put this whole matter out of controversie , it is , and hath alwaies been in the power of christian emperors , and princes within their dominions to erect patriarchates , or to translate them from one city to another , and therefore whatever title is supposeable to be acquired by the pope in this island upon the first planting of the gospel here , this cannot so oblige the kings of england ever since , but that they may freely remove that power from rome to canterbury , and subject all the christians of this island to the spiritual power of that archbishop or primate , independently from any forein bishop . § . 10. for the erection of primacies or patriarchates , that of justiniana prima † forementioned , and set down at large , is an evident proof , justinian erecting that ( long after the rest of the primates seats in the empire ) to be an archiepiscopal see , absolute and independent , and subjecting all dacia the new to it ▪ and though the pope vigilius was by the emperour appointed to ordain the first bishop there , yet were his successors to be ordained by his own metropolitanes , and the bishops under him not to appeal to any others , as hath in each particular formerly been evidenced . § . 11. the same also hath in like manner been shewn of carthage , which was by the same justinian ( not originally dignified , but ) † after the rescuing it out of the vandales hands , restored to a state of primacie , after the pattern or image of justiniana prima , and two provinces more annexed , then had antiently belonged to that bishops jurisdiction . § . 12. before either of these the emperour valentinian the 3 d , anno christi 432. by his rescript constituted ravenna a patriarchal seat ; and from his time that held the patriarchate without any dependence on the bishop of rome to the time of constantinus pogonatus , and though at that time the greek emperors vicarii or exarchs being not able to support the bishop of ravenna against the longobards , he was fain to flie for support to the bishop of rome , and so submitted himself unto him , and after reparatus , the next bishop theodorus did the like to pope agatho , whether upon the score of great friendship with him , or in despite to his own clergie ( with whom he had variance ) saith sabellicus , yet the people of ravenna thought themselves injured hereby , and joyned with their next bishop foelix to maintain their privilege , though pope constantine stirring up justinian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against them , they were worsted , and defeated in their attempt . § . 13. other examples there are of this kinde , * balsamon points at some , which from the † emperours charter had this privilege , not to be subject to the patriarch of constantinople , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were archbishops independent : so under phocas , the patriarchate of grado in italie was erected , saith * warnefridus de gestis longobard : others , as eginartus chancellor to charles the great , and who wrote his life , say it was done by charles the great . and so doth rhegino who lived in the next age . and accordingly in duarenus de benef : lib. 1. cap. 9. among the minorum gentium patriarchatus , that of grado is reckoned for one , and joyned with aquileia , canterbury and bourges . § . 14. and that it was a frequent usage in the east , may appear by the 12 th canon of the councel of chalcedon , where we finde mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cities honoured by letters patents from the kings or emperors with the name and dignity of metropoles , and where the councel represses the ambition of bishops , which sought those privileges 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by rescripts from the emperours , and censures it , ( in them that so sought it ) as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not agreeable to the ecclesiastical canons , repressing the ambition of the bishops , but not cassating the rescripts , nor withdrawing the honour from the metropolis so erected ; of this canon balsamon saith , that when it was made , many emperours had erected many metropolitanes , and naming three , adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that other bishopricks were thus honoured , and that the emperours did it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the power that was given them . where it is farther to be observed , 1. that this councel was within 20 years after that grant of valentinian , and consequently , if balsamon say right , ( that at that time many emperours had erected many ) there must needs be others before valentinian . 2. that the 17 th canon of the councel of chalcedon doth more expresly attribute this power to the prince , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if a city be built or restored by the kings power , let the ecclesiastical order follow the political . and the same power is acknowledged to belong to the prince by the councel in trullo can : 38. and then 3. that these two last canons are reconciled with that 12 th of chalcedon , by the law of alexius comnenus , and assented to by the synod under him , see balsam : in can : 38. concil : in trullo , who concludes that the king might doe it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon his own incitation or motion , but it should not be lawful for any by base sollicitation to seek or obtain it , adding that in that case , upon any such rescript of the emperour for such erection , it might be lawful for the patriarch to suspend the confirmation of the charter , untill he represented to the emperour what the canons were in that case , and understood if the emperour did it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his own motion , which appearing , the patriarch was to admit thereof . and accordingly the same balsamon ( on concil : carthag : can : 16. ) doth upon that canon professedly found the authority of princes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to advance an episcopal see into a metropolis , and anew to constitute bishops and metropolitanes . § . 15. as for the transplanting it also from one city to another , besides that the power of doing that , is consequent to the former , the examples of this practise are antient , and frequent in this kingdome ; the passage set down out of the annals of gisburne may be sufficient , from caeruske the metropolitan seat was translated to s. davids by king arthur , where it continued till henry i. and then was reduced to canterbury . § . 16. in like manner 't is evident that the kings of england have divided bishopricks , and erected new ones ; about the year 630. kinigilsa king of the west-saxons , and oswald of the northumbers , erected an episcopal see at dorchester , and placed birinus in it , so saith guil : malmesb : de gest : pontif : angl : l. 2. about the year 660 , kenewalch king of the west-saxons divided this bishoprick , and left part to dorchester , and assigned the western part to be the diocese of the new bishop , which he constituted at winchester , so saith hen : huntingd : hist : l. 3. then winchester was subdivided in the time of king ina , who also erected a new bishoprick at sherburne , and gave it to aldelme , so henr : huntingd : l. 4. and guil : malm : de reg : angl : l. 1. c. 2. and after the norman conquest , henry i. divided cambridgeshire from the see of lincolne , and erected the bishoprick of elie , so saith guiliel : malm : de gest : pontif : angl : l. 4. and florentius wigorn : anno 1109. who lived at that time . so also saith eadmer with some variation , regi , archiepiscopo , caeterísque principibus regni visum fuit de ipsâ parochiâ ( lincolniae ) sumendum , quo fieret alter episcopatus , cujus cathedra principatus poneretur in abbatiâ de eli , it seemed good to the king , the archbishop , and the rest of the princes of the kingdome to take as much out of the diocese of lincolne , as would make another bishoprick , the chair whereof should be set up in the abbacie of elie. adding indeed that anselme ( a zealous , promoter of the papal authority , as the author eadmer was a disciple and admirer of anselme ) wrote to pope paschalis , desiring his consent to it , as a thing fit to be done , and yet to which he assures him he would not give his consent , but salvâ authoritate papae , reserving the rights of the pope ; which though it doth suppose the popes pretensions to that authority at that time , and anselm's yeilding it to him , yet it proves also this right of our kings to have been even then adhered to , preserved , and exercised by them , as the former authors had set it down . § . 17. of this nature also is the authority of kings in exempting any ecclesiastical person from the bishops jurisdiction , and granting episcopal jurisdiction to such person , which is largely asserted and exemplified in cawdries case 5. report . 14. one instance of this will serve for all , that of william the conqueror , who exempted battel abbey in sussex from the jurisdiction of the bishop of chichester , and gave the abbat episcopal jurisdiction in his territorie and the words of the charter are produced by m r ▪ selden on eadmer , hoc regali authoritate & episcoporum ac baronum meorum attestatione constituo , i appoint this by my royal authority by the attestation of my bishops and barons . § . 18. adde even unto this , that even the westerne princes ( in those parts where the bishops of rome have much hightned their power , ever since the kings were christians ) the german emperours , the kings of france and england , alwayes claimed to be founders of all bishopricks in their dominions , patrons of them to bestow them by investiture , that the kings of france and england often claimed and were acknowledged to have right , that no legate from rome might come into the land , and use jurisdiction without their leave ; all which put together are a foundation for this power of the princes to erect or translate a patriarchate , it being withall acknowledged that our kings have the same authority in their territories , that the roman emperour had in the empire . § . 19. and the reason of all this is clear , not only from the supreme authority of kings in all sorts of causes , even those of the * church , as well as civil ( as might be proved at large , if here it were needful , and cannot be reasonably so confined , as not to belong to a matter of this nature ) but peculiarly from that which hath been already noted ( and expressely , ordered , can. 17. of the councel of chalcedon even now cited ) of the ecclesiastical division of provinces &c : following the civil , for 1. it being certainly in the power of the king to place his praetoria or courts of assizes , where he please ; and 2. it being the known original of metropoles , and divisions of provinces ( as strabo saith , geogr. l. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , provinces are variously distributed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because the romanes divide them not by tribes or families , but after another manner in relation to the cities , where they set up their courts of assizes — ) and again it being most reasonable , that as any new accident raises one city to a greater populousnesse , or depresses another , so for the convenience of the people one should be made the seat of judicature , the other cease to be so , ( and no man so fit to passe the judgement when this should be , as the king ) and 3. the very same reasons of convenience moving in the church , as in the state , the bishops , and over them metropolitanes and primates having their judicatures , and audiences , which in all reason must be so disposed of , as may be most for the convenience of administration , that they and all under them may do their duties with most facility , and to greatest advantage , and lastly there being no obstacle imaginable from any contrary constitution either of christ or his apostles , against which the prince can be said to offend either directly or interpretatively ( as i suppose is already clear from the refutation of the plea from s. peters universal pastorship ) whensoever he shall think fit to make such changes , the conclusion is rational , as well as evident ; just that it should be so , as well as cleare , that elsewhere it hath oft been so de facto , ( and appointed by the canon of chalcedon de jure ) that the king may erect a primacy when he please ( and so it is certain that king ethelbert at the time of augustines planting the faith , did at canterbury , the seate of his kingdome , imperit sui totius metropolis saith bede l. 1. c 25. ) & conquently remove it from any other place at his pleasure : had it not been for this , there is no reason assignable , why , this nation being in constantines time under three metropolitans , the arch-bishop of york ( and the primacy belonging to that city , as being then the emperours seat , where septimius severus , and constantius chlorus died , and the praetorium of the diocese of britannie ) the arch-bishop of london , and the arch-bishop of caerusk in monmouthshire , either 1. there should be ( as there was ) an addition of two provinces more , valentia , and flavia caesariensis , or 2. the metropolitical power should be removed from london to canterbury ( as also from caerusk to s. david's , as hath been said ) and the primacie from yorke to canterbury . § . 20. now what is thus vested in the regal power , cannot be taken away by forein laws , or by prescription be so alienated , but that it remains perfectly lawful for the prince to resume it . sect ; . 21. that laws made at rome doe not take away the liberty of another national church to make contrary laws thereunto , and that by such obviation no schisme is incurred , we finde delivered in the councel of carthage ( can : 71. according to balsamon's division ) and though the canon be not set down by binius , yet both he and baronius acknowledge , that what was contain'd in that particular canon , was the main occasion of the synod ; and the antiquity thereof is considerable , those canons being made , say baronius and binius , anno 401. § . 22. so likewise that a law ( though made by a general councel and with the consent of all christian princes , yet ) if it have respect to a civil right , may , in this or that nation , be repealed , is the judgment of roger widrington ( or father preston ) in his last rejoinder to fitzherbert c. 11. § . 44. and c. 8. he confirms it by the doctrine of zuarez , l. 2. de leg : c. 19. and the reason of zuarez is , because such a law made at a general meeting of princes , is intrinsecally a civil law ; and hath not force by virtue of the law to binde the subjects of any particular kingdome , or common-wealth , any otherwise then as it is enacted , or received by the governors and subjects of that kingdome . § . 23. and this is affirmed , and extended by balsamon to all canons in general , as the judgment of learned men , in his notes on that 16 th canon of the councel of carthage before cited . § . 24. and for the matter of prescription , the decision of † sayr is worth observing , that in such cases as these , cum praescriptio sit tantùm de jure civili & canonico , when the prescription is neither of the law of nature , nor the divine law , nor the law of nations , but only of the civil and canon law , there non plus se extendit quàm unusquisque supremus princeps in suo regno eam suis legibus extensam esse velit , it extends no farther then every supreme prince in his realm by his laws is supposed to will that it shall be extended , which , saith he , cannot be supposed , in matters of this nature , of exempting subjects from making their appeal to their king , for saith he , non est de mente alicujus principis ut quispiam subditorum possit praescribere quòd ad principem ab eo non appelletur , aut quòd eum coercere non potest , quando ratio & justitia postulat . it is not imaginable to be the minde of any prince , that any of his subjects should be able to prescribe that he is not to appeal to his prince ( but to some other ) or that his prince may not punish him when reason and justice requires . it were easie to apply this distinctly to the confirming of all , that i here pretend , but i shall not thus expatiate . chap. vii . their third evidence from our casting off obedience to the bishop of rome at the reformation . § . 1. upon that one ground laid in the former chapter , the power of kings in general , and particularly ad hunc actum to remove patriarchates ; whatsoever can be pretended against the lawfulnesse of the reformation in these kingdomes , will easily be answered . and therefore supposing the third , and last objection to lie against our reformation , that it was founded in the casting off that obedience to the bishop of rome , which was formerly paid him by our bishops , and people under them , i shall now briefly descend to that , first laying down the matter of fact , as it lies visible in our records , and then vindicating it from all blame of schisme , which according to the premises can any way be thought to adhere to it . § . 2. and first for the matter of fact , it is acknowledged , that in the reigne of king henry viii . the papal ( and with it all forein ) power in ecclesiastical affairs was both by acts of convocation of the clergie , and by statutes or acts of parliament , cast out of this kingdome . the first step or degree hereof was the clergie's synodical recognizing the king , singularem ecclesiae anglicanae protectorem , unicum & supremum dominum — the singular protector , the only and supreme head of the church of england , upon this were built the statutes of 24 hen : viii . prohibiting all appeals to rome , and for the determining all ecclesiasticall suits , and controversies within the kingdome ; the statute of 25 hen : viii . for the manner of electing and consecrating of archbishops and bishops , and another , in the same year , prohibiting the payment of all impositions to the court of rome , and for the obtaining all such dispensations from the see of canterbury , which were formerly procured from the popes of rome , and that of 26 hen : viii . declaring the king to be the supreme head ( which in queen elizabeth's reign was , to avoid mistakes , changed into supreme governour ) of the church of england , and to have all honours and praeeminencies , which were annexed to that title . § . 3. this was in the next place attended with the submission of the clergie to the king , agreed on , first in convocation , and afterward in 25 hen : viii . enacted by parliament , to this purpose , that as it was by the clergie acknowledged that the convocation of the clergie then was , alwaies had been , and ought to be assembled by the kings writ , and as they submitting themselves to the king's majestie had promised in verbo sacerdotis , that they would never from thenceforth presume to attempt , allege , claim , or put in ure , enact , promulge , or exercise any new canons , constitutions , ordinances provincial or other — unlesse the king 's most royal assent may to them be had to make , promulge , & execute the same — so it was now enacted , that none of the clergie should enact , promulge , or execute any such canons , constitutions , and ordinances provincial or synodical , without assent and authority received from the king , upon pain of imprisonment , and fine at the kings pleasure . § . 4. the third and last step of this began with the debate of the vniversities , and most eminent monasteries in the kingdome ; an aliquid authoritatis in hoc regno angliae pontifici romano de jure competat , plusquam alii cuiquam episcopo extero ? whether any authority did of right belong to the bishop of rome in the kingdome of england more then to any other forein bishop ? and upon agitation , it was generally defined in the negative , and so returned testified under their hands and seals . the like was soon after concluded , and resolved by the convocation of the bishops , and all the clergie , and subscribed and confirmed by their corporal oathes : and at that time was written and printed the tract de verâ differentiâ regiae et ecclesiasticae potestatis , set out by the prelates , the chief composers of which were , john stokesly , bishop of london ; cutbert tunstall , bishop of durham ; stephen gardiner , bishop of winchester ; and d r thirlby afterward bishop ; where from the practise of the saxon , and first norman kings they evidence the truth of that negative out of story . and what was thus concluded by the clergie was soon turned into an act of parliament also in 28 hen : viii . called an act extinguishing the authority of the bishop of rome , and prescribing an oath to all officers ecclesiastical , and lay , of renouncing the said bishop and his authority . § . 5. by these three degrees it is acknowledged that the bishops and clergie first , then the king confirming the acts of the convocation , and after making acts of parliament to the same purposes , renounced the authority of the roman see , and cast it out of this island ; and though the first act of the clergie in this were so induced , that it is easie to believe that nothing but the apprehension of dangers which hung over them ( by a praemunire incurred by them ) could probably have inclined them to it , & therefore i shall not pretend that it was perfectly an act of their first will , and choice , but that which the necessity of affairs recommended to them , yet the matter of right being upon that occasion taken into their most serious debate in a synodical way , and at last a fit and commodious expression uniformly pitch'd upon by joynt consent of both houses of the convocation , there is no reason to doubt , but that they did believe what they did professe , the fear being the occasion of their debates , but the reasons or arguments offered in debate , the causes ( as in all charity we are to judge ) of their decision . § . 6. but i shall not lay much weight on that judgment of charity , because if that which was thus determined by king and bishops were falsly determined , then the voluntarinesse , or freenesse of the determination will not be able to justifie it , and on the other side , if the determination were just , then was there truth in it , antecedent to , and abstracted from the determination , and it was their duty so to determine , and crime that they were unwilling to doe it . and therefore the whole difficulty devolves to this one enquiry , whether at that time of the reign of henry viii . the bishop of rome were supreme head , or governour of this church of england , or had any real authority here , which the king might not lawfully remove from him to some other , viz : to the archbishop of canterbury , if he pleased . § . 7. and this is presently determined upon the grounds which have been formerly laid , and confirmed to have truth in them . for the pretensions for the popes supremacy of power among us being by the assertors thereof founded in one of these three , either in his right ( as s. peter's successour ) to the vniversal pastorship , that including his power over england , as a member of the whole ; or 2. by the paternal right which by augustine's planting the gospel among the saxons is thought to belong to the pope ( and his successours ) that sent him ; or 3. in the voluntary concession of some kings ; the two former of these have been largely disproved already , chap. 4 , 5 , and 6. in discourses purposely , and distinctly applied to those pretensions . and for the third , that will appear to have received its determination also , i. by the absolutenesse of the power of our princes , ( to which purpose i shall mention but one passage , that of † g. de heimburg , some two hundred years since in the last words of his tract de injust : vsurp : pap : where speaking of the emperors making oath to the pope , he saith , that this is a submission in him , and a patience above what any other suffers , and proves it by this argument , nam eximius rex angliae , franciae , dux , marchio , non astringitur papae quocunque juramento : factus imperator jurare tenetur secundum decretales eorum fabulosè fictas , ita ut supremus monarcha magis servilis conditionis , quàm quilibet ejus inferior fieri censeatur , the king of england and france , any duke or marquesse of that kingdome is not bound to the pope by any oath , yet the emperour at his creation is thus bound to swear according to the popes decretals fabulously invented , so that the supreme monarch is made to be of a more servile condition then any his inferior prince — . ) and 2. by the rights of kings to remove or erect patriarchates , and will be farther confirmed in the negative , if answer be first given to this dilemma . § . 8. the authority of the pope in this kingdome , which is pretended to be held by the concession of our kings , was either so originally vested in our kings , that they might lawfully grant it , to whom they pleased , pleased , and so did lawfully grant it to the pope ; or it was not thus originally vested in our kings ; if it were not , then was that grant an invalid , null grant , for such are all concessions of that which is not ours to give , presumptions , invasions , robberies in the giver , which devolve no right to the receiver , and then this is a pitiful claim which is thus founded : but if that authority were so vested in the kings of england , that they might lawfully grant it to whom they pleased , ( which is the only way by which the pope can pretend to hold any thing by this title of regal concession ) then certainly the same power remains still vested in the king to dispose it from him to some other as freely , as the same king may upon good causes remove his chancellour , or any other of his officers from his place , and commit it to another ( this way of arguing is made use of by the bishops in convocation , anno chr : 1537. in the book by them intituled [ the institution of a christian man ] ) or if the same power doe not still remain in the king , then is the king's power diminished , and he consequently by this his act , of which we treat , become lesse a king , then formerly he was , and then we know that such acts which make him so , are invalid acts , it being acknowledged to be above the power of the king himself , to divest himself and his successors of any part of his regal power . § . 9. to which purpose it must be observed , 1. that some things are so ours , that we may freely use them , but cannot freely part with them , as all those things , wherein our propriety is not confined to our persons , but intailed on our posterity , and such the regal power is supposed to be ; 2. that as some things which are part of our personal proprieties , are so freely ours to give , that when they are given , they are departed out of our selves , and cannot justly be by us resumed again ( in which case that maxim of the civil law stands good , data eo ipso qu● dantur , fiunt accipientis , what is given , by the very act of being given , becomes the goods of the receiver ) so other things are given to others , so as we doe not part with them our selves , they are as truly , and properly ours , after , as before the concession . § . 10. thus the sun communicates his beams , and with them his warmth and influences , and yet retains all which it thus communicates , and accordingly withdraweth them again , and god the spring of all life , and grace , doth so communicate each of these , that he may , and doth freely withdraw them again , and when he taketh away our breath we die — and thus certainly the king , being the fountain of all power and authority , as he is free to communicate this power to one , so is he equally free to recall , and communicate it to another , and therefore may as freely bestow the power of primate , and chief metropolitan of england , or ( which is all one ) of a patriarch , on the bishop of canterbury , having formerly thought fit to grant it to the bishop of rome , as he or any of his ancestors can be deemed to have granted it to the bishop of rome ; and then as this being by this means evidenced to be no more then an act of regal power , ( which the king might lawfully exercise ) takes off all obligation of obedience in the bishops to the pope , at the first minute , that he is by the king divested of that power , or declared not to have had it de jure , but only to have assumed it formerly ( which freedome from that obedience immediately clears the whole businesse of schisme , as that is a departure from the obedience of the lawful superiour ) so will there not want many weighty reasons , deducible from the antient canons , as well as the maximes of civil government , why the king who may freely place the primacy , where he please , should choose to place it in a bishop and subject of his own nation , rather then in a forein bishop farre removed , and him not only independent from that king , but himself enjoying a principality , or territorie , which it is too apparent how willing he is to enlarge unlimitedly , and to improve the concessions , which are either acknowledged , or pretended to be made him , to that purpose . § . 11. and here it is not amisse to observe , in the reign of queen mary , who was no way favourable to the reformation in points of doctrine and liturgie , and made all speed to repeal what had been done in king edward's time in that matter , yet 1. that she left not the title of supreme head , till the third parliament of her reigne ; and 2. that in the second parliament authority is granted her to make , and prescribe to all such cathedral and collegiate churches , as were erected by henry the viii . such statutes and orders as should seem good to her , and that statute never repealed but expired : 3. that in her third parliament it was with much difficulty obtained , that the supremacie of the pope should be acknowledged , the matter being urged by her , as that which concerned the establishing the matrimonie of her mother , and her legitimation , which depended upon the absolute power of the pope : 4. that in the 4 th year of her reigne , when the pope sent cardinal petow to be his legate in england , and to be bishop of sarisbury , she would not permit him to come into the land , neither could he have that bishoprick , which as it was some check to the pope's absolute supremacy , and an assertion and vindication of the regal power , so being added to the former it will be lesse strange , that this supreme power of the popes should be by the bishops in the reigne of henry viii . disclaimed , and ejected . § . 12. upon this bottome the foundation of reformation being laid in england , the superstructure was accordingly erected by the king and bishops and clergie in convocation , but this not all at once , but by distinct steps and degrees . somewhat in the reigne of this henry the viii . as in the number of the sacraments , the use of the lords prayer &c. in the english tongue , and the translation of the bible , all resolved on in synod , the king which duly assembled it , presiding in it by his vicar general . § . 13. this was much farther advanced in the time of his son edward the vi. who being a childe , and the laws and constitution of this realm committing the exercise of the supreme power in that case , into the hands of a protector , what was thus regularly done by that protector , cannot be doubted to be of the same force , and validity , as if the king had been of age , and done it himself ; or if it should , it would be an unanswerable objection against all hereditary , successive monarchy , a maim in that form of government , which could no way be repaired , there being no amulet in the crown , which secures the life of each king , till his successor be of age , nor promise from heaven that the children of such princes shall , by succeeding to the crown , advance by miracle to the years , and abilities of their parents , so irrational is the scoffe , and exception of some , that what was done in king edward's daies being the acts of a childe is as such to be vilified ▪ and despised . § . 14. in the reign of this prince , many changes were made in the church , and recessions from the doctrines , and practises of rome ; beside that of images , the lawfulnesse of the marriage of the clergie was asserted , a body of an english liturgie formed , and setled for publick use , the eucharist appointed to be administred to the people in both kindes , &c. and though bishop gardner of winchester , and bishop bonner of london made opposition against these changes , and for some misbehaviours herein , were imprison'd , ( and two more moderate , learned men , bishop tunstal of durham , and bishop day of chichester , upon another score ) yet archbishop cranmer , and the rest of the bishops making up the farre greater number , joyned with the supreme power in the reformation . and as it is no great marvell , that there should be some ( so few ) dissenters , so the punishment inflicted on them will not be deemed excessive by any , that shall compare it with the farre severer executions , the fire , and fagot , which were soon after in queen mary's daies inflicted on archbishop cranmer , bishop ridley , and bishop latimer , as the reward of their disputing in the synod against transubstantiation , ( and the like cruelties on multitudes more ) and the exiles , and deprivations , which befell so many others in her reigne ; however this can be no prejudice to the regularity of the reformation in the reigne of king edward , wrought , as hath been said , by the supreme power , with the consent of the major part of bishops . § . 15. that which afterward followed in the beginning of qu. elizabeth's reigne , may be thought more distant , and lesse reconcileable to our pretensions , ( not that of her sex , her being a woman , for so was qu. mary before , which acted so vigorously for the contrary way , and the constitution of our monarchy invests equally either sex in the plenitude of regal power , in sacred , as well as civil affairs , and it was but to raise envie against the reformation that queen elizabeth's sex , as before king edward's non-age hath by some been thought fit to be mention'd , and cannot by any sober judgment be admitted to have any force in it ) but because , as it is from our histories more pertinently objected , most of the bishops were by her divested of their dignities , and new created in their stead , to this therefore in the last place , i must apply my self to give satisfaction . and 1. § . 16. in this matter , as much as concerns the ordination of those new bishops , that it was performed regularly , according to the antient canons , each by the imposition of the hands of three bishops , hath been evidently set down out of the records , and vindicated by m r mason in his booke de minist : anglic : and may there be view'd at large , if the reader want satisfaction in that point . § . 17. as for the second remaining part of the objection which alone is pertinent to this place , it will receive answer by these degrees , first that the death of cardinal pool archbishop of canterbury , falling neer upon the death of her predecessor queen mary , it was very regular for queen elizabeth to assigne a successor to that see , then vacant , archbishop parker ; 2 dly , that those bishops , which in queen mary's daies had been exiled , and deprived , and had survived that calamity , were with all justice restored to their dignities ; 3 dly , that the bishops by her deprived , and divested of their dignities , were so dealt with , for refusing to take the oath of supremacy , formed and enjoyned in the daies of henry the viii . and in the first parliament of this queen revived , and the statutes concerning it restored to full force , before it was thus imposed on them . so that for the justice of the cause of their deprivation , it depends immediatly upon the right and power of the supreme magistrate to make laws , to impose oathes for the securing his government , and to inflict the punishments , prescribed by those laws , on the disobedient , but originally upon the truth of that decision of the bishops , and clergie , and vniversities , in the reigne of henry the viii . that no authority belonged in this kingdome of england to the bishop of rome , more then to any other forein bishop . the former of these i shall be confident to look on as an undoubted truth , in the maintenance of which all government is concerned , and hath nothing , peculiar to our pretensions , which should suggest a vindication of it in this place , and the second hath , i suppose , been sufficiently cleared in the former chapters of this discourse , which have examined all the bishop of romes claims to this supremacy , and both these grounds being acknowledged ( or , till they be invalidated , or disproved , supposed ) to have truth , and force in them , the conclusion will be sufficiently induced , that there was no injustice in that act of the queens , which divested those bishops , which thus refused to secure her government , or to approve their fidelity to their lawful ▪ soveraign . § . 18. fourthly , that those bishops being thus deprived , it was most regular , and necessary , and that against which no objection is imaginable , ( that of their due ordination being formerly cleared ) that other bishops should be nominated , and advanced to those vacant sees , and that what should be for the future acted by those new bishops in convocation was regular , synodical , and valid beyond all exception in respect of the formality of it . § . 19. fiftly , that as by the vniform and joynt consent of these bishops thus constituted a declaration of certain principal articles of religion was agreed on , and set out by order of both archbishops , metropolitans , and the rest of the bishops , for the vnity of doctrine , to be taught , and holden of all parsons , vicars , and curates &c. and this not before the third year of that queens reigne , so before this time there had not been , as farre as appears , any debate in any former convocation of that queens reigne concerning religion ( only an offer of a disputation betwixt eight clergie-men on each side , which came to nothing ) but all done by the parliaments restoring what had been debated , and concluded by former synods , in the reigns of king henry the eight , and edward the sixt , without any new deliberation in any present synod . by this means were revived the statutes for the regal supremacy , as also of the book of common-prayer , as it was in the time of edward the sixt , ( with few alterations ) which included the abolition of the romish missalls . and so all this again , as farre as it concerned queen elizabeth's part in the reformation , is regularly superstructed on the forementioned foundation of regal supremacy ( with the concurrence , and advise of synods ) which hath been in the former part of this discourse ( i hope , sufficiently ) vindicated . § . 20. and that being granted , it cannot be here necessary , or pertinent to descend to the consideration of each several matter of the change thus wrought in this church , either as branches of the reformation , or under the name , or title of it . for our present enquirie being no farther extended , then this , whether the true church of england , as it stands by laws established , have in reforming been guilty of schisme , as that signifies in the first place a recession , and departure from the obedience of our lawful superiours , and this being cleared in the negative , by this one evidence , that all was done by those , to whom , and to whom only , the rightful power legally pertained , viz : the king , and bishops of this nation , supposing ( as now regularly we may , having competently proved it , and answered all the colours , that have been offered against it ) that the pope had no right to our obedience , and consequently that our departure from him is not a departure from our obedience to our superiours , it is presently visible , that all other matters will belong to some other heads of discourse , and consequently must be debated upon other principles , all variation from the church of rome in point of doctrine if it should ( as i believe it will never ) be proved to be unjust , falling under the head of heresie , not of schisme ; and for acts of sacrilege , and the like impieties ( as certainly henry the eighth , and some others , cannot be freed from such ) they are by us as freely charged upon the actors , as by any romanist they can be , but yet sacrilege is no more schisme , then it is adulterie , and the church , on which one sin hath been committed , cannot be from thence proved to be guilty of every other . chap. viii . of the second sort of schisme , as that is an offence against mutual charity , this divided into three species , and the first here examined . § . 1. but beside that first species of schisme , as it is an offence against the subordination , which christ hath by himself and his apostles setled in the church , ( from the guilt of which i have hitherto indevoured to vindicate our church ) another was taken notice of , as it signifies an offence against the mutual unity , and peace , and charity , which christ left among his disciples ; and to that i must now proceed , as farre as the accusations of the romanist give us occasion to vindicate our innocence . § . 2. and for method's sake , this branch of schisme may be subdivided into three species . the first is a breach in the doctrines , or traditions , a departure from the unity of the faith , which was once delivered to the saints ; under that head also comprehending the institutions of christ , of his apostles , and of the vniversal church of the first and purest ages , whether in government , or other the like observances and practises : the second is an offence against external peace and communion ecclesiastical : the third and last is the want of that charity , which is due from every christian to every christian . beside these i cannot foresee any other species of schisme , and therefore the vindicating our reformation from all grounds of charge of any of these three , will be the absolving the whole task undertaken in these sheets . § . 3. for the first it may be considered either in the bullion , or in the coyn , in the grosse , or in the retail , either as it is a departure from those rules appointed by christ for the founding and upholding his truth in the church , this vnity of doctrine &c. or else as it is the asserting any particular branch of doctrine , contrary to christs , and the ( apostolical , pure ) churches establishment . § . 4. and here it is first suggested by the romanist , that by casting out the authority of the bishop of rome , we have cast off the head of all christian vnity , and so must needs be guilty of schisme in this first respect . to which the answer is obvious , 1. that that bishop of rome was never appointed by christ to be the head of all christian unity , or that church to be the conservatory ( for ever ) of all christian truth , any more then any other bishop , or church of the apostles ordaining , or planting ; and whatever can be pretended for the contrary will be easily answered from the grounds already laid , and cleared in the former part of this discourse concerning the vniversal pastorship of s. peter's successors , which must not be here so unnecessarily repeated . § . 5. 2 dly , that the way provided by christ , and his apostles for the preserving the unity of the faith , &c. in the church , is fully acknowledged by us , and no way supplanted by our reformation . that way is made up of two acts of apostolical providence , first their resolving upon some few heads of special force , and efficacie to the planting of christian life through the world , and preaching , and depositing them in every church of their plantation . 2. their establishing an excellent subordination of all inferior officers of the church to the bishop in every city , of the bishops in every province to their metropolitanes , of the metropolitanes in every region or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to patriarchs , or primates , allowing also among these such a primacie of order , or dignity , as might be proportionable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the scripture , and agreeable to what is by the antient canons allowed to the bishop of rome ; and this standing subordination sufficient for all ordinary uses , and when there should be need of extraordinary remedies , there was then a supply to be had by congregating councels , provincial , patriarchal , general , as hath formerly been shewed . and all this , it is most certain , asserted , and acknowledged by every true son of the church of england , as zealously , as is pretended by any romanist . and from hence , by the way , that speech of the learned and excellent hugo grotius ( which i discern to be made use of by the romanists , and look'd on with jealousie by others ) will , i suppose , receive its due importance , and interpretation , in his rivet : apologet : discuss : p. 255. restitutionem christianorum in unum idémque corpus &c. § . 6. as for the subjection ( and dependence ) of this church to the monarchick power of the bishop of rome , this will never be likely to tend to the unity of the whole body , unlesse first all other churches of christians paid that subjection too , and were obliged , and so by duty morally ascertain'd alwaies to continue it ( which it is evident the eastern churches had not done long before the time of our pretended departure ) and 2. unlesse the bishop of rome were in probability able to administer that vast province , so as would be most to the advantage of the whole body , for which whether he be fitly qualified or no , as it is not demonstrable in the causes , so is it to be looked on , as a politick probleme , the truth of which belongs to prudent persons , and and such as are by god intrusted with the flock to judge of , i. e. to the princes , the nursing fathers of every church , who are prudentially , and fatherly to determine for themselves and those that are under them , what is most ordinable to that end , and cannot be obliged to conclude , farther then the motives or premises will bear , to decree what they doe not reasonably , and cordially believe . § . 7. lastly , for the particular doctrines wherein we are affirmed by the romanists to depart from the vnity of the faith , and so by departing from the unity , to be schismatical , as heretical by departing from the faith , this must be contested by a strict survey of the particular doctrines , wherein as we make no doubt to approve our selves to any that will judge of the apostolical doctrine and traditions by the scriptures , and consent of the first 300 years , or the four general councels , ( the most competent witnesses of apostolical traditions ) so we shall secure our selves of our innocence in this behalf , by that principle acknowledged in our church , and owned , as the rule by which we are concluded in any debate , or controversie : that whatever is contrary to the doctrine , or practises of those first and purest ages , shall by us ( assoon as it thus appears ) be renounced , and disclaimed also . which resolution of rulinesse , and obedience , will , i suppose , conserve us in the unity of the faith , and render us approveable to god , though our ignorance ( thus unaffected ) should betray us to some misunderstandings of those first times , and be an instrument much more probable to lead us into all truth , then the supposed infallibility of the church of rome can be imagined to be , which as it leaves the proudest presumer really as liable to error , as him that acknowledgeth himself most fallible , so it ascertains him to persevere incorrigible whether in the least , or greatest error , which by fault , or frailty he shall be guilty of . § . 8. this consideration of the humble , docible temper of our church ( together with our professed appeal to those first and purest times , to stand or fall , as by those evidences we shall be adjudged ) as it necessarily renders it our infelicity , not our crime , if in judging of christ's truth we should be deemed to erre , so may it reasonably supersede that larger trouble of the reader , in this place , which the view and examination of the severals would cost him , it being thus farre evident , that it is our avowed wish and our care ( should it be denied to be our lot ) a special mark of the church of england's reformation , to preserve the vnity of the apostolical faith and primitive practises , as intire , as we would have done christ's body or garment , and the probability being not weak on our side , that the fact of the crucifying souldiers which hath so much of our abhorrence and detestation , shall never be our choice , our known , or wilfull guilt , or if it be , that we so farre recede from our profession . chap. ix . the second species of this schisme examined , as it is an offence against external peace , or communion ecclesiastical . § . 1. now for the second branch of this second sort of schism , as it is an offence against external peace or communion ecclesiastical . this cannot with any colour be charged on us , of whom these 6 things are manifest , and that by the tenure of our reformation , 1. that we have alwaies retained the form of government ▪ in , and under which the apostles founded ecclesiastical assemblies , or communion , viz : that of the bishop , and his inferiour officers in every church , and so in that respect are , in ignatius his phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , within the altar , have no part of that breach of ecclesiastical communion upon us , which consists in casting out that order . 2. that as we maintain that order , so we regularly submit to the exercise of it , acknowledge the due authority of these governors , profess canonical obedience to them , submit to their censures , and decrees , and give our selves up to be ruled by them in all things that belong to their cognizance secundum deum , according to god. 3. that the circumstances which are necessary to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the assembling our selves together for the publick worship , whether 1. that of place , ( our churches consecrated to those offices ) or 2. that of time , ( the lords day , and other primitive festivals , and fasts , and , in their degree , every day of the week ) or 3. that of forms of prayer , and praises , celebration of sacraments , and sacramentals , preaching , catechizing , &c. or 4. that of ceremonies , such as the practise of the primitive church hath sent down recommended to us ; or lastly , that of discipline to binde all these performances upon every member of the church in his office , or place , are all entered into our confessions , setled by article , as part of our establishment , and so the want of either , or all of those are not imputable to our reformation . § . 2. fourthly , that in every of these three , whatsoever the romanist requires us to adde farther to that which we voluntarily , and professedly receive , ( 1. the supreme , transcendent , monarchick power of the pope , 2. the acknowledgment of , and obedience to his supremacy , 3. the use of more ceremonies , festivals , &c. ) is usurpation , or imposition of the present romanists , absolutely without authority , or precedent from the antient , primitive church , from whom we are so unwilling to divide in any thing , that we choose a conformity with them , rather then with any later modell , and if by receding from the ordo romanus in any particular , we doe not approve our selves to come neerer to the first , and purest times , it is the avow'd profession of our church , the wish , and purpose of it , which i may justly style part of our establishment , to reduce , and restore that , ( whatsover it is ) which is most pure , and primitive in stead of it . § . 3. fiftly , that as we exclude no christian from our communion , that will either filially , or fraternally embrace it with us , being ready to admit any to our assemblies , that acknowledge the foundation laid by christ , and his apostles , so we as earnestly desire to be admitted to the like freedome of external communion with all the members of all other christian churches , as oft as occasion makes us capable of that blessing of the one heart , and one lip , and would most willingly , by the use of the antient method of literae communicatoriae , maintain this communion with those , with whom we cannot corporally assemble , and particularly with those which live in obedience to the church of rome . § . 4. sixtly , that the onely hindrances that interpose and obstruct this desired freedome of external communion , are wholly imputable to the romanists . § . 5. first , their excommunicating , and separating from their assemblies all that maintain communion with the church of england , which we know was done by bull from the pope about the tenth year of q. elizabeth ( before which time those english , which had not joyned in our reformation , might , and did come to our assemblies , and were never after rejected by us , but upon their avowed contumacie against the orders of our church , which consequently brought the censures on them ) and to that it is visibly consequent , that we that were cast out , cannot be said to separate , as in the former part of this discourse hath been demonstrated . § . 6. secondly , their imposing such conditions on their communion ( belief of doctrines , and approbation of practises , which we neither believe , nor approve of , and are ready to contest and maintain our negatives , by grounds that all good christians ought to be concluded by ) that we cannot without sinning , or seeming to sin against conscience , without wilfull falling on one side , or dissembling and unsound confession on the other side , or at least the scandal of one of these , accept of their communion upon such conditions , as hath formerly been demonstrated also . § . 7. and in this matter it were very well worthy our considering , how farre the articles of our church of england proceed in accord with the present roman doctrines and practises , and in what particulars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we cannot perswade our selves to consent to them , and then to offer it to the vmpirage of any rational arbitrator , whether we that unfeignedly professe to believe so much and no more , nor to be convinced by all the reasons , and authorities , proofs from scripture , or the first christian writers , ( those of the first three hundred years ) or the four general councels ) produced by them ( being in full inclination and desire of minde , ready to submit upon conviction ) are in any reason , or equity , or according to any example , or precept of christ , or his apostles , or the antient , primitive church , to be required to offer violence to our mindes , and to make an unsound profession , or else ( for that one guilt of not doing so ) to be rejected as hereticks , and denied the benefit of christian communion , which we heartily desire to extend and propagate to them which deny it to us . all this thus put together , and applied to this present matter will certainly vindicate us from all appearance of guilt of this second branch of the second sort of schisme . chap. x. the third species of this schism , as an offence against that charity due from every christian to every christian , examined . § . 1. lastly , as schism is an offence against that charity which is due from every christian to every christian , so it will be best distributed ( according to what we see noted by by the apostle , rom. 14. in the jewish , and gentile christians ) into the judging , and the despising of others , either of which was , if not formally schism , yet soon improveable into it , when it would not be repressed by the apostles admonitions , the jewish christians we know judged , and damned all that would not observe the mosaical law , and would not associate , or communicate with the gentiles , and the like height diotrephes , and some of the gentile believers , who began with the other branch , that of vilifying the weak jew , at last arrived to , not receiving , forbidding to receive , and casting out the brethren , 3 joh. 10. and whether the romanists or we , are thus guilty , will soon be discernible . § . 2. for the former , that of judging , and so separating from their brethren ( if yet we may be allowed that title ) it is evident by their own acknowledgment , how guilty they are , and how guiltlesse we . § . 3. it hath been a special motive , and argument to gain proselytes to their party for some years , that by our confession there is salvation to be had among them , but in their judgment no possible hope of it for us . this weapon of their's used so studiously against us , to anticipate and prejudge , in general , whatsoever can be particularly said to assert our doctrines , and practises , will certainly be as usefull in our hands , as goliah's sword in david's to give this wound ( i wish it may not prove as fatal ) to our vaunting enemies : for certainly , if there be any truth in that motive , then are they professedly the men , that judge their brethren , and as confessedly we the men , that doe not judge them . and if s. cyprian's rule be true ( who had as well considered the nature of schism , and as diligently armed the christians of his age against it , and given us as sure rules to judge by , in this matter , as any ) that they that maintain any difference in opinion against other christians , must , if they will avoid the evil of schism , manage it with this temper ( neminem damnantes , neminem à communione nostrâ arcentes ) never condemn any , or forbid them our communion , then is the schism ( because the uncharitableness ) on their parts , not on ours . and it is not the saying , we are hereticks , and so certainly excluded salvation , schismaticks , and so out of the church , the way to salvation , that can give this sanguinarie judgment any meeker a title ; for that we are such , being as much denied , as any thing , and that negative offered to be proved , and vindicated by all those evidences , by which any matter of doctrine , ( from whence this question depends ) can duly be cleared , this unproved affirmation , that we are such , is certainly a petitio principii , a begging of the question , a supposing that in the debate , which they know we are as farre from confessing , as they from having proved , and that is the most certain proof , that such judging is uncharitable ; i wish there were not many other as pregnant indications of it . § . 4. and for that of despising or setting at nought the brother , which is the ap ostles argument also that they walk not charitably , and the effect whereof is evident , the casting them out of the church , if the cause may be concluded by the effect , the guilt lies on the romanists side , not on ours ( as hath formerly appeared ) and truly we are so sensible of the many prepossessions , and strong prejudices , which by the advantage of education , the prescribed credulity to all that the church shall propose , the doctrine of infallibility , the shutting up the scriptures in an unknown language , the impossibility that the multitude should search ▪ or examine tradition with their own eyes , the prosperous flourishing estate of the roman church ( and the persecutions , and calamities ▪ and expressions of god's displeasure on the church of england ) the literal sound of [ hoc est corpus meum ] for their principal ( espoused ) doctrine of transubstantiation , and som other the like means , are infused into the multitude of men and women , that are brought up without any knowledge of ours , in a firm belief of all their pretensions , that we are as farre from setting them at nought , or despising them , as from that ( which by their doing it first is made impossible for us to be guilty of ) the casting them out of the church . § . 5. i foresee not any objection , which may give me temptation , or excuse farther to enlarge on this matter , and professe not to know any other branch of schism , or colour of fastening that guilt upon our church , made use of by any , which hath not been either prevented in the grounds of this discourse , or distinctly taken notice of , and competently vindicated , as farre as the design'd brevity would permit . chap. xi . concerning the present persecution of the church of england , and the advantages sought from thence . § . 1. our establishment being thus freed from schism , i shall not now entertain my self with any fear , that the persecution , which we are under , will involve us in it . yet can i not but take notice of the style , that some romanists have in these last years , on this occasion , chosen to make use of , calling us [ the late church of england ] the interpretation whereof is to my understanding this , that the calamities , under which now we suffer , have made us cease to be a church : and therefore having learned , and abundantly experimented , what scandal the crosse hath alwaies carried along with it , how willing enemies are to take advantage , and ground arguments on afflictions , and how ordinary it is for friends , to take impressions from such sensible , carnal motives , and being secured by the storie of the antient gnosticks , that it is neither scandalous excesse of fear , nor want of charity , to think it possible , that this , as other antient heresies , may now as in a platonick year ( if not carefully warded ) return on us , as in a revolution , i shall therefore conclude this paper with an attempt to remove this prejudice ; the utmost whereof being formed into an objection , is this , that it is absolutely necessary to communicate with some one visible church , that now the church of england is not such , and consequently that it must be cast off , and the roman church so illustriously visible , be taken up in stead of it . § . 2. to this reserve i shall make my returns by these degrees , first that by the making this objection , or drawing any argument against any member of the church of england , from the present 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or improsperous circumstances of affairs , it must be supposed , that twenty years since , this person , the supposed subject of discourse , living regularly in this church , under his superiours , was not then chargeable w th this crime of not communicating with a visible church . § . 3. this consequent i shall not be so much my own flatterer as to think it will be allowed me ▪ by the romanist , who will , i know , at another time accuse the whole church of england ( ever since the reformation ) of schism from the catholick church , and make the communicating with it 20 years since , as dangerous as now the not communicating with any : but the reason of my laying this foundation is , to shew the vanity of the present objection , for if the church of england 20 years since , were not a church , but a society of schismaticks , not a particular church ( which , if so , must be a part , or member of the vniversal , and such it is not , if it be truly separated from that body , in the unity of which it is obliged to remain ) but a separated , and torn off , and so a livelesse , ejected branch , then whatsoever hath now befallen us , and the consequence of that , the supposed impossibility of cōmunicating with the church of england , will but leave us where we were , the impossibility of communicating with a schismatical society , being not chargeable on us , as a crime , by them , who make the communicating with all such societies so damnable ; and therefore i say , to the making this any objection , 't is necessary , that that be supposed , which i have for that cause laid as my foundation , that 20 years since a member of the english church was not under this guilt of not communicating with some one visible church ; and if then he were not , ( or , for discourse sake , be by the objecter supposed not to have been ) then it infallibly , and irrefragably follows ( which is the second proposition ) that he that 20 years since was not under this guilt of not communicating — is either not guilty of it now , or else hath voluntarily committed or omitted somewhat , which commission or omission hath been the contracting of this guilt . for that somewhat , which hath not been his choise , shall become his crime , that what hath been his saddest part of infelicity , the evil against which he hath most industriously contended , should be accounted his offence ▪ when it is his punishment , i shall not fear will be affirmed by any . § . 4. thirdly then , the businesse is brought to this issue , that that person , which is the subject of our discourse ( he that 20 years since , was a member of the church of england ) be now proved by some commission or omission of his , voluntarily to have contracted this guilt , or else be absolved , and freed from it ; if he have contracted it , it must be by some irregularity of actions , contrary to the standing rule and canons of this church ; or by disobedience to some commands of his ecclesiastical superiors ; and as in neither of these i shall excuse any that hath been guilty , so if , being not fallen under the actual censures of the church for it , he now timely and sincerely return with contrition , and reformation , i shall hope it will not be imputed to him ; but however this cannot be insisted on by the objecter , because i speak , and so must he , of him that hath lived regularly ( not of him that hath not ) and of him 't is apparent , that all that he hath done , is , to adhere to his former principles , when others have not , to have testified his constancy with ( not only venturing but ) actually losing either possessions , or liberty ( and the benefit of ecclesiastical assemblies ) rather then he would joyn , or appear to joyn with schismaticks , when others have made all worldly advantages by the rupture ; in a word , that he hath been patient , and not fainted ; and never departed from his rule , though it have cost him dear to stick fast to it ; and i hope no body will be so uncharitable , as to grieve , and gall him , whom god hath thus suffered to be chastised , upon no other provocation , but this , his having been thus afflicted and persecuted . this is too clear a truth to need confirming , and yet this is the utmost , that it can be driven to , supposing the most that the objection can be imagined to suppose , viz : that the church of england is now invisible . § . 5. but then in the fourth place , it must be added , that as yet , blessed be god , the church of england is not invisible ; it is still preserved in bishops and presbyters rightly ordained , and multitudes rightly baptized , none of which have fallen off from their profession ; and the only thing imaginable to be objected in this point , being this , that the schism hath so farre been extended by the force , that many , if not most churches parochial are filled by those , who have set up a new , or a no-form of worship , and so that many men cannot any otherwise ▪ then in private families , serve god , after the church-way , that sure will be of little weight , when the romanists are remembred to be the objecters , who cannot but know , that this is the only way , that they have had of serving god in this kingdome , these many years , and that the night-meetings of the primitive christians in dens and caves are as pertinent to the justifying of our condition , as they can be of any , and when 't is certain , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the forsaking of the assemblies , heb. 10.25 . is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our wilfull fault v. 26. but only our unhappy lot ▪ who are forced either not to frequent the assemblies , or else to incourage ( & incurre the scandal of seeming to approve ) the practises of those that have departed from the church . that we doe not decline order , or publick communion ▪ and consequently are not to be charged for not enjoying those benefits of it , which we vehemently thirst after , is evident by the extensive nature ▪ of our persecution , the same tempest having with us thrown out all order , and form , bishops , and liturgie together , and to that curstnesse of theirs , and not to any obstinatenesse , or unreconcileablenesse of ours ( which alone were the guilt of non-communion ) is all that unhappinesse of the constant sons of the present english church to be imputed , in which alone this whole objection is founded . § . 6. i cannot discern any farther appearance of difficulty in this matter , and therefore shall no farther lengthen this appendage , then by offering it to the consideration of the indifferent reader , whether this objection can ever in future times be improveable into a charge against us , or our posterity , as long as either bishops stand , and continue to ordain among us , or it is not our faults that they doe not stand . to which purpose it may be remembred ▪ what befell the jewes whether under the zelots fury , or the romans yoke ; the former threw out the lawfull successive high priests , and priests of the sons of aaron , and put into those sacred offices the most ignorant rusticks , some so void of all degree of knowledge , saith josephus , that they knew not what the very word [ priest ] signified . the roman conquerours by their procurators put in annually whom they pleased to choose ( without consideration of the aaronical line ) into the chief priest's office ; i shall here demand of any , whether ( supposing and granting it as undeniable , that the zelots were formally schismaticks , or with some improvement , in josephus his style 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seditious ) there can be any ground of reason , or equity , to involve , or conclude under the same guilt those that lived under those imposed , usurping high priests , supposing those inferiors to have been as farre from consenting to the continuance , as to the beginning of such usurpation , and that the circumstances were such , that they lay not under the appearance of doing , what they did not , and so had not the scandal , any more , then the reality of that guilt . the reader , i suppose , will be able to answer this quaere to himself , and supersede all necessity of making up the parallel . § . 7. and then i have at this time no farther exercise for him , but that he will joyn in ardent prayers with me , that god will restore that which is lost , reduce that heavenly grace , and incomparable blessing of christian peace and holy communion among all , that have received the honour of being called by his name , that we may all minde the same thing , fix the same common designes , love , and aid , and promote one anothers good , unanimously glorifie him here with one tongue , and heart , that we may all be glorified with him , and sing joynt hosannah's , and hallelujah's to him to all eternity . amen . errata . page 42. line 3. dele ) p. 73. li. 9. lege s. peter , so — p. 81. marg : li. 12. lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 85. l. 24. lege where as p. 91. li. 4. lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 107. li. 2. for third lege second p. 141. li. 25. for quae re : quo p. 157. li. 3. lege that the the contents . chap. i. an introduction , the danger , and sin of schism . page 1 chap. ii. what schism us , together with some general considerations thereon . 12 chap. iii. the several sorts of schism . 31 chap. iv. the pretended evidences of the romanist against the church of england examined , and first that from the bishop of rome's supremacy by christ's donation to s. peter . 66 chap. v. the evidences from the bishop of romes succeeding s. peter examined . 92 chap. vi. their second plea from the bishop of rome having planted christianity among us . 107 chap. vii . their third evidence from our casting off obedience to the bishop of rome at the reformation . 132 chap. viii . of the second sort of schism , as that is an offence against mutual charity , this divided into three species , and the first here examined . 155 chap. ix . the second species of this schism examined , as it is an offence against external peace , or communion ecclesiastical . 163 chap. x. the third species of this schism , as an offence against that charity due from every christian to every christian , examined . 169 chap. xi . concerning the present persecution of the church of england , and the advantages sought from thence . 174 the end . a catalogue of some books printed for richard royston at the angel in ivie-lane , london . a paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the new testament by henry hammond d. d. in fol. the practical catechisme , with all other english treatises of henry hammond d. d. in two volumes in 4o. dissertationes quatuor , quibus episcopatus jura ex s. scripturis & primaeva antiquitate adstruuntur , contra sententiam d. blondelli & aliorum . authore henrico hammond . in 4o. a letter of resolution of six quaere's , in 12o. the names of several treatises and sermons written by jer. taylor d. d. viz. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a course of sermons for all the sundaies of the year ; together with a discourse of the divine institution , necessity , sacrednesse , and separation of the office ministerial , in fol. 2. episcopacy asserted , in 4o. 3. the history of the life and death of the ever-blessed jesus christ , 2 d edit . in fol. 4. the liberty of prophesying , in 4o. 5. an apology for authorized and set-forms of liturgie ; in 4o. 6. a discourse of baptisme , its institution and efficacy upon all beleivers , in 4o. 7. the rule and exercises of holy living , in 12o. 8. the rule and exercises of holy dying , in 12o. 9. a short catechisme for institution of young persons in the christian religion , in 12o. 10. the reall presence and spirituall of christ in the blessed sacrament proved against the doctrine of transubstantiation , in 8o. certamen religiosum , or a conference between the late king of england , and the late lord marquis of worcester concerning religion , at ragland castle ; together with a vindication of the protestant cause , by chr. cartwright in 4o. the psalter of david , with titles and collects according to the matter of each psalm , by the right honourable chr. hatton , in 12o. boanerges and barnabas , or judgement and mercy for wounded and afflicted souls , in several soliloquies , by francis quarles , in 12o. the life of faith in dead times , by chr. hudson in 12o. motives for prayer upon the seven dayes of the week , by sir richard baker knight , in 12o. the guide unto true blessedness , or a body of the doctrine of the scriptures , directing man to the saving knowledge of god , by sam. crook , in 12o. six excellent sermons upon several occasions , preached by edward willan vicar of hoxne , in 4o. the dipper dipt , or the anabaptists duck'd and plung'd over head and ears , by daniel featly d. d. in 4o. hermes theologus , or a divine mercury : new descants upon old records , by theoph. wodnote , in 12o. philosophical elements , concerning government and civil society : by thomas hobbs of malmesbury , in 12o. an essay upon statius , or the five first books of publ. papinius statius his thebais , by tho. stephens school-master in s. edmonds-bury , in 8o. nomenclatura brevis anglo-latino graeca in usum scholae westmonasteriensis , per f. gregory , in 8o. grammatices graecae enchiridion in usum scholae collegialis wigorniae , in 8o. a discourse of holy love , by sir geo. strode knight , in 12o. the saints honey-comb full of divine truths , by rich. gove preacher of henton s. gorge in somersetshire , in 8o. devotion digested , into several discourses and meditations upon the lords most holy prayer : together with additional exercitations upon baptism , the lords supper , heresies , blasphemy , the creatures , sin , the souls pantings after god , the mercies of god , the souls complaint of its absence from god ; by peter samwaies , fellow lately resident in trinity college , cambridge , in 12o. of the division between the english and romish church upon reformation , by hen. fern d. d. in 12o. directions for the profitable reading of the scriptures , by john white m. a. in 8o. the exemplary lives and memorable acts of 9. the most worthy women of the world , 3 jews , 3 gentiles , 3 christians , by tho. heywood , in 4o. the saints legacies , or a collection of promises out of the word of god , in 12o. judicium universitatis oxoniensis de solemni lega & foedere , juramento negativo &c. in 8o. certain sermons and letters of defence and resolution to some of the late controversaries of our times by jasper mayne d. d. in 4o. janua linguarum reserata , sive omnium scientiarum & linguarum seminarium , auctore cl. viro j. a. com●nio , in 8o. a treatise concerning divine providence , very seasonable for all ages , by tho. morton bishop of duresme , in 8o. animadversions upon mr. hobbs his leviathan , with some observations upon sir walter rawleighs history of the world , by alex. rosse , in 12o. fifty sermons preached by that learned and reverend divine john donne , in fol. wits-common-wealth , in 12o. the banquet of jests new and old , in 12o. balzac's letters the fourth part , in 8o. quarles virgin widow a play , in 4o. solomons recantation , in 4o. by francis quarles . amesii antisynodalia , in 12o. christ's commination against scandalizers , by john tombes in 12o. dr. stuart's answer to fountain's letter , in 4o. a tract of fortifications , with 22 brasse cuts , in 4o. dr. griffiths sermon preached at s. pauls , in 4o. blessed birth-day , printed at oxford , in 8o. a discourse of the state ecclesiastical , in 4o. an account of the church catholick where it was before the reformation , by edward boughen d. d. in 4o. an advertisement to the jury-men of england touching witches , written by the author of the observations up ▪ mr. hobbs leviathan , in 4o . episcopacy and presbytery considered , by hen. fern d. d. in 4o. a sermon preached at the isle of wight before his majesty , by hen. fern d. d. in 4o . the commoners liberty or the english-mans birth-right , in 4o . an expedient for composing differences in religion , in 4o. a treatise of self-denial , in 4o. the holy life and death of the late vi-countesse falkland in 12o. certain considerations of present concernment : touching this reformed church of england , by hen. fern , in 12o. englands faithful reprover and monitour , in 12o. newly published , the grand conspiracy of the members against the minde , of jews against their king. as it hath been delivered in four sermons , by john allington , b. d. in 12o. the quakers questions objected against the ministers of the gospel , and many sacred acts and offices of religion , with brief answets thereunto : together with a discourse of the holy spirit his workings and impressions on the souls of men , by r. sherlock b. d. in 8o. now in the presse , of fundamentals in a notion referring to practise , by h. hammond , d. d. in 12o. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45426-e120 two concernments of al christians . practise of christianity . propagating of it . what is to be done toward the latter . the chief branches of the former , considered in society . charity . obedience . paternal exercise of ecclesiastical power . the contrariety of schisme to the doctrine of christ . the fathers censures of it . (a) 1 cor. 3.4 . jude 19. see fulgentius ad mon : l 2. (b) quisquis in ecclesiâ gratiam consecutus , ab ecclesiâ exierit , reus sibi futurus est , i. e. ipse sibi quod pereat imputaturus ; quod apostolus explanat , docens haereticum vitandum esse , ut à semetipso damnatū cypr : ep : 76. poenas quas meruerant pependerunt , ut à nobis non ejecti ultro se ejecerent , de ecclesiâ sponte se pellerent , ep : 40. quomodo te à tot gregibus scidisti ? exscidisti enim teipsum . firmilian : ad cypr : ep : 75. (a) sciat se postea ad ecclesiam redire , & cum episcopis & plebe christi communicare non posse . ep : 40. aversandus est talis atque fugiendus quisquis fuerit ab ecclesiâ separatus . ibid. de unit : eccles : (b) hanc ecclesiae unitatem qui non tenet , tenere se fidem credit ? cypr : de unit : eccles : dum conventicula sibi diversa constituunt , veritatis caput atque originem reliquerunt . ibid. fidem destruit , pro fide perfidus . ibid. (c) schisma non faciendum , etiamsi in unâ fide & eâdem traditione permaneat qui recedit . cypr : testim : l. 3. c. 86. (d) quam ver● dilectionem custodit & cogitat , qui discordiae furore vesanus ecclesiam scindit , pacem turbat , charitatem dissipat . cypr : de unit : eccles : arma ille contra ecclesiam portat . ibid. (e) quisquis ab ecclesia segregatus adulterae jungitur , à promissis ecclesiae separatur . cypr : de unit : eccl : habere jam non potest deum patrem , qui ecclesiam non habet matrem . ibid. quomodo potest ei cum aliquo convenire , cui cum corpore ipsius ecclesiae , & cum vestra fraternitate non convenit ? quomodo possunt duo aut tres in nomine christi colligi , quos constat à christo & ab ejus evangelio separari ? ibid : extra ecclesiam consistens , & contra pacem & dilectionem christi faciens , inter adversarios — computetur . ep : 76. (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ignat : ep : ad eph : audet precem alteram illicitis vocibus facere , dominicae hostiae veritatem per falsa sacrificia profanare ? cypr : de unit : eccl : vnum manifestum est apud omnes spiritus sancti gratiam non esse , nec corum sacrificiis posse deo placere , neque spiritualis gratiae sanctificationem sacrificiis corum tribui , qui offerunt ab ecclesiastici corporis unitate disjuncti , solius enim ecclesia deus delectatur sacrificiis , quòd sacrificium deo facit unit as spiritualis , ubi pacis tenacitas fraternam servat in charitate concordiam . fulgent : ad monim : l. 2. (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrys : in ep : ad eph : edit : savil : p. 823. (h) quis unquam haereses instituit , nisi qui se priùs ab ecclesiae catholicae universitate , & antiquitatis consensione discreverit ? vincent : c. 34. (i) nullum schisma non sibi aliquam fingit haeresim , ut rectè ab ecclesiâ recessisse videatur . hieron : ad tit : c. 3. (k) non esse quicquam gravius sacrilegio schismatis . aug : contra parmen : l. 2.2 . ingens flagitium schismatis tradition ▪ junxerunt . optat : p. 23. edit : casaub : (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dionys : ap : euseb : l. 6. c. 36. pejus hec crimen est quàm quod admisisse lapsi videntur . cypr : de unit : eccl : (m) vide optatum l. 8. c. 25. (n) quàm sine spe sint , & perditionem sibi maximam de indignatione dei acquirant , qui schisma feciunt , declarat in libro r●g : scriptura , ubi à tribu juda & benjamin decem tribus scissae sunt , & indignatus est , inquit , dominus in omne semen israel . cypr : ep : 76. (o) addendo autem civitatem samaritanorum debere omitti , ubi erant schismatici , ostendit schismaticos gentilibus adaequari . ibid. (p) exemplo core , dathan , &c. ostenditur & probatur obnoxios omnes & culpae & poenae futuros , qui se schismaticis irreligiosâ temeritate miscuerunt , ibid. deus quod in sacrilegos & parricidam non secerat , [ cain & ninive ] in schismaticos fecit , core , &c. optat : l. 1. p. 25. (q) novatianus nec debet nec potest excipi , quo minus ipse extra ecclesiam consistens , inter antichristos computetur , ibid. apparet antichristos omnes esse quos constet à charitate atque ab unitate ecclesiae recessisse , ibid. videndum quis foras exicrit , quis altare contra altare erexerit , quis jaceat sub sententiâ johannis apostoli , qui dixit multos antichristos feras exituros , optat : p. 1. l. 18. ab ecclesiâ separatus haereticus est , & antichristus , prosper de prom : & praedict : implend : c. 5. (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ignat : ep : ad smyrnens : (ſ) tales e●si occisi in confessione nominis fuerint , macula ista nec sanguine abluitur , inexpiabilis & gravis culpa discordiae nec passione purgatur , cyprian : de unit : eccl : no excuse for it . (t) caeteri tantùm vel simplicitate capti , ve● errore inducti , vel aliqua sallentis astutiae calliditate decepti , à fallaciae laqueis vos solvite , cypr : de unit : eccl : (u) judicabit spiritalis & eo●s qui schisma operantur , qui propter modicas & quaslibet causas , magnum & gloriosum corpus christi conscindunt , & dividunt , verè liquantes culicem , & camelum diglutientes , irenae : l. 4. c. 62. (x) nulla ab eis tanta potest fieri correptio , quanta est schismatis pernicies ▪ irenaeus l. 4. c. 62. (y) si possunt aliqui ( quod fieri non potest ) habere causam justam quo communionem separent à communione orbis terrarum . aug : ep : 48. the parts of the ensuing tract . (a) non attendisti inter schismaticos & haereticos quàm sit magna distantia . optat : l. 1. p. 13. (b) inter haeresim & schisma hoc interesse arbitramur , quòd haeresis perversum dogma habeat , schisma propter episcopalem dissensionem ab ecclesiâ pariter separet . hieron : ad tit : c. 3. the original of the word schism . reciprocal passion noted by the word . schisme a voluntary recession . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , jude 19. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 joh. 2.19 . (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . heb. 10.38 . excommunication no schisme . (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil : laod : can : 40. (d) propriae conscientiae videtur esse damnatio , cùm quispiam suo arbitrio ab ecclesiâ recesserit . hieron : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cod : can : afric : can : 22. interpretative excommunication . continuance out of actual communion , without schisme . unjust excommunication hurts no man. * papae à christo dictum , quicquid ligaveris super terram , erit ligatum , non quicquid dixeris esse ligatum . jacob : angularis in ep : ad wesselum ap : goldast : l. 1. p. 575. which holds in the interpretative excommunication . m r knots concession in this matter . c. 7. p. 471 , 472. severe conditions of some churches communion . make communion with them impossible . such are prescribing subscription of errors . or profession against conscience . application to the church of rome ; in relation to the present church of england . unity ecclesiastical wherein it consists . unity of members subordinate . of fellow brethren . the former . the later . communion . the branches of schisme as it is an offence against subordination . schism against the deacons or presbyters . against the bishop . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † contra episcopatum meum &c. ep. 40. hi tribuebant , ne concordarent cum episcopo suo ibid. contra sacerdotium dei partionem ruptae fraternitatis armare voluisse . this of a lighter & a grosser sort . against the metropolitan . the original of metropolitans . in titus . eccl. hist . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in timothy . hom. 15. in 1. tim. 5.15 . photii lib. num . 254. eccl. hist . l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in james , &c. epist . 247. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — theod. in 1. tim. 3.1 . in arg. ep. ad eph. l. obser . d. de offic. procons . eccl. hist . l. 4. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . or. ad afiat . geogr. l. 5. c. 2. act. 5. nat. hist . l. 5. c. 29. ibid. c. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 steph. byzant . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in ignatius . in the bishop of rome . ( what his province . ) * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb . eccl. hist . l. 7. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . syn. sardic . epist . ad alex. ap . athan. apol. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . athan. epist . ad solit . vit . agent . ex provinciâ italiae , civ . med ex prov. romanâ , civitate portuensi . syn. arelat . 1. in nominibus synodo praefixis . hist . eccl. l. 1· c. 6. in alexandria . eccl. hist . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in s. cyprian . the subjection of bishops to archbishops . of archbishops to primates , &c. ( original of primates . ) eccl. hist . l. 5. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. c. d. in notit . galliae p. 8●2 . the primates power equal to that of the patriarch . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . chalced. can penult . † or. 32. ad alexandrin . see aristid . or. de rom. laud. and no power but of the prince above them . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socrat. l. 5. prooem . ex superioribus habetur imperatores sanctos congregationes synodales universalium conciliorum totius ecclesiae semper ●●cisse . ita ego perlustrans gesta omnium universalium usque ad octavum inclusivè basiliitempore celebratum verum esse r●peri . cusan . de concord . cathol l. 3. c. 16. and c. 13. see s. hierom in apol. ad ruffin . l. 2. where speaking of a pretended synod , he adds , quis imperator hanc synodum jusserit congregari ? the primitive power of primates &c. act. 15 can. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ulp. obser . d. de offic. procons . the first charge against us , our casting out the popes supremacy . the supremacy of s. peter examined . evidences against it . first from his being apostle of the circumcision peculiarly . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in 1 cor 15.7 . ex sentententiâ chrysostomi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , photius epist . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so nicephorus l. 2 c. 38. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb . eccl. hist . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb . ex clement : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 5 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hegesippus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ap . euseb . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vide athan. in synops . epiph. haer. 78. nyssen . de resur . or. 2. hieron . in gal. 1. & in catal. euseb . in chron. p. 43. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — . the gentiles were not s. peters province . a hom. 4. in luc. b l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c de syn. arim. & seleuc. d ex com . ignat. e l. 3. c. 3. euseb . l. 4. c. 6. f l. 1. adv . carpocrat . a l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b euseb . ibid. c euseb . ibid. d de prom. & praedict : implend : c. 5. nor all the circumcision . not the jewes of asia , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ap . euseb . l. 3. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. c joannes apud ephesum ecclesiā sacravit . de prom. & praed . impl . c. 5. d phot. bib. num . 254. as neither the gentiles there . hom. 5. in 1 tim. 5.19 . nor in crete , nor in britannie . * de petr : & paul : ad diem 29. junii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . prospers testimony to this matter . a second evidence against s. peters supremacy from the donation of the keyes . power of the keyes given to all and each . in mat. 18. epist . 27. de dign . sacerd . c. 5. & 6. ep. ad dracont . the romanists argument from tu es petrus evacuated . no privilege by succession from s. peter , but such as s. peter is proved to have himself . * de praescript . c. 32. * the privileges attending s. peters successor belonging rather to the bishop of antioch then of rome . the primacy belonged to rome upon another score . can. penult . the canon of the councel of chalcedon rejected by the romanists . the dignity of patriarchs reconcileable with the independency of primates . the canon of ephesus against encroaching on any others province . instances of independent power in archbishops . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a caetera provinciae sub ejus sint authoritate , i. e. tam ipsa mediterranea dacia , quàm dacia ripensis , nec non mysia , secunda dardania , & praevalitana provincia & secunda macedonia , & pars secunda etiam pannoniae , quae in bacen●i est civitate . justin : de privileg : archiep : just : prim : ed : à gothofred : b volumus ut primae justinianae patriae nostrae pro tempore sacrosanctus antistes , non solùm metroplitanus , sed etiam archiepiscopus fiat . ibid. c multis & variis modis nostram patriam augere cupientes , in qua deus praestitit nobis ad hunc modum ( so gothofred reads , but certainly it should be ad , or in hunc mundum ) quem ipse condidit , venire . ibid. necessarium duximus ipsam gloriosissimam praefecturam , quae in pannoniâ erat , in nostrâ foelicissimâ patriâcollocare . ib. * quando autem te ab ●âc ▪ luce decedere contigerit , pro tempore archiepiscopum ejus à venerabili suo concilio metropolitanorum ordinari sancimus , quem ad modum decet archiepiscopum omnibus honoratum ecclesiis provehi . ibid. the unreasonablenesse of confining the catholick church to the number of those that live in the roman subjection . the plea from planting the faith unreconcileable with the former . a dilemma to the romanist . the faith planted here before augustine the monk. * suscepistis nuper in regno britanniae legem & fidem christi . and not quite destroyed by dioclesian . * see s. hen : spelman , concil : anglic : pag. 26. out of the annales of gisburne . † à samsone usque tempus henrici primi , sederunt meneviae undecim episcopi , & usque ad hoc tempus episcopi meneviae à suis su●fraganeis wallensibus ibidem fuerunt consecrati , nullâ penitus professione v●l subjectione factâ alteri ecclesiae . ibid. the britains rejection of the bishop of rome . † concil : anglic : p. 188. the invalidity of the argument from conversion , when the britains were certainly not converted by augustine . no title from conversion for subjection . the power of kings to erect patriarchates . † examples in justiniana prima , c. 5. §. 8. carthage . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 131. ravenna . * de privileg : patriar : † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * l. 4. c. 34. grado . frequent in the east . so also to translate . examples in england . concil : angl : p. 26. so to exempt from episcopal jurisdiction . kings founders of bishopricks and patrons , the reason of all , supreme power of kings , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the king is as it were the common directer and ruler of the church , both in title and reality . demetrii chomateni resp : ad const : cab : jur. graec : rom : l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ye are bishops of the church for those things which are celebrated within it , but for external things , i am constituted overseer or bishop by god , saith constantine the great in an assembly of bishops . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am king and priest , saith leo isaurus to gregory the second , nec tamen eo nomine à pontifice reprehenditur , and was not for this reprehended by the pope , see j. c. de lib. eccl : ap : goldast : monarch : t. 1. p. 686. so socrates the historian , of the emperours in general , after their receiving the faith of christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the affairs of the church depended on them , in prooem . l. 5. and by optatus l. 2. it is noted , and censured as a schismatical piece of language in the donatist● , quid enim imperatori cum ecclesiâ ? and all this according to the principles of civil policy acknowledged by aristotle pol. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the king hath power of those things that belong to the gods ; and by diotogenes in s●obaeus , that a perfect king ought to be both a good captain , and a judge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yea and a priest also ; and accordingly among the ancient roman regal lawes , this is one , sacrorum omniū potestas sub regibus esto , let the power of all sacred things be under the kings , and so in the practice , caius caesar in suetonius c. 13. was both augur and summus pontifex ▪ galba tres pontificatus gerebat , ibid : gal. c. 8. claudius is by josephus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the greatest high-priest , and tacitus makes it his observation , deûm nunc munere summum pontificem summum hominum esse . annal : l. 3. the same appears among the jewish kings in scripture , david ordering the courses of the priests , solomon consecrating the temple , hezekiah 2 chron : 29. 2 kin : 18. and josiah 2 kin : 22. ordering many things belonging to it . and so s. paul appealed from the judgement of the chief priests to the tribunal of caesar , see g : de heimberg : de usurp : pap : so in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole third book is made up of justinians , i. e. the emperours constitutions , de episcopis , clericis & sacris , concerning bishops , clergy men , and sacred offices . and the canons of councels have mostly been set out ( and received their authority ) by the emperours , and accordingly in the theodosian code we shall find many of those which are now called papal decrees . and ecclesiastical division of provinces following the civil . this power of kings if taken away by forein laws &c. resumable . so if alienated by prescription . † clav : reg : l. 9. c. 12. the history of what was done against the bishop of rome in the reformation . the praemunire . the right of the bishop of rome considered . the concession of kings . † in goldast : de mon : a dilemma against the plea drawn from that . two sorts of gifts . some revocable . the reasonablenesse of revoking it . title & power of supreme head of the church retained by queen mary . the advance of the reformation in k ng edward's daies . in queen elizabeth's . the creation of new bishops in queen elizabeth's time , vindicated . three branches of the second sort of schisme . 1. a departure from the unity of doctrines , or traditions apostolical . our church vindicated from this , in two branches . in the first , christs rules for upholding the truth . in the second , particular doctrines . the church of englands temper in respect of particular doctrines . this church free from breach of communion ecclesiastical . as appears by six considerations . the first . the second . the third . the fourth . the fift . the sixt . a consideration concerning our church . contrary to charity due from all to all . 1. judging ▪ 2. despising . separating the effect of both . of judging & separating the romanists guilty ex confesso of despising . we are guiltlesse of it . the romanists argument frō our present condition of persecution . answered . what this may come to in the future . the conclusion . of the reasonableness of christian religion by h.h. d.d. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45434 of text r40128 in the english short title catalog (wing h570b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 171 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45434 wing h570b estc r40128 18762564 ocm 18762564 108222 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45434) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108222) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 187:2 or 1656:2) of the reasonableness of christian religion by h.h. d.d. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45434 of text r40128 in the english short title catalog (wing h570b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [2], 56 p. printed by j.g. for r. royston ..., london : 1650. item at reel 187:2 incorrectly identified as wing h570. also appears at reel 2312:12 as part of "a collection of such answers and discourses" (wing h524a). reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery and british library. eng apologetics -early works to 1800. apologetics -history -17th century. a45434 r40128 (wing h570b). civilwar no of the reasonableness of christian religion. by h.h. d.d. the third edition. hammond, henry 1650 26519 8 190 0 0 0 0 75 d the rate of 75 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of the reasonableness of christian religion . by h. h. d. d. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 1 pet. 3. 15. the third edition . london , printed by j. g. for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane . 1650. of the reasonableness of christian religion . the introduction . sect. 1 it hath always been accounted more reasonable to doubt of principles first , and then to throw off the deductions that naturally arise from them , then to contest the conclusions , when the principles or premisses are granted . this occasioned that saying of picus mirandula , that the speculative atheist was the greatest prodigy , but one , and that was the practical atheist . to acknowledg christian religion to be true , and consequently that without sincere obedience to all christs precepts , not onely the infinite rewards of the gospel are forfeited , but the infinite torments become our portion ; and yet to live lives of profaneness , and luxury , and indulgence to every liberty , that suites with our humors , without fear , or discomfeiture of minde , is a shortness of discourse , that no man that hath consideration enough to examine , or judgement to compare , can choose but discern and condemne in himself . as therefore the * epicurean that was resolved not to be represt , or live in the awe of religion , and priests , counted it but necessary to disbelieve the perpetuity of torments beyond this life , so hath it been satans method ( and the advantage which he hath taken of these times , from the commonness of casting down mounds and hedges , of disputing , and questioning the most establisht truths ) to offer it to the reason and judgment of his clients , whether it be not more easie and hopeful to break up the foundation it self , then , while that remains in its firmness , to demolish that which is erected upon it , and by entangling men in those practices , which render them uncapable of receiving benefit by christianity , to oblige them to endeavour to cast off the doctrines , and to rid themselves from the ill consequences of it . thus have some men taught themselves the skill , and dexterity of unravelling principles , and by giving themselves liberty to disobey christ in some pleasant , or gainful particulars , have at last in their own defence ( that they may salve their phaenomena , and appear congruou to themselves ) arrived calmly to the scorners chair , the casting off christianity it self . sect. 2 in stead of gainless complaints , i shall therefore hasten to give some check to this growing evil , and reduce the whole matter of debate to these two heads . sect. 3 first , i shall consider the grounds of christianity in the gross , or bulk , all of it together , and in some measure , justifie the reasonableness of them ; and then secondly , i shall descend in the retail , to the survey and vindication of those particular branches of christianity , which appear to men at this time to be least supported with reason . chap. i. the grounds of christianity , or the reasons upon which men embrace christian religion in the gross , all of it together . sect. 1 in lieu of the many grounds ( or several branches , and improvements of the same one complicated ground ) which * other men have very rationally enlarged on , this present discourse ( which desires not to expatiate , nor to suppose the reader to have renounced his christianity wholly ) shal confine it self to these two heads : first , the testimony on which christianity is built : secondly , the advantages that those , which embrace it , shall reap by it . the first will render the belief rationall , and conclude it impious to doubt of it . the second will render the belief gainful , and conclude it most uncharitable to our selves , yea , and unsafe , and treacherous not to adhere to it . the first will pronounce it , with the apostle , a faithful saying ; the second , worthy of all acceptation . the first will reconcile it to our brains , the second to our hearts : the first will give it possession of our understandings ; the second will ravish our wills with the beauty and luster of it . sect. 2 the testimony on which we beleive christianity , i. e. on which we beleive that christ was sent from god , to reveal his fathers will unto us , and to be beleived in all that he delivered to the world , ( which , when it is beleived , it necessarily follows , that all and every part of christian religion is infallibly true , and capable of no farther doubting ) is the most important , and convincing of beleif , or faith , which can be imagined . sect. 3 for if the apostle had not said it , it is yet in it self most evident to common sense , that faith commeth by hearing , i. e. that i cannot believe any thing to be true on any better , nay on any other ground , but onely that i hear it thus affirmed : and as the affirmation is , such is the belief : if the affirmation be from a fallible person , from a meer man , the belief must be a fallible belief , but if the person affirming be infallible , then is the beliefe infallible also . sect. 4 that infallible affirmer is but one , viz. god , of whose nature it is , to be veracious , to be able to do any thing , but to lie , which was also affirmed by christ out of the principles of common nature . let god be true , and every man a lier , i. e. though no infallibility of testimony can be attributed to any meer man , yet whatsoever is testified by god , doth certainly deserve to be fully credited . sect. 5 and therefore if god shall testifie the truth of any thing , there can be no farther scruple or possibility of doubting , or suspecting the truth of what is so testified , then there is actuall doubt , whether the god of heaven be god , or whether the god of truth , be the father of lies : which as it is a degree above the denying of christ , and above the infidelity either of the jew , or mahemetane , or even of heathenism it self , in that notion , wherein it signifies the a acknowledgment of more gods then one , ( for all that have adoted any deity , have acknowledged that god , or gods to b speak nothing but truth ) so is the pretending to it peculiar to very few since the beginning of the world . there being not many that appear in story to have affirmed that there is no god at all , and those not able to perswade others , that they did believe themselves when they so affirmed . sect. 6 now this affirmation or testisication of god , that christ was sent from him , to declare his will to us , &c. ( upon which being once supposed , the truth of all christian religion truly so called , is immediately and infallibly founded ) hath more then one way been authentically interposed . such are the many repeated testimonies of the prophets in the old testament ( which finding a perfect completion in christ , and none but christ , do amount to a divine testimony . ) such was the coming of the angel to mary the mother of christ , and to elizabeth the mother of iohn baptist , in the new testament ; as also the star which lighted the wise men of the east unto him . ( and of which the * heathens themselves have affirmed , not onely that it was an especial star , that never before appeared in the heaven , but also that it had a portentous significancy , pointing at the descent of a venerable god , for the salvation of men , and the good of mortals ) so again that of the miracles wrought by christ and his apostles , which are another kinde of gods speaking to us in men , and upon earth ( particularly that of raising the dead ) and are by the apostles styled , what in reason they are , demonstrations , acts 2. 22. and testifications of god himselfe , heb. 2. 4. but above all his own resurrection out of the grave , after he had been crucified by them . god by thus raising him is said ( most truly according to the dictates of reason ) to have a given to all men faith , i. e. an argument of full conviction , that he was what he pretended to be , and so to g set him out as the person to be believed on , h being powerfully and determinately pointed out , by that great act , to be the son of god . but because all of these would much lengthen this discourse above the designed proportion , and because each of them are largely insisted on by others , and because no testimony is ordinarily deemed more authentick , then that of audible voice , i shall therefore choose principally to insist on that one ordinary way of gods testifying to men , known to the jews by the title of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the daughter of voice , or of thunder , i. e. a revelation from heaven , delivered in ( or coming out of the midst of ) thunder , which , say the jews , was the speciall way of gods revealing himself under the second temple . sect. 7 and by this god three times gave testimony to christ . first , immediately after his baptism , behold , the heavens were opened to him , i. e. visibly and miraculously parted asunder , and he , i. e. john that baptized him , saw the spirit of god descending like a dove , and coming upon him , i. e. descending , as a dove descends upon any thing , visibly hovering , & lightning on them , and behold , a voice out of the heavens saying , i. e. as the heavens parted asunder , a clap of thunder came out , and with it a voice delivering these words , this is my beloved sonne , in whom i am well pleased , i. e. this is my son , whom i have sent , his comming to the world , and his undertaking is perfectly agreeable to , and hath its original wholly from my wil : from which testimony of gods , it is consequent , that whatsoever he teaches , comes from god , and is to be embraced , as that which is perfectly his will , and law . and it is observable that in one of the old prophecies of the messiah , where it is fore-told , that gods spirit should descend upon him , it is affirmed almost in the very words , which were here said to come out of the thunder , that this was gods beloved , in whom his soul ( i. e. he ) was well pleased . sect. 8 so again a second time , in the presence of three sober men ( which was the number , by which the weightiest matters were authentically testified ) peter , and james , and john , being all with him in a mountain , behold , a lightsom cloud overshadowed them , and a voice out of the cloud , saying , this is my beloved son in whom i am well pleased : hear him . giving an unquestioned authority to all , that should ever come from him after . sect. 9 thirdly , at a time , not long before his death , when he was a praying to his father , to glorifie his name , a voice came frō heaven , saying , i have both glorified it , and will glorifie it again . and of them that stood by , some said that it thundred , others , that it was an angel that spake to him : from both which , it is easily concluded , that god , whether by , or without the ministery of an angel , was heard to speak to him out of the thunder . sect. 10 what was thus done personally to christ , was with some small variation promised , ( and so by john baptist first foretold ) that it should be performed ( after his departure ) to his apostles , or disciples , who were to preach his doctrine , and what they knew of him , after his going out of this world ; and accordingly , in the very manner which was fore-told , it came to pass , as all other things foretold by him , did punctually follow . for as they were all together ; there was suddenly a noise from heaven , as of a violent wind , and filled the whole house where they sate . and so this ( styled the i baptizing them with the holy ghost , i. e. receiving them with a far higher ceremony then that of baptism , viz. with a shining glorious descent of the spirit of god upon them ) did at once give them their commission from heaven , and was a testimony of god himself , that what they should teach from christ , was the very doctrine , which god required to be embraced by the world . sect. 11 and of this sort there was yet farther one most eminent passage . a known and eminent jew , one saul , who by his sect ( a pharisee ) and by his extraordinary warmth , and zeal to the jewish law , in opposition to christianity , had interessed himself profestly in the persecuting of it , had a principall hand in the putting st. stephen to death ( as appears by the witnesses , laying their garments at his feet , acts 7. 58. ) and was engaged in a most vehement , bloody designe against the christians in damascus , and having gotten letters of commission from the high priest to that purpose , acts 9. 1. was now very rageful upon his way thither ; this man thus breathing out threatnings , and slaughters against the church , and as he was close to damascus , his journeys end , on a sudden a light from heaven shone about him , like lightning flashing about his ears ; and falling to the ground , by that means he heard a voice saying to him , saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? in words so convincingly delivered , that he knew assuredly , that it was god , that by an angel thus appeared , and spake to him ; and thereupon he gave answer immediately , who art thou lord ? the voice replyed , i am jesus whom thou persecutest , with the addition of other words , which struck him into such a horror , that immediately trembling , and in agony of passion , he said , lord what wilt thou have me to do ? and was again answered , what he shold do , go unto the city , and there he should receive particular directions . which accordingly happened , and this person became immediately a prime apostle , or preacher of christianity . this thing was not done privately , but every circumstance of the story was publickly known at that time ; his letters from the high priest were known to the sanhedrin ; and before he came to damascus , the news of them was come thither , so far , that ananias a christian there , that in a vision from god was bid to go to him in such a house , made this objection against obeying the command , that this was the man , that had done so much mischief , and was now come with such a commission to apprehend all that profest the worship of christ in that place . and besides , there was company with him on the way , when the prodigy befel him , and all they heard the voice , and saw no body , vers . 7. 't is true indeed , that in one relation of that passage , acts 22. 9. it is said , that they heard not the voice . but that ( as all other seeming contradictions of the scripture ) is easily salved by observing , that the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in hebrew , which signifies a voice , signifies thunder also , as hebr. 12. 26. whose voice , i. e. thunder shaketh the earth , and so very often . and so where it is said , that they heard the voice , the sense is , that they heard the thunder , which was joyned with the lightning that flasht about him ; and when it is said , they heard not the voice , it is exprest in the place , what is meant by it , they heard not the voice of him that spake to him , i. e. the voice of christ immediately appearing from heaven , and calling unto him , saul , saul , &c. but onely saw the lightning , and heard the thunder : but what was said to him , he onely heard that was concerned in it , but by the effects , his answers , and consequent change , they easily discerned that also , though they heard it not . this story did this man alwaies avow as a notorious truth , whensoever he was called in question by jews or romans , for preaching christ ; and there was never any question made of the truth of it : and this went for his commission to be an apostle of christ ; and he never sought for any other : and after doing more service in the church , then all the rest of christs own ( regularly chosen , and designed ) apostles , he at last laid down his life for the testimony of that truth , which before this he had so sharply persecuted . sect. 12 this is not all yet ; for at the beginning of the diffusion of the gospel to the gentile world , and for the declaring of gods will in that particular , there was not onely a vision to cornelius , and an extasie , and an audible voyce from heaven to saint peter , in these words , arise peter , kill and eat , ( the obscurity of which words , and of the representation , to which they belonged , was presently interpreted by the effect . ) but beyond both these , it follows , that at the preaching of peter to cornelius , and the rest of his company of gentile believers , the holy ghost fell on all that heard the word , i. e. probably came down upon them in some way of visible appearance , ( the like a as before had befaln the apostles , ) or if not so , yet in such manner , as evidenced it self by giving them power of speaking strange languages , and other gifts , and graces , sitting them for several conditions in the church : and this was seen by the jews , that were very far from being inclinable to believe such a thing of gentiles , and being convinced by the evidence , b were astonished at it , rapt with admiration at the strangeness , but no way doubting the truth of it : and it so fell out , that peter afterwards being called in question by other jews , for what he had then done in preaching to gentiles , ( which they thought utterly unlawful ) by this relation of the descent of the holy ghost upon those gentiles , c he satisfied them ; which sure he could not have done , if there had remained any doubt of the truth of it . and the same fell out again to the ephesian disciples , and the truth that it did so , was evidenced , by their speaking all strange languages ( which they had never learned ) and prophecying . two gifts , which were so constant consequents of that coming of the holy ghost on any , that they testified it convincingly to those , that had no evidence of the fact . sect. 13 the propriety of this descent to this turn , and to that other grand one of giving commissions ( and authorizing , and so testifying the truth of all that should be taught by them , on whom the spirit thus descended ) may perhaps be better understood , by remembring the customs appointed by god among the jews . those that were , among them , called to be prophets out of their schools , were assumed , and consecrated to it by anointing , ( a ceremony of advancing to some eminent office ; and therefore the chaldee paraphrase for unction , reads ordinarily {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} advancement . ) now for many yeers , before this coming of christ , prophecy had failed among the jews : under the second temple , say they , there was no oyl , nor any a way of revelation , save only that of the voice from heaven . now therefore when god was thus pleased to send his son , to reveal his compleat will unto the world , and from him to continue the same , by his apostles , and others after him ; in stead of that solemn ceremony of vnction , is this visible descent of the holy ghost on him , and on them , in a shining fiery cloud , and with it these words of consecration to christ , this is my beloved son , &c. and in lieu of that voice , the gift of tongues , to the apostles , and others . this was foretold by one of the jewish prophets long before , that the lord should anoint him to preach , and that the spirit of the lord should be upon him , i. e. that he should be anointed , i. e. ordained to this office of preaching gods will , not by material oyl , but spiritual unction , by the real descent of the spirit of god upon him . and accordingly one of his disciples , saint john , being to confute a sort of antichristian hereticks of his time , which denied christ to be come really in the flesh , useth no other argument ( to fortifie them , to whom he writes ) but onely the mention of this testimony from heaven , this descent on christ and the apostles , and others , who had instructed them in christianity ; which he vails under the title of the vnction , viz. that unction vulgarly known among them by that name ; the unction from the holy one , as he calls it , i. e. from god in heaven , by which ( as by their teachers it had been communicated to them ) they knew all things ( i. e. were sure that the doctrine they had been taught , was true ) and needed not to be taught by any , i. e. wanted no more arguments to confirm this truth unto them : that unction , as he farther addes , teaching them of all , i. e. giving them sufficient instructions in that matter , and in all other such fundamental truthes of the christian doctrine , testified to them by those who had been thus anointed immediately from heaven , authorised to teach them truth : this same again , as far as concerned christ , is by another a evangelical writer joyned with his working of miracles , and called gods anointing him with the holy ghost , and with power , ( as in b another place gods anointing him , alone ) which is directly the same with that other phrase used by saint paul , the c demonstration of the spirit , and of power , the descent of the spirit , and working of miracles : the two things , which he urged to the jews or heathens , wheresoever he preached , ( as things , which he was sure , they could no more contradict , then demonstrations themselves , there being so many then alive , that could witness the truth of them . ) in which respect , he after tells them , of gods having confirmed them into christ , and anointed and sealed them , all in the same sense , to signifie gods having afforded them these convincing testimonies of the truth of christianity , preached to them by those , on whom the holy ghost had descended and who wrought miracles among them . sect. 14 that this was a very competent confirmation of the doctrine of christ , may yet farther appear by considering , first the persons to whom this was to be done , the then church of god , the people of the jews , which were acquainted with his voices , and his prophets , and his oeconomies formerly among them : secondly , the matter that was thus to be confirmed , no greater change , then to which this way of attestation may in reason be deemed abundantly proportionable . for the things to be beleived , onely the real completion of some things , which had been before foretold , and the revealing some truths , which had been more obscurely represented in the old testament ; and then those , how high and mysterious soever , yet being clearly revealed by christ , and the apostles in the new , and the explicit belief of them , no further required of any , then in proportion to the degree of the revelation of them , the revealing of them must be looked on , as the satisfying of an appetite , a desire of more knowledg ( which is naturally in all men , and is sharpened by the having received some imperfect rayes of it ) and consequently should not in reason be expected to be attested with such a pomp of signes , and prodigies , as impositions of tasks , and exactings of obediences are wont to be . then for the things to be done in christianity , the duties and observances ; it is again considerable , that the change in that respect was not such , as would denominate it a new religion , but onely the reforming and perfecting that which was before received among the jews , and the making it more tolerable and easie to be received by other parts of the ( gentile ) world . the worship of the one true god , creator of heaven and earth , ( contrary to the false worships of the many gods , and idols of the heathens , and to all the unnatural lusts attending them ) had been sufficiently testified to the nation of the jews , by many voices from heaven , and undeniable attestations of god himself ( and indeed to other nations by the fearful , miraculous judgments , shewn in egypt , and on the canaanites , under the conduct of moses , and joshuah , &c. ) and by gods continual residing among that people , and his attesting that by the vrim and thummim . by the several prophets sent by him , and the other ways of revelations . and to those that granted all this , it was foretold ( so often that no jew doubted of it ) that there should come days of reformation , that there should come a messias . this was long ago promised through all passages of their story ; to adam under the title of the seed of the woman ; to sem , that god should dwell or pitch his tabernacle in the tents of sem , take flesh upon him in his family ; to abraham , to judah , to david , and all along through the writings of their prophets : concerning this messias , their carnal hearts had pre-conceived some mistakes , as that he should be a glorious king here , and make them again , ( after their being subdued by the romans ) a most victorious , glorious people on earth , and this , howsoever they demean'd themselves , onely by the priviledg of having abraham ( to whom great promises were made ) to their father . at last this messias ( otherwise described by their prophets , as one that should come in a mean and lowly manner , no way desireable to the eye of the world , isa. 53. ) comes just as he had been fore-told , a forerunner being sent before him , on purpose to prepare his way , to dispossess them of their fond perswasions of their absolute election ( by having abraham to their father ) and pointing him out particularly as the son of god , the messias that was now to be received ( as he had been so greedily , and so long expected ) by them . this forerunner , that thus foretold , and after pointed him out , was ( as they , that crucified christ , confess ) by all the * jews taken for a prophet . and moreover to this testimony of this acknowledged prophet , comes in the addition of the miraculous descent of the holy spirit , and the voice from heaven , and all that hath been mentioned consequent to that . and to those , among whom this had always been acknowledged an authentick way of attesting gods will , nothing could be more required but this ; christ then ( or god himself in humane nature , assumed of a virgin , and born after a supernatural manner ) when he came to thirty yeers old ( the age of a doctor among that people ) sets to this business , which it was foretold he should perform , tells them how the former law was to be reformed , ( and especially their former lives , from external observances to internall purities ) and how to be filled up , and perfected in some particulars ; and then lightly changes some ceremonies customary among them , and accommodates them to present use , removes the wall of division , which had been between them , and all the rest of the world , shews them , that that was meant onely to keep them from imitating the heathens sins , and now that there was more need that heathens , and they should love one another , and joyn to reform both their lives , and practice christian virtues , then keep that supercilious distance from one another ; and in a word , he brings the whole matter to such a model , as all other men , but the jews , like extremely better , then that which was before among them , and consequently , come in , in sholes , at the preaching of it : and the jews , that doe not so , acknowledg the onely reason why they do not , to be their zeal to their law of outward performances , and the perswasion of their absolute election , that is , in effect , that they had no other quarrel to him , but onely that he did not teach the doctrines that they liked , and were before imbued with , which if he had , he had by that very means done contrary to the prophecies by them allowed of , which foretold he should work a reformation . upon these unreasonable terms , they crucifie him : and by their doing so , more wonderful attestations yet are given to all this . in his very death the sun is miraculously eclipsed ▪ at a time of the moon , when by nature it was absolutely impossible , and so far against all rules of astronomy , that learned men in other places took notice of it to be a violence done to nature , which must signifie some great matter . then a prodigy befalls the temple , and that a very significant one . then the bodies of many dead men arise and go to jerusalem , and are seen by many . but above all , he himself riseth from the dead , and angels again are sent to give notice of it : and those that at his death had feared themselves deluded ( as adversity is a great temptation , and by christ himself , foretold to be so ) are every one of them confirmed by seeing , touching , talking with him : and what is seen , and testified by them , was seen also by five hundred persons at once , which lived many years to attest the truth to all that doubted it ; and at length ( which was the must immediate testification of the truth of all the former ) he is bodily and visibly taken up into heaven , before their eyes . sect. 15 when that was done , there was but one imaginable method behinde , that , according as he had promised , while he was upon earth , he should , being himself departed , send the paraclet , which by descending visibly upon the apostles , and by enduing them with the gift of doing miracles , and of speaking of all languages , which they were known never to have learnt , should enable them to convince the world , by the testimony of christs resurrection , and ascention , and destroying of satan by his death ( the most improbable means of working victories ) that he was the messias foretold , that seed of the woman , that should break the serpents head . on strength of this , they which so lately doubted , now cheerfully lay down their lives , in testifying of all these truths : and those jews that did not yet believe on him , were according to his distinct predictions , many times repeated , ( they , their temple , in which they trusted , their city , their whole nation , and infinite multitudes of them , wheresoever they were found ) most stupendiously destroyed by the roman eagles or legions . all this ( thus hastily put together , so as necessarily to omit many weighty circumstances under every head ) is sure prodigy enough to attest , and authorize no greater a change , then the clearer revelation of some obscurer truths , the confutation of some false doctrines , and the reformation of some ceremonies , and the perfecting and heightning of some laws less perfect before , and the instituting of a few useful ceremonies in stead of many burthensome ones , can be thought to amount to . sect. 16 this first gound of beleiving christianity being thus mentioned , is not capable of any dispute from any reasonable man , unless from him which shall question , whether this be not fabulous in the relation , i. e. whether first there were ever indeed heard such voices , or secondly , whether they were not delusions of the hearers , or at least the voice of some other , and not of god . and to him that shall make the former scruple , i shall be able to give as satisfactory an answer , as is possible to be given , of a matter of this nature , of any the lightest or weightiest consequence : to a matter of this nature , i say , i. e. of a matter of fact , ( for such it must needs be , that such a voice was heard from heaven ) and that fact past so many hundred yeers ago : for first , that fact was of necessity to be confined to some determinate time and place , to be done somewhere , and why not in judaea , where it is said to be done ? to be seen by some particular men , and by them of necessity ( if it were to be known ) to be attested to others ; nay , if it had been done so as to be heard , and seen by the whole world then living , ( though that this should point out that one person jesus , would not be well reconcileable with that , because his body could not be in every place ) yet could not the next age come to know this , but must be forced to make use of the attestation of men of that age to reveal it to them , and so proceed by the very way that now is allowed us , that of faith or beleiving . for secondlly , should there at this hour come the like voice from heaven , in the hearing of any the most creditable honest men of this age , what way would be expected to convince the ages to come ( who should not be present to hear it ) of the truth of this , but by the constant affirmation of those , who are now ear-witnesses of it , and by their committing all this to writing now , so that all that should now live , and suspect , or beleive it a forgery , might be able to examine and discover the truth of it ; especially , if to that they should joyn the doing of the greatest miracles , which coming onely from god , cannot be conceived to be by him allowed to assist the bringing a lie into the world . sect. 17 beyond such testimony of eye , or ear-witnesses thus publickly and authoritatively protested , and conveighed to posterity , there is no rational evidence imaginable , for those that lived not in that age ; nor doe men at any time exact or require any more authentick proofe of matters of fact , or ground of believing any thing . for as to the voice of god again from heaven , ( which alone can pretend to be above this ) this is not at all commodious to this turn ; for this were for god to multiply prodigies , improperly and unseasonably , 't is sure unnecessarily , and to all that were not present , this would be again as questionable as the former . sect. 18 for the testifying an high important truth , which cannot otherwise be known , god hath been pleased thus personally to interpose his own power , and authority , and to speak from heaven , yea , and to repeat that again and again , that there may no matter of doubt remain concerning it : but when that hath been thus done by god sufficiently , then are there sufficient humane means to convey the truth or history of this fact to other men , viz. the testimony of those , that saw or heard it . and as it were ridiculous to suppose , or expect from god , that he should testifie from heaven , that such men did hear that former voice from heaven , so the same law of god , and nature , which forbids lying , as sinful , forbids also incredulity , as irrational , when a thing is by unsuspected witnesses , upon certain knowledg , with so many improvements and advantages , thus sufficiently testified : and if god upon mans several incredulities , should be still obliged to give witness to his truths by his own voice , then should he cut off that rule for beleif , which in all other things ( agreeably to the dictates of reasonable nature ) he hath made standing among men . and in this case to require any higher testimony , were the same inconvenient absurdity , as not to beleive any thing upon any other ground , then that of sight ( which is indeed to mistake knowledg for beleif , or evidence for adherence , and must necessarily leave nothing of virtue rewardable in that faith , which is so violently and unavoidably produced ) or to expect a voice from heaven to give me daily assurance of all the passages , or relations of history , and not to beleive that there was such a man as alexander , or caesar , or william the conqueror , or elizabeth the late ( but before our birth ) queen of this kingdom , unless some voice of god from heaven attest it to me . sect. 19 they that cannot beleive at any cheaper rate , then of a new minuitly prodigy from heaven , for every act of beleiving a prodigy from heaven , or ( more plainly ) they that will not beleive any thing , but what they know , must be fed also as well as taught by miracle , or else must be obliged to abstinence ( greater then any man inflicts upon himself ) by continuing constant to that principle . for no man hath demonstration , or infallibility , or evidence , for his safety in any bit of meat , that he eats , or the firmness of any floor he stands on ; it being always possible , that what doth most nourish , and sustain , might by some poysonous mixture , smite and destroy ; that the roof that covers , and protects , might minuitly overwhelm and bury us ; yet are we not such hypochondriacks in these matters of daily use , ( and in them that are ▪ it is interpreted an eminent defect , or decay of reason , and not an higher pitch of it ) as to deprive our selves of the benefit of food and raymen , upon consideration of these remote possible dangers , nor to fear all things but what we know infallibly . sect. 20 and if it shall be said that eating is necessary for the preservation of life , and that that consideration makes it reasonable to trust on those grounds , because by distrusting , we should subject our selves to a certainly of that , whereof the other is at most but an hazard ; i answer , first , that this instance was produced onely to shew , that we think it reasonable , without fear , or doubt , to relie on some things , for which we have no demonstration , or knowledg of the impossibility of the contrary , and that is still proved by this instance , though it be granted , that eating is necessary ; because if the necessity of eating were the cause that made men venture that hazard , they should never venture it , till they were necessarily to starve without it ; and when they did so , they should do it with continual doubt , and fear of the possible danger ; neither of which are thought rational , nor practised by considering men . and secondly , the interpretation of [ being fed ] in the instance , was [ the whole course of men in feeding ] which is not the proportioning of food to the necessities of life , or the lessian or cornarian diet , but the free manner of feeding among men , such as wa parallel'd to the standing on a floor , that might possibly fall , that is , being in an upper room ; which being not at all necessary to life , and withall possible in nature that it shall minuitly be our death , is yet made use of among all wise men , with as much confidence , and fearlesness , as it is expected of us , that we should beleive the gospel . sect. 21 this may be enlarged to the severall businesses of the world , wherein all men act most confidently ; to that of trafficking , and trading , and all kindes of merchandizing , which are really mixt with not improbable hazards ; the whole life of the husbandman , is a continual example of those , that think fit to adhere , and beleive , and act accordingly , without having received any demonstration . and none of all these are ever counted irrational , even by those who have fixed no thoughts beyond this life , and the thriving , and prospering in it , and who consequently are to lose their chief , and onely good , if it should miscarry , and who in all things of that nature are generally as rational , and wary , and hard to beleive without securities , as the wisest men in the world . sect. 22 and if we will in the business in hand ( the beleiving of the apostles relations concerning those testimonies given christ from heaven , wherein we have infinitely stronger grounds , to build our faith on , securities , and convictions incomparably more pregnant and vehement ) allow it reasonable for us to do that once , which in all other things we do confidently every minuit of our lives , viz. beleive , what we have all reason to beleive , without exacting of evidence or demonstration , there will be no more required of us in this matter . sect. 23 that this is directly the case in hand , and over and above this , that the testifying of the gospel hath all imaginable advantages , wil appear by a bare application of the particulars . sect. 24 the voices from heaven concerning christ , are testified by the joynt-concurrence of all that were present at them , no one finding any cause of scruple , or interposing any doubt concerning them . those very persons with the addition of many more , are allowed the favor of seeing him after his resurrection , of using all the most infallible means of securing themselves and others of the reality of this . being thus assured , they make it the business of their whole lives after to communicate it to others , some in writings , all in preaching through all parts of the world , ( whither they travelled on purpose to propagate this truth ) agreeing in the whole matter of story , and in every circumstance of it . the truth of what they say , they again back with miracles on one side , with completion of predictions , both of the prophets of old concerning christ , and of christ , concerning them , and the succeeding ages , ( especially that concerning his speedy coming in vengeance against his crucifiers ) on the other side : both , testimonies of god , to authorize their testimonies . in propagating this doctrine , as they use not strength , or force , which hath been the engine by which all other religions have received their growth , so they never endevour to disturb states or governments , for ( or by ) the planting this doctrine , but always preach subjection to the powers , which are anywhere established , and without all resistance , profess ( and by their actions demonstrate ) themselves obliged to suffer , whatsoever their lawfull magistrates inflict on them , and contend only with their prayers to god , that they may live quietly and peaceably under them , having still their cross in their hands , and many times on their shoulders , to follow christ . and if this were not sufficient to prevent , or to satisfie the jealousies of heathen princes , yet , upon that very account , it is the greater testimony of the truth of their doctrine , when they that propagate it , are so far from designing any temporal advantages to themselves , which might bribe them to the deposing an untruth , that they actually part with their very lives ; and consequently with all capacity of those possible advantages , and acquire nothing but reproches , and torments and death it self ; and all this without any other imaginable reward , or payment , in commutation , or reparation for all this , save only the future expectation of that , for which they yet had no farther assurance , then the truth of that , which they thus confest ; nay yet farther , when they have given this costly testimony to this truth , god again bears testimony to them , and by miracles wrought at their monuments , being dead , they yet speak . sect. 24 that all this is thus true , is again it self testified , not onely by records still extant under their hands , who wrote the gospels , and the acts , and by footsteps and remainders of all others preaching , wheresoever they taught , but also by the like consent of the whole church , i. e. whole multitudes of that age , wherein this is pretended to be written and taught , who being convinced with the truth of what we now enquire after , readily gave up their names to the belief of it , and to the consequent confession of christ , though the doing it , did in like manner cost them very dear , the parting with their espoused customs of livings , whether among the jewish , or gentile world , their pleasures , their worldly wealth , and oft-times their lives also . sect. 26 beyond all this , the success which attended it , had so much of strangeness in it ( viz. that from such mean and simple beginnings and instruments , without any kind of power , or earthly authority to back it , without one sword ever drawn in defence of it , christianity should soon obtain such a victory over the heart of men , in so great a part of the world ) that nothing but truth , which hath that over-ruling force in it , can be deemed to have been its champion . sect. 27 lastly , that these are the writings , those the tradition of those eye-witnesses , whose they pretend to be , and that they were by such sholes , such multitudes of men of all nations believed then , and that belief signed by the blood of many , by the hazards and adventures of most , by the profest non-resistance of all , this is as fully testified to us , as any matter of fact can be supposed to be , by the concurrent testimonies of all of that age , which say any thing of it , and by a generall successive attestation of all intervening ages , since that time , ( the authority of * those writings being never contested by any ) i. e. by the same means of probation , upon which we believe those things , which we least doubt of , and against which men cannot feigne any sound , or shew of proof , save onely that testimonies are not demonstrations ; which exception will in like manner be in a like or far greater force against all other things , which we believe most confidently . sect. 28 i am not willing to leave any possible scruple unsatisfied in this matter , and therefore i shall proceed to that other bolder objection still behind , that that which is pretended to be the voice of god , may not have been such , but some delusion of the hearers , or at least the voice of some other , and not of god , as the devil in the oracle delivered himself by voice ; and therefore though it be confest , that if this voice were gods , it is infallibly creditable , yet there will need some certain way of discrimination , to assure it was his . to this i answer , that the person whose objection this may be supposed to be , is either a bare theist , that acknowledges a god , but not the god of israel ; or else he that acknowledges what the jew did , the truth of the old testament : i shall reply somewhat to each of these . sect. 29 to the former , that if this way of objecting would be of force , there could be no way for god to reveal himself to man , veracity would be an empty attribute of god , of no signification to us ; for it is not imaginable that there should any greater assurance of gods speaking to men , then by the heavens opening , and from thence the spirit of god descending visibly , and lighting on one , and out of the clouds a voice delivered ; whatsoever else can be imagined or named will not be above this . and if all the ways that god can use , be not able to give assurance , that it is god that speaks , what are we the neer for knowing that god cannot lie , as long as there is supposed for us no way to know , what at any time he saith ? nay , to what use ( as to this particular ) is his omnipotence , if he cannot reveal himself to us in such a way , that may be reasonable for us to believe to be his , and not some deceivers voice ? nay , in this , god shall not be able to doe so much , as any ordinary man ; for he can so reveal himself , or speak , as no man that is present , and doth not stop his ears , shall be able to doubt of his speaking . sect. 30 to the second sort of objecters , i answer , that the objection will lose all its seeming force , if it be remembred ; that although now among us , voices from heaven , are not heard , and ( therefore we are not at this distance so competent judges of the clearness or certainty , that such , when they were , were not delusions , and accordingly the assent required of us of this age , is but proportionable to the grounds of belief , which we enjoy ) yet among that people of the jewes , this was very ordinary . gods law was given to moses in that manner , and god lead that people by a pillar of cloud , and fire , which was answerable to this : and in after times under the second temple , they confess this the onely way of gods revealing himself to them . and therefore in this very matter it was allowed , and pleaded by some prime men of that people , that if the spirit , or an angel had spoken to paul , the resisting him would be a fighting against god : and thereupon , acts 23. 9. they confessed , that they found no harm in him ; that god had thus spoken to him , those men then thought probable , but did not avow the knowing it certainly , having no present evidence of the fact , save onely the affirmation of paul himself at that time . but had they had evidence of the fact , by being present at it , ( as they that testifie the voice to christ , were eye and ear-witnesses of it ) they would not then have thought reasonable to make any farther question , whether that , which they call the voice of the spirit , or an angel , were such or no , and being such , whether the resisting what was spoken by it , were the fighting against god . for the testifying therefore of the truth of such pretended facts ; and indeed to leave no place for rational doubt in this matter , there is yet a farther answer , that the power of miracles , and the gifts of tongues that attended these voices , and descents of the holy ghost from heaven , were irrefragable testimonies , and evidences of the reality of them , and could not be the immediate effects of delusions , being such as could not be wrought by the power of the devil , nor ever were pretended the effects of his oracular responses . sect. 31 many other ways of discrimination there are , by which the voices of the devil , or delusions magical might be distinguished from divine , as that of concordance with predictions , acknowledged to have come from god ; and such was the voice that was delivered at the descent of the spirit upon christ , the same that was foretold by the prophet , and by him joyned with the mention of the descent of gods spirit upon him . and to the same belongs also the completion of the so many other things in him , which had certainly been foretold of the messias , which concordance with divine truth , is most diametrically contrary to delusion . and besides , of the miracles which he did , most were to dispossess , and cast out divels , ( to restore health , as they brought diseases ) who consequently look on him as ( and proclaim him ) their enemy ; and although this may be thought to be done by them for some greater advantage ( as the devil may suffer one charm to counter-work another , ) yet could they not here be thought to have used those endevours to raise christ into that power of destroying them , or to assist their utmost , to give him an authority in the world . indeed the whole doctrine of christ was so directly contrary to that , which had been maintained by the oracles , that it cannot be imagined to proceed from that principle , to which they pretend . and the story is approved by plutarch ( and the effect hath made it not improbable , that there was some truth in it ) that about christs time , a voice was heard on the sea , that the great god pan was dead , and an huge bellowing , and roaring , as of infernal mourners , following it ; and that this was probably the cause , acknowledgedly the forerunner of the devils silence , and never speaking in the oracles any more . sect. 32 as for the manner of the devils giving his responses in the oracle , it is confest by all , that then lived , and knew them , that they were delivered constantly by a man , who was seen , when he did it , and was called the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one that spake under the oracle , out of the caverns of the earth , ( by the vapor of which plutarch conceived him inspired , and so turned enthusiast ) which is a far different thing from a voice ( no man being seen ) which came in a clap of thunder , with a bright shining cloud from heaven . this may reasonably satisfie the importunity of that objection also . sect. 33 and so much for the first part of the ground of our faith in gross , the testimony on which it is built , which being an infallible word , derived and conveyed to us by the most creditable means , and which we have no temptation from reason to doubt of , may sure be concluded a rationall ground of belief . chap. ii. a digression concerning the use of reason in deciding controversies in religion . sect. 1 having proceeded thus far for the convincing of the gainsayer ; it may not be amiss to consider the beleiver awhile , and give him the bounds or limits , within which reason is obliged to contain it self , in matters of faith , and this even by the verdict of reason it self . and i shall do it by a brief stating of this question . sect. 2 whether right reason be appointed the judge of controversies ? whether all doubts of all sorts be to be determined by the dictates of nature , in the hears of every man which hath the use of reason ? to this i shall ground my answer in these two rules , or postulations . 1. that sect. 3 the measure of mans natural power of knowing or judging of things , is his participating of those things ( in some degree ) with god , in whom they are as in the fountain . so that the man may finde , and behold them in himself as truly , though not as eminently , or in the same degree , as they are in god . for certainly , if a man denudate of all experimental , acquired , revealed knowledge , of all forain helps , left onely to himself as a man endued with reason , should be questioned in any thing , and supposed able to express his conceptions , he would be fain to fetch out every word that he said , from within him , say onely what his own heart could discern within himself , otherwise he should be supposed to answer more , then he had means to come to the knowledge of ; the work done would be above the proportion of the means to it ; the conclusion would have more in it then the premises . from hence follows this second rule , that sect. 4 men are naturally able to judge onely of those things , which by some sure connexion depend on those attributes of god , which are communicated to ( and particularly by ) men , and are the like ( as far as the adumbration or transcript , is to the exemplar or pattern ) for kinde , though not degree , in man as in god . sect. 4 now all controversies , ( i. e. all things subject to judgement ) are reducible to two heads , goodness or truth ; so that the question now is , whether right reason can infallibly judg , what is good , or bad , true or false ? and then to this i answer , first , concerning the first head . sect. 5 for a thing to be good morally ( for metaphysical goodness is all one with truth ) depends , by sure connexion , from that eternal justice which is primarily in god , that being the rule , as it is the fountain , of all moral goodness in men , or things : every thing being good , more or less , as it more or less partakes of that justice , which is in god . sect. 6 now this being one of the attributes of god , which are called communicable , it is truly affirmed , that that justice , which is in god , is the very same in substance , communicated to men , though in a lower degree . and therefore it follows by the second rule , that man by the light of nature , and general impressions , i. e. by a power of seeing , whatsoever is within his sphear , is enabled by god to judge what is just , what not , what morally good , what bad . and no man judges amiss in these things , but he that hath his judgement corrupted by some prepossession , or habituall vice , or present prevailing temptation ; and therefore of moral controversies , i. e. whether a thing naturally , or in it self , be good or bad , just , or not , right reason is a judg. sect. 7 yet this with this caution , or limitation , that it be not extended to those things , wherein the law of nature hath been elevated higher by any positive law of christ . for as right reason : cannot judge what is lawful in any particular kingdom , because what nature hath made lawful , the municipal laws of that place may have forbidden , and made unlawful , ( and that right reason cannot take notice of , unless it be told so ) so in christs kingdom , the church , when he hath forbidden what nature had left free and unforbidden , reason ( untaught by christ ) cannot say , that that is unlawful , yet generally will be found to bear that testimony to christ , that what christ hath super-added to the law of nature right reason will of its own accord commend , as best , or most laudable , and excellent in them that do it , though not knowing any precept for it , it will not affirm that it is necessary , so as it cannot be omitted without sin . then concerning the second head , i answer , sect. 8 that for a thing to be true , i. e. to have a being either potential or actual , depends partly on gods power , partly on his will . in respect of its potential being , it depends on his power , in respect of its actual , on his will . sect. 9 now gods power , though it may in some sense be said communicable to the creature , because all ability in the creature is a gleam of infinite ability in god , yet is not this so communicated , as his justice or goodnesse was said to be . for goodnesse in the creature is a kinde of image truly resembling the goodnesse in god , and that a kinde of natural image , as is the face in the glasse , not a voluntary one , which hath its being from the variable will of the artificer . but power , or ability in the creature , is not thus a natural image of gods power , but as a reflection of a thing , which voluntarily , and variously casts its beams . voluntarily , i say , because the dispensing of his power , either in manner , or measure , is a free act of his will ; and variously , because he doth it , first , unequally ; and secondly , not so to any , but that he can ( and sometimes doth ) withdraw or suspend it , when it is bestowed ; so that i cannot say , that as that which is just in god to be done , is just to be done by the creature , so what is possible to be done by god , is possible to be done by the creature . sect. 10 the reason of the not communicating of gods power to the creature , as well as his justice , may be this , because it conduced not to the end of the creatures creation , as the other did : for though god intended to make a creature truly good , and just , yet he did not truly powerful . power indeed being in it self not a vertue , as justice is , nor in it self morally good , or evil , and therefore not so agreeable to the condition of a creature , but rather indeed peculiar to the majesty of a creator . sect. 11 from all this it follows by the said second rule , that man is not able to fathom potentiall truths , because power is not the same in substance in god , and in the creature , and therefore by what is in the creature , he is no way enabled to conceive what is in god , and so consequently to define of any potentiall truth , because though it may not be wrought by any thing that is in the creature , or within his sphere of knowledge , yet it may be by god . sect. 12 all the natural impression , or light , that in this behalf a rational creature hath , is that two contradictories cannot be true at once , and therefore i think , all principles that are not thought fit to be proved in any naturall science , ( if they be truly so ) may easily be resolved into this one , a thing cannot at once be , and not be . and this natural impression rises not from any observation of the power communicated to the creature , ( for then still it would hold , that though man cannot do contradictories at once , yet god may ) but from a sight , that this would be an effect of extreme impotency , more then is conceiveable in any creature , and therefore cannot be imputed to god , who is conceived omnipotent , nor consequently to man , unlesse god should take away all degrees of power quite from him , and then he should be annihilated . sect. 13 now for actual truths already in being , which are works either mediately , or immediately of gods will , our reason is no farther judg of them , then as gods will is communicated to us by some images , or pictures of it , either substantiall and reall , as when a thing done , is presented to the faculty , to which it is objicible , there a real image of gods wil is imprest in me , ( & by that i may judg distinctly ) or when it is revealed to me either from god , or from any other witnesse , of which in this matter i am convinced , that he partakes of gods veracity , i. e. would not lie to me , and this may be called an intentionall image of gods will imprest in me . sect. 14 thus may right reason judg of things in being , either because it is so really represented to the senses , and that is evidence ; or because is either revealed , or else attested by god , which reason knows can neither erre , nor deceive , and this is adherence ; or because such a concurrence of testimonies agrees to tell me so , as i have no motive or reason to disbeleive , and this is humane faith , ( which may reasonably take place , untill i either see somewhat , or receive somewhat by an higher testimony revealed to the contrary ) which also is weaker , or stronger , according to the importance of the matter , authority of the testifiers , my particular danger , if i be deceived in it , &c. hence the conclusion is , that sect. 15 right reason is able to judge of all meerly moral objects , whether any thing be good or bad morally ; of naturall objects in matter of fact , whether such a thing be done or no , by the help of the means specified , and by discourse , and analogy from things that we see are done , to judg that such another thing is possible : but of supernatural truths , such things as it never discerned in nature , either in the kinde , or the like , it cannot judg any farther then thus . either first , that though we cannot do it , yet for ought we know it is possible , ( nay it hath a being ) with god ; or secondly , that god hath affirmed it so , therefore i am sure it is ; or thirdly , that comes to me from authority , that i have no reason to suspect , but on the contrary concurrence of all reasons to be perswaded by it ; nay , there are some inward characters in the thing it self , that makes me cast off all jealousie or doubt of such affirmations , and therefore i believe it is so . but generally , and in thesi , it is no way judge of these last kind of controversies . sect. 16 and therefore though god , in moral actions , even in himself , submits and appeals to mans reason , isa. 5. 3. ezek. 18. 25. yet in these latter he derides all those , that goe about to judge of them by reason , 1 cor. 1. 20. and agreeably saint paul in his preaching the gospel , for the proving the truth of christianity , was fain , saith a origen , to use a peculiar way of demonstration . first , by comparing of prophecies in the old testament , concerning christ : secondly , by miracles ; but in practical matters he appeals to that which was written in every ones heart , rom. 2. 15. sect. 17 to this purpose hath eulogius an oration against those , who think to be able to comprehend the true theology of christians ( i. e. christians discourses concerning the persons of the deity ) b by the wit , or reason of man ; and photius hath approved of that discourse of his , that he doth c talk of god piously , and devoutly , and set christian divinity a pitch beyond humane wisdom , d superior to all other e artificial method , or rules of art . sect. 18 in sum , it is observable in the writing of the scripture , that generally in defining these last sorts of truths , gods authority is set down , as the onely proof of what is said , without using any other way of arguing , or secular demonstration : all that is indulged to mens reason , being onely this ; first , to consider , whether it be not very equal , and reasonable to believe god , without any other motive , or topick of proof , even in those things , which are above , or beside right reason , nay , against the proposals of corrupt ; and secondly , to search ( by what helps soever a reasonable mans prudence and diligence can suggest , or furnish him with ) which is that word of god , which contains these revelations , which reason tells them , they must believe without farther reasoning . sect. 19 but not to suffer my self to believe any thing ( though revealed by the scriptures ) but what reason otherwise would lead me to , is the same that celsus perswaded the heathens ( of his side ) to , against christ , to f follow reason , and the rational guide in all the doctrines , we receive , all error and deceit being , saith he , brought into the world by faith ; and that they that believed any thing without reason for it , are like them that delight in juglers , &c. and therefore he laughs at all those who requiring not reason for what they believe , use this phrase , g doe not examine but beleive , thy faith shall save thee , as men that are displeased with wisdom , and in love with folly . to all which origen , as acute a reasoner as any , opposes nothing , but the evidence of prophecies , and the word of god for this rule of faith . which if it be not simply beleived without any philosophical rational enquiry , concerning the things affirmed in it , many will of necessity still wallow in infidelity after all that god hath done for the rescuing them out of it , and only a few find that by rational search , which before they beleived by simple faith . chap. iii. of the power of the affections and interests in matter of faith . sect. 1 the belief of christianity being in the first chapter supposed to be thus sufficiently recommended to the understanding , which is a wel-natured faculty , and very ready to hear reason , when it is offered to it : there is but one obstruction possible , and that is from mens affections , or interests , and that by two ways of proceeding : first mediately ; secondly , immediately . sect. 2 first , they work mediately by the will , and have sometimes that unhappy institence upon that , as by their importunity to perswade it to interpose , before the full representment or proposal of the object , and so to hinder the free access of the argument to the understanding . sect. 3 thus we see it often in prejudicate and passionate men , who are impatient of hearing or considering any thing that may dispossess them . and thus we see it sometimes in those of a better temper , who yet being unwilling to lose any advantages , which they can make use of to maintain their present perswasions , are so intent upon their own part of the dispute , that they do not receive the opposite arguments , with that equal justice of improving them to the height , with which they are offered , or to which if it had happened , that they had undertaken the maintenance of the other part , they could have heightned them . this latter , being not an effect of so great a distemper , is not so discernible ( to our selves especially ) as the other , but yet is a fault , and that of ill consequence , and a deviation from the rules of distributive justice , which would allow as much of our attention , or diligence to the improving of the arguments of the one part , as of the other , and express as impartial a kindness to the neighbor as to my self . and in all this the will is culpable for being thus ( more or lesse ) instrumentall to the affections . and so it is negatively also , whensoever we do not use that industry of search as our condition permits , and the importance of the matter requires of us , sect. 4 but then secondly , the affections and interests do themselves immediately , sometimes , perform their own business , they cloud and darken the understanding , and make it less capable and receptive of such representations as are made to it . sect. 5 this made aristotle to affirm , that pleasures are in some men a corruptive of principles , i. e. that those common dictates of nature , &c. which are by all unbyassed men naturally consented to as true , and unquestioned , do yet to voluptuous men ( and the same holds in matter of fear , and interest , and the other passions , and ill habits also ) become matter of dispute , whether they be true or not ; not because in reason any thing can there be offered sit to infuse scruples into a rational man , or to combat with the far greater potency of reason on the other side , which denominated them principles , but because these rational dictates having somewhat in them which is contrary to , and unreconcileable with passions , and sensitive pleasures , those consequently that have indulged to them , and espoused them , as the most desireable things , do , for the enjoying of them , undervalue , & despise the rational arguments , which would cost them so dear ( even the parting with their lusts ) if they continued in that reputation , which is due to them . sect. 6 hence is it , that the more prudent of heathen philosophers have proposed it as the best preparative , to the studying and search of truth , to have mens affections and appetites well regulated first ( though not by reading , or studying the books , and science of morals or ethicks , yet ) by b assuetude , and virtuous custome , by inartificial precepts , and sober education , &c. moderating and tempering their passions , and bringing them c to live orthodoxly , d lest having their reason disturbed by passions , they be not able to pass an exact judgment of things ; and without this , say they , it is as impossible for a man to behold and judg aright of truths ( such truths as have any thing any way contrary to passions ) e as for a man with sore eyes to behold illustrious splendid objects , without being anointed or cured of their distemper . accordingly it hath been observed in the first ages of the church , that luxurious and intemperate men were of all others most hardly brought to beleive the christian doctrine of the resurrection of the body , and immortality of the soul , because their carnal joyes being so material and gross , and contrary to what christ hath taught of an eternall life , and of spiritual bodies , and bliss , their being so deeply engaged , and immerst in the former , fortified them pertinaciously against all impression from the latter , and enabled them to hold out finally against the belief of those christian truths , which others of more ruly tempers , upon equal reasons , and the same representation , did most readily embrace and assent to . sect. 8 and it is worth our present consideration and enquiry , whether they which are now most willing to entertain doubts of the truth of christianity , are either more sharp discerners of truth , then all others , that are not ( or then themselves , before they ) arrived to this pitch of stanchness , and scepticism ; or again whether they have seriously spent any considerable time in reviewing their principles , and , doing so , have sprang any special new arguments , which they had not considered before , and those of such weight with them , that they wil contentedly expose themselves to all the torments of hell ( the sure reward of an atheistical antichristian life ) upon the bare probability of those their arguments , ( which cannot be rationally done by them , unless their pretensions against christian religion exceed ours for it , in strength of credibility , as far as an eternal hell exceeds those short sufferings of this life , to which christianity betrayes us , or as an eternal state of spiritual bliss in heaven , doth surpass the transitory , unsatisfactory short pleasures of sin in this life ) or whether it be not really their freer indulgence to some liberties , which christianity admits not of , ( and that more against light , and against the importunity of gods judgements , then before ) or perhaps some change of affairs abroad , which hath made the practise of christianity a more inconvenient , costly thing , then it was wont to be ; most men being willing to have the advantages of religion , as long as there be but few , and supportable encumbrances , that attend it ; and after changing their opinion of it , when they have run any hazards by it . sect. 9 which truly is so far from being new , or strange , that it was a part of the character , that our christ set upon himself , and his doctrine , both in that parable of the seed , that fell upon stony ground , which is supposed to be scorched at the rising of the sun upon it , and by that cloze of his answer to johns disciples , blessed is he that is not scandalized at me , foretelling them that the most eminent and considerable danger to christian religion , is , that they which in prosperous times are forward professors of it , will , when their religion begins to offer them smart , fairly forsake , and fall off from it . sect. 10 thus much hath been premised to this second head of arguments , on purpose to shew the influence , that matter of advantage may have on belief , and that on either side , not onely where mens interests do chance to thwart their perswasions , but also , and as discernibly , when they appear on their sides , to assist and confirm them . sect. 11 for so certainly did the sweetnesse , and wel-tastedness of the manna work as effectually on the faith of some jews , make them as willing to adhere to god , and moses , in opposition to returning to egypt , as the new miraculous manner of the coming of that down upon them ; and the milk and honey of canaan , were very good motives , and alectives , and engagements to the faith , and obedience of others : and so in like manner the carnality of the paradise , that mahomet promised to his disciples , hath much advanced the credit , and facilitated the beleif , and disguised the grossness and absurdities of the alcaron . sect. 12 and because advantages are not to be disliked , because they are such , but because they pretend , and are mistaken to be such , when they are not , and by so doing , do rob us of those that are truly so , or that are infinitely weightier , and more considerable ; and because that which is really the most advantagious , is always most rational , most prudent for man to choose and pursue , and aspire to : therefore it is , that to the former argument of the reasonableness of the ground , or testimony on which we believe christian religion to be true , i now proceed to the advantages , that those that embrace shall reap by it , both because most mens objections against christianity , are founded in an opinion , that it is not an advantagious profession , and would have no other quarrel to it , if they were satisfied that it were , and also because though advantageousness no way contributes to the making , or proving a thing to be true or false , yet it doth to the making it more or less worth beleiving , or embracing , ( for every slight truth is not such ) and so more or lesse fit to be set up in our hearts , as our religion . sect. 13 for that by religion every man entertains hopes of acquiring somewhat of benefit to himself , and would not chuse to enter into those bands , if he did not promise himself some advantage by it , is a maxime , which i shall not think fit to prove , or confirm in this place . chap. iiii. of the advantages of christian religion in the gross . sect. 1 there is nothing therefore after the testifying of the truth , so proper for this present disquisition , as the consideration of the advantages of christian religion , and those advanced above all other imaginable advantages of any other religion , as much as the credibility of christian religion is above the credibility of any other that pretends against it . sect. 2 this i am by my premised method obliged to consider here onely as true in the gross . and that will be done by this one consideration , which hath been enlarged on * in other papers : that the precepts of christ , especially his supperadditions to the former laws of moses , and of nature , are , beyond all the contrary vices , or the lower degrees of the same vertues , perfectly agreeable to humane reason , cultivated , and improved , and heightned by philosophy ; so that that shall confess those things to be still most commendable , and most excellent , which christ hath thought fit to command his followers . this might be demonstrated through all particulars ; but i shall more strictly restrain my self to the advantages of a christian life , by considering it first in order to outward , and secondly , to inward advantages . sect. 3 the outward advantages , are again more publick , or more private : or the publick there is none sure more valuable , and more fundamental to all other , then that of peace , and that is so immediately and inseparably annext to the christian doctrine , that would men think fit to be guided by that rule , were but christs precepts constantly practised , there would be no occasion of destemper , or disturbance , through the world , either between christian potentates among themselves , or betwixt any christian prince , and the subjects of his own kingdom . sect. 4 first , in what state or condition soever a man is placed in any nation be he king or subject , this commands him most strictly therein to abide with god ; every man to content himself with his present portion , whether it be of soveraigntie , or of inferior estate under subjection : then secondly , wheresoever the supremacie of power is placed by the laws of any kingdom , there christ requires subjection , and non-resistance in all subjects ; and both by himself , and in the writings of his disciples b repeateth and impresseth that far more earnestly on the subject , then he doth the dutie of protection on the supreme ; and where they c conjoyn them both , there they begin constantly with that of subjection in the inferior , as being of more universal concernment to the peace and preservation of the whole , and as that which earns the superiors performing of his dutie , as a due reward to their obedience . thirdly , christ prohibits self-love , thinking highly of ones self , all covetousness , ambition , animosites , revenge , doing , or returning of injuries , whisperings , backbitings , distrusts and jealousies , all scrupulous preventions of remote possible dangers ; and fourthly , he commands doing as we would be done to , blessing of enemies , contempt of the world , not valuing any thing which is most tempting in it , and , above all things , pursuing of peace , with all men , ( in the greatest extent imaginable ) as much as in them lies , and whereever it is possible , even over the whole world . and fifthly , the precepts delivered by christ , ( plain and intelligible to all ) as they are a standard , by which every man is to measure his own actions , so are they also to examine others , and consequently they will fortifie against seducers , and slie disturbers of a peoples peace , if , according to christs direction , we trie them by their fruits , and reject and stop our ears against all those , whose doctrines bring not exact concordance to christian practise along with them . and where these precepts are put in practise , what possible inlet is there left , for disturbance or sedition to enter ? sect. 5 after peace , plentie is the most desireable publick good , and that is hardly separable from the former ; but , beside the contributions , which all the fomenters of peace have made toward plentie also , christian religion hath peculiar waies of ascertaining any people of that , if its laws be embraced and practised : for , first , christ commands labor , and industrie , and diligence , banishes the idle , as a f disorderly walker , disbands him as soon as he appears to be such . secondly , he makes the rich man his almoner , or steward to distribute to every mans wants , as he is able ; and as he blesses his liberalitie ; and renders it the most probable course to make him rich , so he convinces him , that gathering , and hoarding up wealth is the meanest , and withall the most disadvantageous follie , and that the only real commoditie , in riches , is the joy , and happiness of relieving others , and the enhansing of their future reward by so doing . thirdly , he forbids rapines , defraudings , gaining to our selves by any other mans losses : and fourthly , by putting the wealth of the world in a channel , to descend from superiors to inferiors , from him that hath to him that hath not , from the part that is filled , to that other that is emptied , he makes a certain provision for every part of the bodie . and beyond all this , fifthly , he hath taught men , that all the good of plentie is to be enjoyed in a competence , or a sufficience , ( and that there is onely more trouble , and more charge , and more fears , and more temptations annexed to any greater abundance ; ) and sixthly , he hath given all his faithful servants assurance , that he that hath the disposing of all , and knows what they have need of , will never so destitute them , that they shall want these necessarie things . and when plentie is thus interpreted , and these provisions made for it , there will be little possibilitie , that any people that live according to these rules , shall fail of that certain benefit of them . sect. 6 then for the private outward advantages to every christian liver , they will be as discernible also . and these are of two sorts , first , those that have an universall influence on the comfortableness , and cheerfulness of the whole life , without which neither health , nor wealth , nor any particular advantage , will have any taste or relish in them . secondly , those particulars of health , &c. of the first sort , i shall be confident to prefer the observance of one christian precept , attending to a mans particular calling , which , as it is the strict dutie of every christian , of what rank , or quality soever , so is it that , which sweetens the whole life to him , that lives orderly according to that rule . it is certain that assuetude , and custome hath a moral efficacie in it , to make every thing pleasant , that is accustomed , ( were it not upon that score , it is not imaginable , that some sins to some men , which have natural aversions to them , should ever be taught to go down so smoothly . ) by this means , business and bodily labor it self , which at the distance seemes most uneasie , to those that have been brought up in it , proves most pleasant and delightful . to such an one idleness , and want of employment is realy the most uneasie affliction of his life . sect. 7 and for him that is not brought up to either of these , yet we see by experience , and are able to give the reason of it , from the active temper both of the bodie , and minde of man , that there is no such constant torment , as the not knowing what to doe with his time , the having his hours lie upon his hands ; for the removing of which , most of the vain , or sinfull mixtures of our lives are sought out , as cures , or divertisements , and having no real pleasantness in them , do yet imitate some , by ridding us of the contrary uneasiness , the burthen of that idle time , which is made more supportable by such varieties . thus hath that uncharitable , and very mean qualitie of censuring , and bakbiting , and deriding of others , become so frequent , and fashionable in the world , ( so inseparable from all our conversations , the onely modern good companie , as it is called ) onely because many persons have no other imployment for their time , but that of talking , and of that sort this is the most obvious to those , who have neither zeal enough to their own good , nor so much of friendship to those with whom they converse , as to make the faults of one another ( in order to the reforming or fortifying one another ) the subject of their discourse . to this and all other sins and vanities of this nature , this dutie of attending the calling , is a certain antidote or cure : the advantages of which cannot be more eminently exexemplified , then among those men , who by mistake are conceived to have no obligation of calling upon them , i mean those , of the nobilitie and gentrie in a kingdome . i shall inlarge on this instance a little . sect. 8 the calling of those that are not born to estates , of possessions , is generally acknowledged to be somewhat of labor , or industry for the acquiring of wealth , and to them may reasonably be confined that part of adams curse ( which is yet sweetned to christians by christ ) that in the sweat of their brows they shall eat their bread . but then , those that have ample possessions left them , sufficient for themselves and familie , ( and much more ) and besides , a perpetuitie of that to their families for ever , are certainly under no such obligation to labor , to encrease so fair an heap , or to spend that pretious time and sweat , and industrie on the bringing more water into the ocean , or indeed more weight unto that burthen of wealth , which lies already an encumbrance ( more commonly then a real advantage ) on their shoulders . their calling therefore , without question , consists in the scattering , not encreasing , in the discreet , charitable distribution of that yeerly revenue , which is committed to their stewarding , i. e. in the using that wealth ( to the richest advantages they are able ) to the service of god . such is the spending their time , as citizens not of one citie , but of the world , enquiring what is the dutie of mankinde , and how they may serve god cheerfully in those precepts of christ , which are of the greatest perfection , observing the wonderful things of gods law , and the harmonie which those notes of discord make , which to the unskilful or untuneable ear are so harsh . this and much more in reference to god , and then in order to men , the well ordering of that part of the common-wealth , wherein they are employed , the releiving of those that want , the attracting inferiors , by exhortation , admonition , correption , ( but especially by exemplarie acts of all pietie ) to the practice of christianitie , and , as much as in them lies , bringing virtue into countenance , and reputation , into fashion , and credit in the world . sect. 9 that wealth , and eminencie of place are very proper instruments toward this end , will not be needfull to be demonstrated here , all that is seasonable will be , to consider what a treasure of joy and sweetness would come in to every such person in a kingdom , by a constant cheerful attendance on the severals of this calling , every one of them infinitely more proportionable to the appetites of a generous , ingenuous minde then any thing else , which his ambition could suggest to him : nothing vulgar or mean in it , and ( beside all the particular delights in every act of each ) the great transcendent comfort of having satisfied conscience , the not having lived an unprofitable burthen of the earth , the having , in some measure , performed the task , for which he came into the world , would be to him that comes to reap them , unspeakable ravishments , though , at the distance , perhaps the sensuall designer discerns not such excellencies in them . sect. 10 next are the several particular external advantages , as they are the desired portion of every individual man , ( which beyond all other prudential methods imaginable ) obedience to christs precepts provides for us . of this sort , first , the health of the bodie ( the foundation of all other outward comforts ) cannot better be preserved from diseases , then by strict rules of constant temperance , and sobrietie , and of fasting , and abstinence sometimes , of continence , or conjugal chastitie , of active and industrious pursuit of the business of the calling ; nor can it better be secured from wounds and maims , and violent deaths , then by mildness , and quietness , and sobrietie , and bearing of injuries , all which are the speciall charges of christian religion . sect. 11 the very same practises , beside these proprieties of advantage to the health , and ease , and strength of the bodie , have in them a far greater delight , and pleasure , and gratefulness to the senses , then any of the unchristian contraries . no pleasure in eating and drinking , like that in the temperate feeding on the plainest , wholesomest diet , and so in the rest . sect. 12 for reputation , another special outward advantage , it is clear , that besides , that christian religion teaches every man to think better of others then himself , forbids judging , and reproaching , and backbiting , and so most certainly preserves that jewel entire to every man . the practise of christian virtues , commands esteem and value even from those , which least exercise them themselves . the proud man cannot chuse but reverence the meek , the debaucht man the temperate , the greatest self-seeker him that most divests himself of all his self-interests . there are not three things in the world , which so certainly bring a good reputation along with them , as charity , and humility , and constancy ; and these three are the prime commands of christian religion . sect. 13 after the outward , i proceed to the inward advantages , the advantages of the soul , and those either of this life at the present , or in order to another life . sect. 14 the christian precepts tend evidently to the bettering of the soul in this life : first , by purging it : the heathen philosophers , porphyrie , and divers others , especially the pythagoreans , were much concerned in the pollutions of the soul , which they discerned , and beyond all things in the world desired , and endevoured the purging them out , sought to magick and sorcery to that end , but terribly mistook in that way to it . our christ hath done this by the grace , and doctrine of repentance , as far as is necessary for an inferior state . and so , is foretold by the old prophets under the style of [ the desire of all nations ] and [ the exspectation of the gentiles ] as he that brought with him in his precepts and in his graces , a full satisfaction to all the gaspings , and thirsts , of the most rational , and earnest appetites about us . sect. 15 secondly , by cultivating it with all usefull knowledge , and true wisdom . for such , by the oracles own confession , is practical knowledg , and of that kinde all the philosophers that ever were , never ascended to so high pitches , as christs one sermon in the mount hath done . sect. 16 thirdly , by satisfying it , allowing it here those injoyments , which of all others a rationall soul is pleased with , 1. the pleasures of friendship , of profitable conversation , admonishing , and instructing one another . 2. the pleasure and speciall ravishment of relieving , and refreshing those that want , of making a poor man happy . 3. the pleasure of contentment , and desiring nothing but what we enjoy . 4. the pleasure of victories , in resisting , and overcoming temptations of all sorts , but especially of overcoming evil with good ; and , whenever there is any unpleasant mixture , then 5. the pleasure of a difficult obedience , thereby to approve our love and zeal to him , who hath given himself for us . sect. 17 and fourthly , by daily rewarding of it : 1. by the comforts , and joyous reflexions of a good conscience ( as that is set off by the contrary hell and torments of a bad . ) 2. by the severall eases that the severall christian virtues give men here , the ease of patience , contrary to the uneasiness of rage , the ease of contempt of the world contrary to the perpetual drudgery , and toiles of the worldling , the ease of the continent man , contrary to the flames , and d●squiets of the libidinous . 3. by the present experience of gods loving kindness here , in answering of those prayers which are useful for us ; in denying those which would be hurtful , in restraining us sometimes , in exciting us at other times , in speaking peace to our souls , &c. 4. by conversing with god by meditation , by thanksgiving , singing hosannahs , and hallelujahs to him , the most joyous employment in the world . nay , by a perpetuall cheerfulness , rejoycings alwayes , which , as it would be another mans reward , so is it the duty of a christian . 5. by the exspectations of a reward in another life , which though future , is yet by the benefit of two christian virtues , faith and hope , forestalled , and anticipated , and made present to us . and all these , if there were not infinitely more , were sure advantages enough , to entertain a short life of fifty or threescore years , and secure it from being wearisome to a christian , or from needing those sinful , shameful , unworthy divertisements , that all other sorts of men , on purpose , that their time may not lie upon their hands , are fain to seek out unto themselves . sect. 18 lastly , the advantages , which a christian reaps by christ , are in order to another life . and those i shall best represent to you , by shewing these two things . 1. the valuableness of the reward promised by christ , and aspired to by christians , infinitely above all other rewards , that any other religion pretends to bestow upon men . 2. the attainableness of that reward , and the blame that will light on none but our selves , ( so that we shall be bound to acknowledge our selves most stupidly wretchless , and irrational ) if we do not attain to it . sect. 19 for the former , the valuableness of the christians future reward , infinitely above the wages of any other religion , that will appear , 1. by the immaterialitie , and 2. by the eternity of it : both those it is defined to be by christ , and by being so , is concluded to be an eternal , infinitely blisful state ; and that christ said true in that , neede not again be proved , god himself having been proved to bear him witness , that all that he said is true . the immateriality of this reward demonstrates it agreeable , and proportioned to the nobler part of us , the upper or rationall soul , all other grosser pleasures , the mahumetans enjoying of women , and the jews long life in a canaan , being gratifications to the viler parts of us , our senses , or bodies , and to those too , in their vilest state , as they are natural , not as they shall be spiritual ( and equal to angelical ) bodies . sect. 20 having said this , i need not adde the shamefulness , and emptiness , and unsatisfactoriness of all bodily pleasures , proceeding partly from the covetous ingrateful condition of that best-part of us , as the heathens have styled the body , partly from the great meanness , and poorness , and baseness of all bodily contents , ( so unworthy to be the ambitions ▪ or any thing , but the servants , and attendants of the reasonable soul ) and the instant satieties , and irksomnesses , that they alwayes are attended with , such , as nothing could make any meer man place any considerable value upon them , were not he either cheated into it at the distance , by the false glosses that other men put on them , and by seeing , what hazards are willingly run in pursuit of them ; or were he not early engaged in an habitual indulgence to them , which makes that difficult to part with , which he hath enjoyed so long , and consequently which imitates some pleasure , ( and is mistaken for it ) by the contrary painfulness of giving it over . sect. 21 whereas on the other side , the immaterial , spiritual , more sublime satisfactions to the pure undefatigable spirit , the rational , immortal soul within us , as they cannot be liable to those basenesses , and emptinesses , so neither are they in danger of those satieties ; and by satisfying , and blessing that part of us , which is infinitely most excellent in our natures , must of themselves necessarily be concluded most superlatively excellent , and deserve , as such , to be infinitely preferred , and most valued by us . sect. 22 having said this one thing of the immateriality of the christians future reward , and agreeableness to that part about us , which alone is worth providing for ( the happinesses of the other inferior parts being consequent to , and included in this , and a provision withall being ( by the wisdom of our god ) made for them that they shall no longer desire , or want those enjoyments , which is perfectly the same , if not , with some advantage , better , then if they had them ) it is not possible any farther improvement , or accession should be made to this reward , but onely by the perpetuating of it . sect. 23 and that is that other part of christs promise , that the bliss , which he thus bestows , shall in respect of its own plenitude never be exhausted or diminished , nor again , through the repentance of the doner , or the envie of any other , ever be withdrawn or forced from us . sect. 24 and this is a great enhansement , and evidence of the rationalness of our religion , how severe soever christs commands , or how rigid his exactings are supposed to be , or what sharpness soever we here are forced , or permitted to endure , in approving our obedience to him . if there be any difficulty in the obedience , or ungratefulness in the sufferings of a christians life , yet the abundant recompense of the present advantages , and , after those , of the soul-ravishing unspeakable bliss ( infinitely above the weight of the hardest ; or roughest part of christ task of performances , and above the proportion of the sowrest portion , that any pious man tastes in the afflictions of this life ) were they supposed to be of the same equal duration , would make our hopes , and patience , and perseverance perfectly rational , according to the ballances with which indifferent men weigh , or husbandmen labor , or merchants traffick here on earth . sect. 25 but when to every minuit of a pleasant , not painful obedience , to every mite of pressure ( which god that sends , gives strength also to bear cheerfully , makes matter not of patience , but victory , and rejoycing to us ) there is most immutably ascertained to us by christ an eternal ( eternal ) weight of glory , how impossible is it , that those few soure drops of so short transitory obedience , and patience , should not be drowned , and lost in that vast ocean , whereinto within a while they shall be really , and at the instant , by faith , and hope , they are ( in effect , and by equivalence ) poured out ? sect. 26 if there be any thing now left disputable in this matter , it must be , whether it will not be justly deemed irrational , that god should so over-heap his measure , so over-proportion his wages to us , reward that so gloriously , which , if there were never a heaven hereafter , were , at the present , reward sufficient to it self , and infinitely preferrable before the condition of any other mans life . but the advantage of that being on our side , we shall have little reason to dispute or complain of it . sect. 27 the onely thing imaginable to be replied , will be , that christs infictions are as immaterial , and as eternal , as his rewards , and the reason not presently discernible , why our short , empty , nauseated pleasures , the sins of a short life , and the joyes of those sins , far shorter then the shortest life , should be punished so sadly , and so eternally . this scruple of the atheist hath been searched to the bottome , and answered * in other papers ; and the brief of it is this , that the choice being referred to us , to take of the two , which we best like , eternal death set before us on the one hand , to make eternal life the more infinitely reasonable for us to chuse , on the other hand , and the eternal hell ( whensoever we fall into it ) being perfectly our own act , neither forced on us by any absolute decree of gods , nor irresistible temptation of the divel ▪ nor our own flesh , but as truly our wish and choice , and mad purchase , nay , much more truly , and properly , then eternal heaven is ( when our obedience is first so wrought by gods grace , and yet , after that so abundantly rewarded by the doner , ) it is certain that if there be any thing irrational , it is in us unkinde , and perverse creatures , ( so obstinate to chuse what god so passionately warns us to take heed of , so wilful to die , when god swears , he will not our death ) and not in him , that hath done all , that is imaginable to be done to reasonable creatures ( here in their way , or course ) to the rescuing , and saving of us . sect. 28 and so this hath by the way demonstrated also , the attainableness of that reward , and the no kinde of fault of gods ( he hath sent his prophets , his son , his spirit , his ministers , his mercies , his judgements , all sorts , and new methods of working deliverances : and salvations for us and all slaughtered , and crucified , and grieved , and abused by us ) but all meerly of our selves , if through our irrationall prides , or sloths , we do not attain to it . i shall not need therefore farther to inlarge on that , especially having * elsewhere abundantly demonstrated the truth of it . chap. v. the exceptions against some particulars in christian religion ; and 1. gods dispositions of providence . sect. 1 it now remains that i proceed from the gross to the retail , from the general to the particular view , and consideration of those particular branches of christian religion , which seem to men at this time to be least supported with reason . and they will be of two sorts , either concerning gods providence , or concerning gods commands now under the gospel . the first concerns his wisdom in dispensing the things of the world among men , the second his choice of duties , wherein to exercise us . sect. 2 for the first of these , it will briefly be reduced to this question , whether it can be deemed rational , that injustice should prosper , and patience never be relieved or rewarded in this life , as it is every where taught to be the method of god , and is most eminently exemplied on christ himself , in his own person , in the gospel . sect. 3 where first , if the question were , whether injustice could be really favoured by god , or by him so approved , and encouraged , as to be thought worthy of any the least reward , though but of a cup of cold water , by him , or ( as consentaneous to that ) whether injustice by going unpunished here , and by being triumphant in this world , might be thence concluded to be an act either of sanctity or of innocence , owned , and commended , and justified by god , by its thus prospering , i should then , i confess , acknowledg this to be irrational , and not plead , or undertake to be the advocate of that religion , which should teach one such doctrine as this . sect. 4 for this were to make a god ( who by being such , is supposed to be of an immutable wil , and justice ) to become inconstant and contradictory to himself , to forbid oppression , as contrary to his wil , and yet without making any change in the matter ( without withdrawing what he hath given to one , and disposing it to another , as in the case of the aegyptians jewells , and the canaanites land ) to reward it , as agreeable to his wil , to pronounce that no covetous person , without repentance , shall inherit the kingdom of heaven , and yet to give the covetous , beside an infallible title to the kingdom of god , continued to him , as a speciall saint of his , the addition of all the blessings of this life . in a word , this were the same irrational thing , as to affirm , that thief , which prospered in his assault , and actually robbed the traveller , and perhaps killed him too , to be by that means turned honest man , and that nothing but miscarrying in his attempt could denominate , or demonstrate him a thief ; that no sin were any longer a sin , if it were once acted , no oppression any longer oppression , if it were permitted to come to its fulness ; that every the foulest violence as soon as it were come to the height , bearing down all the resistances of divine and humane laws , and force , did then presently cease to be violence , and by being the lowest fiend in hell commence ipso facte the most rewardable saint : and therefore the onely religion , that hath been known in the world to maintain and countenance this , that of the turk or mahometan , i profess to believe absolutely irrational . sect. 5 but for christianity , that is so distinctly contrary to this , that the great fundamental history , upon which all our religion at once is built , is the most lively example , and doctrine of the contrary . for when christ himself was delivered up into the power of wicked men , and by them arraigned , and reviled , and crucified , not onely the disciples , which were his constant attendants , but his army of miriads of angels , that were alwayes at his command , doing nothing toward his release , when this consultation of the sanhedrin became successful , and obtained the desired event against him ( the highest , and most prosperous oppression of the greatest innocence and virtue ) then though there were more circumstances , which might affixe this on god his father , and seem to draw him into partaking in it , then we finde recorded of any , or all other sinful actions ( as that gods hand and counsel did foredetermine this to be done , that god foretold it by all his prophets , and from the certainty that they could not lie , doth , when it is done , conclude , that christ ought thus to suffer , that they that did it , even the chief rulers of them , had the excuse of some ignorance , untill gods raising him from the dead dispelled this mist from before their eyes , that what god had thus foretold , and praedetermined , viz. that christ should suffer , he had thus fulfilled , acts 3. 18. that he that suffered , voluntarily laid down his life , and by a speedy taking it up again , was freed from the saddest part of death , the remaining under the power of it , nay was , in the issue , so far from being the worse for suffering , that , beside the glorious advantages that came to his disciples and children by it , he himself was in that humane nature of his highly rewarded , and exalted for this his suffering ; though , i say , all these circumstances concurred to make the injury less , the crime more excusable , and altogether more fit , and more honourable to be charged upon god , and so to turn it from the crime of murther , to the vertue of obedience to gods will , and charity , and benefaction to mankinde , ( and even to him that suffered ) set this one act of the jews , their doing , against the express command , and will of god , that thing , which yet was by god * determined to be done , their crucifying an innocent person , that desired nothing , but their amendment , their committing that act , which by god was forbidden , under the commandment of murther , is thought fit by that god , whom the christians worship , to be punished most prod giously , and exemplarily , that ever any sin of the deepest die , and the most mischievous effects , was ever punished , even with the utter desolation of the whole nation , and all the prodigies that have been read of , the greatest pomp of aggravating circumstances , the calling heaven and earth together , to make the execution of these crucifiers the more solemn and remarkable ; so far is christianity from owning any such irrational doctrine as this . sect. 6 but this being thus disclaimed , and the doctrine , which is acknowledged to be christian , being cleared to be onely this , that in gods dispensations and providence , and governing of the world , under the gospel , it is not unusual for injustice to prosper , and patience , and innocence never to be relieved , or rewarded in this life . this i shall now assume on me to be clear to be perfectly reasonable ; and it shall be by thus taking it asunder . sect. 7 first , that wicked men should be permitted to be wicked , when all fair rationable means have successlesly been used to bring them to repentance , to restrain them from waxing worse and worse ; that they that will not mend by all the probablest , and most effectual means , should at last be left to themselves , and become incorrigible ; that god should not proceed from perswasion to violence , and force them to be good ( contrary to the nature of man in this his state of proficiency , who was created with a wil , or freedom of doing evil , if he pleased , and contrary to the nature of free , and rewardable goodness , which , if compelled , ceaseth to be such ) who will not be restrained from evil without force : this will never be deemed rational in god , who hath another tribunal to arraign ▪ and punish those , who will not submit to exhortation , and discipline here . but on the contrary it will very ill become the servant of god for his own ease , and security , to wish the disturbance of that method of god with mankinde , to expect that man , which , when he was in innocence , was created with a liberty to chuse the evil , should now amidst the briers , and thorns , after the provocations of a long vitious life , have such shackles laid on him , as that he should not be able to break gods bands and laws ; and all this onely that the good man may be protected , who , if he be not , knows that 't is far more for his advantage , then if he were . sect. 8 secondly , that they which are wicked , and have cast off all restraints of divine and humane laws , which break through all the ties , and securities , that promises and oaths can lay upon them ( the greatest protection for innocents , that any religion , or law , hath ever provided for them ) should , by these advantages above other men , be able to over-reach , and defraud others ; and by this means having acquired a power of hurting , should , when they have it , make use of this power , to do what is most agreeable to their lusts and interests to do , this again hath nothing in it strange , or irrational : it is far more strange , that it is not alwayes thus , that ( wicked men , allowing themselves all the liberty , and being by their very sins furnished with all armor , and instruments to work their will , and all innocent men , that resolve to continue such , being by this means disarmed , and naked before them ) the wicked should not get the whole world into their possessions . sect. 9 this certainly were to be expected , and by this means all that have wicked inclinations , would , in any humane likelihood , be encouraged to act to the height of their power of hurting , were there not a peculiar hedg of providence to defend the meek , without any of their own ( considerable ) contributions toward it , to guard them wonderfully in the open field , without any visible means of doing it : and if this shall otherwise happen at some one time , perhaps but once in many ages , and that for some very great end , in gods wisdom more considerable to the god-like government of the whole world , then the miraculous rescuing of a few meek innocents from a short oppression ( in earthly things , which are not worth their possessing ) could be deemed to be ; there is sure no great wonder in this , nothing irrational in the sometimes permitting of it . sect. 10 he that were secured in his inheritance in a quiet kingdom , as long as any man enjoyed his own , as majesty were permitted on the throne , or law , and justice on the bench , would never desire a fairer conveyance , or a longer lease of the most valued possessions of this life ; and this security remains to the meek man , though once in many ages it may have happened not to prove good unto him . sect. 11 and as there hath been nothing strange , or irrational on the part of the wicked oppressor that prospers , so next on the part of the patient , or sufferer , that smarts under him , there will appear to be as little . sect. 12 for first , absolute innocence is a thing , which ( save in the person of christ ) hath never been met with in man or woman on the earth ; and therefore he that is guilty of no fault in one particular , may yet be culpable , and punishable in many others ; he that is legally possest of an estate , and hath done nothing to forefeit it in law , may yet have sinned against god , and so have punishments due to him from that eternall justice ; which if they fall upon his body , or estate in this world , there is nothing irrational in that , but especially if so light a discipline may passe for all the revenge , and ( through the sufferings of christ , and interposition of mercy ) avert all future punishment , and be accepted in commutation for the torments of another judicature , this sure is all the charity and bounty in the world , that may be admired , but not complained of as unreasonable . sect. 13 secondly , that those that for their other faults might justly be punished , should have this punishment inflicted on them by those which themselves are wicked , and are actually such in thus afflicting them , if this seem to have any thing unreasonable in it , it will soon be answered by the necessity of the matter , which makes it impossible for any but wicked men to be employed in it . the israelites were once used to root out the nations , but that by an infallible commission from god , the supreme law-giver ( and whose will being once made known , over-rules all former laws ) and the universal owner and disposer of all the world , and the possessions thereof : and by this commission this became to them not onely lawful , but necessary , an act not onely of justice , but of obedience ; and so upon the like commission , the levites killing their brethren was an act of sanctity , a consecrating themselves unto the lord , those bloody sacrifices were in a manner the ceremonies of their consecration to their priests office . but then , first , all this depended upon the infallible validity of their commission , which had it been falsly pretended by them , or had they not been ascertained that it came from god , their actions had been as ungodly , and murtherous , as abrahams sacrificing his son must have been deemed , without the like commission : and secondly , this commission was by no means to be enlarged to any other , but those particular subjects , or matters , to which it was given . the jews might not at that time have destroyed or invaded any other nation , upon the face of the earth , nor might the levites at any other time have killed their brethren , on strength of that command , much less may any other people of any other nation , on strength of that example . and so now that such commissioners are out-dated , when all is left by god in the hands of standing laws , in opposition to new revelations , and consequently when that which is most just for me to suffer , or god to permit ( or by prospering in him , to inflict on me ) is most injurious in him that doth it , were it not perfect fury , much above the pitch of irrational , to demand that gods dearest children should act as the vilest men ? to require such explicite contradictions , that none but godly men should be permitted to oppress , to kill , to commit sacriledge , to lay waste , and to destroy , to break all those commandments of god , which he that doth , ipso facto , ceaseth be to godly ? if there be any wickedness to be done in a city , shall the righteous be the onely men to doe it ? this were worth wondering at indeed : but for the wicked , whose trade it is , whose joy of heart to be thus forever occupied , he is in his element , he needs no call , or incitation to do it . the turning him out of that office , and employing any body else , were the greatest unkindness to him , as the casting the divels out from tormenting the man , was by them looked on as the destroying them before their time , whereas the angel of light , would have looked upon it as a degree of hell , had hee been sent in , on that errant to torment him . sect. 14 thirdly , beside the perfect reasonableness of having offenders punished temporally here , ( which were reasonable , if it were for ever in another world ) there is a second , not onely justice but mercy in such sufferings , on whomsoever they fall . they are admonitions , and doctrines , and spirituall medicines , disciplines of the soul , to awake us out of secure , and stop in wilful sinning , and are by god on purpose made use of to that end , when prosperity hath been long used , and experimented to have no such auspicious influences in it , to be proper to feed , and foment , very improper to starve , or subdue enormities . and if the physitian administer a bitter potion , if the surgeon apply a corrosive , or caustick , when julips , or balsoms are judged , and proved to be uneffectuall , sure it is not the manner of men to count such methods irrationall . sect. 15 nay , it will be no hyperbole to affirme , that the addition of such documents as these , may sometimes deserve to be preferred , and more pretiously valued , then all the doctrines in the book of god it self without these , one such seasonable application , then all other receipts in his dispensatorie . the word of god gives rules of living to all men , but those so general , and unapplied , that it is ordinary for passionate men not to see themselves concerned in them . these punishments and visitations will be able to bring home , and make us , while we are under the discipline , confess , that we are the very men to whom by peculiar propriety they appertain . sect. 16 but there is yet a third sublimer benefit , of such dispensations of god under the gospel , which will render them abundantly rational . and that is the exercise of many christian graces of the greatest price in the sight of god , and such as shall be sure to be the most richly rewarded by him , which were it not for such changes as these , would lie by us unprofitably , such are patience , meekness , humility , contentedness with whatever lot , faithful dependance on god in all outward things , thanksgiving for plenty , and for scarcity too , a submitting to gods will in suffering , as well as doing it cheerfully , yea , and to his wisdom too , in resolving gods choices for us to be absolutely fitter for our turns , then any our own wishes ; and lastly , that wisdom , which saint james speaks of , the skill of spiritual judging , which can really prefer this state of suffering for christ , ( an excellence that angels do not partake of ) beyond any other state or condition of life . sect. 17 were it but onely for the variety , that all the burthen of the day might not lie on those graces , which are exercised in fair weather , but that those other , provided for the storm or winter , might take their turns and give them some relaxation , this would be very rational and useful for us , as aristotle saith , that the change of motions from up hill to down hill , and so back again , doth provide against lassitude , more then the constancy of any one , be it in the easiest smoothest plain , because that layes all the burthen incessantly upon one pair of muscles , without any relief or assistance from any other . but when withall , every exerise of each of these graces hath attending it an addition of more gems in our crown , more degrees of glory in another world , ( that i may not adde also of present joy , and satisfaction , and ravishment in the present exercises here ) then sure the superfluities , and pleasures of this life , the any thing that is ever taken from us by the harpies , and vultures of this world , are richly sold , and parted with by the christian ( which knows how much , or indeed how little they are worth enjoying ) if they may thus bring him in that rich fraight of never fading bliss in another world . and this will serve for justifying the rationalness of gods dealing with us now under the gospel , in respect of his providence . chap. vi . the exceptions against christ's commands . sect. 1 it remains that i proceede to christs commands under the gospel , and shew the rationalness of them . sect. 2 and having done it so largely already on the head of advantages , i shall now onely descend to that one , against which our modern exceptions are most frequently made , viz. sect. 3 the great fundamentall dutie of taking up the crosse to follow christ ; i. e. of approving my obedience to christ in all and every particular , even when the extreamest danger , the loss of my life is like to be the price to be paid for it . sect. 4 the unreasonableness of this is argued and concluded from the contrarietie of it to that liberty of self-defence , and to that law of self-preservation ; which nature is supposed to dictate to every man . and the shewing the weaknesse of this objection , will be a full vindication of the rationalness of the precept . sect. 5 and this is done by putting us in minde , what is meant by self-preservation , and what by nature , and what by law . a man is made up of a body , and a soul , a mortal and an immortal part , and those may be considered either severally , or united : and consequently self-preservation may be set to signifie any one , or more of these four things . either , first , the preserving that material mortal part of him from present hurt , or secondly , preserving the immortal part of him in well , and happy being , or thirdly , preserving the present union of one of these with the other , or fourthly , the providing for the perpetual happy union of them eternally . the first is the preserving the body , and with it the estate , and liberty , and reputation , &c. from present loss or diminution . the second is preserving the soul in innocence , or virtue . the third is preserving of this life of ours , which wee live in the naturall body . and the fourth is providing for a joyfull resurrection , and an everlasting life attending it . sect. 6 then for nature , that may signifie either blinde unenlightned nature , which sees no more then the reflection upon it self , and the book of the creatures , and natural instincts represent to it ; or else nature , as it is enlightned by revelation , i. e. by gods making known some things in his word , which nature had never known , had they not been thus revealed : such are the doctrines of our faith , and particularly the eternal rewards , and punishments which are revealed to us in the scripture . sect. 7 then for laws , those may be either absolute , and peremptory , which yield not to any superior laws ; or else conditional , and subordinate , when a superior law doth not interpose to the contrary . sect. 8 to bring all this home to our present discourse . if by self-preservation be meant either the first , or the third notion of the self , the preserving my body , or my life , then though it may truly be said that it is a law of nature , that men may , and that ( when no superior law requires the contrary ) they ought , and are bound to preserve these imperfect mutilate selves , these bodies ; yet then as there is a higher notion of a man then as that barely signifies his body , his soul being the far more excellent part of him , and the eternall union of body and soul together , being most eminently the notion , that he is concerned in , so there must be a superior law of self-preservation , then that which commands onely the preserving the body , and though bare un-lightned nature , that is able to look no farther then this life , doe not give any law in this matter , yet nature being supposed instructed in the christian doctrine , that there is another life of body , and soul after this , to last for ever , must needs be resolved to do it , it being impossible , that reasonable nature , when two things are represented so distant , as the life of a few yeers here in the midst of such sad mixtures , and an everlasting life hereafter in the fulness of all joyes , should not enjoyn the preserving of the latter , even with the contempt of the former , when the care of the former may bring any danger to the latter . sect. 9 the short of it is , that when eternal life is in the hand of christ to give to them , that continue obedient and constant to him , and to none else , and when the fearing of them which can hurt , and kill the body , the caring for , or preserving of this present life , doth at any time , or in any case , resist , or obstruct the performance of that duty , which christ then requires or expects from me ; there nature commands me to despise the less , and preserve the greater ; and if it be not absolutely willing to sacrifice the present to the eternall life , and consequently to prefer the obeying of christ to the preserving of this fading short life , it must acknowledge it self a blinde heathen nature , ( that knows nothing of an eternall future life , and of him that can cast both body and soul into hell ) or else an irrational wilde nature , that knows these distances of finite , and infinite , and doth not thinke them worth considering . sect. 10 it is therefore my most charitable opinion of those that object the principle of self-preservation to the doctrine of taking up the crosse , and determine us free from the obligation of paying obedience to christ , when it cannot be done without endangering of estate , or life , that they speak out of their memory onely , what they have read in books of that supreame law of the preserving ones self , but do not withall remember , that if that self signified onely the body , it was the philosophie of them , that knew nothing of the immortality of the soul , or the endlesness of an other life , or if they were aware of the christian doctrines of eternity , they never called the body , that self , that was to be so solicitously tended . sect. 11 and therefore it is observable in the first ages of the church , that those hereticks that were enemies of the crosse of christ , that taught it to be a indifferent and lawfull in time of persecution to forswear , and renounce christ , and offer sacrifice to idols , were a sort of men ( the gnosticks ) that immerst themselves in all unnaturall filthiness , and depended not at all on the promises of another life , and having first taught , that christ did not b really suffer in the flesh , but onely in appearance , would not be perswaded that either hee had any c need of their lives , or indeed exspected it from them , d being come , as they said , to save their lives , to die , that they might not be killed . where the mistake was clear and visible , that they thought they were these transitory lives , that christ came to preserve , and not those other lives , which were to be conveyed over to eternity . sect. 12 the fate of those gnosticks at that time , was very remarkable , and that which will render our irrational fondness of these bodily lives yet more irrational . their great care was to preserve their lives , and their prime dexterity , in order to that , to comply constantly with the powerful persecutor ; that was , especially , with the jews ; ( for though the sword was in the heathens hand , yet the great malice against the christians was in the synagogue , from * thence sprang all the persecutions . ) to this end , those gnosticks took upon them to be great zealots for the mosaical law of circumcision , and generally pieced with the jews , and approved themselves to them . at last the roman army comes against jerusalem , takes jews , and gnosticks together , and destroyes them all ; and so christ was as remarkably a true prophet in that , as in any one particular , that he that would save his life , should lose it , ( that very temporall life , that all his compliance with the jews was designed to save ) and hee that would lose , i. e. venture , and lay down his life for christs sake , should finde it , i. e. have it more probably preserved , and continued to him here , then they that were most solicitous for it , and , whether he lost or kept it here , have it restored to him to continue eternally . sect. 13 and if that promise of the gospel have truth in any sense of it ; then is the command no irrational command , of taking up the cross to follow christ , when he can , if it be for thy turn , except of thy taking up the cross , without its bearing thee , or , if he do not , can pay thee abundantly , for what thou losest , reward thee with eternity . sect. 14 if i could foresee any other command of christ , that could fall under our jealousie , and censure : i should proceede to it , and be confident of approving it exactly rational . as it is , i am at an end of my designed method , and am glad it hath been contrived into so small a compass , being now at leisure to retire to my meditations , which will , i hope , be more calm , being thus disburthened , and make it my first theme to discourse with my ▪ self , how extremely rational it is , that those very turns of providence , which have been our great temptation , and they say , made many atheists among us , should be reviewed again , and upon second demurer thoughts engage , and instruct us all to become more christian . who is wise , and he shall understand these things ; prudent , and hee shall know them ? for the wayes of the lord are right , and the just shall walke in them , but the transgressor shall fall therein , hos. 14. 9. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45434e-190 * — nam si nullum sinem esse putarent aerumnarum homines , nulla ratione valerent , religionibus atque minis obsistere vatum . lucret. l. 1. notes for div a45434e-770 * h. grotius , and phil. morney du pleisse , &c. a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . b {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * est quoque alia vencrabilior & sanctior historia , que perhibet ortu stellae cujusdam insolitae non morbos morésque prae untiatos , sed desiensum dei venerabilis ad humanae servationis ( without question {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the greek , though that be not extant ) rerumque morialium gratiam , quam à chaldais observatam suisse testantur , qui deum super natum mor eribus venerati sunt . calcidius in plat. timaeum , p. 219. a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , acts 17. 31. g {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 1 pet. 1. 21. h {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rom. 1. 4. i acts 1. 5. a acts 10. 44. see acts 15. 8. & 11. 15. & . 17. b vers . 45. c acts 11. 15. & 18 acts 19. 6. a gradus revelationis divinae quatuor , nesuah prophetia per visionem , & spectra . ruach hacadosh , afflatus spiritus sancti , qui erat sinc istis , ut in david , &c. urim & tummim in pectorali judicii ( splēdescentia pectoralis , seu hoschen praenuntians judaeis victoriam , quod cessavit splendescere . an. 200. antequam ego scriberem , inquit josephus , cum deus irasceretur ob transgressiones legum , vid. suid. in voce ephod ) & bath col. i. e. vox coelitus audita , & haec ultima erat sub templo secundo , &c. vid. p. fagium in targum pentat . exod. 1 john 2. a acts 10. 38. b acts 4. 27. c cor. 2. 4. * matth. 21. 26. * among the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the confest writings of scriptures , attested by all , and not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} contradicted by any , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . euseb. eccl. hist. l. 3. c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the four gospels are first to be placed , and then the story of the acts of the apostles . notes for div a45434e-14760 a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} cont. cels . p. 4. b {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , p. 862. c {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . d {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . e vid. just . mart. p. 5. & 6. a & 8. c. 9. a. so just . mart. p. 375. a. & for the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , p. 379 , so for the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of the union of christs natures , 382. b. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , 386. b. 387. d. 388. a. f {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . orig. cont. cels . p. 8. g {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a45434e-19100 a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . b {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . simplic . in catheg . arist. c {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , anonym. schol. in categ . d {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . id. e {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hierocl. in praef. ad {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes for div a45434e-21810 * second sermon on mat. ●● 30. b matth. 22. 21 acts 23. 5. rom. 13. 1 pet. 2. 13 , 18. c ephes. 5. 22 , 25. & 6. 1 , 4 , 5 , 9. 1 pet. 3. 1 , 7. f {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . 2 thes. 3. 6. * pract. cat. last edition . pag. 303 , 30. * pract. cat. 1. sect. l. 1. p. 6. notes for div a45434e-29990 acts 3. 17. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . james 1. 5. notes for div a45434e-35410 a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . euseb. l. 4. eccles. hist. c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . euseb. l. 6. c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . out of origen on psal. 82. b {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vid. ignatii ep. ad smyrn. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , vid. cyril . hier. catech. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . non hic , nec apud homines confessionem putant constitutam , sed in coelo . tertul. cont. gnost . c. 10. c nec deus humanum sanguinem sitit , nec christus vicem passionis , quasi ipse de eà salutem consecuturus , exposcit . tertul. cont. gnost , cap. 15. d semel christus pro nobis obiit , semel occisus , ne occideremur , si vicem exspectat , num & ille salutem de meâ nece exspectat ? tert. cont. gnost . c. 1. * synagogae judaeorum fontes persecutionum , terti . b. c. 10. the baptizing of infants revievved and defended from the exceptions of mr. tombes in his three last chapters of his book intituled antipedobaptisme / by h. hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1655 approx. 325 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45397 wing h515a estc r875 11875380 ocm 11875380 50200 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45397) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50200) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 533:5) the baptizing of infants revievved and defended from the exceptions of mr. tombes in his three last chapters of his book intituled antipedobaptisme / by h. hammond ... hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 108, [5] p. printed by j. flesher for richard royston ..., london : 1655. reproduction of original in bristol public library, bristol, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data 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true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tombes, john, 1603?-1676. -antipaedobaptism. infant baptism -early works to 1800. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the baptizing of infants revievved and defended from the exceptions of mr. tombes , in his three last chapters of his book intituled antipedobaptisme . by h. hammond , d. d. london , printed by j. flesher , for richard royston at the angel in ivy lane . 1655. the baptizing of infants reviewed and defended . the introduction . having , by gods help , past through many stadia in these agones , and therein paid some degree of obedience to the precept of christ , mat. 5.41 . and withall to s. peters directions of rendring an account of the faith which is in us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even to him that most unnecessarily requires it ; there is yet remaining one matter of discourse , wherein some seeming ingagement lyes upon me , occasioned by the resolution of the 4th quaere , concerning infant baptisme ; for to this mr. jo : tombes hath offered some answers in the three last chapters of his book intitled antipaedobaptism . what i have thought meet to return to these , might , i supposed , have been not unfitly annexed by way of appendage to that of festivals ; the treatises of festivals and infant baptisme being so neerly conjoyned in the first draught or monogramme , that the defence of them ( which may in some degree passe for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ought incongruity to be contrived into the same table also . but the length of this answer hath disswaded that , and the desire that the reader may have no taskes imposed on him but by his own choice , hath advised the publishing this by it self , with some hope that this may conclude his trouble , and that this new year may not bring me so many occasions of such contests , as the last hath done . chap. i. of baptisme among the jewes . sect. i. probations more and less perfect . the use of circumcision to this question of paedobaptisme . as also of christ's reception of children . childrens coming and believing , mat. 18. children sinners . the foundation of mr. tombes's returns to me he is pleased to lay in some words , which he hath recited out of § . 23. of my resolution of the 4th quaere , where i say , that there is no need of laying much weight on this , or any the like more imperfect wayes of probation , the whole fabrick being sufficiently supported and built on this basis ( the customary baptismes among the jewes ) and that discernible to be so , if we consider it first negatively , then positively . to this he begins his reply with these words , i like the doctors ingenuity in his waving the imperfect wayes of proving infant baptisme , viz. the example of circumcision , gen. 17. of baptizing a whole houshold , act. 16.33 . christs reception of little children , mat. 19.14 . mar. 10.16 . and doubt not to shew his own to be no better then those he relinquisheth . to this introduction of his i shall make some reply in a generall reflexion on the treatise which he undertakes to answer , and begin with disclaiming his good words and approbation of my ingenuity , assuring him that he is wholly mistaken in these his first lines and that i do in no wise relinquish those wayes of probation by him taken notice of , nor shall so far despise the authority and aides of the ancient church writers , who have made use of them , as wholly to neglect the force and virtue of them . and i thought it had been to him visible , that i have made my advantage of every one of them § . 20 , 21 , 22. though i do verily think the foundation of this practice is more fitly laid in that other of jewish baptisme , which belonged to all , both jews , and proselytes children , females as well as males , whereas circumcision belonging to males onely , was in that and some other respects a less perfect basis of it . meanwhile , for the clearing of this whole matter , it must be remembred that probations are of two sorts , either less or more perfect , those i call less perfect , which though they have full force in them , as far as they are used , yet are not of so large an extent as to conclude the whole matter in debate , which others that are more perfect may be able to do . i shall apply this to the matter before us . the instituting of the sacrament of circumcision among the jewes , and the express command of god that the children of eight daies old should by this rite be received into covenant , is an irrefragable evidence that those may be capable of receiving a sacrament , who have not attained to years of understanding the nature of it , that children may be received into covenant with god though they are not personally able to undertake or performe the condition of it , and then that argument will so far be applicable to paedobaptisme , as to evidence the lawfulness and fitness of it among christians , by this analogie with god's institution among the jewes , and so certainly invalidate all the arguments of the antipaedobaptist ( i. e. of mr. tombes ) drawn from the incapacity of infants , from the pretended necessity that preaching should go before baptizing , from the qualifications required of those that are baptized , &c. for all these objections lying and being equally in force against circumcising of infants , it is yet evident to be the appointment of god that every infant of 8. days old should be circumcised , gen. 17.12 . and the threatning of god denounced against them as transgressors in case it be neglected , the uncircumcised manchild shall be cut off from his people , he hath broken my covenant , v. 14. and this the rather , because the apostle compares baptisme of christians with circumcision , col. 2.11.12 . in whom ye are circumcised — buried with christ in baptisme , isidor pelusiote , l. 1. ep. 125. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the jews used circumcision in stead of baptisme , whereupon s. epiphanius styles baptisme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the great circumcision , and s. augustine to them that require a divine authority , whereby to prove the baptisme of infants , renders this of the * jewish circumcision , ex quâ veraciter conjiciatur quid valeret in parvulis sacramentum baptismi , whereby true judgement may be made what force the sacrament of baptisme may have in infants . and in like manner isidore l. 1. ep. 125. whereupon consideration of the angel coming , to kill moses because of the childs not being circumcised , he concludes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let us make haste to baptize our children . yet because what is thus evidenced to be lawfull , and agreeable to divine appointment in the old testament , is not thereby presently proved necessary under the new ( christ might otherwise have ordained , if he had pleased , and from his ordinance onely , as that was understood by his apostles and by them delivered to the church , the necessity of our obedience , and so of baptizing infants , is completely deduced ) therefore it is , that i mentioned this , as a more imperfect way of probation , in respect of the intire conclusion , which i undertook to make , viz. not onely the lawfulness , but the duty and obligation , that lies upon us to bring our infants to baptisme ; which by the way , was much more then was necessary ( the shewing the lawfulness being sufficient , and the example of circumcision being competent ) for the disproving the pretensions of the antipaedobaptist , and so , ex abundanti , an act of supererogatory probation , in relation to mr. t. the same is appliable in some degree to the other waies of probation , which he supposeth to be relinquisht by me , especially to that of christ's behaviour to little children , commanding to suffer them to come unto him ( who yet were no otherwise able to come then as they were brought , and as now they come to the font for baptisme ) and embracing and laying on his hands and blessing them : but this is competently set down , and the force of it , how far t is argumentative , § 22. onely i now adde , that that other place of mat. 18.6 . where jesus speaking of little children , useth these words , who so offendeth one of these little ones that believe in me , it were good for him that a milstone &c. may tend much to give us the full importance and signification both of their coming to christ , and of his commanding not to forbid them ( such as will neerly concern every antipaedobaptist to take notice of ) for as in other places of the new testament , the coming unto god and christ , is believing on him , seeking to receive benefit from him ( as , he that cometh to me shall never hunger , and come unto me all ye that are weary , and if any man thirst let him come unto me and drink ) so , it seems , by this place , that that coming of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 little infants ( for so they are called in the parallel place luk. 9.47 . ) which they were capable of by the help of their parents or friends , is styled by christ the childrens believing , and so far imputed to them , as that upon that account the sentence is very severe upon those that shall scandalize them , repulse or discourage , or any way hinder them in this their progress to christ , though it be but in the armes of other men . how fitly this is applicable to the state of infants , in respect of the guilt of original sin , under which they are born , and for the remission of which ( and not onely for the entring into the kingdome of heaven ) the fathers defined against the pelagians , that baptisme was necessary for them , i shall not need here to inlarge , having formerly spoken to that head . onely it may not be amiss here to advert , that it was as reasonable for the children to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 believers , who yet had no faith of their own , but onely of their parents &c. to bring them to christ , as for the same children to be accounted sinners ( as undoubtedly they are ) which yet never committed any act of sin , which made s. augustine de verb : apost : serm : 4. say , absit ut ego dicam non credentes infantes , god forbid that i should say that infants are not believers , credit in altero , qui peccavit in altero , he believes by another who sinned by another , dicitur , credit , & valet , & inter fideles baptizatos computatur , the susceptors say he believes , and so he is reputed among the baptized believers . and this reputative faith the more reasonably accepted by the church , it being moreover evident by the baptisme of simon magus , and of all hypocrites , that 't is the profession of faith , and not the possession of it , which is required as the qualification which authorizes the church to admit them to baptisme ; and that being performed by the infants proxies in his name , the church after the forementioned example of christ , may very lawfully accept it of those , who can performe no other , in lieu of a personal profession . meanwhile this passage of christ concerning children , though it be a certain evidence again against the antipaedobaptist , as hath been shewed , and i need no more then this one proof , if i were destitute of all others , to refute his pretensions , yet because it contains no relation of christs , or his apostles baptizing infants , therefore i put it in the rank of the more imperfect probations ( in comparison with that other way of probation , which i conceive , deduceth and concludeth the whole matter more intirely ) though , as t is evident § . 22. this was neither waved nor relinquisht by me . to this if i shall now adde , that it was my design in that resolution of the quaere to insist more largely on that way of probation , which i discerned to be lesse considered or insisted on by others , and yet to have perfect evidence in it , if it were duely explained and improved as it was capable , and on the same account thought i might spare to multiply words , where others had often inlarged , and therefore said but little of those common arguments or heads of probation , and yet sufficient to testifie my neither waving nor relinquishing them , it will then abundantly appear , how little i deserved mr. t. his good words , and how justly i renounce that title to ingenuity which he bestowes upon me , being better pleased with his animadversions on my dotages , as he after phraseth it , then these , his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his liberalities to me by which he designed advantage to himself . sect. 2. the necessity of paedobaptisme depending on the positive part of the probation . the severall sorts of anabaptists . testimonies the onely proof of institutions . before i proceed i must desire the reader to consider two things , 1. that the jewish baptisme is not by me set up as the competent proof , but onely as the ground or foundation ( which taken by its self is always very imperfect in respect of the whole fabrick or building , ) 2. that the perfect proof being set down to consist of two parts , a negative and a positive , the first onely shewing the no incongruity or unlawfulness of baptizing infants , and the second adding thereto duty and obligation , these two must in all reason remain conjoyned in our discourse , and not be so severed , or considered asunder , as if i thought the former way of negative probation sufficient to do the whole work without the assistance of the latter ; this i needed not have said in relation to mr. t. for the bare negative consideration ( that there is nothing in the pattern whence christs baptisme is copied out , nothing in the copie it self , as far as christ's words in the gospel , or the apostles practice extend , &c. ) is perfectly sufficient to refute an antipaedobaptist ( such as he professeth to be ) who undertakes to shew the baptizing of infants to be unlawfull , but cannot pretend to shew it by any other way , but by producing some either law or practice of christ or his apostles to the contrary , which he must be concluded unable to do , if my negative stand inviolate ▪ but i thus interpose ( and do it thus early ) because the positive part , being indeed the principal , especially when it is also added to the negative , doth not onely demonstrate it lawfull , but duty , to offer and receive our infants to baptisme , the judgement and practice of the vniversal church for 1600 years , ( received , as the fathers with one consent testifie , from the apostles , as the will of christ himself ) having this force and authority over every meek son of the church , that he may not without incurring god's displeasure , oppugne or contemne it . and so by this means there is much more performed then was needful , if mr. t. had been the onely adversary foreseen , even that which may convince all sorts of opposers and disputers in this matter , from * peter de bruce and henry his scholar , and the petrobusiani and henriciani that sprang from them , to nicholas storck and john munzer , melchior rinck , balthazar habmaier , michael satelar the switzers , and so on to michael hofman the skinner in the low countries , to vbbo and menno of friseland , and theodorick vbbo's son , and all their followers , which either then lived , and set up in germany , or are now revived , or copied out among us ; this one deduction of this practice ( of baptizing infants ) from the apostles , if it be solid , being abundantly sufficient to make an end of all controversies of this kind , it being highly unreasonable that an institution of christ's , such as each sacrament is , should be judged of by any other rule ( whether the phansies or reasons of men ) but either the words wherein the institution is set down , or ( when they , as they are recorded in the scripture , come not home to the deciding of the controversie ) by the records of the practice , whether of christ , or ( because he baptized not himself ) of the apostles , however conserved or made known unto us . in a word then , the customary baptisme among the jews being first laid onely as the basis and foundation ( which , as i said , must be observed to differ from the whole building , being indeed onely , the first and most imperfect part of it ) and evidently brought home and applied to every branch of the christian baptisme , i desire mr. t. will permit the baptisme of our infants to deduce and evidence it self from the considerations , which are thereunto annexed , both negative and positive , and then make triall how he shall be able to demolish that structure which is thus founded and supported ; meanwhile i shall now consider the severals of his exceptions , having premised thus much in generall . sect. 3. the jewes baptisme of natives as well as proselytes . testimonies of their writers in proof thereof . baptisme among the heathens taken from the jewes . among both from noahs flood . the derivation of christian from jewish baptisme how manifested . christs answer to nicodemus . baptisme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the deluge . gr. nazianzen's and macarius's testimonies . the fathers meaning in affirming the christians baptisme to be in stead of circumcision . the lords supper founded in the jewes postcoenium , yet in stead of their passeover . and first he will abbreviate and give the reader the substance of my proof , which he conceives to be this , that the jewes were wont when they admitted proselytes to baptize them and their children . here again at the entrance i must enterpose , that his epitome hath done some injurie to the book , left out one considerable , if not principal part , viz. that which concerned the native jewish children , who were baptized as solemnly , as the proselytes and their children . this must be here taken notice of , because mr. t. makes haste to assume the contrary , that the jewes baptized not iewes by nature , p. 306. that after the baptisme exo. 19.10 . the iews did not baptize iewes but onely proselytes , p. 307. and so makes a shift to conclude , that by my arguing , the children of those that were baptized in infancie ought not to be baptized , and so that no infant of christian race , or descended from christian ancestors , is now to be baptized , p. 308. no infants but at the first conversion of the parent , p. 309. and this i was many moneths before the publication of his book , warned to expect from mr. t. as an irresistible answer to my way of defending infant baptisme , mentioned by him in the pulpit , as ready to be publisht , that by deducing the baptisme of christians from the jewish custome of baptizing of proselytes i had excluded all the children of christian ancestors from our baptisme . but as this was then a great surprise to me , who knew that i had cleared that iudaical baptisme to belong to the children of all native iewes , as well as of proselytes , so now i could not but wonder to find there was so perfect truth in that relation , which i had received , and have no more to say , but to desire the reader to cast his eyes upon that treatise , and informe himself whether i have not as punctually deduced from the iewish writers the customary baptisme of native iewish infants , as i have done the baptisme of proselytes and their children , and indeed mentioned the former as the original from which the latter was to be transcribed , and so as the foundation and groundwork of that other . t is unreasonable to recite here what is there so visible , yet because i see it is not taken notice of , but the contrary assumed for granted , and the chief weight of his 24th chapter laid upon that supposition , there is nothing left me to do in this matter , but to transcribe my words from that 6th § . which are expressely these : first then , baptisme or washing of the whole body was a iewish solemnity , by which the native iewes were entred into the covenant of god made with them by moses , so saith the talmud tr : repud : israel or the israelites do not enter into covenant but by these three things , by circumcision 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by baptizing , and by peace offering . so in gemara ad tit . cherithoth , c. 2. your fathers , i. e. the iewes of old time did not enter into the covenant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but by circumcision and baptisme , and in iabimoth , c. 4. rabbi ioshua said , we find of our mother that they were baptized ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and not circumcised , so maimonides tit : isuribia , c. 13. by three things the israelites entred into the covenant , by circumcision , baptisme and sacrifice , and soon after , what was done to you , to the iewes in universum , ye were initiated into the covenant by circumcision 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and baptisme and sacrifice . all these testimonies there thus set down , and then how could i conclude lesse then there i do , that nothing can be more clearly affirmed by them , i. e. by the jewish writings of the greatest authority among them , the talmud , gemara , and maimonides ? if this were not sufficient , then follows § 11. as a third thing observable in this baptisme among the jewes , that the baptisme of the natives was the pattern , by which the baptisme of proselytes was regulated , and wherein it was founded , and this made evident by the arguing , and determining the question , in the gemara , tit : jabimoth , c. 4. after this manner , of him that was circumcised and not baptized rabbi eliezer said that he was a proselyte , because , said he , we find of our fathers ( abraham isaac — ) that they were circumcised but not baptized ; and of him that was baptized and not circumcised rabbi josua said , he was a proselyte , because said he , we find of our mothers that they were baptized and not circumcised : but the wise men pronounced that till he were baptized and circumcised he was not a proselyte , where the example of the jewes is the rule by which the obligation of the proselytes is measured . and the same is evident by the reason rendred by the jewish writers of their baptizing the proselytes , which is generally taken by them from that command , numb . 15.15 . one ordinance shall be both for you of the congregation , and also for the stranger ( i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the proselyte ) that sojourneth with you , an ordinance for ever in your generations , as ye are , so shall the stranger be before the lord , one law and one manner ( i. e , one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luke 1.6 . one law for moral duties , and one ordinance for rituals or ceremonies ) shall be for you and for the stranger that sojourneth with you . thus the gemara tit : cherithoth , c. 2. foundeth the circumcising and baptizing of proselytes , upon those words , as to you , so shall it be to the proselyte . so maimonides tit : isuri bia , c. 13. in like manner through all ages as oft as a gentile will enter into the covenant , and receive the yoke of the law upon him , it was necessary that circumcision and baptisme should be used for him , beside sprinkling of the sacrifice , and if it were a woman , baptisme and sacrifice , according as it is said ( numb . 15.15 . ) as to you , so also to the proselytes . and yet farther , as to the original of this baptisme among the iewes themselves , the 12. § . out of their writers deduceth it from the time of giving the law in mount sinai , exo. 19.10 . when god , to prepare them for the receiving it , commands moses , go to the people and sanctifie them to day and to morrow , and let them wash their clothes . so saith maimonides isuri bia , c. 13. but baptisme was in the desart before the giving of the law , according as it is said , thou shalt sanctifie them — and that agreeable to what we read of jacob to his household , gen. 35.2 . put away the strange gods that are among you , and be clean and change your garments ( where being clean is answerable to being sanctified or baptized , and changing to washing their garments ) so that as the covenant made with abraham was sealed by circumcision , so the giving of the law which was the covenant made by god with all the people , was thought to be sealed by baptisme , and that the washing , if not of the whole , yet of some parts of the body ( ordinarily called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanctifications ) and the washing ( or wearing clean ) garments also . and now i may , i hope , assume , that not onely there is perfect truth in what i now affirme , that baptisme among the iewes belonged to their natives as well as to proselytes ( even to all that entred into the covenant , and those evidently were the iewish children as well as men ) but also that this had before been evidenced in that resol : of the 4th quaere , which here mr. t. hath been pleased to examine , and consequently that it was no small injustice , and unkindness in him both to the reader , and to me , that he would omit to take notice of it , but assume and build on it as a thing yielded and granted him by my discourse that the proselytes onely , and not the native jewes were partakers of that jewish baptisme . this sure was a strange infirmity in an answer , and that which must needs have a special influence upon it , in any impartial weighing , even such an one , as will make it very unnecessary for me to consider any of his other considerations which he hath offered in that matter , which must certainly have no force in them , when that which is such a principal part of my arguing is so perfectly omitted , and the contrary supposed by him . however i shall not refuse to attend him in all his motions , and inquire whether there be any particular pitcht on by him , which may deserve our farther consideration , in order to the point in hand , that of infant baptisme among christians . and 1. saith he , baptisme , it seems , was a custome of all nations as well as the jewes , citing grotius for it on mat. 3.6 . and mat. 28.19 . of the truth of this observation i shall raise no question , onely i wonder what he could phansie from thence to conclude for his advantage . certainly he will not hope by that argument to evince the negative , that it was not used among the jewes , for how can the gentiles , using it conclude , against all other evidence , that the jewes did not use it ? nor can he pretend that christ transcribed it from those gentiles , and not from the jewes : for christ preaching , as he was sent , to the lost sheep of the house of israel , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to them first , act. 3.26 . and if not to them onely , yet in a far more eminent manner to them then to any others , and accordingly adapting his reformation to the iewish religion , and lightly deducing so many other customes from the iewes , and none from the gentiles , can with no probability be conceived to deduce this from the gentiles , rather then from the iewes , especially when ( as clement observes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the heathens borrowed or stole both their learning , and their custome from the iewes , so ) it is very obvious to imagine , that this of baptisme , purgations and lustrations might by those heathens be borrowed from the iewes , at least by both of them be derived from the same common fountain , the sonnes of noah , in remembrance of the deluge , according to that famous verse among the greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sea sweeps away all the evils of men , to which s. peter alludes in making baptisme the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to noah's stood ( as he hath himself cited it out of grotius , ) and so in like manner some of the fathers , as athanasius , in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tom. 2. p. 426. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first baptisme is that of the deluge for the excision of sinnes . and if neither of these be hence deducible , that it matters little what else he can design to infer from it . and so sure there was some want of answers , when this ( so nothing to the matter on either side ) was thought fit to march in the front of them . under this head of answer , he presently addes , that he doth not know that dr. h. or any other hath alleged one passage in scripture , or any of the fathers , that might evince that the custome of baptizing , or baptizing infants was derived from the iewes initiating proselytes by baptisme . to this i answer , 1. by asking mr. t. whether he be ready to pay that reverence to the authority of the fathers , as to be concluded by their affirmations ? if he be , i wonder why the uniforme consent of them , that infants are to be baptized , should not prevaile with him : if he be not , why doth he mention this as usefull in this matter ? but then 2dly . it must be adverted , that this one containing two quaestions in it , 1. whether this of initiating into the covenant by baptisme were a jewish custome ? 2. whether from thence christ derived this rite of baptizing of christians ? the former of these was that which alone required proving the latter being of it self evident , without farther probation , supposing onely that the fathers testified that to be christ's institution of baptisme , which we find to have been thus agreeable to the practice customary among the jews . as for example , if it were made matter of doubt or question , whether christ derived the censures of his church from the jews , it will sure be a sufficient answer to the question , if wee shall first find in the jewish writers their customes of excommunication , and then from the christian writers find the like records of the christian custome , from the institution of christ , and the practice of his apostles 〈◊〉 down unto us ; for those two things being done , what need we any father's assistance or guidance , to secure us , that christ derived , and lightly changed this custome of ecclesiasticall censures in his church , from what he found in the jewish sanhedrim ? in this matter 't is easy and obvious to object ( as m. t. here doth about baptisme ) that excommunication was a custome among other nations , as well as the jews , the description of it among the druids in cesar's commentaries being so famous and notorious to every man : which yet will not sure prevaile with any reasonable man , or make it necessary to produce the testimonies whether of scriptures or fathers , that christ took it not from the druids but the jewes . the like might be instanced again in the institution of the sacrament of the lords supper in the jews postcoenium , from which it is by light change deduced . and so it is in this matter of baptisme , the jewish custome of baptizing ( not onely proselytes and their children , but the jewish natives ) i thought necessary to clear from the most competent witnesses of their customes , the talmud , gemara , and maimonides , the soberest of their writers ; and so likewise in the second place , the practice of the christian church , as it is from christ and his apostles deduced , and applied particularly to the resolution of our quaere , to the baptizing of infants , i have cleared also from some footsteps of it in the scripture it self , and from the concordant testimony of the fathers of the church . and having cleared these two particulars , wherein all the difficulty consisted , i need not sure inquire of the opinion of antiquity for the dependence betwixt these two , or the derivation of one of them from the other , the very lineaments and features acknowledging and owning this progenie to have come forth from that stock , this stream to have been derived from that fountain , without any testimonials to certifie it . and yet 3dly . after all this , i demand whether christ's words to nicodemus , joh. 3. mentioned § . 18. be not an evidence from scripture it self of this very matter , the derivation of the christian from the jewish baptisme ; when upon christs discourse on that subject , that except a man be regenerate of water and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdome of god , and on occasion of nicodemus's objection against this v. 9. iesus answered , art thou a master in israel , and knowest not these things ? discernibly intimating that this his institution of baptisme was so agreeable to the iewish customes of initiating , and receiving into the covenant by baptisme , that a rabbi among the iews could not reasonably be imagined to be ignorant of it . and if the baptisme of the iews had ( as mr. t. cites it out of grotius ) its first original from the memorie of the deluge purging away the sins of the world , then sure that place of s. peter which affirms the christian baptisme to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the antitype or transcript of noah's deluge , is an express testimony of it also . and this i hope might be a competent account of this matter . and yet after all this , it is also clear , that the fathers in their discourses of baptisme do ordinarily lay the foundation of it in moses , or the baptisme of the iews ; witness gregory nazianzen or. 39. seeing , saith he , it is the feast of christ's baptisme , let us philosophize , discourse exactly of the difference of baptismes , then after this preface entring on the discourse , he thus begins , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moses , saith he , baptized but in water , and before this in the cloud and in the sea , and then making that ( with s. paul ) a type of the christian baptisme , he proceeds to iohn's baptisme , which , saith he , differed from the mosaical , in that it added repentance to water , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iohn also baptized , but not iudaically . so before him , macarius hom. 32. having mentioned the circumcision which was under the law foresignifying the true circumcision of the heart , annexes thereto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the baptisme of the law , which saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a figure of true things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for there that washed the body , but here the baptisme of the holy ghost and of fire purgeth and washeth the polluted mind , and so goes on to the parallel betwixt the legall priest and christ , making the same accord betwixt the one and the other pair , so hom. 47. p. 509. speaking of things under the law , he first mentions the glory of moses face , a type of the true glory under the gospel . 2. circumcision , a type of that of the heart ; 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among them there is baptisme cleansing or sanctifying the flesh , but with us the baptisme of the holy spirit and of fire , that which john preached — the same is intimated again , but not so explicitely set down hom. 26. p. 349. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , peter succeeded moses , having the new church of christ and the true priesthood committed to him , for now is the baptisme of fire and the spirit , and a kind of circumcision placed in the heart , where it seems the iewish baptisme was the figure of the christian , as the j●wish priesthood of the christian , and the jewish circumcision of the circumcision in the heart . so in athanasius's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : qu : 103. * numbring up seven sorts of baptisme , the first even now mentioned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that of the flood for the cutting off of sin , the second that of moses , in passing the red sea , which he calls , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , figurative ; the third is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the legall baptisme , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the hebrews had , whereby every unclean person ( so is every one by nature ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was baptized in water , had his garments washt , and so entred into the campe , this it seems the ceremonie of his admission . and then follows the baptisme of john and christ . other examples i doubt not the reader may observe in the fathers writings on this subject , these few may serve 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and therefore when mr. t. addes that some passages of the fathers shew rather , that they took it as in stead of circumcision , the answer also is very obvious , that the jews custome being to initiate by circumcision and baptisme both , and the former of these being laid aside by christ's reformation , and onely the second continued , and that so improved by christ , as to have more then the whole virtue of both , and to be the onely initial sacrament , the fathers might well learn of s. paul to make this comparison or parallel betwixt the jewish , and the christian sacrament , and so betwixt baptisme and circumcision , and indeed could not properly say that the christian baptisme was in stead of the jewish baptisme being rather the continuance of it , adding some ceremonies and virtue to that which was formerly among them , not substituting somewhat else ( as for circumcision it did ) in stead of it . this is evident enough , and yet if it were not we should have little reason to be moved with this suggestion , knowing that in the other sacrament which christ visibly instituted in the jewish postcoenium , and imitated it in the delivering the portions of bread and wine , the fathers generally lay the comparison betwixt the paschal lamb and that , and not without the authority of s. paul himself , saying that christ our passeover is sacrificed for us , the plain meaning of it being this , that the jewish passeover being abolished , we have now the sacrament of the body and blood of christ ( the true immaculate lamb of god ) substituted in the stead of it , but that copied out not from the jewish manner of eating the lamb of passeover ( for christ did not eat it at that time , being put to death before the hour in which it was to be eaten ) but of the postcoenium or close of the iewish supper , after which he took bread &c. consecrating this ordinary custome of theirs into an higher mysterie , then formerly it had in it . sect. 4. the conceipts of pe : alfunsus and schickard of the iewish baptisme . raf : alphus : mr. t. his conclusion not inferred . the original of the iewish baptisme ( the onely doubt ) vindicated . iacob's injunction to his family . sanctifications exod. 19.10 . differ from washing garments . what he next addes from mr. selden , of some that conceived the iewish baptisme in initiating of proselytes was in imitation of christs example ( and so not christs of theirs ) and of schickard that conceives they added baptisme to circumcision , to difference them from samaritans , is too vain to deserve any other reply , then what he himself hath annext concerning the former , viz. that mr. selden ( naming onely pet. alfansus for this ) doth not give any credit to him in it ( but indeed disproves it , and addes antidotes to that poyson , that without them i should not have thought likely to have wrought on any man. ) and indeed so he doth also in plain terms concerning the latter , de syxed : l. 1. c. 3. fateor me nondum illud aut eâ de re quicquam alibi legisse , he never read that or any thing of that matter any where else . to which i adde , that if the place in schickard be examined , it will acknowledge it to be a singular conceipt and invention of his , and nothing else . in his 5t. chap. de reg. iud. he hath these words , ad differentiam samaritanorum addiderunt baptismum quendam de quo raf. alphes tom. 2. p. 26. & ipse talmud mass . jefamos fol. 47. citing the words at large in hebrew . but in those words , though they are by schickard applied indefinitely , as if they were the testification of the whole foregoing proposition , yet the reader shall find no syllable to that purpose of differencing from samaritanes , more then from all other men , but onely that when a proselyte is received he must be circumcised , and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when he is cured , they shall baptize him in the presence of two wise men , saying , behold he is as an israelite in all things , or if she be a woman , the women lead her to the waters &c. a plain testimony ( to the sense of those which we formerly produced ) of baptizing both jews and proselytes ( for else how could the proselyte , upon receiving this , be said to be a israelite in all things ? ) but no least intimation , that this was designed to distinguish them from samaritanes peculiarly , but as that which was alwayes customarie among the jews , at their entring into covenant with god. and then the premises being so groundlesse and frivolous , i shall not sure be concerned in any conclusion that mr. t. shall inferre from them , which it seems , is to be this , that notwithstanding the doctor 's supposition that the whole fabrick of baptisme is discernible to be built on that basis , the customary practice among the jews , yet many will conceive it needs more proof then the bare recitall of passages out of iewish writers . but mr. t. would be much put to it , to shew in what mode and figure it is , that this conclusion is drawn out of these premisses : certainly none that my logick hath afforded me , for that hath no engine first to draw many out of two ; nor 2. to inferre that those that had mistaken for want of knowledge ( as alphunsus ) or adverting ( as schickard ) of the iewish customes , would need any more then the recitation of clear testimonies out of the soberest iewish writers , to disabuse him : or 3. that they that either through prejudice , or any other principle of obstinacie shall resist this degree of light thus offered them , will be convinced by any other sort of testimonies , whether out of the fathers , or scripture it self , being so well fortified and provided with inclinations , at least if not with artifices , to reject one , or misinterpret the other . but , it seems , after all this , and to evidence to how little purpose he hath said thus much , mr. t. is well enough satisfied , at least as farre as to baptizing of proselytes , that there was such a custome among the latter iewes afore christs incarnation ; all the difficulty , saith he , is concerning the original of it among them , for that either it should begin from iacobs injunction to his household , gen. 35.2 . or from gods command exo. 19 10. for the israelites to wash their clothes afore the giving of the law , he cannot conceive , those places speaking of washing jewes by nature , not proselytes , whereas the jewes baptized not jewes by nature ( as mr. selden saith ) but by profession . here are many weak parts in these few words ; for 1. the original of the custome among the jewes is but an accessarie , wholly extrinsecal to the matter in hand , and in no respect necessary to be defined by us : if the custome be acknowleged , we need ask no more , and mr. t. having acknowleged the custome , grants all that in that matter we require of him , for on that , and not on that particular original of it , it is that we superstruct our whole fabrick , as farre as belong ; to infant baptisme , which is very fitly founded in the jewish custome of baptizing , from whence soever that custome was derived to them , and so that one thing supersedes and answers that whole difficulty , if indeed there were any such in this matter . but then 2dly . for the two originals here set down and both rejected by him , it is a little strange that he should think fit to do so , and not to substitute any third in the place of them ; for t is certain that every custome received universally into a church or society of men , must have some originall or other , and consequently this custome being by mr. t. acknowleged , must not in any reason be left 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without father , without mother , without any original ; and therefore those two that are alleged for it by the iewish writers , being by him so fastidiously rejected , it was very fit that he should assign some other , and annex his reasons of giving it the deference , upon which it should be prefer'd before them . and when he shall do so , i shall not doubt to imbrace it , and make the same advantage of it which hitherto i have done of either of these . but he is here pleased to be reserved , and gives not the least intimation of any other reason , which is more suitable with his conceptions . t is true indeed he did before out of grotius , mention noahs flood , in memorie of which this custome arose among other nations , but besides that this original of it was not by him deemed sufficient to appropriate it to the iewes , but leaves it common to them with other nations , those other two , iacobs injunction , and gods command before receiving the law ( either one or both ) are perfectly reconcileable with that , and the memorie of the deluge being the more remote and first original , these may be the neerer and more immediate , and so are not prejudged by his pretending , or my yeelding of that . 3dly . for iacobs injunction to his household , gen. 35.2 . it is no where vouched by me as the original of this custome among the iewes , but onely an intimation given , that that other , the command of god before the giving the law , was agreeable to what we read of iacob to his household , and so certainly it is , for as in the one the ceremonie prescribed them to use at the putting away strange gods , was this , to be clean and change their garments ; so in the other they are injoyned to sanctifie themselves and wash their clothes , which is in other words directly the same thing : washing themselves and having clean garments being among the iewes joyned together , and the witnesse of their garments prescribed in baptisme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith the glosse on gemara babylon , tit ▪ iabimoth ) to receive the presence of the divine majesty ( just as in the christian church the dominica in albis , white or whitsunday was a special day for administration of baptisme ▪ and the persons baptized wore rhetorically styled sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 starres rising out of the waters , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bright lilies of the font , as they are joyned together in proclus orat : 12. p. 384. and in s. chrysostome , new lilies planted from the font , hom. 6. de resurr : and accordingly on constantine's great coyne , stampt in memory of his baptisme , was ingraven ( on one side ) a poole of water with a lilie grown out of it ; ( see jos : scal : in opusc : ) and all these but figurative expressions of what chrysostome more plainly sets down by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their putting on white garments at the receiving of baptisme , tract . de s. pent. for which jobius in photius hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 onely . ) and then as jacob vowed a vow to the lord to give him the tenth of all , and accordingly god after instituted the tithes for the levites portion , and so the latter of these was agreeable to the former , but yet the latter , viz. gods institution , the original of the custome of tithing among the jewes ; so iacob might injoyn his household that ceremonie of washing or baptisme , and after that god injoyn it in giving the law , and one of these be agreeable to the other , and yet the custome of baptisme among the iewes be derived onely from the latter , as from the peculiar original of it . 4thly . the command of god , exod. 19.10 . in which baptisme is said to be founded by the iewes , is not ( as mr. t. suggests ) the command to the israelites to wash their clothes ( nothing but the custome of changing their garments can be founded in that ) but the command to moses to sanctifie them ( go unto the people and sanctifie them to day and to morrow ) in the hebr●w notion of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sanctifications , for washing , either the whole , or some parts of the body , as is shew'd at large , § . 35. and if in stead of this of sanctifying , i. e. baptizing them , mr. t. did unwittingly substitute washing their garments , then i hope , he may now be advised to reforme that mistake , and see more reason then hitherto he hath done , to assign that command of gods , as the most agreeable original of this custome , and no longer imagine that it was a custome of the latter iewes , taken up by themselves without any ground of scripture ; but if formerly he saw this , and was willing to disguise it , and , on purpose to misguide the reader , left out the mention of moses's sanctifying or baptizing them , and onely set down the washing of their garments ( which was not at all proper for the turn ) to be the original of baptisme , wherein , as paulinus tells us , they were rendred nivei , white as snow , corpore as well as babitu , in body as well as garment , i shall not then hope that even this length of words will be sufficient for his conviction . lastly , for his reason against deducing the baptisme of proselites from this original [ because the iewes baptized not iewes by nature but by profession , whereas those places speake of washing iewes by nature , not proselytes ] it will presently appear to be very vain ; for 1. the iewes baptized iewes by nature , and not proselytes onely , as hath been both there and here shewed at large , out of the most creditable of the iewish writers ; 2dly . their baptizing of proselytes was founded in their precedent custome of baptizing of iewes , as hath been evidenced also from the rabbines explication of num. 15.15 . one ordinance shall be both for you of the congregation of israel , and also for the stranger or proselyte . and so t is evident that of exod. 19.10 . being the original of baptizing native iewes , may , and must be the original of baptizing the proselytes . and this in each part being thus manifest , mr. selden's authority ( if it should be , as is pretended ) can be of no force against those evidences which i have here produced , the best he offers us at any time , to prove any thing concerning the iewish customes . and i shall now appeale to the reader , whether mr. t. could well have been expected to have made more misadventures in so few words . sect. 5. mr. selden's notion of the sea. the defence of my notion of it . learned mens affirmations to be judged of by their testimonies . christ's baptizing of iewes as well as gentiles , no argument . christ's vouching iohns baptisme to be from heaven , no argument . no more , the pretended no intimations of it . the no conformity . the proselytes children baptized , continually , not onely at the first conversion . the baptisme of a woman with child , serving for the child also , not argumentative . the canon of neocaesarea about it . next he proceeds to consider the words of the apostle , 1 cor. 10.1 . of our fathers being baptized into moses ( as in the cloud , so ) in the sea. where 1. he tells me that he doth not conceive mr. seldens exposition , that the sea was some vessell of waters — but the red sea ] and i that am as little of mr. seldens mind , but expressely interpreted it , of the red sea , § . 7. and rejected mr. seldens interpretation § . 8. ( although i omitted to name the author of it ) am not , he knows , concerned in that , but have from his rejecting mr. seldens authority , when t is not for his turn , his example for my not thinking my self bound up by it at other times , either in that newly past , where he vouched his name as his onely proof , that the jewes did not baptize jewes by nature , or in other particulars which i find afterwards vouched from him , the truth of which i as little conceive , as mr. t. doth this of the sea not signifying the red sea , which i acknowledge to be unconceiveable . but then 2. he doth not think my exposition right neither ( though i interpret it of the israelites passing through the red sea , as he acknowledges to do ) but what is my interpretation ? why , that their being baptized into moses in the red sea ( as also in the cloud ) signifieth their being initiated into god's covenant under the conduct of moses , as since they are wont to be initiated by baptisme . and why doth he dislike this interpretation ? why , because when it is said , our fathers were baptized , it is not meant were baptized as since proselytes were baptized among the jews , but as christians were baptized . but certainly this is no reason of exception to my interpretation ; for 1. i compare not this baptisme of out fathers in the sea with the baptisme of proselytes among the jewes , but annex it immediately to the baptizing of the native jewes , § . 6. before i proceed § . 9. to the baptisme of proselytes . and 2. i do not lay the comparison of the apostle betwixt the baptizing in the sea , and the jewish custome of baptizing , but acknowledge it to be betwixt the baptisme of the fathers under the law , and the baptisme since christ among christians , all the use i make of the words of the apostle , was to shew that baptisme among the jewes was a ceremonie of initiating into the covenant , and that upon that supposall it was , that the apostle used the phrase of the israelites that came out of aegypt , and entred into covenant with him , under the conduct of moses , god giving them an essay of his receiving them under his wings ( the phrase to signifie reception into the covenant ) by invironing them with the sea . this i thought had been before intelligibly enough set down , i hope now he will no longer misunderstand it . what he addes out of mr. s. that after exo. 19.10 . the jewes did not baptize jewes but onely proselytes , hath already been evidenced at large to have no truth in it , the custome of baptisme continuing to all their posterity , as well as that of circumcision . and whereas this is said to be set down thus out of maimonides and other jewish rabbines , the reader , if he will consult the place in mr. selden de synedr : l. 1. c. 3. will find there is no such matter ; that mr. s. himself so affirmes p. 23 ▪ i willingly acknowledge , but in a matter of antient storie , such as this is , neither he nor any else must be believed farther then the testimonies produced by him out of their writers exact , especially against express testimonies to the contrary . and such he there produceth more then one , p. 34. out of gemara 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what did our fathers ? truely they entred not into covenant without circumcision and baptisme and sprinkling of blood , and again p. 35. our mothers were baptized and not circumcised , and p. 26. out of victoria porchetus , that our mothers ( though not as he saith , sara and rebecca , referring the custome to a greater antiquity then that of the time of giving the law ) were baptized and not circumcised , and p. 38. out of maimonides , that the israelites entred into covenant by a threefold rite or ceremonie , by circumcision , baptisme , and oblation . and again , p. 39. what was done to you ? ye entred into covenant by circumcision , baptisme , and he sprinkling of the sacrifice , and therefore the proselyte — the custome of baptizing the proselytes founded in that of baptizing the native jewes . all these clear testimonies are by him produced directly to the proof of my position , that the native jewes ( indifferently ) were baptized , and not a word in any other parts of the testimonies to give reason to suspect , that after that one time of exo. 19. the jewes did not baptize . what he hath done in his other book de jure nat. ac gent. i need not apprehend ( and have not commodity to inquire or examine ) supposing that if there he had undertaken the proof of it , he would here , where he affirmes it without proofe , and against expresse testimonies produced by him , have referred ( according to custome ) to that place . and now what force against any pretension of ours is there in mr. t. his observation that christ and his apostles baptized jewes as well as gentiles ? ] for 1. so certainly they might , and yet derive their baptisme from the custome formerly in use among the jewes , for they , we know , baptized native iewes : nay 2. so they might , though the iewes had baptized none but proselytes , for to that it would bear just proportion , that they should baptize both iewes and gentiles , in case both came in as proselytes to christ . for it were a fallacie a little too grosse to deceive any man of common understanding , to argue thus , the custome was to baptize proselytes , and not natives ; therefore christ , if he observed that custome , was not to baptize native iewes ; the answer being so obvious , by distinguishing of proselytes , that they are either such as come in to the iewish religion , or such as came in to christ , and that christ was to baptize all that were proselytes to him , and that the native iewes as many as believed on him , were such , and as believers , i. e. as proselytes to christ , not as native iewes were baptized by him . other reasons he hath chosen to annex for confirmation of his negative , that christ baptisme was not in imitation of , or in conformity with the iewish custome ; for 2. saith he , christ would not have avouched the baptisme of iohn to be from heaven and not from men , if it had been in imitation of the iewish custome . but i wonder what appearance of concludencie there is in that reason ? may not any thing be from heaven or by god's appointment , which is derived from a iewish custome ? may not god in heaven give commission to iohn baptist to preach repentance , after the same manner that others before him , noah and ionah &c. had preached repentance , and to receive all that came in on his preaching , by the ceremonie of baptizing ordinarily used , and known , to initiate men into covenant with god , among the iewes ? i see not the least incongruity in this , or that any obligation of reason can be pretended , why god may not appoint a ceremonie known among men to be used in his service : such sure was imposition of hands , usuall among the iewes in benedictions , which now is made use of by the apostles of christ , in ordaining bishops over the church . and so it may well be in this matter of iohn's or christ's baptisme , which though it were unquestionably from heaven in respect of the commission given to them by god , appointing them to do what they did , yet might the ceremonie of washing used by them be derived from the customes that were already familiar among them . t were easy to instance in the sacrament of the lord's supper , the power of the keyes ( and many the like ) which though brought into the church of christians by christ , and so from heaven , were yet derived and lightly changed from jewish observances , and in that respect from men also . his 3d reason , that it is likely some where or other some intimation would have been given of that custome , as the directorie for christians in the use of baptisme ] is too frivolous to require reply ; for beside that the negative argument were of no force , if it were as is pretended , it already appears that there are in the iewish writers , more then intimations of this custome , and some indications of it even in the scripture itself , as john 3.5.10 . and for any plainer affirmations , what need could there be of them , when both the matter it self speaketh it so plainly , that there was no need of words , to those that knew the iewish customes , as the first writers and readers of the new testament did , and when christ's sole authority , and practice of his apostles were sufficient directorie for the christians in the use of baptisme ? fourthly he addes , that the institution and practice would have been comformable to it ; and so i say , and have made clear that it was , as far as to the controversie in hand we are or can be concerned in it : but saith mr. t. the contrarie appears , adding one main instance of the inconformity , and 14. lesser disparities , the main disparitie , saith he , is in their baptizing no infants of the gentiles at their first conversions , whereas the jewes baptized onely the gentiles infants at their first proselyting , not the infants of those who were baptized in infancie . for the former of these he offers no manner of proof beyond his own affirmation , and therefore it is sufficient to deny it , as he knows we do , and evidently beggs the question in assuming and not offering any proof for the contrary . for the second , that of the jewish practice , he pretends no more then what he had before cited by reference ( but now sets down in words ) viz. the affirmation of mr. selden . but i have already shewed how groundlesse that affirmation of mr. s. was , as to the native jewes children , who were still baptized after the giving of the law. and the same i now adde for the children of those proselytes who had been baptized in infancie , there appears not the least proof of this from the jewish writers , who are the onely competent witnesses in it , but for the contrary i propose these two testimonies taken notice of by mr. s. himself de synedr . c. 3. out of gemara babylon : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he wants the rite of a proselyte for ever , unless he be baptized and circumcised . here baptisme and circumcision are joyned together , as aequally necessary to a proselyte , and that for ever . and circumcision there is no doubt was to be received by every male , not onely at their first coming to the church of the jewes , at their first proselytisme , but through all posterities , every child of a proselyte that was not circumcised 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 became straightways no proselyte : and then sure this conjunction of baptisme with circumcision on these termes of equality , both of perpetual necessity to all proselytes , must needs extend the baptisme as well as the circumcision beyond the first proselytes and their immediate children , to all their posteritie that shall come from them afterwards , for to all those belonged circumcision . so again in the same place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and if he be not baptized , he remains a pagan or gentile ; here i shall ask , whether the child of a proselyte who had been baptized in his infancie , were to be a pagan for ever ? i suppose it will be answered , no ; and then by the force of that testimonie of gemara i conclude , therefore it must be supposed that he was baptized , for else he would be a pagan for ever . besides this , two things i farther adde , to remove all possible force of this suggestion ; 1. that if it were granted in the full latitude wherein it is proposed , that the iewes baptized no other infants of proselytes , but those whom they had at their first conversion ; yet this would nothing profit mr. t. for it were then obvious to affirme , that christ who imitated the iewes in that , and so baptized the children of christian proselytes , did make some light change in this , and farther then the pattern before him afforded , baptized all the posteritie that should succeed them , and were born in the church in their infancie also , the reason though not the pattern belonging equally to them as to the children of the first proselytes , and the iewish custome of baptizing their natives infants , being fully home to it . 2dly . that it being by all parts granted , that the children which the proselytes had at their first proselytisme were baptized among the iewes , this is as evident a confutation of the antipaedobaptist , and so of mr. t. as it would if all their infants to all posteritie were baptized : for by that very baptizing of the infants at their first proselytisme , it appears that infants may be baptized , for i hope those proselytes infants are infants ; and if any infants may , and ought to be baptized , then are all their pretensions destroyed , whose onely interest it is to evince , that no infants must or may be baptized . and i hope this will be of some use to mr. t. when he shall have considered it . the onely way m. t. hath to confirme this of the iewes not baptizing any infants of proselytes born after their first conversion and baptisme , is the resolution of the jewes , that if a woman great with child became a proselyte and were baptized , her child needs not baptisme when t is born . and this i had cited , § . 109. out of the rabbines , and so indeed i find it in maimonides , tit . isuri bia . c. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but i cannot think that ( whether true or false ) a sufficient proof to inferre the conclusion ; for the iewish doctors might probably thus resolve upon this other ground , because the mother and the child in her wombe being esteemed as one person , the woman great with child being baptized , they might deem the child baptized as well as the woman , and not account it needfull to repeat it after the birth , which yet ( by the way ) it seems they would have done , if they had not deemed the childe all one with the mother , and consequently they must be supposed to baptize those children which were begotten to the proselyte after the time of his or her first conversion and baptisme . and accordingly the christian doctors in the councel of neocaesarea can. 6. having resolved the contrary to that jewish hypothesis , viz. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mother that bears the childe differs from the childe , or is not all one with it , and her confession in baptisme is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proper or particular to her self , and belongs not to the childe in her womb , give the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the woman that is with childe , and is then converted to the faith , leave to be baptized , when she pleases , supposing that the childe which then she carries , shall , notwithstanding her baptisme then , be it self baptized after its birth . which as it is a cleer answer to the argument deduced from the resolution of the jewes in that point , so t is moreover an evidence how little of proof mr. t. had either from his own observation or mr. seldens testimonies , from all which he can produce no other but this , which in the sound is so far from affirming what he would have , and upon examination is found to conclude the contrary . sect. 6. lesser inconformities no prejudice . yet they do not all hold . prayer the christian sacrifice . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the rule of judging in this matter . baptizing in the name of the father &c. prescribed by christ . so dipping or sprinkling . the pract ▪ cat. misreported . mr. marshals covenanting . this grand disparity then being cleared to be mr. t. his mistake , i shall not need to attend his other instances of disparity , this accord which hath been already mentioned and vindicated , being sufficient to my pretensions , and no concernment of mine obliging me to believe or affirm , that the parallel holds any farther then christ was pleased it should hold , and of that we are to judge by what the scriptures , or ancient church tells us was the practice of him , or his apostles ; for 1. the jewes i doubt not , brought in many things of their own devising into this , as into other institutions of god's , and the latter jewes more , as of the proselytes being so born again in baptisme , that lying with his natural sister was no incest , and the like : and 2. christ , i doubt not , changed the jewish oeconomy in many things , as in laying aside circumcision , in commissionating his disciples to baptize ( and they leaving it in the hands of the bishop , and those to whom he should commit it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is not lawful to baptize without the bishop , saith ignatius ) whereas it was not among the jewes any part of the priests office , any more then circumcision was ; and so in many other particulars . but what prejudice is that to my pretentions , who affirm no more of the accordance betwixt the jewish and christian practice , then eiher by some indications in the scripture it self , or by the christian fathers deductions from the apostles times , appears to be meant by christ , and practised by the apostles ; and then by the jewish writers is as evident to have been in use among them . and this is all the return i need make to his 14 lesser disparities , and all that he hath at large endevoured to infer from them , supposing and granting them all to be such . but yet it is evident that some of them are not such , as when 1. he saith , the baptisme of males must be with circumcision and an offering , t is clear that , though 1. circumcision be laid aside by christ , and 2. when it was used it had nothing to do with baptisme , yet as to the adjoyning of offering , or sacrifice , the parallel still holds , the prayers of the church being the christian sacrifice , and those in the christian church solemnly attendant on the administration of baptisme . so parallel to the court of three israelites , by the confession or profession of whom ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith maimonides ) the infant was baptized , we have now not only the whole church , in the presence of whom t is publickly administred , and when more privately , yet in the presence of some christians , who are afterwards , if there be any doubt , to testifie their knowledge to the church , but more particularly the godfathers , and godmothers , being themselves formerly baptized , do represent the church of which they are members , meaning thereby the people of the church , and the minister commissionated thereto by the bishop , represents the church also , meaning the governors thereof . but i shall not proceed to such superfluous considerations , and so i have no need of adding one word more of reply to his 24 chap. ( as far as i am concerned in it ) unlesse it be to tell him that the bishops canons are not the rule by which i undertake to define , wherein the jewish custome must be the pattern , wherein not ; but ( as he cannot but know , if he had read the resolution of the 4th quaere ) the practice of the apostles of christ , by the testifications of the fathers of the church made known unto us , to which as i have reason to yield all authority , so i find the canons and rituals as of this , so of all other churches in the world ( no one excepted ) to bear perfect accoordance therewith , in this particular of infant baptisme ( though in other lesser particulars they differ many among themselves , and all from the jewish pattern ) and this i hope is a competent ground of my action , and such as may justifie it to any christian artist to be according to rules of right reason , of meekness , and sound doctrine , and no work of passion or prejudice or singularity , or ( as mr. t. suggests ) of the doctors own pleasure , as if that were the mutable principle of all these variations from the jewish pattern . of this score t is somewhat strange , which he thinks fit to adde concerning the forme of baptisme , in the name of the father and the sonne and the holy ghost , in this one thing , saith he , which christ did not prescribe , nor did the apostles , that we find , so conceive it , yet , saith the doctor christs prescription must be indisspensably used . in reply to this i shall not spend much time to evidence this forme to be christ's prescription ; if the expresse words at his parting from the world , mat. 28. go ye therefore , and teach , or receive to discipleship , all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and the son , and the holy ghost , be not a prescription of christs , and if the universall doctrine and continuall practice of the whole church through all times , be not testimonie sufficient of the apostles conceiving it thus , and a competent ground of the indispensable tinuing the use of it , i shall not hope to perswade with him , onely i shall mind him of the words of s. athanasius in his epistle to serapion tom. 1. p. 204. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he that is not baptized in the name of all three , receives nothing , remains empty and imperfect , for perfection is in the trinity , no baptisme perfect , it seems , but that . and if this will not yet suffice , i shall then onely demand , whether he can produce so expresse grounds from christ , or the apostles , or the vniversal church of god through all ages , or from any one ancient father , for his denying baptisme to infants . what in this place he addes farther from me , out of the practicall catechisme , that i confesse that by christs appointment the baptized was to be dipt in water , i. e. according to the primitive antient custome to be put under water , is a strange misreporting of my words , i wonder mr. t. would be guilty of it . the words in the pract. cat. are visibly these , by christ's appointment whosoever should be thus received into his familie should be received with this ceremonie of water , therein to be dipt ( i. e. according to the primitive anetint custome to be put under water ) three times , or in stead of that to be sprinkled with it — where 1. all that christ's appointment is affixt to , is , the receiving all that should be received into christ's familie , with this ceremonie of water ; 2. for the manner of that reception by water , t is set down disjunctively , therein to be dipt three times , or in stead of that to be sprinkled with it . these are evidently my words ; no way affirming either the dipping or sprinkling ( one exclusively to the other , to be appointed by christ , but onely the ceremonie of water , whether it be by dipping in it or sprinkling with it , either of which may be signified by the word used from christ by s. matthew , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , baptize yee . what ground the church of christ hath had to disuse immersion , and in stead of putting the whole body under water , only to dip the face , or sprinkle it with water , i shall not now discourse , all that i have to do in this place being to vindicate my self , that i have no way affirmed the putting under water ( used by the primitive church ) to be appointed by christ , exclusively to sprinkling , and that i hope i have already done by the exact reciting of my words , which had been so much misreported by him . and so i have done with his 24th chapter . for as to the objection against mr. m. drawn from his covenanting to performe the worship of god , according to gods word , and admiring that ever mortal man should dare in gods worship to meddle any jot farther then the lord hath commanded , and yet in point of infant baptisme following the talmud , i that am farre from mr. m. his perswasions , as well as practices , am not sure bound to give answer for him , aetatem habet , let him answer for himself ; and when he doth so , 't were not amiss he would consider , whether episcopal government stand not on as firme a basis in the church of god , as infant baptisme is by him vouched to do . chap. ii. of christ's words , mat. 28.19 . sect. 1. the doctors pretended concessions examined . christ's institution of baptisme not set down mat. 28. but necessarily before that time . his 25. chapter is a view of my interpretation of mat. 28.19 . which lyes thus , goe and disciple ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 make disciples , receive into discipleship ) all nations , baptizing them in the name &c. teaching them &c. thereby evidencing that the making or receiving disciples , not supposing any precedent instruction , but looking wholly on it as subsequent , can no way exclude the christians infants from baptisme , when they are thus brought to the church to be entred into the school of christ , and undertaken for that they shall learn when they come to years . and to this a long proemial answer he hath of many lines , which begins thus , though i conceive dr. h. to ascribe more power to the canons of the prelates about the sacraments , then is meet , being one who hath written in defence of the common prayer book , yet by this allegation of mat. 28.19 . he seems tacitely to yield , that if the words there include not infants under the discipled , then there is something in the new testament which excludes infants from baptisme , although he say § 96. i do not believe or pretend that that precept of christ doth necessarily inferre ( though it do as little deny ) that infants are to be baptized . before i proceed to that which followes , 't is not amiss to view in passing , how many incongruities are here amass't together in these few words . for whereas my having written in defence of the common prayer book is made use of as an evidence to inferre that i ascribe more to the canons of prelates , then is meet , it is certain 1. that the common prayer book stands not by the canons of the prelates , but by act of parliament , and consequently if i had been guilty of a confest partiality to the common prayer book , yet were this no evidence of my ascribing any thing ( therefore sure not more then is meet or too much ) to the canons of prelates . 2dly . it never yet appeared , that by writing in defence of the common prayer book , i offended at all ( therefore surely not about either , much less against both the sacraments . ) 3ly . the making my defence of the common prayer book , written long ago , a proof that i oftend now in somewhat else ; viz. in attributing too much to the canons of the bishop , is 1 the connecting together things that are most disparate , concluding quidlibet ex quolibet ; and 2dly a plain begging of the question , for such certainly it is in respect of him , with whom he disputes , and so must be , till he shall offer proof that i have erred in that defence , the same , as if he should conclude , that he who hath once written the truth , were obliged the next time to swerve from it . so when he mentions my allegation of mat. 28.19 . the word allegation must signifie that i produce and so allege that text as a proof of my position : but this he knows i do not ; but only suppose the antipaedobaptist to found his plea in it , and all that i have to do , is to shew how useless it is like to prove to him ; confessing also that to me it is as uselesse , and so never attempting to draw any argument from it . so again , when upon a supposition by him specified he assumes me to grant that which he acknowledgeth me expressely to deny , this sure is very incongruous : t is visible from the words by me produced § . 96. that i deny that that text of mat. 28.19 . can prejudice the baptisme of infants , and the only design i had in considering this text at all in this place , was to evidence the second branch of the negative part of my undertaking , that there appeared nothing in christs institution of baptisme , or commission to his apostles , which was exclusive of infants : how then can it be suggested with any shew of truth , that i seem tacitely to yield , that if the words include not infants under the discipled , there is then something in the new testament which excludes infants from baptisme . t is evident from whence it is that i infer , and positively define christs commission for baptisme to belong to infants , not from these words of christ ( which as i said , i never proposed to that end to prove my position from them , but only to answer the antipaedobaptists objection founded in them ) but from the practice of the apostles signifying their sense and perswasion of christs meaning in his institution of baptisme , which institution we know from john 4.1 . had long preceded the delivering of these words matth : 28. so that whatsoever were the notion of discipling there , yet could not i deem infants thereby excluded from baptisme , whom by another medium , viz. the apostolical practice , i supposed to be admitted to it by christs institution . the short is , infants i suppose may be received into discipleship when their parents bring them , and if so , then they are or may be included in the words mat. 28. but if they might not , and so were supposed not to be comprehended in these words of christ , mat. 28. yet that which is not included , is not presently excluded , he that saith a man is a living creature , doth not thereby deny an angel to be so also : when christ gives his disciples power to heal diseases , mat. 10.1 . he cannot be deemed to withhold from them power of raising the dead , for that we see comprehended in their commission v. 8. and so i could no way be inforced to yield that they were excluded from baptisme , as long as from any other medium i were assured they were admitted to it . and so still 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here is not the least appearance of truth in this discourse . he proceeds then to some other attempts of proving it necessary for me if i will stand to my words elsewhere , to acknowledge infants excluded by that text , to which end he hath been very diligent in putting together several scattered passages in my writings , in hope to finde some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to raise some shew of argument out of my own words , and so from my temerity or inconstancy ( for want of solid proofs ) to conclude that if this precept of christ doth not necessarily infer infant baptisme , then by manifest consequence it doth deny it . the passages he gathers up are these , the doctor saith , § . 55. that christs institution makes dipping or sprinkling with water a sacrament , which institution is mat. 28.19 . and therefore the doctor will have the words there indispensably used in baptisme , and § . 92. he saith baptisme is a sacrament , that sacrament an institution of christs , that institution not founded in any reason of immutable truth , but only in the positive will of christ , and so that there is nothing considerable in this question ( or any of this nature ) but how it was delivered by christ , and § . 94. that which was done by the apostles , if it were not a rule for ever , yet was an effect of such a rule formerly given by christ , and interpretable by this practise to be so . and pract. cat. l. 6. § . 2. he expounding christs institution , saith that the words import that the person baptized acknowledgeth , maketh profession of believing in three , delivers him to three as authors of his faith , and to be ruled by the directions of his master , and this he will have to be meant by baptizing into the name of the father , son , and holy ghost . these are the passages , whence , saith he , i infer that if baptisme be a sacrament , and made so by christs institution , and that institution founded only in his positive will , and the will of christ be , that baptisme be in the name of the trinity , and this is when the baptized makes profession of believing in three , to be ruled by them , and the apostles practice interprets christs rule , no infant that doth not profess faith , is baptized into the name of the trinity , nor was appointed to be baptized by christ , nor did the apostles baptize them , and therefore they are not baptized according to christs institution , and so no sacrament to them . here is a very subtile fabrick ▪ and great pains taken to pro● me to affirm tacitely what i expressely deny : but herein though his pains be great , he hath much failed of the successe , it were too long to shew it at large , yet the reader that will be at pains to survey his processe , will certainly acknowledge it , if he shall but remember these two things . 1. that christs institution of baptisme was not ( nor is ever affirmed by me to be ) set down in those words of mat. 28. that having been long before instituted and practised , as appears by plain words joh. 4.1 , 2. secondly , that though christs will and institution for baptizing infants be not so manifestly exprest in those words mat. 28.19 . as shall be able by the bare force of the words to convince any gainsayer , without any other way of evidence or proof added to it , yet by the apostles practice of baptizing infants ( appearing to us by other means ) it is most evident that they who certainly did not mistake christs meaning , did thus understand and extend his institution and commission . the truth of this is there made evident § . 30. &c. i shall not here repeat it . 2dly . that the infant when he is to be baptized , doth , though not by his own voice personally , yet by his lawful proxies , which the church accepteth in his stead , professe the believing in three , the father , son , and holy ghost , deliver himself up to three , &c. by this clue the reader will easily extricate himself out of the labyrinth there provided for him , if such it appear to be , and discern a perfect accordance in all the passages , which with such hope of advantage were so diligently collected by him . but this is not all , he will yet drive the businesse somewhat higher in these words , yea , if the positive will of christ , be the reason of baptisme , they usurp upon christs prerogative who baptize otherwise then christ hath appointed , and then if the precept of christ doth not necessarily infer infant baptisme ( which the doctor ingenuously acknowledgeth ) it doth by manifest consequence deny it , sith he forbids that to be done otherwise then he hath appointed when he hath determined how it should be done . the doctor when he saith above , the words , [ i baptize into the name of the father &c. ] must be indispensably used , me thinks by the same reason should conceive christs institution should be unalterably used in baptizing those only whom he hath appointed to be baptized . to this the grounds of answer have been already laid also , viz. that they that baptize infants , baptize no otherwise then christ appointed , and the apostles appear to have understood his appointment . by christs appointment , not meaning particularly his words mat. 28 but his will otherwise made known to his disciples , when and in what words soever it was that he instituted baptisme , which must be long before this , even before his apostles took upon them to baptize any , which yet they did in great abundance joh. 4.1 . and of this appointment or institution of batisme by christ , it is most true , that if that precept of christ , whereby he first instituted baptisme , did not indeed comprehend and so necessarily inferre infant baptisme , and was so understood to do by the apostles , it shall consequently be deemed to deny it . but then herein lyes a great fallacie , when from another appointment of christs , viz. that mat. 28. which i acknowledge not to inferre infant baptisme necessarily , he assumes in universum , and reports it as my confession , that christs precept ( indefinitely taken , and so extending to all christs precepts at any time ) doth not necessarily inferre infant baptisme . which is that grand illogical fault in discourse , of inferring an indefinite or universal conclusion from particular premisses . as for the comparison which he makes betwixt the indispensable use of the words of baptisme mat. 28. and the as unalterable observation of christ's institution , in respect of the persons to be baptized , i willingly grant it , on the condition praemised , that he mistake not the text , mat. 28. to be the words of that institution , wherein christ defined , who are the persons to be baptized . those words are a commission to the apostles to go preach to , or disciple all nations , and thus farre extends to point out the persons , viz. that they should ( as disciple so ) baptize gentiles as well as jewes , and again , they are express for the forme of baptisme , that it should be in the name of the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost , but they are not any kind of direction to that other matter of receiving , and admitting infants or not infants . that i suppose sufficiently notified to them before both by the common practice of their ancestors in the jewish religion , by the vulgar notion of baptisme , whilest it was familiarly used among the jewes , both to their own and their proselytes children , and also by christs speciall direction ( though the gospels , which express not at all the words of the first institution of baptisme , do not set that down ) in the time of his preaching among them , some while before that passage of storie related , joh. 4.1 . &c. from both of these , i suppose , the apostles learnt it ( and not from mat. 28. ) and we learn it only from the apostles , as shall hereafter appear . and so much for his prooemial reasoning . sect. 2. making disciples all one with receiving into discipleship . baptizing the act of the baptist . instruction subsequent to discipling . the pretended parallel between mat. 28. and mar. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 johns discipling by preaching excludes not infants . no more the apostles , mat. 10.5 . the notation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mat. 13.52 . act. 14.21 . infants both said to come and to believe . instruction subsequent to baptisme . after this praelusorie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he next proceeds to consider , what shift ( as he calls it ) the doctor makes to elude the force of christs institution , mat. 28.19 . but i have already made it evident that that commission for preaching to , or discipling all nations ( as for the baptizing them , and the particularity of the forme to be used in baptisme , &c. ) was not the institution of baptisme , nor any intimation on either side , whether infants should be baptized or not ; and so t is manifest how little need i had to use any shift , or artifice to elude the force of it . however in his view of my discourse some exceptions he must find ; and the first is , that though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is well rendred , make disciples , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not well paraphrased by , receiving into discipleship , baptizing them , making this forme of baptisme the ceremonie of receiving them . for by this , saith he , the making disciples is made the same with receiving them , and baptisme the ceremonie of receivers into discipleship , which is as truely an act of the baptized professing , or avouching his discipleship . here is another subtlety of a refined nature , making a difference betwixt making disciples , and receiving into discipleship , or receiving disciples ; as if these two were not perfectly synonymous , and by me evidently used , as such . i shall not dispute of words , when the matter is clear , and when it is equally to my purpose which phrase is used , whether making or receiving disciples . 2dly . when he affirmes of baptisme , which i make the ceremonie of the apostles receiving them , that t is as truely the act of the baptized , this is no subtilty , but grosse and visible enough ; for certainly baptisme in the active sense ( as it is plain i understand it in that place , where i paraphrase , goe and make disciples and baptize ) is not the act of the baptized , but of the baptist ; the coming to baptisme indeed , and the undertaking the vow , and making the profession , is the act of the baptized , either personally , or by his proxy , which in reputation of law , and in acceptation of the church , is his also , but still baptisme , or ( to remove all possible mistake ) baptizing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. 28.19 . is an act of the baptizer onely , and so the ceremonie of receiving into discipleship , whomsoever they thus duely baptize . i hope i need say no more of this . his 2d branch of exception is to those words of mine wherein i say that the making or receiving disciples , supposeth not any precedent instruction , but lookes wholly on it as subsequent . this i there concluded not from the bare negative , because there was no precedent mention of such instruction , where discipling and baptizing , were both mention'd , but because in that place , on which the antipaedobaptist so much relyes , mat. 28.19 . the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 teaching ] is expressely mentioned after discipling and baptizing , and so is in reason to be deemed , and lookt on , as subsequent to both , and so the receiving ad discipulatum referre to that then future instruction . and to this sense i there made it manifest , that the definition of baptisme 1 pet. 3.21 . did referre that , baptisme is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seeking to god , as to the oracle to inquire for the whole future life , no way prerequiring actual instruction , but coming to christ and the church to receive it , and obey it for the future ( and that done in some sort by those that are brought , when they are not able to come , and by the charitie of the church received there ) and this farther illustrated as by the manner of children brought by parents to school , without either knowledge of letters , or choise , or so much as wish of instruction , so by the manner of christ's disciples being received by him , particularly of philip , joh. 1.44 . who was called , and received into discipleship , as soon as ever christ met with him , i. e. before he was at all instructed by him , and so also by the storie of the jewes , exo. 19.8 . who undertook to obey all the commandments of god , which he should give them , which yet were not then , but after given them , v. 20. and so lastly by the nature of proselytisme , which as it is all one with entring into god's covenant and ( in the christian sense ) with coming to christ and being received to discipleship , so t is that which children are known to be capable of , not onely by that text , deut. 29.10 . but by the custome of baptizing infant proselytes among the jewes , and by christ's command to suffer them to come unto him , whensoever they were thus brought . now to this thus evidenced ( and much more largely in that place , § . 26. &c. ) he is pleased to annex some reasons of his dissent , for , 1. saith he , that which is exprest in matthew by , go ye therefore and make disciples all nations , is in marke , go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature , which shewes how they should disciple all nations ; now they who are made disciples by preaching the gospel are made disciples by precedent instruction , ergo , the making or receiving disciples mat. 28.19 . supposeth precedent instruction . but to this i answer , 1. that the words in marke are no otherwise parallel to those in matthew , then as an epitome is parallel to a larger discourse , such we know s. markes for the most part is , an abbreviation of s. matthews gospel , as in many others , so in this particular , some passages indeed there are in s. mark in this place , which are not in s. matthew , as shall a non be shewed , but in the particular now before us , s. mark is , according to wont , more concise ; there is no mention in him of baptizing in the name of the father and of the son & of the holy ghost , nor consequently of discipling , of which that was the ceremonie , as in s. matthew there is . 2dly . that christs appointment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to preach the gospel , in s. mark , doth no way inferre the precedent instruction of every single person that was received to baptisme : the phrase signifies to proclaime or promulgate the happy tidings brought into the world by christ , grace , and mercy , and eternal felicitie to all that should come into him and take his yoke upon them , and learn of him ; and upon the publishing of this to all the world , to every creature , i. e. to the gentiles universally , as well as the jewes , i suppose t is very possible , that many of them should make all speed to come unto christ , and come out at the apostles preaching , they and their whole housholds together ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the oracle commanded in homer ) and to bring their infant children with them , as they used to do , that became proselytes to the jewes and then the apostles , knowing their masters mind for the receiving of infants , and that ( as from the institution i suppose them fore-instructed ) to baptisme , receive them all , and ( as many as interposed no voluntary hindrance ) baptize them , and having taken them into the school of christ make good provision for the future instruction of them , as soon as ever they should be capable of it . that thus it was i pretend not ( still ) to deduce from these words , mat. 28. but to infer from another medium , the practice of the apostles , otherwise notified to us : all that i am now to manifest , is , that this passage hath nothing contrary to our hypothesis , but is perfectly reconcileable with it , and this is done by the scheme thus laid : and so t is most visible how no force there is in this first reason of exception . the 2d followes , that such as the making disciples was jo. 4.1 . such is the making disciples mat. 28.19 . for by the doctors confession they are all one . but that was by preaching , as is plain concerning john , mat. 3.1 , 2 , 5 , 6. and concerning the apostles . mat. 10.5 , 6 , 7. ergo. to this i answer , that the account last given is fully satisfactory to this exception also ; for supposing the apostles to publish whithersoever they came , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the good newes that was come into the world by christ , and the hearers not only to come in themselves , but to bring their whole families , and so their infant children with them , there is no difficulty to imagine , that they that had thus made proclamation , received all , and made all disciples , yong and old , that either came or were brought , and so it being granted that they made disciples by preaching , preaching being the instrument to draw the parents themselves , and to move them to bring their children to discipleship , it is still very visible how children should be discipled , and consequently baptized by them , baptisme being the constant ceremony of discipling . and though i am not able to affirm , how it was actually in johns baptisme , yet this i may say , that as far as can be discerned or inferred from the phrase in either place , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) thus it very possibly might be both in johns and in the apostles baptizing . first for john , 't is true indeed that his baptisme attended his preaching , yet doth it not thence necessarily follow that none were baptized by him but those who particularly heard and obeyed his preaching ; for 1. why might not those that heard it , divulge it to others , and bring them before they heard him , to desire to be baptized , and upon their confessing their sins , and professing amendment , he baptize them ? 2. why might not those that heard it , or heard of it , give that heed of it , as to bring all that were dear to them of what age soever , by that means to secure them from the wrath to come ; when noah preacht repentance to the old world , and upon the decree of sending the flood upon the world of the ungodly , called all to come into the ark to him to escape the deluge , suppose others besides noahs family had hearkned to his preaching , or suppose he and his sons had had infant children , can we imagine they would have left their infants to that certain ruine , and not have taken them into the ark with them ? and johns baptisme was answerable to that ark , in respect of that approaching ruine on the jewes , styled the kingdome of heaven v. 1. and that evidenced to be a bloody kingdome , explicated by casting into the fire v. 10. and can we imagine the jews that believed john and came to his baptisme , did not bring their children with them to save them from the praedicted evils , and then i professe not to see any reason to render it incredible that john baptist should thus receive and baptize those infants ( though the scripture affirming nothing of it , and tradition , as far as i know , as little , i shall neither affirm nor believe any thing in it ) this only is certain , that among the jewes of that time infant children were known to be capable of entring into covenant with god after this manner , and of being partakers of the benefit of the covenant by that means . and one thing more i may adde , that christ himself , who was by his sinlesness , as unqualified for the repentance which john preacht , as the infants were by their incapacities , did yet come and was received to johns baptisme , v. 13. and then in c●se infants were brought , why might not they be received also ? then 2. for as much as concerned the apostles mat. 10. first , t is there evident that they were sent to the lost sheep indefinitely , and sure that phrase comprehends the lambs also , the infant children being lost in adam as well as the grown men , by the addition of their actual to original sin : and then why should we doubt but the apostles mission extended to them also ? an 2. for their preaching , it is just as johns was , to warn them to beware of the imminent destruction , that vindicative act of gods kingdome v. 7. that all that should give ear and heed to them might hasten to get out of that danger by reformation and new life ; and the ruine being impendent to the young as well as old , even the whole nation , why should not the infant children be rescued from that by their parents care in bringing them to baptisme , and timely ingaging them to fly from the wrath to come , as soon as they should come to understanding , injoying in the mean time the benefit of others charity ? thirdly , after their preaching though there be no mention of baptizing ( and so it was not so fit to be produced to our present business ) yet other things there are appointed to be done , wherein infants were concerned as well as others , as healing of diseases &c. and if being incapable of receiving benefit from preaching should be deemed an obstacle to their being baptized , why should it not to their receiving of cures ? nay i may adde , how should the dead in that place ( who sure were as uncapable of hearing or understanding as the tenderest infant ) be capable of being raised by those apostles , which yet is there affirmed of them , v. 8. and so much for that reason also , and in like manner for the third , which is but repeating the last branch of this second , that the apostles were to disciple all nations by the same way that they discipled the lost sheep of the house of israel , which was , saith he , by preaching and therefore supposed precedent instruction . in what sense , i have now shewed , viz. by preaching , to the nations , and receiving all that came in to the discipleship , whether on their own leggs , or in others arms , whole families at once , the parents , and upon their undertaking their infant children also . his fourth proof is taken from the use and notation of the word , which is so to teach as that they learn , and so , saith he , is used mat. 13.52 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is rendred , [ instructed ] by our last translators , and can be no otherwise rendred than [ made a disciple by teaching ] so act. 14.21 . it is said , having preached the gospel to that city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having taught or made many disciples . for the notation of the word we have formerly said sufficient , that it signifies to receive ad discipulatum , as into a school of spiritual instruction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to make a disciple , and such he is made , who by any motive or means either comes or is brought into the school , this indeed in order to teaching in the master , and to learning in the scholar , and the one so to teach , as that the other learn , but this subsequent to his being made a disciple , the youth we know enters into the school , is admitted into the college and vniversity , before he learns a word there , the instruction or learning is still lookt upon as future , at his entring into discipleship . and this is all the importance of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mat. 13.5 . only some accidental differences may be observed , 't is in the passive , and in the aorist in the preter tense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every scribe which is or hath been entred as a disciple unto the kingdome of heaven , who since his entrance hath been instructed and ( as real passives import ) received influence , been really affected and changed by discipleship , still no way supposing that he was instructed in the learning or mysteries of the kingdome of heaven , before he was thus admitted a disciple to it ; after his admission , there is no doubt but he doth ( or ought to ) learn , nay being there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a scribe discipled , a grown man and learned among the jews , before he came to christ , i doubt not but some knowledge he had of it before he entred himself a disciple ( see baptizing of infants , p. 199. ) but this not by force of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for still a disciple he may be before he learns , and is therefore obliged to learn , because he hath assumed and undertaken to do so , either personally , or by others susception , by his coming , or being brought to be a disciple . so in the other place act. 14.21 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] signifies no more then having received , or initiated , i. e. ( i suppose ) by this rite of baptisme , made and baptized many disciples , which though it be there set down as a consequent of the apostles preaching the gospel in that city ( for otherwise it were not imaginable that they should receive any disciples there , they must first proclaim admission to all that come , before any can be expected either to come , or be brought to them ) yet may it very reasonably be extended to more persons then those that understood their preaching , viz. to the infant children of their proselytes , brought to them by their parents and dedicated to christ . thus invalid are his attempts from the notation of the word , and by consequence his inference from thence ( which is set down as his fift proof ) that thereby it may appear how the apostles understood the precept of christ to preach the gospel to persons and thereby make them disciples . for although the practice of the apostles be indeed the means by which we may discerne how they understood christs precept ( and those two places cited by mr. t. from mat. 13. and act. 14. do no way belong to that , they tell us not , whether they received infants to baptisme , or not ) yet i may very well ward my self from any inconvenience , which this use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in other places can threaten , it being already vindicated from all necessity that it should be confined to grown men , and not communicated to infants also . his last proof is by returning to the first again , comparing the words in matthew with the parallel place in mark , whereby , saith he , a disciple and believer will appear to be the same , the disciple to be baptized in mat. being in mark expressed by the believer , which is put before baptism . to this i answer , 1. that that passage in s. mark , he that believes and is baptized shall be saved , and he that believeth not shall be damned , and so on to the end of the gospel , is ( as even now i intimated ) added by that evangelist , to the words , as they are set down in matthew and so being an addition , cannot be looked on , as exactly parallel to the words in matthew , go , and disciple all nations baptizing them — and this we also know is ordinary for one evangelist to set down more fully , what is omitted or more shortly set down in another , and s. mark that in other things was willing to abbreviate s. matthew , doth now visibly in large ; and so the comparison cannot regularly be made betwixt these two evangelists words , something being abbreviated in mark which was more at large in matthew , and something more concisely set down in matthew , and more largely in mark. and then what necessity is there , that mark not mentioning discipling but believing : and matthew mentioning discipling but not believing the discipled and believers should be deemed the same . t is true indeed of grown men , none can in reason be admitted disciples , which are not also believers ( the ground of which i have set down in the resol . of the quaere p. 199. ) but of infant children this is not true , for those , though they cannot come , may yet be brought , and though not upon their own confession , yet by the susception of others , made capable of the churches charity , and so may be disciples without actual or personal belief . nay 2dly if mr. t. his argument had power to infer it , t were that which i might safely avouch , that infants may be comprehended under the style 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they that believe and are baptized ; so even now we had it in the expresse words of christ , the little ones ( and s. luke specifies them to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 little infants ) that believe on him : i. e. just as they are said elsewhere to come unto him , when they are as uncapable , for want of bodily strength , of personal coming , as for want of strength of minde or judgement , for personal believing , and yet in respect of others bringing them to christ ( and so to the church in baptisme ) they are by christ himself said to do both of these , to come in one place , and to believe in the other . but then 3dly , i willingly acknowledge that the word [ believe ] in mark , belongs peculiarly to the grown men and women , who are called by the preaching of the gospel , of whom though it be said , that believing and being baptized they shall be saved , and not believing they shall be damned , yet it no way follows , that none but such as thus personally believed , should be baptized , or that being baptized they should not be saved , but lose all the benefit of their baptisme . the later part of the words is considerable ; he that believeth not shall be damned , infidelity is pitcht on , as the thing peculiarly , that incurs the certain damnation , i. e. the voluntary resisting the faith , when it is preacht convincingly to them , and of that none are capable , but those that are arrived to years of understanding . which as it is an indication that that ver . and those that follow in s. mark of believers casting out devils , &c. v. 17 , 18. belong to adulti peculiarly , so it no way hinders but s. matthews words being different from them , and supposed to be precedent to them in christs delivery , may comprehend infants also , as such who are capable of entring into discipleship , and of being brought and presented to the apostles by believing parents , this being the way whereby the faith of the parents may be signally beneficial to the childe , in bringing him thus early into the school , and so to the benediction of christ , the parents together with the infant children , as among the jews so among christians , entring together into covenant with god. in this matter mr. t. is willing to finde a difference betwixt teaching them to observe all things whatsoever christ hath commanded them , mat. 28.20 . and the preaching of the gospel in s. mark : thinking by that means to avoid the importunity of that text in matthew , which evidently sets baptisme before instructing . but this can avail him nothing , for if by the gospel in mark we understand the whole gospel , as in reason we must , for that is it which must be preacht to every creature ( the gentile world ) then is that directly all one with teaching them to observe whatsoever he hath commanded ; but if by preaching the gospel we mean no more then , as mr. t. here saith , that jesus is the christ , i. e. the proposing him as a master , and calling all to come to him as disciples , then this being supposed precedent to mens coming to discipleship , or bringing their infants to it ( for without this they cannot be expected to come themselves , or to bring their infants ) all the rest is left to follow baptisme , and so all particular christian instruction is subsequent , not precedent to baptisme , an effect of their discipleship , attending it , no way necessary to prepare for it , which is the utmost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which from that circumstance of that text i undertook to demonstrate . sect. 3. discipleship before instruction . what knowledge of the master is required to discipleship . two sorts of disciples , some come , others are brought . his reasons for the disproving of my interpretation of mat. 28. being thus evidenced to have no force or validity in them against our pretensions , and so indeed his whole fabrick demolished , ( that place of s. mat. being the one main ( if not only ) ground of antipaedobaptists structure ) i might well spare the advantages of the 26 , 27 , 28. §§ . to which he makes some kinde of answer in the remainder of his 25 chapter : but there is so little weight in his answers that they will be speedily dispatched . first then to my 26 § . he saith , that were it all granted me , yet it would no whit avail to prove that an infant may be a disciple appointed by christ to be baptized . to this i reply , that the 26 § . being most of it spent for the explaining an hard place 1 pet. 3.21 . concerning baptisme , and for assigning the due notion to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a question , or addresse as to an oracle , for instruction for the future life , i pretended not to conclude infant baptisme from thence , nor any more then this , that baptisme being the entring of a disciple , and not praerequiring actual instruction , but consisting in coming to christ and his church to receive it for the future , 't is certain that by this account children are capable of baptisme , because they may by the care of their parents be thus brought early to christ , and entred into his school by them , before they themselves have faculties either to desire , or know what is done to them , the proportion holding in this betwixt infants and other scholars that are entred by their parents in any school before they know one letter in the book , or have actual willingness to acquire any knowledge ; and this is there illustrated by the example philip , joh. 1.44 . and of the jews , ex. 19.8 . which have again been mentioned , and are clear evidences , that those may be received into discipleship which have not yet had precedent instruction . against this all that he hath to pretend is set down by him in these words , let putting to school be as early as the doctor will imagine , yet none is put to school till he doth know his teacher , and so none is christ's disciple in the scripture language till he know jesus to be christ , and take him for his lord , which infants being not capable of , they are not disciples , nor to be baptized according to christ's appointment . to this i answer , 1. that the example which i had used of children being brought to school by the care of their parents , was designed to shew no more then this , that they may be delivered up to be scholars , who as yet know nothing of what they are to learn , nor have actual willingnesse to acquire knowledge , and consequently that entrance into discipleship referres onely to subsequent , supposes not any precedent instruction . and this is competently evidenced by that example , though it were supposed of the child that goes to school , that he knowes his teacher , this bare knowledge of the person of his teacher , being none of the documents which he comes to school to learn , but the good letters that are profest and taught in the school , nor indeed is it imaginable why a blind child which is brought to school , or put to an instructer , and so cannot be deemed to know the master , before assuetude hath acquainted him with him , should not yet be said , with as full propriety of speech , to come to school , as he that useth his own eyes as well as feet to direct him thither . 2dly . it is as true , that children that are brought to school do not always know their masters before their entrance , no not by the most superficiall knowledge ; many are brought to publick schools , who never so much as saw their masters , till they are by their parents delivered up into their power and discipline ; if this be not plain enough , then change the similitude from the schoolmaster to the parent or guardian , or the very nurse , every one of these are to feed and nourish , and , as he shall be capable , to instruct the child , and so doth christ in a spirituall sense , whosoever is intrusted ( by being brought ) to him in baptisme . and we know god and nature doth thus bring a child to the parent , to the nourse or guardian , when the child knows none of these , nor understands any more of all these transactions , then the infant doth at the font conceive what is done to it there . and so still this evidenceth the vanity of this answer concerning the childs knowing his teacher . but then 3dly . this so imperfect superficial knowledge of the teacher is in no wise worth considering in this matter ; for i shall demand , doth such very imperfect knowledge of christ , as a schoolboy hath of his teacher , the first hour he comes into the school , qualifie him for discipleship to christ , or no ? if it do , then his countrymen and kinsmen , before he revealed himself to be the messiah , and the pharisees , which believed not his miracles , were sufficiently qualified , and then t is evident that those might be admitted to discipleship , which were not believers , and so all mr. t. his hypotheses are destroyed , and then infants may be discipled and baptized , though they be not believers . as for that which he here interposes [ the knowing jesus to be christ , and taking him for his lord ] this bears no proportion with the childs bare knowing of his master , but is farre above it , equal to his making it his own choice to have this master , rather then any other , and promising exact obedience to him , which is much more then is to be found in most young scholars , or indeed in any that are brought by their parents or guardians , who alone are the persons who bear proportion with the infants brought by others to baptisme . so that this reasoning of his is soon salved by distinguishing of disciples , that they are either such as come , or such as are brought to school , proselytes of their own choice , or children under the care of others , of the former sort there are none but such as have some rude imperfect knowledge of christ , upon which they make this choice , and without it would not probably be expected to make it ; but for children which as minors in their guardians hands , have no will of their own , there is no necessity they should have knowledge to move their will , they may very reasonably be acted by the will of others , and by their charity be made partakers of those priviledges which are communicated from christ , in his church to all true members thereof , and to that end be discipled and , baptized , entred by this ceremonie into the church of god , where instruction is to be had , as soon as they are capable of it , and in the mean while partake of those other advantages , of which their condition is capable . sect. 4. the difference of a disciple and proselyte examined . christian as well as jewish proselytes , priviledges of proselytisme , disciples of the pharisees . the holy ghost's not using the word proselyte of christians , concludes nothing . jehovah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 infants qualified for baptisme . as for entring into covenant deut. 29. gods oath . infants adjured , creples capable of christ's cures . to my 27. and 28. §§ . his answer is brief , that what i say is not right ; and for proof , though he begins with a [ for 1. ] and so by his forme of branching , promises more reasons then one , yet that first hath never a [ secondly ] to follow or back it , and so t is all resolved into that one , viz. that it is not true that a disciple and a proselyte are perfectly all one . to this therefore i must advert , and consider what nice difference he can spring betwixt a disciple and a proselyte , whereupon to found satisfaction for conscience why infants may be proselytes , and as such , come unto christ , and yet cannot be made disciples , or received in baptisme to discipleship . and his reason is , because a proselyte , saith he , notes one that is by birth an alien from the commonwealth of israel , and comes to the israelites to own their god , and be part of their policie , and not to be taught , but enjoy priviledges with other jewes , whether civil or ecclesiastical . but certainly this is no reason of difference , for besides that i , in that § . 27. acknowledged this accidental difference , that a proselyte denotes a coming from some other nation ( as a disciple doth not ) adding that this difference had no place in this matter , where the disciples are specified to be received from all nations ; besides this , i say , it cannot be unknown to mr. t. that i speak of proselytes in such a notion as is equally competible to all of what nation soever they are , that enter into covenant with god. thus do we find a proselyte defined , heb. 11.6 . by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that cometh to god , thus doth a jew when he enters into covenant of obedience to him , and thus did a gentile when he undertook the whole law of the jewes , and was therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a proselyte of their covenant , and a proselyte of their righteousnesse , and such is every one whether jew or gentile , that cometh to christ ; and as the two former of these were made partakers of priviledges by this means , particularly allowed freely to enter into the congregation , and infants as well as grown men , were thus among them admitted into covenant ; so it is not imaginable why it should not hold of the christian proselytes also , nor why the christian infants thus received into covenant by christ , after the same manner as jewish and gentile infants were among the antient people of god , i. e. by baptisme , should not as properly be called proselytes of christ , though they neither come from any other nation , nor ever associate themselves with israelites according to the flesh . and whereas he saith of the proselytes coming to the israelites , that they came not to be taught , but to enjoy priviledges , i cannot divine what motive he had to affirme it , for sure the infant child that was baptized , and so received into the congregation of israel did come to learn the jewish religion , into which he was thus early initiated , and that was one speciall priviledge ( the rest of the heathen having not knowledge of these lawes , ) the immediate end of his proselytisme , yet not excluding those other ends of injoying all other priviledges both civil and ecclesiastical thereby . and when he addes , but a disciple of christ is one that ownes christ for his teacher and lord onely for spiritual benefits , i might well acknowledge it , and aske , why then an infant , who hath need of those spiritual benefits , assoon as he is born , should not be hastened to a participation of them ? but it is farther evident , that spiritual benefits being first and principally designed , other even secular advantages may very lawfully be respected , and reaped by them that are thus early brought in , whether as disciples , or proselytes to christ . two sage observations he here addeth , 1. that there is no mention of the disciples of the priests , but of the pharisees and sadduces , and i can very well grant it , who speak not of any lower kinde of disciples , but either of god among the jews , or of christ , among us christians , those being the only discipleships , to which they were admitted by the ceremony of baptisme , the disciples of the pharisees and sadduces being but a subdivision , and notification of several sects among jews , as there are different denominations of christians ( the more the pity ) which divide unity , but use not new baptismes , to discriminate them , i am sure contradict the apostle if they doe . his 2d observation is , that the holy ghost doth not at any time call christians christs proselytes , but his disciples , that , saith he , we might not confound the notions of these terms ; but i answer , 1. that those texts that expresse the christians entring into discipleship , by coming unto him ( of which there are good store ) do in effect call them proselytes , for a proselyte is a greek noun derived immediatly from the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to come unto . and 2dly that if this word , whether in it self , or in the verb from whence it comes , had never been used in the new testament , yet would it not thence follow , that we might not confound the notions of proselytes and disciples : the word jehovah is never used by the holy ghost in the new testament , yet may we not thence conclude , that the notion of jehovah and god are divers : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the known style of the nicene fathers , is never found used by the writers of the bible , yet sure it no way follows thence , that the notion of that word , and of this phrase [ i and my father are one ] are different and may not be confounded . t is pity to lose time on such fictions of scruple , and difficulty as these . what now is further said by him in this chapter , both concerning little ones coming unto christ , and of their entring into covenant , deut. 29.10 . is on both sides but a bare denyal of that which is competently proved in that 28 § . for t is there evident that infant children are and always were accounted capable of proselytisme and so of being entred disciples , and particularly of being entred into covenant with god , and so of being baptized , and there is no reason imaginable , why the infants which were capable of coming to christ , were blessed by him were affirmed by him to be qualified for the kingdome of heaven , should be denyed water to be baptized : the holy ghost being fallen on the gentiles that came with cornelius , peter durst not deny them baptisme ; and with what equity can the christian church do it to those , who are qualified for the receiving pardon of sin , for being blest by christ , for being received into covenant with him , and may afterward be instructed in all things which are needful to be learnt , for that still they are unqualified , till by hearing they own christ as their master , this is a begging of the question , without any the least tender of proof . as for entring into covenant , when by the force of deut. 29.10 . he is forced to yield it competible to infants , yet he will do his best to escape the conviction which it offers him , 1. by modifying the sense , then by invalidating my inference from it . first , though he yield that they may enter into covenant , yet this , saith he , but in some sense , by their fathers act ingaging them under a curse or oath to own god as theirs , in which sense the posterity then unborn did enter into covenant , deut. 29.15 . but if we examine the place , it will be most clear , 1. that the covenant is entred into by the infants , just as by the rest of them , the wives and the strangers or proselytes : on their part , ye stand this day all of you before the lord , that thou shouldst enter into covenant with the lord ; and on gods part , that he may establish thee this day for a people . 2dly here is in the text no mention of any act of the fathers ingaging them under a curse or oath , but only of gods oath which he maketh to them . v. 12. 3dly if they had thus adjured , or laid oath or curse upon their children , yet would this make no difference betwixt their and our entring into covenant ; we by the oath of baptisme which is laid on the childe ( by him to be performed when he comes to ability , unlesse he will forfeit all the benefits of his baptisme ) do in like manner adjure our infants , though whilest they remain such , they hear it as little as the jewish infants did . 4thly whereas from v. 15. he cites that the posterity then unborn thus entred into covenant , there is no such word in the text ▪ no mention of [ posterity ] or of [ unborn ] but of them only , who were not that day with them , i. e. ( i suppose ) were at that time of assmbling absent from the congregation . i wonder why mr. t. should attempt thus to impose upon the reader . as for our inference ( which is this , that by parity of reason , infants may be entred into discipleship , and accordingly baptized , as well as they then might be entred into the covenant of god ) he simply rejects it , without any farther notice of his reason again , save onely this , that in baptisme such a discipleship is injoyn'd as is by preaching the gospel , and they onely are disciples that are believers , and the onely are appointed to be baptized , who in their own persons do enter into covenant and ingage themselves to be christs followers , and this is again but a pitifull petitio principii , a denying our conclusion when the premises cannot be denyed , and so invincibly inferre the conclusion , viz. that those may be brought to and received into discipleship , covenant , baptisme , which in their own persons are not yet able to come to christ , as those criples may be born by others to christ , who wanted strength to addresse themselves , and be as really partakers of his healing miracles , as those who came to him on their own legges . and so much also for the 25th chapter . chap. iii. of the apostolical practice in this matter . sect. 1. the interpretation of 1 cor. 7.12 . vindicated . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sanctification used to denote baptisme , the use of it in the fathers and scripture . tertullians testimonie : designati sanctitatis . origen . author quaest : ad antiochum . cyprian . chrysostome . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there , infant children , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the epistles . s. augustines words examined . in his last chapter he proceeds to the view of those §§ . which set down the positive part of our basis , evidencing the opinion and sense , which the apostles had of christ's institution , and of his intention to include , and not to exclude infants from baptisme . the apostles sense must be judged by their own usage ▪ and practice , and that is testified to us two waies , 1. by one considerable remain and indication of it in s. paul , 2. by the practice of the first and purest ages of the church , receiving infants to baptisme , and so testifying the apostolical usage , and farther affirming that they received it by tradition from the apostles . the remain , and indication in s. paul is in the known place of 1 cor. 7.12 . where speaking of the believers children he saith v. 14 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but now are they holy , i. e. it is the present practice of the church ( that apostolical church in s. paul's time ) to admit to baptisme the infant chldren of parents , of whom one is christian though not of others . that this is the meaning of [ holy ] is there made evident , as by other arguments , so by this , that the antient fathers who knew the sacred dialect , call baptisme sanctification , eum qui natus est , baptizandum & sanctificandum , in cyprian , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be sanctifyed when they have no feeling of it , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him be sanctified from the infancie , i. e. baptized then , in gregorie nazianzen . to which testimonies , and the rest which is there produced out of the agreement of the jewish style ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanctifications for baptismes , to which agrees maecarius's saying of the jewish baptisme , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it sanctifies the flesh , hom. 47. p. 509. ) because the main difficulty of the interpretation consists herein , i sh●ll now adde more , one very antient before any of these ( within less then an 100. years after the death of s. john ) tertullian de animâ , c. 39. where speaking of infants , and saying , ex sanctificato alterutro sexu sanctos procreari , that when either the father or mother is sanctified ( i. e. received as a believer by baptisme into the church , the children are holy &c. ( clear evidences of the notion of the word ) this he there proves by these very words of this apostle , caeterum , inquit , immundi nascuntur , else ( so caeterum in tertullian's style is known to be put for alioqui or the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) were your children unclean , adding in stead of these other words [ but now are they holy ] quasi designatos tamen sanctitatis & per hoc etiam salutis , intelligi volens fidelium filios , hereby willing that we should understand that the children of believers are the designed , or the sealed of holyness ( in the sense , i conceive , wherein they that are baptized are by the antients frequently said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be sealed ) and thereby of salvation also : and all this , saith he , thus urged by the apostle , ut hujus spei pignora matrimoniis quae retinenda censuerat , patrocinarentur , that this hope might be a pledge to ingage the believing wife or husband not to part from the unbeliever , and he yet farther addes ( still to the confirming of this interpretation ) alioqui meminerat dominicae definitionis , nisi quis nascatur ex aquâ & spiritu , non introibit in regnum dei , i. e. non erit sanctus . otherwise ( or if this argument of the apostle had not been sufficient ) he would have mentioned the definition of christ , that unless one be born of water and the spirit ( i. e. baptized ) he shall not enter into the kingdome of god , i. e. shall not be holy , shewing still of what holyness he understands the apostles speech , that which the child of the believer is made partaker of by baptisme , concluding , ita omnis anima usque eo in adam censetur donec in christo recenseatur , tamdiu immunda quamdiu recenseatur , every soul is so long inrolled in adam till it be inrolled anew in christ , and is so long unclean till it be thus anew inrolled , which as it supposes every child of adam to be impure , till he be thus by baptisme made a child of gods , a member of christ , so it gives a full account of that uncleanesse , and that holyness of which the apostle speaks the former the state of a child of adam unbaptized , the later of him that by baptisme is initiated and matriculated into christ . and to this agrees perfectly that of origen ( of the same age , a very few years after tertullian ) speaking of the apostles ( from whom , saith he , the church received by tradition that infants should be baptized ) sciebant enim illi quibus mysteriorum secreta commissa sunt divinorum , quia essent in omnibus genuinae sordes peccati , quae per aquam & spiritum ablui deberent , they to whom the secrets of the divine mysteries or sacraments were committed , knew that there are in all the connatural pollutions of sin , which ought to be washt away by water and the spirit , giving us to understand what uncleanness and holyness it is , that children are capable of , the uncleanness of their birth from adam , and the cleanness or sanctity of christian baptisme . so athanasius * quaest . ad antioch . 114. ( or whosoever it is under the name of that antient father ) where the salvation of the baptized infants is concluded by him upon force of those two texts , suffer little children to come unto me ; and , now are your children holy , whereto he there sets parallel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the baptized infants of believers , as the plain paraphrase of the apostles words . to these i farther adde another passage of * cyprian , together with the 66. bishops that were in councel with him in their epistle to fidus , where speaking of the baptisme of infants and expressely forbidding that any such should be hindred or kept from it , he brings for proof of it the words of s. peter , that the lord had said unto him that he should count none common or unclean , where it appears what was that holy fathers notion of common or unclean , such as might be refused baptisme , and consequently they which are not such , but on the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 clean or holy ( and such saith paul here are the believers children ) are to be admitted thither . upon which words of s. cyprian * s. augustine speaking saith , he made no new decree , but kept most firme the faith of the church , & mox natum rite baptizari posse cum suis coepiscopis censuit , and he and his fellow bishops resolved that a child might duely be baptized as soon as born . so * s. chrysostome in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to them that were to be baptized , speaking of the several titles of baptisme , applies unto it that of the apostle 1 cor. 6.11 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but ye are washed , but ye are sanctified : * and again , of those that were baptized , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the scripture pronounces them not onely made clean but just and holy also . so * gregorie nyssene in like manner , glaphyr : in exod. l. 2. speaking of him that deferres baptisme to old age , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. he is sanctified indeed , i. e. baptized , but brings in no profit to god. and * comm : in is . l. 1. or. 1. speaking of baptisme again , and the sufficiency to wash away sin , he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — but they are once sanctified , i. e. baptized — but i need no more such like suffrages . this i have both there ( §§ . 34 , 35 , 36 , 37. ) and here thus largely deduced , because in this one matter all the difficulty consists , and if it be once granted that this is the meaning of [ now are your children holy ] then here is an evidence undenyable of the apostles practice of baptizing infants , and consequently an irrefragable testimonie of their sense of christs institution , including , not excluding infants . and so this is a short and clear way of preventing all mr. t. his indevours and pains ( so largely taken ) to invalidate my conclusion from this place of the apostle , and i need not now be farther sollicitous for my paraphrase on all those 3. verses , wherein he would fain find out some excesses and defects , some insertions and omissions ; if such there were ( as i doubt not to evidence there are none ) it would be little for his advantage , as long as the interpretation of the last words [ but now are they ( i. e. your children ) holy ] appears to be this , [ but now are your infant children partakers of the priviledge of baptisme ] for this one part of that verse concludes all that i pretend , or he oppugneth : and this i hope is now cleared to be no singular interpretation of mine , but that which ( beside the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rational importance of the context concluding it ) the style of scripture and the uniforme attestation of the antientest writers assign to it , so that there can be no reason for doubting in it . yet because this is one of the exuberancies objected to my paraphrase ( and the onely one which i can without impertinence take notice of ) that the term [ young children of christians — ] is more then is in the text , which hath onely [ your children ] which saith he , is not restrained to infancie , i shall briefely remove this exception , 1. by the authority of tertullian just now produced , who interpreted it of their infant children , as appeared both by the express words [ sanctos procreari ] and the [ caeterum immundi nascerentur ] and by the occasion of that discourse in that place , which was the immunda nativitas ethnicorum , the unclean birth of heathens children , and the unlawfulnesse of baptizing them , unlesse one of the parents were christian . to which may be added also nazianzens phrase forementioned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being sanctified from infancie ( for so sure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a child before or soon after birth , saith hesychius , and aristophanes the grammarian cited by * eustathius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a child new born ) which in all probability referres to this place of the apostle , and so renders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their children by their infant children . 2dly . t is as manifest by the general doctrine of the fathers , when they speak of the faith of parents profiting their children , meaning alwaies their infant children , brought to baptisme by the faith of their parents , before they are personally capable of having faith themselves . 3dly . by the inconveniences which must follow in case it be interpreted of any other but infant children . for suposing them come to years of understanding , and capacity , they shall then either be supposed to have received the faith or to remain in infidelity : if they have received the faith & then be baptized , t is evident that this benefit comes not to them upon any consideration of the faith of the parent , but upon their own personal profession , and consequently that these cannot be spoken of by the apostle in that place , where he makes the sanctification or baptisme of the children a benefit of the believing parents cohabiting with the unbeliever , and as tertullian saith , patropinium , a plea to move the beleever not to depart . but if they have lived to years and not received the faith , t is then certain that they may not be baptized at all ; and so t is manifest it must be understood of the infant ( uncapable ) children , and none else . t is true that mr. t. also excepteth against the paraphrasing of [ holy ] by [ admitted to baptisme ] affirming this to be a sense of the word , no where else found . but this i hope i have cleared already , both from the usage of the word among the jewish and first christian writers , and might farther do it even by this apostles dialect , who in his inscriptions of most of his epistles to the churches , calls all those to whom he writes , i. e. the baptized christians of those churches , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holy , rom. 1.17 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanctified , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holy , 1 cor. 1.2 . and again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holy , 2 cor. 1.1 . and eph. 1.1 . phil. 1.1 : col. 1.1 . among whom no doubt there were many who were no otherwise holy or sanctified , then as all baptized christians are capable of that style . but i shall need adde no more of that to what hath been already so largely said . and the parts of my interpretation being thus cleared , that their children ] were their babes or infants , and their being holy ] their being baptized , t is sure i cannot be concerned in his conclusion , that he never read or heard any exposition antient or modern so expounding as this doctor or dictator doth , nor do i think he can shew any ] i hope now he will alter his mind , and acknowledge that it was his own fault , that this interpretation seemed so new and strange to him . as for the one place of s. augustine produced by him ( it should be , l. 2. de pecc . mer. & remiss . c. 26. ) to the seeming prejudice of this interpretation , ac per hoc & illa sanctificatio cujuscunque modi sit quam in filiis fidelium esse dixit apostolus , ad istam de baptismo & peccati origine vel remissione quaestionem omnino non pertinet ] it will easily be reconciled to it , if we but mark what question it is , that there he speaks of , even that which he had then in hand , viz. whether baptisme were necessary to remission of sinnes , and entring the kingdome of heaven . that this was the question in hand appeareth by the words immediately precedent , which are these sanctificatio , catechumen● si non fuerit baptizat●● , non ei valet ad in●randum regnum coelorum aut ad peccatorum remissionem , the sanctification of a catechumenus ( what that is he had mentioned before , catechumenos secundum quendam modum suum per signum christi & orationem impositionis manuum puto sanctificari , that some kind of sanctification which the unbaptized might have by prayer and imposition of hands , of which we sometimes read in the antients , as hath elsewhere been shewed ) profits him not for the entring the kingdome of heaven , or obteining remission of sins , unless he be baptized . and therefore that sanctification of whatsoever kind it is , viz. if it be without baptisme , belongs not , saith he , to the question then in hand concerning baptisme and the original and pardon of sin . here then i suppose is saint augustines meaning . the adversaries with whom he disputes ( the pelagians ) to maintain the no necessity of baptizing infants for the remission of sinnes , made use of that text , and concluded from it the sanctitie of the christian infant birth , before , and without baptisme : to this he answers , without any strict examination of the importance of that text , that whatsoever sanctification it can be imagined to be , that the apostle speakes of , except it be that of baptisme , it cannot avail to the remission of sinnes , &c. some improper kind of sanctification , saith he , he may confesse , secundum quendam modum , in him that is not yet baptized , but that without baptisme non valet ad intrandum , is not of force for entring into the kingdome of heaven , and therefore whatsoever sanctification that is ( viz. whatsoever without baptisme ) it belongs not to his question then before him , and so the apostles words can have no force against him . this i suppose then to be in brief s. augustines meaning in that place , that t is not the holinesse of the christian infants birth , but of their baptisme , which stands them in stead toward the kingdome of heaven : and then that , as it is no evidence on my side , that he interpreted that place to the cor. as i interpret it , so it affirmes nothing to the contrary , but leaves it in medio , having his advantages other wayes against the disputers . however for the substance , his accord with us is evident and his conclusion firme both in that place , and l. 3. de pecc . mer. & remiss . c. 12. illud sine dubitatione tenendum , quaecunque illa sanctificatio sit , non valere ad christianos faciendos , atque ad dimittenda peccata , nisi christiana atque ecclesiasticâ institutione & sacramentis ●ffici 〈◊〉 fidele● . it is to be held without doubting , that whatsoever that sanctification be ▪ it availes not to the making them christians and to the obteining remission of sins , unlesse by christian and ecclesiastical institution , and by the sacraments they be made faithfull . this is all that i can seasonably return for the vindicating of my paraphrase , it would be too immoderate an excursion to take notice of all his pretended objections to the former part of it , which concerns the cohabiting of the believer with the unbeliever , which i assure mr. t. were easy fully to answer , and shew his mistakes in each particular , if the matter of our present dispute did require , or would well bear a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that length , or if i thought it in the least degree usefull to the reader , that i should farther explain the grounds of my paraphrase , then as they are already laid before him , sect. 31. &c. yet because the reasons which i there tendred for the paraphrase taken from the notations of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath been sanctified ] and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not to , but ) by the wife ] and by the plain consequents , what knowest thou ô wife , whether thou shalt save thy husband — are by mr. t. examined with an endeavour to confute them , and so to overthrow the whole paraphrase , it may perhaps be thought usefull that i should take a view of those his indeavors , and therefore that i shall now proceed to do , and shall there meet with by the way what was most material in his former exceptions against my paraphrase . sect. 2. the rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ hath been sanctified ] defended . s. hieromes testimonie . enallages must not be made use of without necessity . no advantage from it here . feigned instances of enallage . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . first then , to my first evidence taken from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath been sanctified ] referring to some past known examples and experiences , of this kind ( of a wives converting the husband &c. ) he hath a double answer , 1. that as my paraphrase expresseth it , it should signifie not onely that an unbelieving husband hath been sanctified , but also that there is hope they will , and so it should note not only some example past , but also some to come , of which there can be a lesse reasonable account given then of putting it in the present tense in english . 2. that the enallage or change of tense is frequent , c. 11.14 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the present tense for the future , and here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in the next verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the preter for the present , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , not , hath been , but is sanctified , or if in the preter tense , yet that to be understood of a past thing yet continued , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joh. 3.18 . notes an act still continued in force . to these two i reply briefely , and first to the former ( the same which he had mentioned before , and excepted against as an excesse in my paraphrase , but both there and here without the least cause ; ) for in my paraphrase , i look upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a verbe of the preter tense , and as such onely adapt the sense to it , referring it not to future hopes but to past experiences or examples ; onely because examples are rhetorical syllogismes , and what hath been frequently experimented may also reasonably be hoped , i suppose that the apostle so meant these examples , as grounds of hoping the like for the future , not making this of the future any part of the sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the preter , but explicating the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rational importance ( which is somewhat more then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of the apostles speech , and supposing this conclusion to ly hid under this premisse , as it is ordinary in all discourse to set down the premisses distinctly , leaving the conclusion by every ones reason to be drawn from thence , without setting it down explicitely . wherein that i was not mistaken , i had all assurance from v. 16. where the argument is prest , and the conclusion inferred more explicitly , for what knowest thou , ô wife , whether thou shalt save thy husband — and the like mentioned in the paraphrase from 1 pet. 3.1 . and herein i have the authority of s. hierome ; as for my rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the woman ( so i find it , per mulierem , in his 7th epist . ad laetam , and so marianus victorius in his scholia assures us , all the copies antient and printed , read it ) so also for this part of my paraphrase , exemplum refert ( saith he on the place ) quia saepe contigerit ut lucrifieret vir per mulierem , vnde & beatus petrus ait , ut siquis non credideret verbo , per mulierum conversationem sine verbo lucrifierent , id est , cùm viderint eas in melius commutatas , cognoscant omnes dei legem ita confuetudine inveterata potuisse mutari , he produceth an example because , saith he , it hath often happened that the husband hath been gained by the wife , according to that of s. peter , that if any man believe not the word , he should without the word be gained by the conversation of the wife , that is , that when they shall see them changed to the better , all may know that the law of god might have been taken in exchange for so inveterate a custome . and so again ep. 7. ad laetam , speaking of the like example , bene , saith he , felicitérque expectavimus ; sancta & fidelis domus virum sanctificat infidelem , we have well and happily expected ( i. e. not mist of our expectation ) an holy and faithfull house sanctifies an unbeliever , adding his conceipt , ipsum jovem , si habuisset talem cognationem , potuisse in christum credere , that jupiter himself if he had had such a kindred , might have been brought to the faith of christ . as for his 2d answer , i acknowledge such enallages to be ordinarie in the hebrew , and sometimes , but more rarely found in the hebraizing greeks , or hellenists , and consequently that where the context will not bear the sense of the tense which is used , there may be place for this grammatical figure , which yet is not to be made use of unnecessarily . accordingly , if there were any convincing reason offered , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the preter tense ] could not be born , i should not then doubt to interpret it by this figure , either in the present or some other tense : but when ( as here it is evident ) there is no such necessity , then 1. i cannot think fit to do so , ( t is dangerous to forsake the literal sense , when it may be commodiously reteined , and fly to either a rhetorical , or grammatical figure ) and having no motive to do so , i am next to consider , what is the properest importance of that phrase in that tense wherein it is used , and then i could not ( i believe ) have fallen upon any thing more natural , then that the preter forme of speech referred to the past experiences , &c. this is a full satisfaction to his answer , yet i may in the 2d place ex abundanti adde thus much more , that the utmost that he can pretend to by the enallage ( whether of the preter for the present , or of the preter understood of a past thing yet continued ) is as commodious for my interpretation , as the preter is : for if it be in the present , then the importance will be , that it is a matter of present daily experience ; if in the past continued , then that it is matter both of past and present experience that the unbeliever is thus wrought upon by the believer , and brought into the church by baptisme , and this a just ground of hope , that so it may be again in any particular instance , and so a competent motive that the believing wife should abide with the infidel husband , and not depart as long as he will live peaceably with her , and this sure was s. hieromes understanding in the words newly cited , exemplum refert , quia saepe contigerit &c. the apostle makes instance , produceth example , that this hath ( and doth ) ordinarily come to passe ; and to that also exactly agrees the 16th verse , for how knowest thou &c. as for mr. t. his instances of euallage , though now i may safely yield them all , and rather gain then lose by them , i shall yet in the last place adde my sense , that no one of them is any way convincing ; that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not , c. 1. l. 24. for his passion was now so neer approaching , that it might very fitly be represented as present , and so that be the force of the present tense . that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not pertinent for certainly [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is not for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was ] which is the enallage of tenses , nor is there any necessity it should be for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ( the enallage of modes ) the rendring is proper , else are your children unclean , and exactly all one with else were , the change of the mode not changing the sense in this matter ; which was the cause why i followed the english rendring , and made no change in that translation . as for his 3d instance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 15. which he saith is manifestly put in the preter tense for the present , i cannot be convinced of it , the context will well bear the preter tense yet continued [ no law of christ hath or doth thus inslave her ] or the preter tense simply [ she by entring the bonds of marriage hath not thus inslaved her self ] that she should think her self bound to do any thing contrarie to her religion in order to continuing with her husband . as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , joh. 3.18 . i wonder it could be thought fit to be produced to the prejudice of the preter sense , when the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , already ] which is present , is an evident proof of the preter sense , and if it be continued as well as past ( he that hath been condemned remaining still under condemnation ) this is still perfectly agreeable to my notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the unbeliever oft hath been , and daily is converted , and brought to baptisme by the believer . and so much for all the grounds of his first exception , and his two answers to my inference from [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] sect. 3. the rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the woman ] defended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 col. 1.23 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. 4. ireneus no latine author , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. 7. gal. 1.16 . 1 pet. 1.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deut. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , psal . 68. my proof of the interpretation from the context . the 2d concernes the rendring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i read , [ by the woman ] but he [ to the woman ] as [ to ] is a note of the dative case , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 redundant . and the reason , saith he , that he still adheres to his way , is , be because this seems to him the fairest , easiest , and most congruous sense thus to expound it , the believer may abide with the unbelieving yoke-fellow , for though he be an unbeliever , and in himself unsanctified , yet in or to his wife he is as if he were sanctified , it 's all one in respect of conjugal use , as if be were sanctified . to this reason i have many things to answer , 1. that the very rendring it , is the begging the question , which is onely this ( in this matter ) whether this be the fairest , easiest , and most congruous sense , and must not be here supposed , when it should be proved . 2dly . that if it were the fairest sense , yet if the words bear it not , it must not be affixt to them , if it be more capable of another ; and whether they will bear it or no , is the question again , on occasion of which this inquiry is made into the use of the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to suppose again that it will signifie [ to ] in the dative sense , before it is proved it will , is a second begging the question , a paralogisme in stead of a reason . 3dly . the fairenesse of the sense ( simply taken ) is not attempted to be proved , which yet doth stand in great need of it ; for beside the redundance , or unusual sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some other parts of the rendring are none of the fairest , as 1. the believer may abide ] as if it were simply free to abide or not abide , whereas in the present case ( when the unbeliever is willing to abide with the believer ) the believer is by the apostle counselled at least , if not commanded ( and that is more then a liberty , that he may ) to him the apostle saith ( and his sayings have sure authority with them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him not put away . nay the interdict of christ belonging to all , but that one case of fornication , mat. 5. and mat. 19. it is evident that by force thereof the believing man must not put away the unbeliever , that is guilty of no more but unbeliefe ; and accordingly the preface , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — but for the rest ( or , for the other questions , v. 1.6.8.10 . ) say i , not the lord ] must be applied not to the immediate consequents , of the believers not putting away the unbeliever , that will stay with him ( for that had been determined by christ in the negative ) but to v. 15. if the unbelieving depart , i. e. if the unbeliever wlll not dwell with the believer , except the believer forsake his , or her religion , what shall be done then ? and to that the apostles counsel is , that mariage inslaves not the believer so far . all which is a competent prejudice to that part of mr. t. his sense , the believer may abide , for if that be it , even when the unbeliever is willing to abide , then she may also depart , if she rather choose , which will be found contrary to christ's precept , and so may not be admitted . 2dly . in this rendring , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is englished ( not by is or hath been sanctified , but ) by [ is as if he were sanctified ] which indeed acknowledgeth that he is not truely ( in any respect ) sanctified , and then sure this will be a strange construction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the unbeliever ( is not sanctified but ) is as if he were sanctified , when yet literally it must be rendred the unbeliever hath been , or ( to gratifie mr. t. ) is or continues to be sanctified : for what is this but to interpret an affirmative by interposing a negation , he is sanctified , by he is not ? for so assuredly he is not , if he onely be as if he were . with this let any man compare the interpretation i have given , the unbeliever hath been sanctified by the believer , i. e. examples there are of such as have been thus converted from their unbeliefe , and this sense inforced by the interrogation , v. 16. for what knowest thou , ô woman , whether thou shalt save the man &c. and by s. peters aphorisme of daily observation , 1 pet. 3.1 . the husband that obeyes not the word , i. e. the unbeliever , may probably be gained by the conversation of the wife , and then let him impartially passe judgement , which is the fairest and easiest rendring . his 2d reason is , because though the dr. deny it , yet ( saith he ) i averre , that the notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for to , as a sign of the dative case , is found more then once in the new testament . the truth of this i must now examine by the proofs offered for the affirmation . and his first proofe , is from mat. 17.12 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this , saith he , cannot be eluded , because the same speech is mar. 9.13 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and rendred by beza in the former place , fecerunt ei , they did to him , 2. whereas the doctor saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon him or against him , it had been meet the doctor should have given one instance at least of such construction , which , saith he , i do not believe he can do . to this i answer , 1. by two ready instances in one verse , lu. 23.31 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; if they do these things ( our ordinary english reades in a green tree , but the sense and propriety directs us to ) on the green tree , what shall be done on the dry ? here is the very phrase that is used in that place of matthew , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then for s. markes using ( in the parallel place ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that proves not that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was redundant in s. matthew , or that it was a bare sign of the dative case , it being free to s. marke to use any other expression , different from s. matthew , so he reteined the sense , as it is clear in this place he doth , doing injuries to him , being all one in effect with upon or against him , though the phrases are not the same , which no way inferres that when the change of the phrase changes the sense , it were lawfull so to varie it , as in the place we have in hand ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 't is on both sides supposed to do . a 2d instance which he conceives cannot be eluded , is col. 1.23 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was preached to every creature , and this he proves to be the onely rendring ▪ 1. because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to preach , is commonly with a dative case of the object , and though , 1 tim. 3.16 . it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet our translators , and the vulgar , and beza read it unto the gentiles , as if there it noted onely a dative case , and if it were among the gentiles , there , yet here col. 1.23 . it cannot be so , because the object is in the singular number , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when it is for among , is joyned still with a noun of the plural : and 2. that which , saith he , puts this out of all doubt , is , that the phrase col. 1. answers mar. 15.16 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but to all this the answer is ready , by observing the exact notation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole creation ( as we render it rom. 8.22 . ) as that signifies the whole , but especially the gentile world , and accordingly is exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mat. 28. and farther explained by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole world , to which in s. mark they are appointed to go , when they were thus to preach the gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to this whole creation . now of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this notion it is clear , that though it be in the singular number , yet that hath the power of the plural , as the word [ world ] and the like , which every body knowes , is a noun of multitude , and so is creation , when it is thus taken for the whole created world , meaning this world of men , the nations or people of the world . and then there can be no doubt but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is most exactly thus to be rendred , preached in , or among the whole creation , as gal. 1.16 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preach in the nations , or among the gentiles , and so 1 tim. 3.16 . also , though the sense being no way altered by rendring it unto the whole creation , or every creature , and to the gentiles , it matters little though it be promiscuously thus rendred in all these places , which yet must not prescribe for other places , where the sense is so much changed by the divers rendring , as in this case 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is observable , where therefore the literal rendring being retained , we are not reasonably to conclude any more from it , then that literal rendring will afford us . as for the parallel phrase mar. 16. that doubtless can prove nothing , 1. because the places are not , nor can be thought parallel , 2. because if they were , ( as of mat. 28. and mar. 16. hath been granted ) yet the parallel lying onely in the sense , and that being all one , whether they preacht to or among the gentiles , this no way concludes that the phrases are the same , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one redundant , which is the onely thing for the proving of which this parallel is produced , but of that i have formerly spoken . his third instance is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 4.12 . which he cannot yet conceive , but that it is better rendred , to men , then among men . and his reasons are , 1. because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath most regularly and consequently a dative case of the person after it . 2. because if it had been among men , it had been to be placed after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , other , there is no other name among men , given , but being placed after given , it is to be expounded as referred to given , not to other , and so must be read , to men , not , among men . 3. it seems no good sense , nor true , that christ was a name given among men , for though he were among men , yet he was given from above . to all which he addes the judgement of irenaeus , l. 3. c. 12. cited by beza , and a parallel phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 7.44 . to these i answer , 1. that t is true that when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath any case of the person following and governed by it , that is constantly the dative , but that is no way applicable to this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for there the persons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are governed by the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to the 2d. that the construction by among , is very good , placing it after given , there is no other name given among men , i. e. no means of salvation afforded by god , and continued among men . to the 3d. that christ's being given from above , no way prejudges his being given among men , both because the benefit of this gift is as a common donative , distributed among men , and also because this gift is dispenst in forme of humane flesh , christ is become man , and to be found and seen among men . and to the last , for the place of irenaeus , t is strange that neither mr. t. nor beza whom he transcribed , should remember that irenaeus wrote greek , and that as the latine translation [ datum hominibus ] is not written by irenaeus , so there is no question but irenaeus's greek was the same with the text in the acts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then the translator ( barbarous enough through that whole book ) is to be reformed by the author , and not the author judged of by the translator ; or if he were , and irenaeus's greek did really read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as the translator doth [ hominibus ] without [ in ] then i must resolve , that the copie of the scripture , which he followed , did so read before him [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and if so , then what proof can mr. t. have from thence that in other places or phrases , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is found in all copies , it shall be redundant , and signifie no more , then if it were not to be found there ? as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it must certainly be rendred , among the fathers , thus , the tabernacle of witness was among our fathers in the wilderness : t is pity the reader should be exercised and detained with such debates as these , with which yet in obedience to mr. t. i must farther importune him . for a 4th instance he again resumes that of gal. 1.16 . and 2 pet. 1.5 . that gal. 1. where of god the apostle saith , that he was pleased to reveale his own sonne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and when i had rendred that by , or through me , to others , this exposition , saith he , makes the apostle tautologize ineptly . this strange undecent expression i wish had been spared , for certainly there was little temptation for it : why , i pray , might not the apostle without incurring either part of that censure , say , god was pleased through me to reveal his sonne , and by way of explication , ( and withall to denote the designation of that apostle to his peculiar province , as the apostle of the uncircumcision ) adde , that i might preach the gospel to the gentiles . certainly every explication of an obscurer or narrower , by a clearer or larger phrase , is not inept tantologie , but that which all writers which have desired to speak intelligibly , have always been full of . and yet 2dly the latter part here ▪ of his preaching the gospell to the gentiles ( he being peculiarly the apostle of the gentiles , as peter and john were of the jewes wheresoever dispersed ) is more then was pretended to be said by my rendring and paraphrasing the former part of it ; for in that those others had not been defined , who they were , or limited to the gentiles . this mr t. adverted not in his objection , i desire he will now take notice of it . for that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i need adde no more to what i had before said , that it is most fully rendred thus , unto or over and above your faith superadde virtue , or fortitude . two places , he saith , he had formerly produced out of the old testament , deut. 28.60 . and 2 kin. 7.27 . and now addes one more , psal . 68.18 . but besides that three onely places in the whole old testament , would never inferre that so it must be in this place of the new , there being many more to preponderate for the contrary , and there being no pretense of necessity that thus it must be here , besides this , i say , it will be found , that these three will be of no availe to him . of the two former the 2d is not , there be but 20. vers . in that chapter , and therefore no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 27th : and for the former we well read it , unto thee , where the 72. reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the ordinary way of acception of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and lastly , for his new sprung testimonie , psal . 68.18 . of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for which saith he the apostle hath eph ▪ 4.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he takes to be more then enough to refute the doctor , t is presently visible that it hath no manner of force in it ; for though those two places are perfectly parallel , as to the matter , yet for the expression t is evidently very different , in one [ thou hast received ] in the other [ he hath given ] and so [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for or among men ] must of all necessity differ from [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to men ] for how could it be sense to fay , thou hast received gifts to men ? yet so it must be , to make good mr. t. his observation , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to , or is redundant , or the note of a dative case . and so he never had a more improper season for his triumphs ; never lesse cause to tell others of taking ad randum , when he himself was so far removed from all appearance of demonstration . and so much for the grammatical notation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , very unfit to have exercised us thus long , but that mr. t. would have it so , and words are the meanes of conveighing realities unto us , and mistakes in them ( though minute ) may be of substantiall importance . my 3d proof produced for my interpretation of the first part of v. 14. which to me put it out of all doubt , by comparing it with the reason subjoyned , for what knowest thou , ô wife , whether thou shalt save thy husband ; or how knowest thou , ô man , whether thou shalt save thy wife ? ] he comes next to examine , and hath many exceptions against it , all which ( without losing time in repeating and viewing them severally ) will be soon dispelled by a right understanding of the force of the apostles argument as there i conceive it to ly , thus v. 14. it is matter of ordinary observation , that unbelieving husbands have been brought to the faith and baptisme by the believing wife , therefore i now exhort and counsel the believer not to depart from the unbeliever , in case the unbeliever be willing to stay , v. 13. for this reason , v. 16. because what hath been so oft , may very probably be hoped again , and consequently upon the premises the believer hath ground to hope , that she may in time gain the husband to the faith , and that , being so fair a reward in her view ( the saving or rescuing him from infidelitie , to christ ) may well inforce the counsel of the apostle , not to depart from him , as long as , without sin , she is permitted to stay . by which it appeares that this v. 16. is not a bare explanation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 14. ( on which mr. t. his exceptions principally depend ) but an application of the argument formerly proposed , but now more signally brought home to them , under the forme of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for what — ] by this means to reinforce his conclusion of their not departing for the cause of infidelitie : if the reader will but observe what is thus visible , he will want no more help , to get out of the intricacies , and toiles , which mr. t : hath here spred for him in this matter , which is in it self so manifest , as nothing can be added to it , if either the text or my paraphrase may be permitted to speak for it self . sect. 4. mr. t. his mistake of my sense . the argument à genere ad speciem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . how the husband is said to be baptized by the wife . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partial washings . the proportion betwixt legal holyness , and baptisme . difference between relative and real sanctification . the testimonies of the antient , for and against my interpretation . his exceptions to the former part of my paraphrase being now ended , i must attend what he hath to say against the latter part of it , that which concernes our matter in hand more neerly ; the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for else were your children unclean , but now are they holy , i. e. upon that score it is that christians children are admitted to baptisme , viz. because by their living in the familie with the christian parent they probably will ( and ought to ) be brought up in the faith — and the church ( requiring and receiving promise from the parents ) reasonably presumes they will , and so admits them to baptisme . this argument of the apostles thus explained in my paraphrase ( or if he yet will have it more plainly thus , the church upon confidence that the believers children will be brought up in the faith , receives them to baptisme when they are infants ; and upon the same grounds of hope , that your abiding with the unbelieving husband may in time convert him ( as by experience it hath oft been found ) i advise you not to depart from him , if he will live with you ; for what knowest thou whether thou shalt save thy husband , &c. ) mr. t. hath made a shift not to understand , and substituted another way of arguing in my name , in stead of it , p. 331. and having done so i must leave him to combate with the shadow of his own creating , no part of his impression lighting upon that , which alone i professe to be my meaning in it ; which i leave him or the reader to see , in the particulars proposed by him , but must not now be so impertinent , as to lose time in the pursuit of them . but the reasons produced for my thus interpreting , he next proceeds to examine , and i must take care to vindicate them . my first reason is , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , holy , noting a relative holynesse , a setting apart to god , and the lowest degree of that imaginable being the initiating into the church by baptisme , this must in reason be here noted by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holy , as all visible professors , ezr. 9.2 . are the holy seed , and in the epistles of the apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holy . to this he answers , that it being all granted , confirmes not the doctors exposition , because t is no good argument à genere ad speciem affirmativè , and because infants are not visible professors . but sure when the species is such , that he that hath not that , hath not any part of the genus , the argument will thus hold very irrefragably : suppose that of the deacon to be the lowest order of officers of the church , and that without which there is no ascending to any higher degree in the ministerie , will not then the argument hold ; he hath some degree ecclesiastical upon him , therefore sure he is a deacon ? thus sure it is in this matter , the relative holyness belongs to no person , that is not baptized , baptisme is the lowest degree of it , and all superior degrees of apostle , prophet , &c. in the christian church are founded in that , therefore if the infant children be holy , the infant children are baptized . so again , baptisme is the lowest degree of visible profession , therefore if these that are said to be holy , are visible professors , then sure they are baptized ; and so there is no force in that whether answer or exception to my first reason . my 2d followes from the notation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 10.14 . for those that must not be received into the church , as on the other side god's cleansing is god's reputing him fit to be partaker of this priviledge , whereby it appears how fitly , receiving and not receiving to baptisme ] are exprest by [ holy and unclean . ] to this he answers by acknowledging the conclusion , viz. the fitnesse of the expression , all his exception is against my pr●misse , the notion of unclean , act. 10. which , saith he , signifies there not onely one out of the church , but also one that a jew might not go in to , or eate with . to this i reply , that my conclusion being granted , i may safely part with that , which inferred it , as when i am arrived at my journeys end , i have no farther need , or use of my horse or guide that brought me thither : let it be remembred , that [ holy and unclean ] fitly expresse those that are received , or not received to baptisme , and then i am sure i have not offended against the propriety of the words , by concluding from this text , that in the apostles time the believers children were received to baptisme ; and if i have as little offended against the rational importance of the words in that place ( as i hope hath formerly appeared that i have ) then i hope i am perfectly innocent in inducing my conclusion . as for the use of the phrase act. 10. though now i need not contend , yet i may adde , that the notion of not entring to , and eating with , containing under it this other of not baptizing ( for sure he might not baptize those to whom he might not enter ) and the baptizing cornelius ( and not onely entring to him ) being the end for which peter received that vision , i still adhere that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that places signifies one peculiarly that must not be received into the church by baptisme ; and the holyness , on the contrary , reception to that priviledge . my 3d reason being taken from the use of the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sanctifie , for washing any part of the body , and on occasion of that , mentioning a conjecture that the use of holyness for baptisme might perhaps intimate that the primitive baptisme were not always immersions , but that sprinkling of some part might be sufficient ; he hath a reply to each of these ; to the former , that if this reason were good , then the husbands being sanctified by the wife , must signifie his being baptized or washed by her ; to the latter , that i have in my writings so oft acknowledged the baptisme of the jewes and christians to be immersion of the whole body , that i ought to be ashamed to say the contrary , and that i can hardly believe my self in it . to these i answer , first to the former , 1. that i that affirme sanctifications among the jewes to signifie washings , do also know that it hath other significations , and that that signification is in each text to be chosen , which seems most agreeable in all those respects which are to be considerable in the pitching on any interpretation ; consequently that the wive's baptizing the husband being a thing absurd , and utterly unheard of in the church of god , whether in the apostles or succeeding ages , this sense may not reasonably be affixt to it , whereas the baptizing of infants by the antients affirmed to be received from the apostles , it is most reasonable to understand the words of this , though not of the other ( and so to apply the observation ( as it is visible i did ) to the latter , not former part of that verse . and yet 2. if we shall distinguish of the notion of [ by ] and expound [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the woman ] of the perswasion , that the woman hath used to bring her husband to baptisme , and not of her mysterie in baptizing , we may very conveniently so interpret the former part of the verse also , that by the woman , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the unbelieving husband hath been brought to baptisme , viz. by being brought to faith , to which this priviledge belongs . as for his 2d exceptions to my conjecture , founded in the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanctifications for partial not total washings , 1. i answer , that i mention it only as a conjecture , with a perhaps , and lay no more weight upon it : 2. that for christian baptisme i no where affirme that it was onely by immersion , nor on the other side that it was always by sprinkling , but disjunctively , either by one or the other ( as by the words cited by him from prac : cat : l. 6. sect. 2. is clear ) supposing indeed that christ's appointment was not terminated to either , and so satisfied by either . my last reason is taken from the effect of the legal uncleannesse , contrary to those their sanctifications , viz. removing men from the congregation ; agreeable to which it is that those should be called holy , who in the account of god , stood so , that they might be received into the church ; to this he answers , that it is said without proof that the uncleanness excluding from , and sanctification restoring to the tabernacle are proportionable to the notion here given of the children being excluded or included in the church , asking , why cornelius should be counted out of the church , being a devout man. but to this i reply , that that which is so manifest needed no farther proof , for what two things can be more proportionable , or answerable the one to the other , then the jewes calling those unclean , and holy , who were excluded from , and restored to the tabernacle , and the christians calling them unclean , and holy , that were excluded from , and received into the church , the exclusion and reception being the same on both sides , as also the uncleanness and holyness , and the proportion lying only betwixt the jewish tabernacle and the christian church , which surely are very fit parallels as could have been thought on . as for his question of cornelius , it is most vain , the whole discourse being not of real but relative sanctification , and the difference most visible betwixt that sanctity which was truely in him in respect of his devotion , fearing , praying &c. and that outward priviledge of admission into the congregation of the jewes , which alone was the thing which in the account of god , or sober men was denyed cornelius . these be pitifull sophismes , and in no reason farther to be insisted on , and therefore it was but necessary that to amuse the reader , he should here adde by way of close that augustine aid disclaim this interpretation , hierome and ambrose gave another , and so did tertullian de anima , c. 39. the three former of these we must , it seems , take upon his word , for he cites not the places where they give that other interpretation , nor pretends he that they gave that to which he adheres : but for tertullian the most antient of these , by the place here cited , i am assured what credit is due to his citations , having set down the words at large from that c. 39. de animâ and found it perfectly to accord to my interpretation . the like hath appeared of s. hierome in part ( for the former and more difficult part of the verse ) the man hath been sanctified , exemplum refert , saith he , quia saepe contigerit , just according to my paraphrase of the place . for s. augustine also , l. 2. de pecc . mer. & remiss . c. 26. ( which i suppose the place he means ) i have already accounted . and for the annotations on the epistles , which go under s. ambrose's name , as i have not commoditie to examine them , so they are known and universally acknowledged to be none of s. ambrose's writings ; and then it is competently evident how little he hath gained by this unseasonable appeal to testimonies . the designe , i suppose , was to prevent the force of my allegations , for in that place as an appendix to the use of the word , holy , among the jewes , i had added the acception of it among the antient christian writers , s. cyprian , ep. 59. eum qui natus est baptizandum , & sanctificandm , and the two places out of gregory nazianzen , of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being sanctified when they are not ( through want of years ) sensible of it , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sanctified from infancy . and before he chooses to take notice of these , he brings forth his names of fathers too ; with what success , we have seen , and shall not need farther to consider . at length he descends to take notice of my testimonies , and to them he hath two answers , 1. that for the antients of the third or fourth century , especially for the latine doctors , he thinks the doctor knows them better then to assert that they knew certainly the sacred dialect , adding that few of them had skill in hebrew or greek . 2. that if those fathers knew the sacred dialect , then not holy but sanctified , must be as much as baptized , and then the sense is , that the unbeleeving husband is baptized by the wife . this latter answer was even now satisfied to the full , to the former then i reply , 1. that of the two antients cited by me , the former was crowned a martyr within 160 yeers after the apostles age , and the latter flourished about 110 yeers after him , and so that in respect of their time they are no way incompetent to testify what was the sacred language , the writers whereof were so lately gone out of the world . 2dly . that one of these being a greek doctor , and he agreeing exactly with the other ( and more of the same kind i have now produced in this rejoynder ) there can here be no pretense for mr. t. either to prejudice the latine doctors skill in this matter , or to say they had no skill in greek . 3dly . that the notion that they had of the word , being the very same , that the hebrews were so lately shown to have had of it , there was as little colour , or temptation from the matter in hand , to except against their skill in hebrew . 4thly . that either of these antient doctors knew as much ( the one much more ) of greek as any of the four whom just now mr. t. had vouched for the interpreting of the place ; and for the hebrew s. hierome , who alone was better skilled in that , concurred with me in the main part ( and basis ) of my interpretation . lastly , the text to the corinthians beeing in greeke , certainly gregory nazianzen was as great a master in that language , as any that can be pretended fit to be confronted against him , and with that concurrence , which i have shewed he had of origen , and others , both greek and latine , may be thought worthy to be heeded by mr. t. for a matter of no greater weight then his , the interpretation of word , especially when mr. t. himself hath so lately joyned his suffrage in these plain words , i deny not the fitness of the expressing [ receiving to baptisme ] by the terme [ holy . ] and so much for those exceptions against the latter part of my paraphrase of that verse , and my reasons for it . chap. iv. an answer to mr. tombes's view of my conclusion and therein the sense of antiquity in this question . sect. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 7. infant children . the jewes practice . their notion of [ holy ] baptisme a priviledge of believers children , yet is communicated to others whose guardians are believers . the several sorts of holyness all vainly mentioned by mr. t. his denyals of the conclusion . the place in tertullian vindicated . s. hieromes answer to paulinus . institutionis disciplina in tertullian . candidati damoniorum . a 3d denyal of the conclusion . the use of baptisme to regenerate &c. no prejudice to the founding it in the jewish practice . his art of diversion to put off answering of testimonies . the way of testimonies insisted on . after this examination of my paraphrase of this text to the corinthians , he proceeds to the conclusion which i deduce from thence , which is no other then my premisses , viz. my confirmation of that interpretation , had regularly inferred , that the infants of christian parents were by the apostles received to baptisme . but to this he will object also , not onely by referring to his former performances in validating the premisses ( to which i shall not need to now advert , having refuted his answers , as they were produced ) but by denying the consequence in case my interpretation were granted , and that upon these accounts , 1. because it is not clear that [ your children ] are [ your infants ] the corinthians having ( for ought yet hath been shewed ) other children besides infants , and the jewes baptizing proselytes , children females under 12. and males under 13. years old , not according to their will , but of the father or court. 2. because if the apostle should by [ holy ] mean a priviledge whereupon they were baptized he should conceive otherwise then the jewes did , who conceived all unclean whom they baptized , till by baptisme they cleansed them , and made them holy . 3. because there is no priviledge attributed by the apostle to the christians infants , which would not belong to the infants of heathen , or if there were yet it might not be baptisme . to the first of these i have incidentally answered already , by making it evident , not that the corinthians had no other children beside infants ( i have no want of such ridiculous evasions ) but that the children which are there spoken of were infant children , as appeared both by the express words of tertullian , and the author of answers ad antiochum , and the agreeableness of nazianzen's expressions , by the general doctrine of the fathers in this matter , and by the inconveniences which were consequent to the interpreting it of any other but infant children , meaning by them such as are either strictly infants , new born , or such as are proportionable to these , having not arrived to maturity of understanding , and capacity of professing personally for themselves . for this i must refer the reader to that place and for the practice of the jewes , which i acknowledge to be as is here suggested , not to baptize any proselytes children by their own wills or professions , till they be , the female at the full age of 12. the male of 13. years , sure it makes nothing against me , for they that thus baptized the proselytes children , all under that age , by the profession of others , did also baptize their infant children in the same manner , and all that i pretend from that place is , that the believers infants were admitted to baptisme , if infants they were , not doubting but if they were of greater years they were baptized also , if before they were fit to profess for themselves , then by their parents or the churches , but if fit to answer for themselves , then by their own profession . to the 2d i say , that by [ holy ] the apostle means the priviledge of admission to baptisme , because in baptisme they were received into the church , and so made relatively holy ; and the very same was the jewes notion of holyness , when they called baptismes , sanctifications , and conceived those that were unclean to be made holy by that means , this holyness is the terme of the motion in both their usages of the word . to the 3d , 1. i suppose it evident by my interpretation , that the holyness which belonged to the believers children was a priviledge , and that not common to the unbelievers children , unless they were by the charity of the church or some member thereof ( having power , and assuming to make use of that power , to bring them up in the knowledge of their baptismal vow ) brought to baptisme , and then those supplied the place of the parents , and the children equally received the same benefit by that charity , as if their own parents had done it for them ; and there being no reason here offered to the contrarie , but a reference to another place , which i have not commodity to consult or examine , there is nothing that exacts any farther reply from me . the same will satisfie the latter part of this last suggestion , for to prove that if there were a priviledge , yet it might not be baptisme , he produceth this reason , that baptisme according to the fathers opinion and practice belonged to unbelievers children also , if they were brought : which being willingly granted , & so the matter cleared , that the children of believers were to be admitted to baptisme , when the very unbelievers children , if brought & assumed for by others , which were not their parents were to be admitted , it certainly followes not from thence , that the believers children were not admitted , or that their admission was not a priviledge of believers children , for so still it was , though by parity of reason , and by the charity of the church it was communicated to some others : viz. those that were brought by friends or guardians , though not by parents , for so still this priviledge belonged not to those unbelievers children , who lived in their parents power , & were not thus undertaken for by believers . the short is , baptisme was a priviledge of the believers infants undertaken for by their parents , and by analogie communicated to those who were undertaken for by others , whose charitie and pietie supplyed the place of believing parents , but was not communicated simply or indifferently to all children of unbelievers , and herein the priviledge consisted . as for the other imagined priviledge , which he names , belonging to infants , if it be that of real , actual , inward holyness , i discern not mr. t. hath any kindnesse to it , ( nor can he without destroying his own hypotheses ) and therefore it matters not what others imagine ; if it be federal external holynesse , that i suppose to be the same with baptismal holynesse , baptisme being the entrance into that covenant , and for holynesse in hope and expectation , 1. that cannot denote actually holy ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here notes ) unlesse by holy we mean in the relative sense , consecration or designation to holynesse , and then it is all one with baptisme again , the solemnity of that consecration . before he leaves the survey of my conclusion , he will again resume what he had said without all degree of truth in the beginning , and yet doth it with great incitation , first , saith he , it is false that christ founded his institution in the jewish practice . but this i suppose in mr. t. to be no other then a mentiris bellarmine , or that most inartificiall thing , the denying a conclusion which had been inferred by competent premisses . and for the reason added to his negation , that it would utterly overthrow all baptisme after the first conversion of progenitors , that hath been largely answered here , and grounds laid for it in the resolution of the quare , by the jewish practice of baptizing the children of natives , as well as of proselytes , and so of those that are born never so many ages after the first conversion . and i must not again so often repeat the same thing . in the same causelesse fit of incitation , he farther goes on , 2dly . saith he , it is false that there is any evidence in the apostles words , 1. cor. 7.14 . of such a custome of baptizing christians and their children . but that i humbly conceive , is the denying my conclusion again , having all this while laboured to clear this evidence in the tract , and here vindicated it from all objections , which seemed to have the least force in them : and whereas he here addes no other reason to his negation , but his own not thinking that ever any of the fathers did interpret the apostles words as this doctor doth , adding that tertullians words de anima , c. 39. are not an exact parallel to the apostles speech ( which i must suppose i have now shewed it is ) that ambrose and hierome interpret them of legitimation in birth , augustine what way soever , not to baptisme ( of each of which i have spoken already also ) all that i shall need adde , is onely this . 1. that still if this argument were exactly true , yet it is but a negative argument à testimonio , which never was availeable in any dispute : 2. that if the fathers do not fully interpret this place as i now do , yet i have brought some suffrages and other competent grounds out of the fathers for my way of interpreting it : 3. that what he hath said for the invalidating the testimonie out of tertullian , hath certainly no force in it , as shall now briefely appear by this view of what he saith . it is this , 1. that the termes candidati sanctitatis , or designati sanctitatis , or candidati fidei in hieroms epis . 153. to pauliniu , do note not that they were baptized , but that they were in designation of being believers and baptized , intended to be holy by the parents , to be bred up to the faith and so baptized . 2. that what the doctor talkes of tertullian as saying they were holy , i. e. baptized , ex seminis praerogativâ , it is a manifest mistake , for 1. the holynesse he ascribes to believers children was not onely by prerogative of birth but also ex institutionis disciplinâ by the discipline of their instruction which is afore baptisme . 2. the prerogative of birth the very words of tertullian shew to be no more but this , that believers children were born without those idolatrous superstitions which were used in the birth of infidels children , which he there principally recites . to this i answer by degrees , 1. by viewing the place in s. hierom , to which he referres me for the explication of the phrase , candidati or designati sanctitatis . that epistle to paulinus is hastily written in answer to two questions of paulinus his proposing . to the later , being this , quomodo sancti sint qui de fidelibus , i. e. baptizatis nascantur ( which plainly referres the matter to these words of the apostles , how the children born of believing parents are holy ] he gives a very short solution , being taken off by the hast of the post and the multitude of other letters , he had to write . all that he is permitted to say is this . de secundo problemate tuo tertullianus in libris de monogamiâ disseruit , asserens sanctos dici fidelium filios quòd quasi candidati sint fidei , & nullis idololatriae sordibus polluantur . simúlque considera quòd & vasa sacra in tabernaculo legimus , & caetera quae ad ritum ceremoniarum pertinent , cum utique sancta esse non possint nisi ea quae sentiunt & venerantur deum . idioma igitur scripturarum est ut interdum sanctos pro mundis & purificatis & expiatis nominent , sicut & betsabee sanctificata dicitur ab immunditia sua , & ipsum templum sanctuarium nominatur . of your second probleme tertullian hath discoursed in his books de monogamia , affirming the children of believers to be called holy , because they were as it were candidates of faith , and not polluted with any of the filth of idolatrie . withall consider that also we read that the vessels in the tabernacle are holy , and the other things which belong to the rite of ceremonies , when yet nothing can ( really ) be holy but what have sense , and worship god. it is therefore an idiome of the scriptures to use the word holy for those that are clean , and purified and expiated , as bathseba is said to be sanctified from her uncleannesse and the temple is called the sanctuary . and so he is abruptly broken off , meaning to have said much more on that subject , this , as he solemnly protests ( testis est mihi conscientiae meae deus ) being but the procinctus & exordium , the preparation and beginning of his interpretation . if he had gone on to have perfected his answer to paulinus's quaere , he would probably have more perfectly cleared the whole difficulty . as it is , here is nothing in the least wise to our prejudice , nor to the proving that which mr. t. undertakes , that tertullians words de anima do not affirme the baptizing of the believers children . for 1. this of tertullian is not the place that s. hierome referres to , but some other in his bookes de monog . that one book which we now have under that title affording us no such discourse on that subject , as s. hierom mentions . 2dly . all that s. hierom cites out of that ( not this ) place of tertullian , is very reconcileable with what tertullian saith in this place , and with his opinion that the infants of christians were baptized , for , saith he , they were quasi candidati fidei , as it were candidates of faith , candidates were they that stood for any office qui candida sumptâ veste consulatum ▪ praeturam &c. postulabant , who putting on white garments sued for any office , and so candidates of faith , they that sue , for this condition in the church of god , that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 believers , to which by baptisme they are assumed , and accordingly were to be brought to the font , like such candidates , in white garments as they that were to be sanctified , i. e. baptized , among the jewes , exod. 16.10 . were also to wash their clothes or put on clean garments . again when he saith of them that they were holy as the vessels of the temple were holy , though they had no sense , this is the clear laying of a ground , whereby children may be deemed capable of this relative holynesse , which is to be had by baptisme , though as yet they are not capable ( for want of understanding ) of inherent holynesse . lastly , when he mentions it as an idiome of scripture to call them holy , who are cleansed , purified , expiated , speaking of those legal lustrations or purifications , this gives an account of s. pauls using the word in the christian church for the christian lustration , purification , expiation , i. e. for baptisme . and by the way , it appears by s. hierome that he useth promiscuously sancti and sanctificati , and so that gives us authority to interpret [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in the end of the verse , in the same sense in which [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is used in the beginning , for those that are brought and received to baptisme . all which are farre enough fom serving any of mr. t. his interests , and might have inclined him to have omitted that testimonie of s. hieromes , if he had more maturely considered of it . nay 3. i must adde , that mr. t. his rendring of candidati and designati sanctitatis , and candidati fidei , by being in designation of being believers and baptized , intended to be holy by the parents , to be bred up to the faith and so baptized , is a most groundlesse inconvenient interpretation : for if by holynesse and faith be meant inherent holynesse and faith , then baptisme it self is the ceremony of consecrating and designing them to this , and so precedent to that holynesse ( not subsequent to it , as mr. t. sets it ) and accordingly in the church writings the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 believers , is never bestowed on any , though of mature age and knowledge , till after they be baptized , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illuminate and believers being all one , promiscuously used for those that have received baptisme , in opposition to catechumeni , those that have not yet attained it : but if holynesse and faith be the relative holynesse , then infants being as capable of that as vessels in the temple , they might be presently designed and consecrated to that , and not first bred up in the faith , before they were partakers of it . the children of believers , i willingly grant , are presumed to be by them intended to be bred up to the faith , but it that intention of theirs bring forth no present effect , if they do not bring them thus early , and enter them into the church by baptisme , why should that bare intention of the parents give them the style of holy or sanctified , or how should these infant children , which may dy before they come to those years , receive any present priviledge or benefit , by that which is thus farre removed from them ? now for the 2d part of this suggestion , that what i say from tertullian , that they were holy , i. e. baptized in seminis praerogativâ , is a mistake , i must answer by viewing of the proofs of his assertion , first , saith he , the holynesse was not onely by prerogative of birth , but ex institutionis disciplinâ . this sure is a strange proof , it is not so , because it is not onely so , t is certain that tertullian saith they are holy ex institutionis disciplina , and as certain that they are as much so by prerogative of their birth , the words are most clear , tam ex seminis praerogativâ quàm ex institutionis disciplina , and i that never denyed the second , could not be mistaken in affirming the first . some difficulty i suppose there may be , what tertullian ( who did not excell in perspicuity of expressions ) meant by institutionis disciplina . my opinion ( gathered from the observation of his language in other places ) is , that he meant the doctrine of baptisme instituted by christ in his church ; for by this it is that baptisme was allowed to those that were ex alterutro sexu sanctificato procreati , born of parents of which either of them was christian . thus in his book de bapt. c. 12. he uses a like phrase tingi disciplinâ religionis , to be sprinkled with the discipline of religion , meaning evidently being baptized . by this interpretation of that phrase , the whole place will be most clear , in reference to the antecedents , thus , the birth of all men by nature brings impurity into the world with them ; the children of heathens have this mightily inhansed to them by the superstitions that are used before and at , and soon after their birth , inviting the devil to come and take possession of them ( who is himself very ready to catch them ) and so making them as soon as born , candidatos daemoniorum , candidates of the devils , ambitious to be admitted thus early into their service ; thus every one hath his genius , i. e. his devill assigned him from his birth , and so no birth of any heathen can choose but be polluted , hinc enim apostolus — for from hence , saith he , it is that the apostle affirmes that whosoever is born from either parent christian , is holy both by prerogative of seed , and by discipline of institution , i. e. hath one priviledge by nature , by his very seed ( by being born of a christian , not an heathen ) that he is not so polluted by their idolatrous ceremonies , and so is in some degree holy , in that respect , not so polluted as heathen children are ; another priviledge he hath by the orders and rites , which christ instituted and left in his church , viz. that of reception to baptisme , whereby he is consecrated to god , whereas heathen children are desecrated to devils , and in that respect also they are called holy by the apostle , citing that place , 1 cor. 7. caeterum , inquit , immundi nascerentur , else were your children unclean , but now are they holy , adding that the apostle in those words means , that the children of believers are designati sanctitatis , that sure must signifie that they are initiated into christ by the christian rite or sign or ceremonie of baptisme , as those which had the heathenish ceremonies used upon them , were candidati daemoniorum , candidates of the devils , in the former , thus early admitted and initiated into their sacra . how farre now this is from intimating any discipline of their instruction ( the word their is clearly inserted by mr. t. and institutio rendred instruction , and so christs institution turn'd into their instruction ) i shall not now need farther to declare , nor to adde ought concerning his other reason taken from the idolatrous superstitions , without which they that are born are said to be holy , for how farre that hath here place , i have already manifested also . in this fit of incitation he yet farther proceeds , 3. saith he , it is false that the jewish practice in baptizing proselytes and their children , laid the foundation of infant baptisme : but as this is like the former , a meer denying of my conclusion , and so against all rules of discourse , in the first place , so is it not attempted to be proved , save onely by the negative argument à testimonio , neither the scripture , saith he , gives any hint thereof , nor any of the antient christian writers , no nor any of those the doctor cites , ever derives it from the jewish practice . but certainly this is of no force ; for 1. so long as none of all these deny it , to be so derived , and when the matter it self speaks it and the agreement between what we find in the christian church with what we find among the jewes , there is no want either of truth or sobriety in my assertion , that christs institution of baptisme was founded in the jewish practice of baptizing their natives and their proselytes , and that their custome being to baptize infant children , christs institution also being by the apostles understood to belong to the infant childrens baptisme was in that respect also conformable to the jewish copy , and so still the jewish practice the foundation of the christian . what he addes from several antient testimonies , shortly pointed at , that they shew that the fathers took the baptisme of infants not to have foundation in the jewish practice , but in the conceit they had that baptisme did regenerate , give grace and save , and was necessary for them to enter into the kingdome — hath nothing of weight in it , for 1. their conceiting that baptisme had this force from christs institution , no way prejudges christs founding his institution in the foregoing jewish practice . t is as if he should thus argue , the fathers conceived the sacrament of the lords supper to be usefull for the confirming of our faith , therefore they took that sacrament not to be sounded in the postcoenium of the jewes . they conceived imposition of hands to conferre a character on those that were thus ordained to holy orders , therefore this was not founded in the jewish custome of receiving doctors into the sanhedrim by laying on of hands . the foundation of the institution is one thing , and the benefits of it being instituted is another , and yet both these are found to belong to the same thing . 2dly . their very opinion that baptisme did regenerate , and was necessary to enter into the kingdome , as it is taken by the fathers from the words of christ to nicodemus joh. 3. except a man be born again , v. 3. and that of water — v. 5. ( by baptisme ) he cannot enter into the kingdome of god , so was that speech of christ , taken from the customary doctrine of the jewes , among whom baptisme was said to regenerate , and to enter into the church , as that was the portal to the kingdome of god , and accordingly when nicodemus seems not to understand it , christ appeals to the jewish doctrine or tradition , art thou a ruler , a master in israel and knowest not these things ? and therefore again those perswasions of the fathers are far from unreconcileable with that which i have affirmed of the founding the christian in the jewish baptisme . nay 4. that the fathers in their discourses of baptisme do ordinarily lay the foundation of it in moses or the baptisme of the jewes ( and so might as well found the baptisme of christian infants there , the jewes baptisme , as hath appeared , belonging to such ) hath formerly been evidenced from gregorie nazianzen , orat. 39. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — and so from others also . what he now addes of womens baptizing among papists and the allowance thereof formerly among us , of private baptisme , of the use of propounding questions to the infant which he is pleased to style ridiculous , of the sureties answering in the childs behalf , and expressing their desire to be baptized into the faith recited , of the custome of baptizing onely at easter and whitsontide , of sprinkling or powring water on the face , of a confession in the pract. cat. that all men were instructed antiently before they were baptized , is all amast together , if it might be , to make up one accumulative argument , but is utterly insufficient to do so . all that he concludes from the mention of all these , is but his own resolution not to answer the testimonies which i had alledged from the fathers , to prove that infant baptisme was an apostolical tradition . his words are these , upon the mentioning of those particulars ▪ [ and therefore for the present i shall put by the answering of the stale and rotten allegations out of the fathers for infant baptisme brought by the doctor , because having said so much . here indeed by his [ therefore ] i am told the reason why he was willing to mention those other particulars so causelesly and unseasonably , viz. by way of diversion ( as dextrous persons are wont to do for the removing of difficulties ) to put by the answering of the allegations out of the fathers . but i must not thus farre complie with mr. t. the main issue of the whole dispute must divolve to this , the doctrine of the antient church in this matter , for. 1. baptisme being instituted by christ long before his crucifixion , and 2. the forme wherein he instituted it being not set down in the gospels , and so 3. the apostles practice being our onely guide for the resolving such difficulties as these , whether infants were admittable or no to baptisme ( the foundation thereof among the jewes visibly belonging to infants , but it being still possible that this might be changed in christs institution ) it is not now imaginable what way should be open to us of this age ( 1600 years after those times ) to discern christs institution in this matter , but by the words or actions of ( or some kind of intimation from ) the apostles , how they understood christs institution . of this one place we have 1 cor. 7. which comes in incidentally , speaking to another matter , and notifies the apostles sense by their practice visibly enough , and defines for the baptizing of infants in those dayes ; but to them that will not acknowledge this sense of those words , how fair and easy soever , there is but one possible method remaining in this , as in all other questions of fact ( as evidently this is , whether in the apostles times and by their appointment children were received to baptisme or no ) viz. to appeal to those that could not be ignorant of this matter , who by succession and tradition , the one from the other , had the apostles practice , the interpreter of their sense of christs institution , conveyed and handed down unto them , and are to us , their late posterity , the only competent witnesses of this matter of fact , and so are in all reason to decide the controversie , and give a final conclusion to the debate between us . this therefore being the last part of my method in the positive part of the resolution of that quaere , i professe to have laid the most weight upon it ( according to the grounds set down in the first quare concerning the deciding of such controversies ) and consequently must still insist upon it , and not be put off by mr. t. his dexteritie , and that in this matter i may not fail of giving the reader some evidence , i shall again resume it , and give him a competent series of testimonies , some formerly mentioned , and now put more into forme of evidence , and others added to them , so as to inferre an uniforme concordant tradition of all the ages of the church of christ even since the apostles times unto this day , for the receiving infants to baptisme ; and that shall be the last part of this replie to mr. t. and the antipadobaptist whose pretensions are the contrary , that infants must not be thus admitted . sect. 2. a catalogue of testimonies of the first ages for infant baptisme , and the apostolicalness thereof . first then i begin with the words of the apostle so long insisted on , and vindicated from mr. t. his exceptions , and by so antient a writer as tertullian &c. applyed to this matter . and that first epistle to the corinthians being written at the end of his three years stay in asia act. 20.31 . i. e. an. chr. 54. i shall there place my first testimonie . in the middle of the first centurie s. paul delivered these words , now are your children holy , i. e. your children new-born ( as appears by the context and tertullian ) are sanctified , as that signifies baptized , in the style of the new testament and the antient church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are vouchsafed the good things that come by baptisme , saith the author of the respons : ad orthod : whether that were justine the martyr , who suffered anno 163. or another very antient writer under that name ; and this of that apostle is an evidence of the practice of the first , or apostolical age , soon after christ , and is not contradicted by any that wrote in that age . in the next age after the apostles flourished s. irenaeus , said to be martyred at lyons ( the seate of his bishoprick ) the 5 t of severus , an. chr. 197. he had been an auditor of polycarpe bishop of smyrna ( styled by that church an * apostolical and prophetical doctor ) and is by * s. hierome lookt on as a man of the apostolical times , and by * tertullian as a most accurate searcher of all doctrines , and so is a most competent witnesse of the apostolical doctrine and practice ; and thus he speaks l. 2. advers . har . c. 38. omnes venit christus per semet ipsum salvare , omnes inquam qui per eum renascuntur in deum , infantes , & parvulos , & pueros , & juvenes , & seniores ▪ christ came to save all by himself , all i say who are born again unto god by him , infants and little ones , and children , and young men and older men , where it is evidently his affirmation , that infants ( expressely ) are by christ regenerate unto god , and that must be in baptisme , that laver of regeneration , and so they are not , in his opinion , excluded from baptisme . and so this is a testimonie of the second century , not found or praetended to be contradicted by any other of that age . immediately after irenaeus followed tertullian in the end of the 2d , and beginning of the 3d century , a man of great learning , and a diligent observer and recorder of the customes and practices of the most antient church . and he lib. de animâ c. 39. affirmes it from the apostle , ex sanctificato alterutro sexu sanctos procreari , that when either parent is sanctified or believer , i. e. baptized , the children that are born from them are holy , and this tam ex seminis praerogativâ , quàm ex institutionis disciplinâ , both by praerogative of their seed , and by the discipline of the institution , i. e. ( as hath been shewed ) by baptisme , adding from the same apostle that delivered those words , 1 cor. 7.4 . that his meaning was that the children of believers should be understood to be designati sanctitatis ac per hoc salutis , and evidencing what he means thereby , by the following words , of christ's definition , joh. 3. vnlesse a man be born of water and of the spirit , he shall not enter into the kingdome of god , i. e. non erit sanctus , shall not be holy , where baptisme is manifestly the thing by which these children are said to attain that sanctity ; and more he addes in the beginning of the next chapter to the same purpose . and so he is a competent witnesse for the beginning of that third age , and is not found contradicted by any other passage in his works , or by any of his time ; but on the contrary , origen , who died at tyre , an. chr. 254. hath three most irrefragable testimonies for it ; first on luke hom. 14. parvuli baptizantur in remissionem peccatorum , little ones are baptized into the remission of sins ; and quomodo potest ulla lavacri in parvulis ratio subsistere , nisi juxta illum sensum de quo paulò autè diximus , nullus mundus à sorde &c. how can the account of baptizing little ones bold , but according to that which before was said , none is clean from pollution , no not if he be but a day old , and per baptismi sacramentum nativitatis sordes deponuntur , propterea baptizantur & parvuli , by the sacrament of baptisme the pollutions of our birth are put off , and therefore little ones are baptized . secondly , on leviticus hom. 8. requiratur quid causae est cum baptisma ecclesiae in remissionem peccatorum detur , secundum ecclesiae observantiam etiam parvulis baptismum dari — let it be considered what the cause is when the baptisme of the church is given for the remission of sins , that baptisme should according to the observation ( or custome ) of the church be given to little ones . thirdly , on the epistle to the romans , l. 5. ecclesia ab apostolis traditionem suscepit etiam parvulis baptismum dare — the church hath received tradition from the apostles to give baptisme to little ones also , such little ones still ( as by the former words appears ) as those of a day old and the like . and so here is a full concord of testimonies both for the practice of the church , and tradition received from the apostles for baptizing of infants , and so is a farther evidence of the doctrine of the third age , not contradicted by any of that time . about the same time , or without question soon after , wrote the author ( under the name of dionysius areopagita ) de eccl. hierarch . for , as by * photius it appears , theodorus presbyter about the year 420. debated the question , whether that writer were dionysius mentioned in the acts or no. and of this no doubt hath been made but that he was a very antient and learned author . he therefore in his * 7. chap of eccles . hierarch . proposeth the question , as that which may seem to profane persons ( i. e. heathens ) ridiculous , why 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 children which cannot yet understand divine things are made partakers of the sacred birth from god , i. e. evidently of baptisme ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning the baptizing of infants , saith maximus his scholiast ) adding to the same head also , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others in their stead pronounce the abrenunoiations and divine confessions , and his answer is , 1. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many things which are unknown by us why they are done , have yet causes worthy of god , 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we affirme of this the same things which our divine officers of the church , being instructed by divine tradition , have brought down unto us , and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — our divine guides ( i. e. the apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith maximus ) considering this , appointed that infants should thus be admitted according to the sacred manner , nothing can be more clear then that the apostolical tradition is by this antient and elegant writer vouched for the baptizing of infants , as a sufficient account of that matter , against the reproaches and scoffes of profane , or heathen men , who deemed it unreasonable . and so there is a most convincing testimonie for that time , wherein that author wrote , which must needs be in the fourth century before theodorus presbyters debating the question concerning him , but most probably more antient , and so to be placed in this third age . in the midst of this third age , an. chr. 248. was s. cyprian made bishop of carthage , and ten years after he suffered martyrdome , i. e. 158 years after the age of the apostles . in the year 257 he sat in councell with 66 bishops ( see justellus in his preface to the african canons p. 21. ) and their decrees by way of synodical epistle are to be seen in his ep. 58. ad fidum fratrem , which is now among his works . pamel . edit . p. 80. the councell was in answer to some questions about baptisme , and accordingly ▪ he there sets down his own opinion , together with the decrees of that councell of 66 bishops which were assembled with him ; and so this , as it is an antient , so it is more then a single testimonie , that of a whole councell added to it ; and yet farther , to increase the authority of it , s. augustine cites this epistle * more then once , and sets it down almost intire , as a testimony of great weight against heretikes , and so t is cited by s. hierome also , l. 3. dial . contr : pelag. in this epistle the question being proposed by fidus , whether infants might be baptized the 2d or 3d day , or whether , as in circumcision the 8th day were not to be expected , he answers in the name of the councel , vniversi judicavimus , t was the resolution or sentence of all , nulli hominum nato misericordiam dei & gratiam denegandam , that the mercy and grace of god was not to be denyed to any humane birth , to my child , though never so young , ( by that phrase [ mercy and grace of god ] evidently meaning baptisme , the rite of conveighing them to the baptized ) adding , that t is not to be thought that this grace which is given to the baptized , pro atate accipientium vel minor vel major tribuitur , is given to them in a greater or lesse degree in respect of the age of the receivers ; and that god as he accepts not the person , so nor the age of any , confirming this by the words of s. peter act. 10. that none was to be called common or unclean , and that if any were to be kept from baptisme , it should rather be those of full age , who have committed the greater sins , and that seeing those when they come to the faith are not prohibited baptisme , quanto magis prohiberi non debet infans , qui recens natus nihil peccavit , nisi quòd secundum adam carnaliter natus contagium mortis antiqua primâ nativitate contraxit ? qui ad remissam peccatorum accipiendam hoc ipso faciliùs accedit , quòd illi remittuntur non propria sed aliena peccata , how much more ought not the infant to be forbidden , who being new born , hath no sin upon him , but that which by his birth from adam he hath contracted as soon as he was born , who therefore should more easily be admitted to pardon , because they are not his own , but others sins which are then remitted to him . concluding that as none were by the decree of that councel to be refused baptisme , tum magis circa infantes ipsot & recens natus observandum atque retinendum , so this was the rather to be observed and retained about infants and new born children . thus much and more was the sentence of that antient father and that councel , and as the occasion of that determination was not any antipaedobaptist doctrine ( there had no such then so much as lookt into the church , that we can hear of ) but a conceit of one , that it should be deferr'd to the 8th day , which was as much infancy as the first ( and so both parties were equally contrary to the antipaedobaptists interests , the condemned , as well as the judges ) so that it was no new doctrine that was then decreed , or peculiar to s. cyprian ( who had one singular opinion in the matter of baptisme ) appears also both by the concurrence of the whole councel that convened with him , and by the expresse words of saint augustine ep. 28. ad hieronym : beatus cyprianus non aliquod decretum condens novum sed ecclesiae fidem firmissimam servans — mox natum rite baptizari posse cum suis quibusdam coepiscopis censuit , blessed cyprian , saith he , not making any new decree , but keeping the faith of the church most firme , decreed with a set number of his fellow bishops , that a child new-born might fitly be baptized . which shewes it the resolution of that father also , that baptizing of infants was the faith of the church before cyprians time , not onely the opinion , but the faith , which gives it the authority of christ and his apostles . in the next or fourth century , about the year of christ 370. flourished gregorie nazianzen , and dyed in the year 389. who though he be by mr. t. affirmed to dissuade from it but in case of necessity by reason of apparent danger of death , will yet give an evident testimonie of the doctrin of the church of that age in this matter . in the * 4th oration written on this subject of baptisme having gone through all the ages of man ( to demonstrate a proposition premised by him , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it belongs to every age and sort of life ) he at length comes to the consideration of infancy , in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if thou hast an infant , let not iniquity get time , * let it be sanctified ( certainly baptized ) in infancy , let it in the tender age be consecrated to gods spirit , and whereas the heathens use amulets and charmes to secure their children , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do you give it the trinity ( the fathers the sonne and the holy ghost in baptisme ) that great and good phylacterie , or preservative . a plain testimonie of the churches doctrine at that time . afterwards in the * same oration he returns to this matter again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what , saith he , will you say concerning those that are yet children , and neither know the losse nor are sensible of the grace of baptisme , shall we also baptize them ? and his answer is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yes by all means , if any danger presse , t is better they should be sanctified ( baptized ) when they have no sense of it , then that they should dy unsealed , uninitiated , adding for proof of this the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 circumcision on the eighth day , which was , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an initial seal , and yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used to those that had no use of reason , and ( in a lower degree ) the anointing of the posts , which were insensible also , was yet a means of saving the first-born . after this , t is true that he proceeds to consider those children , that are not in any danger of death , and of them he gives his opinion ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the style which s. paul useth , when he speaks his own sense , as that is other from the revealed will of christ ) that staying about three years , at which time they may be taught to answer somewhat , though they understand it not perfectly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by this means they may be baptized , souls and bodies , by this great sacrament of initiation . but of this , 1. it is is clear that it no way prejudges the doctrine and practice of the church formerly set down , and approved by him , that infant children , indefinitely considered , might be baptized , and if danger approched , must , how young soever they were ; which is as contrary to the antipaedobaptist , and so to mr. t. as any thing . 2dly . that it is but his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or private opinion pretending not so much as to any part of the church of that , or former ages to authorize it . 3dly . that the state of children being so weak and uncertain , that t is hard to affirme of any that they are not ( for the first three years ) in any danger , his counesl for deferring will hardly be ever practicable to any . 4thly . that the deferring , of which nazianzen speaks , is most probably to be understood of those whose parents are newly converted , and themselves doubt whether they shall be yet baptized or no , for to such he speaks in that place from p. 654. a. lastly , that the deferring till three years old , if it were allowed , would no way satisfie the antipaedobaptists praetensions , and so still the former passages ought be of force with all , and no heed given to the whispers of mr. t. and others , as if this holy father dissuaded baptisme in any age unlesse in case of danger , when he clearly saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him in the tenderest age be baptized and consecrated to the spirit . in the same century s. ambrose must be placed , being a writer about the year 380. he in his 10th book , ep. 84. ad demetriad . virg. speaking of those that made adams sin no otherwise hurtfull to posterity , then by the example ( exemplo non transitu no●uisse ) he presseth it with this principal absurdity , hinc evacuatio baptismatis parvulorum , this evacuates the baptisme of infants , which should then be capable of adoption onely , but not of pardon . and in like manner on luke , by jordans being driven back , saith he , are signified the mysteries of baptisme , per quae in primordia naturae suae qui baptizati fuerint parvuli à malitia reformantur , by which the little ones that are baptized , are reformed from their malignity to the first state of their nature . in the beginning of the next or fift age , flourished s. chrysostome , that famous bishop of constantinople whose death is placed in the year of christ 407. he in his homilie to the neophyti hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this cause ( i. e. because there be so many benefits of baptisme , there recited , ten in number ) we baptize children , though they have not sins . which words are the more worth remembring , because they had the hap to be made use of by the pelagians , and consequently vindicated by s. augustine , the pelagians urged them in this forme , hac de causa etiam infantes baptiz●mus , cum non sint coinquinati peccato , for this cause we baptize infants , when they are not polluted with sin , understanding it of original sin , but s. augustine appealing to the greek , shewed that the right rendring was , quamvis peccata non habentes , although they had not sins , i. e. propria , their own or actual sins , of which these infants were not supposed to have any . so in his * 4th homilie on genesis , speaking of baptisme as of the christian circumcision , among other things he affirmes of it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it hath no determinate time but 't is lawful both in the first age ( the childhood , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , with him , * else where applied to the time of circumcision on the 8th day , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — ) and in the middle , and in old age it self , to receive this circumcision made without hands . in the same centurie , very few years after , if not before chrysostome , s. hierome must be placed , born in the year 342. and deceased in the year 420. and he in ep. 7. to laeta telling her that whilest the child was yong and not come to pythagoras's y. the bivium or two wayes , the knowledge of good and evil , tam bona ejus quàm mala parentibus imputantur , his good or evil deeds are imputed to the parents , addes that this must needs be acknowledged , nisi forte existimas christianorum filios , si baptisma non receperint , ipsos tantùm reos esse peccati , & non etiam scelus referri ad eos qui dare noluerint , maximè illo tempore quo contradicere non poterant qui accepturi erant , sicut è regione salus infantum majorum lucrum est . vnlesse , saith he , you believe that christians children , if they receive not baptisme , are the onely persons that are guilty of the sin , and that the offence is not charged on them which would not bring them to baptisme , at that time especially , wherein they that were to receive could not contradict , as on the other side the salvation of infants is the gain of the elder , adding that the parent which was thus to prepare his child for the kings i. e. christs embraces , si negligens fuerit , punietur ; shall , if he be negligent therein , be punished . words of no very conformable aboad to the opposers of paedobaptisme , i wish mr. t. who thinks fit to make use of s. hieromes name ( it now appears how luckily ) would be at leisure to consider them . so lib. 3. contr : pelag. the question being asked by crito , quare infantuli baptizentur , why infants are baptized , the answer is made by atticus , vt eis peccata in baptismate dimittantur , that their sins may be pardoned in baptisme , and again , qui parvulus est , parentis in baptismo vinculo solvitur , the infant is freed in baptisme from the band of adams sin . paulinus , we know , was his contemporarie , and from him we have this testimonie , ep. 12. inde parens sacro ducens de font● sacerdos , infantes niveos corpore , corde , habitu — the priest brings the infants out of the font white as snow in body , in heart , in habit . next to these succeeds s. augustine , who died in the 30th year of this 5 t age , and was the great champion of the church against all the invaders of the depositum committed to it . his passages on this subject are to many to be enumerated , and some of them have already been set down in the resol . of the quaere p. 217. making it the perpetual doctrine of the whole church of all ages before him , and expressly including that of the apostles . so de bap : contra donat. l. 4. c. 23. quod traditum tenet universitas ecclesiae cum parvuli infantes baptizantur , qui certè nondum possunt corde credere ad justitiam , & ore confiteri ad salutem — & tamen nullus christianorum dixerit eos inaniter baptizari . this is held as tradition by the vniversal church , when little infants are baptized , which are sure yet unable to believe with the heart or to confesse with the mouth , and yet no christian will say that they are baptized to no purpose : ( a severe sentence again for the antipaedobaptist ) adding the ecclesiastical rule by which to judge of apostolical tradition , and evidencing the benefit of infant baptisme by the example of circumcision , that as in isaac , circumcised the eighth day , the seal of the righteousnesse of faith preceded , and the righteousnesse it self followed in his riper age by his imitating his fathers faith , ita & in baptizatis infantibus praecedit regenerationis sacramentum , & si christianam tenuerint pietatem , sequitur in corde conversio , cujus mysterium praecessit in corpore , so also in baptized infants the sacrament of regeneration praecedes , and if they hold fast christian piety , conversion in the heart followes , the mystery whereof had been formerly received in the body . so de verb : apost . serm. 14. being come to handle this subject of the baptisme of infants , he begins thus , sollicitos autem nos facit non ipsa sententia jam olim in ecclesiâ catholicâ summâ authoritate fundata , sed disputationes quorundam — the doctrine it self gives us no trouble , being long since founded in the catholike church by the highest authority ( that sure must be by christs and the apostles ) but the disputings of some men — and again , non enim quaestio est inter nos & ipsos , utrum parvuli baptizandi sint , baptizandos esse parvulos nemo dubitat , quando nec illi hinc dubitant qui ex alterâ parte contradicunt — the question betwixt them and us is not , whether infants are to be baptized ; let no man make doubt of this , seeing neither do they doubt of this which contradict us in the other question concerning the benefit of it . and again , in a farther process with those disputers , dic mihi , obsecro te , parvulis baptizatis christus aliquid prodest , an nil prodest ? necesse est ut dicat prodesse , premitur mole matris ecclesiae . doth christ profit infants that are baptized , or doth he not ? he must needs say that he doth profit , he is prest with the weight of the church our mother . and again , authoritate reprimuntur ecclesiae , si enim dixerint christum nihil prodesse baptizatis infantibus , nihil aliud dicunt quàm superfluè baptizantur infantes . they are represt by the authority of the church , for if they say that christ profits not infants baptized , they plainly affirme that infants are superfluously baptized , but this those very heretikes ( the pelagians ) dicere non audent , dare not say , and so were faine to secure their hypothesis by another evasion , viz. that they were baptized not for salvation but for the kingdome of heaven . and yet farther , hoc habet authoritas matris ecclesiae , hoc fundatus veritatis obtinet canon , contra hoc robur , contra hunc inexpugnabilem murum quisquis arietat ipse confringitur . fundata ista res est , ferendus est peccator errans in aliis quaestionibus — non tantum progredi debet , ut & fundamentum ipsum ecclesiae quatere moliatur . this the authority of our mother the church is possest of , this the grounded canon of truth holds fast ; against this fort , this invincible wall whosoever makes assault , is broken to pieces . this is a grounded thing : hee is to be born with who erres in other questions , but he must not proceed thus far ( as the antipaedobaptist certainly doth ) as to indeavour to shake the very foundation of the church , i. e. certainly a doctrine laid by the first planters of the faith , christ and the apostles themselves . so ep. 89. non est superfluus baptismus parvulorum , ut qui per generationem illi condemnationi obligati sunt , per regenerationem ab eâdem liberentur . the baptisme of infants is not superfluous , that they who by their birth are bound to that condemnation which came by adam , should be freed from it by regeneration , and more to the same purpose in that place . so in enchirid. c. 42. à parvulo recens nato usque ad decrepitum senem , sicut nullus prohibendus est à baptismo , ita nullus est qui non peccato moriatur in baptismo . from the infant new born to the decrepit old age , as none is to be kept from baptisme , so there is none who dyeth not to sin in baptisme . which words are soon after transcribed by leo ( ad episc . aquileg : ) who was advanced to the papacie about the year 440. about this time was the epistle of the councel of carthage written to innocentius ( made bishop of rome about the year 400. ) in which these words we find by way of decree , quicunque negat parvulos per baptismum christi à perditione liberari & salutem percipere sempiternam , anathema sit . whosoever denyes that infants are by the baptisme of christ freed from perdition and receive eternal life , let him be anathema . about the same time , whilest innocentius lived ( and to the same purpose ) was the milevitan canon , at which s. augustine was present , a bishop in that councel . this hath been set down in the resol : of the quaere , p. 219. and is an evident testimonie that this doctrine was such as ecclesia catholica ubique diffusa semper intellexit , the catholike church every where diffused , alwaies understood and asserted , and so it is that councels witness of the apostolicalness of it . to these it were easy to adde theodoret also , and leo ( already cited ) soon after him , both falling within the former part of that fift centurie , and in every age after this , store enough . but the question is not , and in any reason cannot be extended to those times , the clear definitions through all those first ages , being all that could be required to decide the controversie concerning the matter of fact , whether it were practised or not practised by the apostles . and having so largely deduced them , it is not imaginable what should be now wanting to the completing of the evidence , when i have onely added , that there is no one testimonie of dissent , either pretended or producible from the writings of all those first ages , nor consequently the least appearance of obstacle , why the receiving of infants to baptisme should not be resolved the doctrin and practice of the first and purest ages of the church , avouched and testified to be delivered to them by the apostles of christ , who could not mistake his meaning in the institution . what artifices the antepaedobaptist can make use of to cast a mist before our eyes , in the midst of so much light , i can no way divine : sure i am that the prejudices which mr. t. hath in few words indevoured to infuse ( as that some are counterfeit authors , some suspected , some misinterpreted ; that some maintained infant baptisme but in case of danger of death , that others which avouched this , avouched either rebaptization or communion of infants also ) are all of them unjust and causeless , and have severally and punctually been prevented in one or both of these discourses , and so there remains not the least scruple of difficulty , that i can foresee in this matter , to adde to the bulke of this vindication . god assist it with his blessing to the disabusing those that are seduced , and regaining them to the waies of peace . the end. errata . page . line . read. 13 8 then it 17 21 alphes 20 32 the whiteness 28 ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32 17 continuing   21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40 25 of receiving 42 35 in to 44 11 heed to 48 21 of pers : 61 13 so cyrill in   18 they that 64 20 infants 67 15 crediderit 79 36 after infants adde being 80 5 ministry 83 3 then this 84 24 now to 91 2 but if 102 34 to be the contents of the severall chapters and sections contained in this book . chap. i. of baptisme among the jewes . page 2 sect. 1. probations more and less perfect . the use of circumcision to this question of paedobaptisme . as also of christ's reception of children . childrens coming and believing , mat. 18. children sinners . page 2 sect. 2. the necessity of paedobaptisme depending on the positive part of probation . the several sorts of anabaptists . tistimonies the onely proof of institutions . page 6 sect. 3. the jewes baptisme of natives as well as proselytes . testimonies of their writers in proof thereof . baptisme among the heathens taken from the jewes . among both from noahs flood . the derivation of christian from jewish baptisme how manifested . christs answer to nicodemus . baptisme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the deluge . gr. nazianzen's and macarius's testimonies . the fathers meaning in affirming the christians baptisme to be in stead of circumcision . the lords supper founded in the jewes postcoenium , yet in stead of their passeover . page 8 sect. 4. the conceipts of pe : alfunsus and schickard of the jewish baptisme . raf : alphes : mr. t. his conclusion not inferred . the original of the jewish baptisme ( the onely doubt ) vindicated . jacob's injunction to his family . sanctifications exod. 19.10 . differ from washing garments . page 17 sect. 5. mr. selden's notion of the sea. the defence of my notion of it . learned mens affirmations to be judged of by their testimonies . christ's baptizing of iewes as well as gentiles , no argument . christ's vouching iohns baptisme to be from heaven , no argument . no more , the pretended no intimations of it . the no conformity . the proselytes children baptized , continually , not onely at the first conversion . the baptisme of a woman with child , serving for the child also , not argumentative . the canon of neocaesarea about it . page 23 sect. 6. lesser inconformities no prejudice . yet they do not all hold . prayer the christian sacrifice . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the rule of judging in this matter . baptizing in the name of the father &c. prescribed by christ . so dipping or sprinkling . the pract. cat. misreported . mr. marshals covenanting . page 30 chap. ii. of christ's words . mat. 28.19 . pag. 34 sect. 1. the doctors pretended concessions examined . christs institution of baptisme not set down mat. 28. but necessarily before that time . page 34 sect. 2. making disciples all one with receiving into discipleship . baptizing the act of the baptist . instruction subsequent to discipling . the pretended parallel between mat. 28. and mar. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . johns discipling by preaching excludes not infants . no more the apostles , mat. 10.5 . the notation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mat. 13.52 . act. 14.21 . infants both said to come and to believe . instruction subsequent to baptisme . page 40 sect. 3. discipleship before instruction . what knowledge of the master is required to discipleship . two sorts of disciples , some come , others are brought . page 50 sect. 4. the difference of a disciple and proselyte examined . christian as well as jewish proselytes . priviledges of proselytisme . disciples of the pharisees . the holy ghost's not using the word proselyte of christians , concludes nothing . jehovah . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . infants qualified for baptisme . as for entring into covenant deut. 29. gods oath . infants adjured . criples capable of christ's cures . page 53 chap. iii. of the apostolical practice in this matter . pag. 58 sect. 1. the interpretation of 1 cor. 7.12 . vindicated . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sanctification used to denote baptisme , the use of it in the fathers and scripture . tertullians testimonie : designati sanctitatis . origen . author quaest : ad antiochum . cyprian . chrysostome . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there , infant children . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the epistles . s. augustines words examined . page 58 sect. 2. the rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ hath been sanctified ] defended . s. hieromes testimonie . enallages must not be made use of without necessity . no advantage from it here . feigned instances of enallage . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . page 66 sect. 3. the rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the woman ] defended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 col. 1.23 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. 4. ireneus no latine author . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. 7. gal. 1.16 . 1 pet. 1.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deut. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , psal . 68. my proof of the interpretation from the context . page 69 sect. 4. mr. t. his mistake of my sense . the argument à genere ad speciem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . how the husband is said to be baptized by the wife . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partial washings . the proportion betwixt legal holyness , and baptisme . difference between relative and real sanctification . the testimonies of the antient , for and against my interpretation . page 77 chap. iv. an answer to mr. tombes's view of my conclusion and therein the sense of antiquity in this question . pag. 84 sect. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 7. infant children . the jewes practice . their notion of [ holy ] baptisme a priviledge of believers children , yet is communicated to others whose guardians are believers the several sorts of holyness all vainly mentioned by mr. t. his denyals of the conclusion . the place in tertullian vindicated . s. hieromes answer to paulinus . institutionis disciplina in tertullian . candidati damoniorum . a 3d denyal of the conclusion . the use of baptisme to regenerate &c. no prejudice to the founding it in the jewish practice . his art of diversion to put off answering of testimonies . the way of testimonies insisted on . page 84 sect. 2. a catalogue of testimonies of the first ages for infant baptisme , and the apostolicalness thereof . page 96 books written by h. hammond d. d. a paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the new testament by henry hammond d. d. in fol. 2. the practical catechisme , with all other english treatises of henry hammond d. d. in two volumes in 4º 3. of fundamentals in a notion referring to practise , by h. hammond d. d. in 12o. several books of controversies relating to the present times , by the same author in two large volumes in 4 to viz. 1. dissertationes quatuor , quibus episcopatus iura ex s. scripturis & primaeva antiquitate adstruuntur , contra sententiam d. blondelli & aliorum ▪ authore henrico hammond , in 4o. 2. a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacy from the exceptions offered against them by the london ministers in their ius divinum ministerii evangelici in 4o. 3. an answer to the animadversions on the dissertations touching ignatius epistles and the episcopacy in them asserted , subscribed by iohn owen servant of jesus christ , in 4o . 4. of schisme . a defence of the church of england , against the exceptions of the romanists , in 12º 5. a reply to the cathol . gent : answer to the most materiall part of the book of schisme , together with an account of h. t. his appendix to his manuall of controversies &c. 4o. 6. a letter of resolution of six quaeries , in 12o. 7. an account of mr. cawdreys triplex diatrio . concerning superstition , will-worship , and christmass festivall . new. the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45397-e130 * de bapt. contr : donat : l. 4. c. 23. * see g. cassan . in praes . ad duc. jul. cliv . ex nichol. blusdick de orig sect. anabapt . * tom. 2. p. 426. p. 41. see §. 12. e● : ad smyrn : edit : voss : p. 6. l. 6. §. 2. in rom. l. 5. * tom. 2. p. 377. d. * ep. 59. edit . pam. p. 80. * ep. 28. ad hieron . * edit . savil. tom. 6. p. 854. l. 16. * ibid. l. 19. * tom 1. p. 27.31 * tom. 2.18 . c. * in iliad . basil . ed. p. 944. p. 333. * ep. eccl. smyr . ap . euseb . l. 4. c. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * hieron . ep. 29. apostolicorum temporum vir . * doctrinarum omnium accuratissimus explorator . tertul. advers . valent. * biblioth lod . 1 * edit . morel . p. 233. p. ●19 . p. 234. * ep. 28. ad hieron . l. 3 de pec● . mer. & remis . c. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. l. 4. contr . duas ep. pelag. c. 3. l. 2. contr . julian . c. 3. p. 339. * paris edit . tom. 1. p. 648. * p. 647 , d. * ( just as tertullian de ani. had observed . ) * p. 643. c. * p. 658. a. * edit . eton. tom. 1. p. 328. l. 5. * t. 1. p. 322. l. 11. so again . p. 327. l. 42. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of fundamentals in a notion referring to practise by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1654 approx. 367 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 126 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45419 wing h554 estc r18462 13044950 ocm 13044950 96914 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. 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j. flesher for richard royston , at the angel in ivie-lane . m.dc.liv . of fundamentals . chap. i. the notation of the word fundamental . § . 1. in this inquirie , the literal notation of the word [ fundamentals ] must first be examined and resolved on , as the ground-work of this whole discourse . and herein the most advantageous method and least liable to mistake will be to proceed by these degrees : § . 2. first , that the word foundation being a relative , and , as it is used in our present disquisition , a figurative word , it will be needfull to premise wherein this relation , and wherein this figure doth consist , it being evident , what aristotle saith , that the whole being of any relative is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in order to that whereto it hath relation , and so likewise that some primary literal signification is prerequired to that other of metaphorical or figurative . and accordingly it will here be soon resolved , that a foundation , being primarily of use in architecture , hath no other literal notation but what belongs to it in relation to an house or other building , nor figurative , but what is founded in that and deduced from thence . § . 3. but then secondly , it is not every building to which a foundation referres ( some structures being erected without any foundation ) but such as is cemented and fastned to some firm , stable body under ground , i. e. to a foundation ; we are taught this distinction by our saviour , mat. 7. that an house may be ( and is sometimes ) set upon the sand ( or upon the earth , lu. 6.49 . and is then said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without a foundation ) not alwaies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon a rock , and though the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , building , be there used of both those , yet the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being founded , is applied only to the latter v. 25. and the distant fates of those two sorts of houses , which is there set down , together with the character of the architects , the foolish and the wise , will assure us that this which we now insist on , is no nicety , for assoon as ever the rain descended , the floods came , and the windes blew and beat upon that house of the fools erecting , the house fell ( and brake to pieces , the fall thereof was great ) v. 27. whereas all the violence and importunitie of the same storms , and windes , and torrents could make no impression on the other pile of the skilful architects erecting , upon this one account , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for it was founded upon a rock . and so in like manner the difference is set by the author to the hebrews betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the moveable tent or tabernacle , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a citie that hath foundations , heb. 11.10 . which is all one with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the kingdome that cannot be shaken or moved , heb. 12.28 . § . 4. and the difference of building upon the earth or sand , from that other of superstructing or founding upon a rock , is observable in this , that though the whole body or bulk of the earth or sand be of an heavy , and stable nature , yet the surfice or upper part of either of them , but especially of the sand , is so light and soluble , that there is no way imaginable to cement or fasten any thing to it , any more then to the aire or water , wheras to a stone or rock , which being it self firm , is also fastned deep within the earth , a superstructure of any proportionable magnitude may be so fastned , that without a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or concussion of the earth it self , ( which shaketh the foundations , act. 16.26 . ) the building shall not be shaken , and therefore coloss . 1.23 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 built on a foundation , is equivalent to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , firm , and opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moved , and so christ supposes in another parable , that the gates of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the strongest opposition imaginable in nature shall not prevail against that house which is thus built , mat. 16.18 . § . 5. thirdly then , the figurative or metaphorical notation of this word , and not the primarie or literal , being that which belongs to this place , and yet that bearing a direct proportion to the literal , and so requiring a proportionable relation to some figurative building or superstructure , in order to which it may be styled a foundation or fundamental , the next , and that indeed the principal enquirie will be , what superstructure it is to which this foundation doth referre , or in respect to which peculiarly any article of faith may be denominated fundamental . § . 6. and to omit the mention of all others , which have no appearance of pretension to this matter , two only fabricks or superstructures there are , which can come into this competition , each called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 house , the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , my fathers house , joh. 14.2 . the second ( with little change ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the house of god , 1 tim. 3.15 . the first is evidently heaven , the place whither christ was then going , as their harbinger to prepare for them ; the second is expresly said to be the church , in the words immediately subsequent ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the church of the living god , the church of god , in opposition to the idol-temples , the church of the living god , in opposition to the livelesse false deities , the diana of the ephesians and the like , whose pictures were inshrined and adored in those heathen temples ; and each of these are metaphorical buildings ( answerable to the figurative foundations ) and being capable of two sorts of conceptions , either as they are in fieri , in building , or as in facto esse , when they are already built , they may here signifie the replenishing or peopling of these two , 1. bringing saints to heaven , and 2. proselytes into the church , or else by a metonymie of the adjunct , they may denote 1. that celestial ; and 2. that christian condition , which is in either of them enjoyed , the state of blisse in the one , and the state of christian obedience in the other . § . 7. in proportion then to these two superstructures , two notions of fundamentals may be conceived , one signifying that whereon our eternal blisse is immediatly , and regularly superstructed , the other whereon our obedience to the faith of christ , giving up our names to him , is founded , the one in order to our living happily and eternally in another world , the other to our living soberly , and justly , and piously in this world . § . 8. and if the former were it , wherein our present search were terminated , if the question were , what were now fundamental to blisse or heaven , then 1. there could be no reason to explain the fundamentals , as by consent of parties they are explained , by the credenda , matters of belief or faith ; for though the acknowledgment of gods veracity , and the explicite , unshaken belief of all that is revealed to him by god , be the strict duty of every christian , and the disbelieving of any such affirmation of gods , is sin , and damnable , yet the foundation being that which supports the superstructure to which it relates immediately , and without the intervention of any thing else , 't is certain , that eternal blisse is not immediatly superstructed on the most orthodox beliefs ; but , as our saviour saith ( if ye know these things , happy are ye if ye doe them ) the doing must be first superstructed on the knowing or believing , before any happinesse , or blisse , or heaven can be built on it ; and without all question the agenda , the things that are to be done , works of piety and justice , &c. are as necessarily required to found our blisse , to bring us to heaven , as the belief of any the most pretious articles can be supposed to be ; and therefore it may be justly feared , that the title of fundamentals , being ordinarily bestowed on , and confined to the doctrines of faith , hath occasioned that great scandal , or block of offence in the church of god , at which so many myriads of solifidians have stumbled , and fallen irreversibly , by conceiving heaven a reward of true opinions , of which , vicious practises , though never so habitually and indulgently continued in , to the last , would never be able to deprive them ; which as it hath been the disjoyning of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most excellent yoke , of faith and good works , and hath betrayed many knowing men to most unskilful and ridiculous presumptions , and securities in sin : so can it not well be provided against , without the discovering , and renouncing of this false , and substituting a truer state of this question . § . 9. secondly , if this were the notion of fundamentals , there could be no certain way of judging what are such , the excuse of invincible ignorance being , in the farre greatest number of men , ready to be confronted against the necessity of their believing all the severals of any such supposeable catalogue ; and for that suppletorie of an implicite belief , which is by the romanist conceived to be of use and sufficient for those , who are not capable of an explicite , whatsoever degree of truth can be conceived to be in that , it must be founded in the contradictorie to the present pretension ; for were it once granted that the belief of such articles were fundamental to heaven , it were not imaginable that they which have not heard , should ever arrive thither , when that , which by s. paul's authority is become a known maxime , was before demonstrable in it self , and is so supposed by his argument , rom. 10.14 . that faith cometh by hearing , and that they cannot believe what they have not heard . many other inconveniences there are consequent to this stating of this question ( and particularly that of which our experience hath given us evident demonstration , that by those which thus state it , there hath never yet been assigned any definite number , or catalogue of fundamentals in this sense : ) but i shall no farther enlarge on them . § . 10. the other notion of fundamentals , is that whereon i shall more confidently pitch ( as that which will remove , in stead of multiplying , difficulties , and accord all , which either the scriptures , or the antients have asserted on this subject ) thereby understanding that which was deemed necessary to be laid by the apostles and other such master-builders , as a foundation to the peopling or replenishing ( or bringing in proselytes to ) the church , and so to the superstructing christian obedience among men ; in which respect it is , that as the church of corinth ( and so any other society that hath received the faith of christ ) is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god's plantation , 1 cor. 3.9 . so it is also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god's building , a structure erected by his artificers . § . 11. that this hath been esteemed the due and proper acception of this word , i shall testifie by this one evidence , which i acknowledge to have given me the first hint of this notion , the words of the great champion of the catholick faith set down in the councel of nice , s. athanasius in epist : ad epictetum , where speaking of the confession of faith established by the canons of that councel against the arian , and other hereticks , he hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the faith confessed by the bishops in that synod according to the divine scriptures is of it self sufficient for the averting of all impiety , and the establishment of all piety in christ . these words of that eminent father of the church might be of some farther use , toward the due understanding of the articles of the nicene and athanasian creeds , but at the present the advantage of them will be but general , that the way of measuring and defining the necessity of any articles of faith , ( the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , necessaries to be known , as justine martyr speaks , placing under that head , the creation of the world , the framing of man , the immortality of the soul , and judgment to come , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : p. 9. ) is by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or sufficiencie of them to enable the teacher to perswade good life , to supplant those vices , which christ came to banish out of the world , and to radicate those virtues which he came on purpose to implant among men , which is directly that notion , or character of fundamentals , which we have now given , thereby signifying those articles of the faith , on which all the parts of christian piety and obedience ( and none of impiety or disobedience ) may be regularly superstructed , or in consequence to which , being once revealed , and believed ▪ all rational or considering men , when christian life is proposed to them , must discern themselves obliged to entertain it , to forsake in every branch their unchristian courses of sin , and to betake themselves to an uniform obedience to the commands of christ ; from whence , i suppose , it is , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , building or edifying , is used every where in the new testament for improving or advancing in christian practise and the duties of good life , as laying the foundation is preaching the faith of christ among them , 1 cor. 3.11 . on which saith theophylact , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. after we shall have received the foundation of faith , i. e. the faith of christ , as the foundation , we build upon it , every one , good actions of all sorts and degrees , as he there specifies , making the christian actions of life to be the superstructure , to which this foundation referres , and in relation to which , it is called a foundation . so theophylact on heb. 6.1 . makes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their being instructed in the faith of christ , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to deal only in the beginning , the elements , the first and most imperfect rudiments , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as novices , beginners , they that are but now upon their entrance , are wont to be conversant in , whereas the superstructing good life on this , is , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being carried to perfection ; and again in yet plainer words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. the faith is the beginning , and the foundation , and that without which nothing shall or will be firmly built ; still making the faith , or belief of the articles the foundation , in respect of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the excellent christian life , which was by the apostles , and christ designed to be built on it . chap. ii. the division of the discourse into four parts , what are fundamental in general . § . 1. the notion of the word being now explained , that which is yet behinde will be regularly reducible to these four heads , first , what those things are in general , and then in particular , to which this notion of fundamentals belongeth , and withall , what propriety all and each of these have toward the supporting this superstructure , the planting a church of christian livers . 2dly , what are the particular branches of this superstructure . 3dly , what doctrines there are infused among christians , which are most apt to obstruct or intercept the superstructing of christian life , where the foundation is laid . 4dly , what things are necessary to the erecting of this superstructure on this foundation already laid , whether in a particular christian , or especially in a church , or society of such . § . 2. the general way of defining what these fundamentals are , must in reason be taken from the practise of the apostles , as the interpreter of god's appointment , and judgment in this matter . for it being certain that the apostles , which had a commission from christ to preach , and admit disciples over all the world , to bring impenitent jewes , and idolatrous gentiles to the obedience of christ , were by him also directed in their way , counselled in the choice of the fittest means of performing so great a work , the argument will be infallibly conclusive on both sides , positively , and negatively , that whatever the apostles joyntly agreed on , at their entrance on their several provinces , to be the subject of their first sermons in all their travails , that was by them ( and consequently by god himself ) deemed fundamental , in our present sense , and whatever was not by them thought thus necessary , must not by us be obtruded on , or forced into that catalogue . § . 3. for the clearing of this , it is first evident that there was in the a-apostles times such a foundation laid ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in every church , as in that of corinth , 1 cor. 3.11 . styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 tim. 6.20 . a good depositum or trust , which timothie had received from the apostles , for the direction of his ministerie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , jude 3. the faith once , or at once delivered to the saints , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 tim. 1.13 . a form , or breviate , or summarie of wholsome words , or sound doctrine , which he had heard from s. paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one faith , eph. 4.5 ▪ in proportion to which followeth there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one baptisme , wherein there was made profession of that faith , and to which none ( of years and knowledge ) was ever admitted , who had not been sufficiently instructed by the catechist in every part of this foundation , ( which to that end the catechist received from the bishop with his short exposition of it , see s. ambrose , ep : 35. l. 5. ) and being so instructed made open confession of it , and moreover , by vow obliged himself there , to superstruct all christian practise upon it . § . 4. secondly , that this was approved of by them in common upon consultation , ( and so seemed good to the holy ghost and to them , in order to their end , the bringing of jewes and gentiles to repentance ) and accordingly was left behinde them , delivered down to the bishops of all churches of their plantation , not only as a rule of faith , but as a symbolum , or badge of the apostles having planted christianity among them . all which is clearly testified by tertullian , irenaeus , and other the first writers ; see irenaeus l 1. c. 11. & 19. l. 3. c. 4. tertullian de virgin : veland : in the beginning , & de praescription : throughout . § . 5. thirdly , that all that was necessary in order to that end ( the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the discipling all nations ) was comprehended in this form or summary , it being certain that what god did not deem necessary , was not necessary , and that nothing which was so deem'd by god , was omitted or left behinde by them , whose office and care it was to declare the whole will of god , and to lead others , as themselves had been led , into all necessary truth . § . 6. fourthly , that what we thus affirm of the necessity of these things to the superstructing of christian practise , must not so be understood , that the hearing , and believing of each of them be thought absolutely necessary in every single jew or heathen , that he may repent , and convert , and live a christian life , or without which he cannot , but necessary to the discharge of the apostolical office , which was to reap whole fields , to bring in whole cities , and nations to christ . § . 7. they that were to plant a church , were to deal with men of several and distant affections , and tempers and interests , an heterogeneous body made up of a multitude of various inclinations , and of different habits of sin , and degrees of radication of those habits , and to each of these some proper application was to be made by those that came on christ's errand to cure their souls ( as hippocrates advises his physitian to have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mollifying preparations for all turns , and to carry them about with him ) and so a whole dispensatorie was little enough to meet with , and suffice to all their wants , or at least some catholicon of a transcendent virtue , proportionable to the obstinacy of any the most desperate maladie : but this confusion of diseases and rapsodie of difficulties was not to be supposed in each single sinner , and consequently there was not the same necessity of the whole tale of fundamentals , for the converting or reducing of him . § . 8. there is no doubt but there were reformed jewes before christ's time , whom the pedagogie and rudiments , and imperfect documents of the law , with those influences , and assistances of god , which were then afforded , brought home unto god , and among them some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 righteous , and some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mercifull men , which had arrived to the abundance of goodness , as they style it , and of this kinde were the esseni , who though they be not ordinarily conceived to have been christians , yet are described by philo , under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so very like christians , that there is no reason to doubt , but that christian piety might be infused into some , without the explicite knowledge of all and every of those articles , which yet , in general speaking , or as it was to be planted through the world , are rightly deemed , and resolved to be fundamental . § . 9. thus 't is affirmed by photius , and evagrius , ( and hath as much authority , as their names can give it ) that synesius had embraced the whole christian law , so farre as to be advanced to the dignity of a bishop , without any clear acknowledging , or believing one main part of our foundation , that of the resurrection of the body , and his own 105 t epistle ( wherein he so industriously declines the bishoprick ) hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the resurrection which you preach and publish , i account sacred , and that which cannot be uttered ; and i want much of consenting to the perswasions of the multitude in this matter . and though the bishops , that thus advanced him , were questioned , saith photius , for the fact , yet that is no prejudice to ( what we now observe from this example , viz ) the possibility of the thing . of which also those bishops answer is a farther testimony , viz : that they saw such excellent graces in him , that they could not imagine , that god would long deferre to crown them with the addition of this eminent branch of christian faith , the clear belief and acknowledgment of the resurrection ; and as that fell out according to their expectation , so it is thereby evident , that that branch of belief was in him supervenient to christian practise , and not all christian practise built on that . § . 10. nay supposing that he that hath not been instructed sufficiently in all , and each branch of the foundation , were yet with fewer helps brought to the sincere undertaking of the whole christian obedience , as if a catechumenus before every one of these articles were explained unto him , should yet resolve ( upon reading the sermon on the mount ) to live a life of the greatest christian perfection , this person were not in any reason to suffer any diminution , to be deemed the worse , but rather the better for that , ( as they , that having not the law doe yet by nature the things of the law , are farre from being disparaged by the apostle , nay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith theophylact , are lookt on as admirable persons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they wanted not the law , and yet fulfilled the law ; ) the danger being certainly very great to them , that by force of all the divine articles of our faith are not reduced to christian purity , and not to them , who on a weaker foundation doe yet stand firmly rooted , and grounded in the love of christ . § . 11. and this is agreeable to what was premised of the nature of a foundation in a material building , that though a tabernacle or moveable building may , yet a temple or stable edifice cannot be supposed to be built and stand firm without an entire foundation , and consequently that this summarie of wholsome words is necessary to the architects , in order to their superstructing a pile , their planting a church of jewes and gentiles , though not absolutely so , for the reducing of each single person . chap. iii. a particular view of fundamentals , jesus christ indefinitely . § . 1. i now proceed to a more particular view of this foundation , which is sometimes most compendiously set down in scripture , either under the abbreviature of jesus christ , or with the addition of his crucifixion or resurrection , or other remarkable passages concerning him ; or else more largely and explicitely in the creeds or confessions of the vniversal church . § . 2. for the more compendious , it is s. paul's affirmation , 1 cor. 3.11 . that jesus christ is the one onely foundation , and no man can lay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any other , which is the interpretation of what is elsewhere said , that jesus christ himself is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief corner stone , or again the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , head of the corner , the principal supporter , on which the weight of the structure rests , the foundation of the foundation . § . 3. in proportion to which it is that the deceivers , or false teachers , or antichrists , 2 joh. 7. are expressed by this character , they that confesse not jesus christ coming in the flesh , this one being a comprehensive article that supposes and contains all others under it . § . 4. for besides that the jewes to whom the gospel was first to be preached , and to some of whom this character of antichrist was given , believed in the one creator of the world already , and so that article concerning the deity , and the attributes thereof needed not be preached either to them , or to the proselytes from the gentiles , it is farther manifest that the belief of christ being founded on the testimonie of the father , mat. 3.17 . and the doctrine of christ containing in it the declaration and manifestation of the knowledge of the father , so as he was never known to the world before this son out of his bosome thus revealed him , the belief of christ must necessarily suppose and pre-require the belief of the father , and therefore it follows in s. john , v. 9. that he which abides in the doctrine of christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he hath both the father and the son. § . 5. so again the miracles which christ did were done in his father's name , and thereby gave all that testimony to his doctrines of piety and reformation , which the father 's proclaiming them from heaven would have been able to doe . § . 6. and that being thus supposed of all in grosse , and so giving a full authoritie to all that should be revealed by christ , the several parts of the revelations afforded us by him will soon be discerned to be extremely conducible to this end of reforming men's lives , such as will answer all imaginable objections and exceptions of flesh and blood against it , and make it perfectly reasonable for any rational creature to undertake the service of christ , and most extremely irrational and unmanly to seek out or to continue in any other service . § . 7. such are christ's promises , divine , unconceivable promises , a blisse to be enjoyed to all eternity , and that by way of return for a weak obedience of some few years ; such are his threatnings , most formidable menaces of endlesse woe , to them that will still despise the riches of his goodness , and forbearance ; such is the treaty which he negotiates with us , an offer and tender of a reconciliation , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an act of oblivion , of all forepast sins , and of a new covenant , on most moderate , easie terms of syncere ( without unsinning ) obedience for the future ; and lastly , such are his precepts , a sort of commandments , which are most agreeable , and gratefull to our reasonable nature , and which tend , beyond all other means or instruments , to the improving and perfecting the most valuable part of us , that which alone denominates us men , and annexing incomprehensible rewards ( an eternal weight of glory ) to the bare practise of those things , which are at the very present , though they were not commanded , and if they should not be rewarded in another life ( i mean abstractively from these enhaunsments of them ) infinitely estimable and preferrable before the contraries , which must farther cost us so extremely dear , if we will choose and pitch our designe upon them , and resolve to go through with that unthrifty purchase . § . 8. so that this one corner stone , jesus christ is a most competent , ample foundation , on which to superstruct the largest pile of building , to erect a church of pious livers , and to bring all rational men within the compasse of it , and it is not imaginable what could have been added to this , or what method could probably have been effectual to any man , which is not wrought on by the concurrence of all these . § . 9. this will more evidently appear , if we compare this one with all other waies which have been used at any time toward this end of inducing , and obliging , and engaging men to good life . § . 10. in the course of nature , ( the first way of oeconomie ▪ under which the world was governed , by a law written in men's hearts , naturale judicatoriū , lumen super nos signatū , a natural judicatorie , a light sealed upon us , in our first composure ) though there were a competent revelation of our duty , and a double obligation to perform it , 1. that of piety to our maker , 2. that of reverence to our own souls , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the superiour ruling part of us , and these two improveable into many other , and thus actually advanced and improved by natural men , upon study and consideration , ( and so all the heathen wisdome was the farther explaining of those obligations , their natural philosophy was but a kinde of comment on the creation , and is therefore by the jewes entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first word of the book of genesis , that story of the creation , and that a most proper groundwork of obedience to that almighty creatour , and their moral philosophy , especially that of epicurus , a consideration of the most ravishing beauty and delight and joy , the result of the practise of every virtue , that of socrates ( which had the oracle's testimony and admiration ) a comment on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the knowledge of a man's selfe , that of pythagoras on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the revering of a man's self , and that of aristotle , the placing of all humane felicity in the continued actions of virtue , and that also a foundation very fit to superstruct virtue upon ) yet there were great defects and vacuities and imperfections in this oeconomie . § . 11. first , the prescribed duties wanted of their full stature , especially if compared with christ's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his suppletories and superadditions . § . 12. secondly , there remained very advantageous accesses for temptations to enter and invade men , the fortifications being very slender to secure their resistance , little knowledge of the immortality of the soul , or any thing beyond this life , whether reward or punishment , no assurance that repentance would be admitted for any sin , an absolute desperation of any good without the help of purgatives , and a perfect ignorance of all means of purging , and many other such wants , which are all abundantly supplied in the christian's foundation , jesus christ . § . 13. and upon that account the apostle could safely challenge the wise men of the heathen world with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; where is the wise man of the world ? 1 cor. 1.20 . let all the philosophers , moralists or naturalists , bring forth their richest provisions , shew such engines of approach and batterie , for the supplanting or beating down of vicious life , for the engaging men to reform , and live like men , as this foolishness of preaching ' this despised , but saving doctrine of the gospel hath afforded us . § . 14. so likewise for the judaical or mosaical oeconomie , though that brought many additions to the light of nature , and was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an obscure representation as of that gospel , and promises of everlasting life , so of those precepts which are now most clearly revealed by christ , yet was that obscurity a very great defect , the shadow was so extremely dark , that the vices of men made advantage of it to shrowd and secure them in their sins . § . 15. the ceremonie and law of circumcision &c. which was meant by god sacramentally to impresse the duty of strict purity , to cut off the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the superfluity of naughtinesse , all inordinate excessive lusts of the flesh , was yet but a character impressed on the flesh , and did not explicitely descend to the prohibiting of the desires , but was on the contrary made advantage of by lust , rom. 7.8 . and the outward circumcision in the body of a childe of abraham was thought to commute for all impuritie . § . 16. so again the phylacteries on their wrists and foreheads were look'd on as spells and charms , which would yeild them impunitie for their disobedience , and the strict ordinances against conversing with gentiles , lest they should learn and joyn in their abominations , bred more of pride , and contempt , and uncharitablenesse to their persons , then of alienation , or detestation of their sins . § . 17. and so that way of oeconomie , in many respects , was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blamelesse ; the clear commands and the explicite promises of christ and the proclaimed necessity of real , substantial fruits of repentance , in stead of the leaves , the arrogance , and hypocrisie of external performances , were a necessarie suppletorie to the law of moses , and to that may belong also the apostle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; let all the scribes , or doctors of the law , the searchers or profound interpreters of the scriptures , bring forth such evidences of their efficacie , or good successes in the reforming and purifying of men's lives , as the apostles had done by these so contemptible despicable means , the gospel of the crosse of christ . § . 18. i might farther extend the comparison to all possible pretenders , the idolatrous heathens , the corrupters of the law of nature , and the mahomedans , that have superstructed on , and added to the law of moses ; but both of these are so scandalously known to have laid grounds for all impuritie , the former in their mysteries and devotions , the latter in their sensual carnal paradise , the one allowing it their votaries in the present possession , the other promising it them in a reversion , that i shall not need enlarge on so remote considerations , but conclude and shut up all that might be said on this subject , with that judgment of an heathen philosopher past on this matter , chalcidius in his comment on plato's timaeus , whose writings have come to us only in latine , ratio dei ( no question , in the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in s. john's style ) deus est , humanis rebus consulens , quae causa est hominibus benè beatéque vivendi , si non concessum sibi munus à summo deo negligant , the reason , or word of god is god taking care of humane affairs , and is the cause unto men of their living well and happily , if they doe not neglect that gift granted by the supreme god. a saying that contains in it the summe of our christian gospel , ( which , it seems by this and other passages , he had gotten a sight of , and understood in the simplicity of it ) that christ the eternal word or reason of his father , had two great designes in his prospect , effects of his providence and care of mankinde , the first to bring men to good life , to reformation of every evil course , subduing of passions , &c. the second to render them happy hereby so doing , and blessed eternally , and this managed so powerfully , and effectually for them , that nothing , but their own stupid , and obstinate negligence and contempt of this divine donative , can deprive them of these benefits of it . chap. iv. jesvs christ crucified . § . 1. and as jesus christ indefinitely taken is set down to be this foundation , so elsewhere is jesus christ crucified , 1 cor. 1.23 . & 2.2 . and accordingly the whole gospel is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word which is of the crosse of christ , c. 1.18 . and that ( supposing it be believed ) sufficient to superstruct on it the conversion of the whole world to a new and christian life , and accordingly it is there styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to those that escape out of the deluge of infidelity , the very power of god , & ver . 24. the power of god , and the wisdome of god , the powerfullest and wisest method toward the accomplishing of this work , which is farther explained rom. 1.16 . by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the power of god to salvation to every one that believeth , to the jew first , and also to the gentile . if this doctrine of the crosse be once received , there is no more wanting to engage and oblige all rational men to that renovation of their lives , which is oft called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saving or delivering them out of their evil waies , and will assuredly bring them to salvation , in the notion , wherein we vulgarly take it . § . 2. that the crosse of christ hath this propriety may appear by these five effects or branches of it , 1. it is the highest confirmation imaginable of the truth of all that he had delivered from his father , he laid down his life for the testifying of it . 2. it is the exemplifying ( and that is the most rhetorical argument , the most powerful way of perswading ) the highest and hardest part of the christian's duty , that of laying down our lives for the truth , resisting unto blood in our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our spiritual olympicks , our striving against sin . 3. it is a sealing that covenant betwixt god and us , which he came to preach , a covenant of mercy , and pardon , and everlasting salvation to all that perform the condition of it , and to none else , and that is of all others the greatest and most effectual engagement to that performance . 4. it is the sacrifice for the sinnes of the whole world , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or means of expiation or pardon , upon our unfeigned return and change , and that is absolutely necessary to found our hope , as that hope is necessary to excite our indevours , 5. it was the ceremonie of consecrating christ our high priest , to his great melchisedekian office of blessing us , in which as his resurrection instated him , so that was by way of reward to his sufferings , phil. 2.9 . and so all that sufficiencie of strength which is required for the turning every one from iniquity , act. 3.25 . being an effect of that blessing of his , the doctrine of his death , from the merit whereof this quickning power doth flow , is a foundation of all cheerfull attending on his service , to which he is so sure to afford his assistance . chap. v. jesvs christ raised &c. § . 1. elsewhere this foundation is determined to one other single article , that of the resurrection of christ , rom. 10.9 . which supposing and comprehending the crucifixion under it , and being visibly and undeniably wrought by the immediate and omnipotent power of god , and not imputable to any other possible means , was a most illustrious testimonie , and conviction of the innocencie of christ , thus signally vindicated , and rewarded by god , and consequently a confirmation of the truth of all that he had taught , and thus signed with the effusion of his blood . § . 2. of this one article it is our saviours affirmation that it was so full matter of conviction to all gainsayers , that they which should not be wrought upon by that , were to expect no farther signs or miracles , & the design of the holy ghosts coming upon the apostles being to fit them for the great work ( for which christ had given them commission ) the testifying and proclaiming his resurrection , from thence arises the aggravation and irremissibleness of the sin against the holy ghost , who had so abundantly convinced the world of christ's righteousness by his arising and going to his father . and accordingly in the preaching of s. peter , act. 2. this was the doctrine that with such an emphasis he inculcated upon them v. 22. men of israel , hear these words — jesus of nazareth — ye have nailed with wicked hands and killed , whom god hath raised up &c. and v. 24. this jesus hath god raised up , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which we all are witnesses , or , whose witnesses we all are , ver . 32. and so made him lord and christ , v. 36. and when they heard this they were pricked at the heart , and said , men and brethren , what shall we doe ? and upon this one foundation he immediately superstructs the exhortation to repentance , and coming in by baptisme unto christ , and three thousand were that day wrought on by that method , v. 41. § . 3. beside this , the resurrection of christ was a peculiar pawn and pledge of god's raising up our bodies out of the grave , and ( before that time comes ) of his quickning our souls out of the most noisome vaults , the habits and customs of sin , wherein they lay putrified , this being an act of the same omnipotent spirit , by which he raised up jesus from the dead , and without which it were as hopelesse an attempt for sinners to go about to rise to new life , as it were for dead men to raise themselves out of their graves . and consequently the belief of this , was , in the former of these respects , of special importance to confirm our hopes of another life , on which so many branches of christian piety so immediately depend ( that especially of laying down our lives for christ's sake ) that if our hope in christ were only that of this life , we could never espouse so cold a service , and in the latter respect it was most proper to quicken our hopes , that upon our awaking at christ's call , and arising ( like lazarus ) out of our graves of sin , that christ , which gives us life ▪ would command us to be loosed from our grave-clothes , rescue us by the power of his spirit from the bands and power of sin , and enable us to live christianly ; which we could not hope to doe without this power of his spirit , to prevent and assist us , nor reasonably attempt to doe without this hope . § . 4. farther yet the resurrection of christ hath the power of a pattern to us , and is so made use of , and typified in baptisme , as an engagement and obligation to us to transcribe that divine copie into our hearts , and to rise to newness of life . and accordingly that seems to be the importance of the phrase , rom. 10.9 . believing in the heart that god raised christ from the dead , there being no more necessary to the superstructing all piety on that one foundation , but to sink down the belief of that one article from the brain to the heart , to reduce it effectually to practise . chap. vi. other articles of belief in christ . § . 1. beside these two , a whole calogue , and climax of articles we have set down 1 tim. 3.16 . made manifest in or by the flesh , justified by the spirit , seen of angels , preached among the gentiles , believed on in the world , received up with glory . and these altogether seem to be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , truth , v 15. ( as elsewhere faith ) of which the church was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a pillar and establishment , to sustain and keep it ( as a pillar firmly set up on the basis sustains and upholds the fabrick laid upon it ) from sinking or falling ; for so this truth deposited in the church , or with the governours thereof ( such as timothy there ) was to be conserved and upheld by that means . and it is farther observable in that place , that it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mysterie of piety , and that a great one , signifying the price and value of these articles principally to consist in this , that they tend mightily to the begetting of piety in our hearts , and so are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the articles of our initiation , or of our religion into which we are initiated by baptisme , as the foundation on which all our christian practise ( which alone deserves the name of piety , and is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impiety ) is superstructed and built afterward . § . 2. this will be more visible by surveying the severals [ 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god manifest by the stesh . ] god was so intent upon this work of revealing and declaring his will to men , in order to bringing home sinners to repentance , so very desirous that men should reform and live , and not sin and perish eternally , that to inforce this on us at the greatest possible advantage , he was pleased himself to assume , and manifest his will , in , or by our flesh , and so , not only god from heaven , but god visible on earth , to preach reformation among us , and if this be not able to make impression on us , it is not imaginable that all the preaching of men or angels , that any inferior method should be of force to doe it . from whence it was , that all the devil's countermines in the first ages were designed purposely against this one article , the deity or godhead of christ incarnate , making all that he did and suffered here an appearance , no reality , in opposition to which is the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] so oft repeated by ignatius , the reality and verity of christ's eating , and suffering , and rising , &c. and every branch of such heresie took off ( as farre as it was believed ) from the necessity of christian life , not only by implying him to be an impostor , if he were not truly what he oft affirmed himself , and was by the apostles affirmed to be , the messias , i. e. the eternal son of god , and god blessed forever , but by evacuating that great obligation , and engagement to reform our lives , taken from the authority and godhead of him , that had sought and sollicited it so earnestly , and came down from heaven and assumed our flesh upon that one errand or embassie to reveal himself more convincingly among us . § . 3. had it been only a prophet , though never so great and extraordinarily furnished with signes and wonders , he had been but a servant of god , and there were many experiences and precedents among their forefathers of the resisting of such , but the personal descent of god himself , and his assumption of our flesh to his divinity , more familiarly to insinuate his pleasure to us , to admonish , and invite , and denounce judgments , and even to weep over those that would yet be obstinate , was an enforcement beyond all the methods of wisdome , that were ever made use of in the world . § . 4. for god , i say , himself to doe all this , and to descend so low , to so mean an estate , and to a much meaner usage , a shameful contumelious death , to work this work most effectually upon men , was a wonderful act of grace & wisdome , a secret , a mysterie indeed beyond all former waies , infinitely considerable towards this of turning from every evil . § . 5. and upon this score the doctrine of the antient and modern arians and photinians , which so industriously lessens the divinity of christ in pretense of zeal to god the father , to whom they will not permit him to be equal , must consequently take off extremely from this mysterie of piety , this foundation of a good life , laid in the eternal god's coming down to preach it to us ; and as it is a direct contradiction to those places , wherein christ is called god , act. 20.28 . tit. 2.13 . wherein he and his father are affirmed to be one , joh. 10.30 . & 1 joh. 5.7 . wherein the known title of the god of israel ( never named in their services , but it was answered by all with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god blessed forever ) is by the apostles attributed to christ , rom. 9.5 . ( as also heb. 13.21 . 1 pet. 4.11 . & 5.11 . 2 pet. 3.18 . rev. 1.6 . ) and which , as proclus saith , convinceth all the heresies concerning christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and walls up the newly invented waies of injury and contumely against him , so it is a great diminution and abatement of the force of that fundamental argument , whereon god thought fit , that the renovation of the world should be superstructed , and how much soever the contrary hereticks the modern socinians have pretended to the maintenance of piety , 't is certain they have by this taken out one principal stone from the foundation of it , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , god made manifest by the flesh , which could not be affirmed of christ , if he were not first god , before he was thus made manifest by the means of his incarnation . § . 5. the next stone in this foundation is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god's having been justified by the spirit ] i. e. the several waies of conviction , which were used in the world by the spirit of god , to give authority to all that was revealed by christ , as the will and commands of god. such was 1. the visible descent of the spirit of god upon him at his baptisme , mat. 3. which ( as preparative to his entring on the exercise of his prophetick office , mat. 5. &c. ) was the divine attestation given from heaven ( by voice ) to all that he should ever teach . § . 6. 2dly . such was the spirit 's leading him into the wilderness , mat. ch . 4. to subject him to the devil's examination , and thereby to give grounds of conviction to him and those infernal powers , that he was the son of god. § . 7. 3dly , such was his power of doing miracles , works of that nature , as were by all acknowledged to be above the power of men or devils , and only works of the spirit of god , thus was his curing of leprosie , of which the king of israel saith , am i a god , that this man sends to me to recover a man of his leprosie ? 1 kin. 5.7 . and which the jewes proverbially called the finger of god , and is therefore said to be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for a testimony unto them , mat. 8.4 . an evidence of his divinity ; thus the giving sight to him that was born blinde , which since the world began , had not been heard of to be done by any , joh. 9.32 . thus the raising of lazarus and others , and at last his own resurrection from the grave ; all which being wrought by the spirit of god , and being not otherwise possible to be done by any , were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or judicial way of approving his commission from god , and his doctrine , against all gainsayers , and so most eminently tends to the impressing the necessity of that reformation , which he came to publish . § . 8. 4thly , such was the descent of the spirit on the apostles , authorizing them witnesses of the resurrection , and preachers of all that truth and will of god , which christ had in his life revealed to them , which consequently gave an attestation to all that the apostles should teach , being thus led by the spirit into all truth , and so was of especiall concernment to the planting of a church , and enforcing that reformation of lives , which the apostles pressed on all that would not be ruined eternally . § . 9. the third branch of this mysterious divine way of working piety on earth , is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his being seen by angels , i. e. his divine power discerned and acknowledged and adored by angels themselves , both good and bad ; by the good 1. at his birth , lu. 2.13 . 2dly , when after his temptation and fasting they came and ministred unto him , mat. 4.12 . 3dly , in the trouble and agonie of his soul , before his death , joh. 12.29 . lu. 22.43 . 4thly , at , and after his resurrection , mat. 28.2 . and by the bad , both when he was tempted , and when he cast them out of their possessions , obeying his command , dreading his power , and believing and confessing him the son of god most high , and when immediately upon his birth , the oracles , which had before so flourished among the heathens , began to droop and decay , and from giving responses in verse , descended to prose , and within a while were utterly silenced . which as it was a most regular means to bring all sorts of men , heathens as well as jewes , to reformation of all vices , those especially , which they were formerly taught in their idolatrous worships , and were enslaved to them unwillingly by the tyrannie of those false gods or devils , which required to be thus worshipped , rom. 8.20 . and so continued to doe till they were cast out of their temples ; so was it an huge obligation on all men to receive and obey him , whom the very devils believed and trembled at , and a testimonie of the greatest force in the mouth of a whole province of his greatest enemies , that he was , what he assumed to be , the messias of the world , who if he were not received by consent and readily obeyed , would erect his kingdome in the destruction of those enemies ( an essay of which was thus shewn on the prince of darkness ) avenge and utterly consume the adversaries . § . 10. the fourth is , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his being preached among the gentiles , or idolatrous nations of the world ; the message brought by him from heaven was proclaimed not only to the jewes , but ( both by himself and by the apostles ) to all the gentiles , those that till then had lived in all villanie and impietie , and yet had now by christ's mercy tendred them upon reformation , and thereby is all encouragement afforded to the greatest sinners , to forsake , and amend their lives , and by god's mercifull pardon to the times of their ignorance , and forepass'd sins , a passage opened to life , and eternitie , for all that will make use of it , and this is the greatest engagement to doe so , and not to forfeit and lose so pretious an opportunity . § . 11. the fift branch is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his being believed on in the world ; the faith of christ received by many both jewes and gentiles ; of that people of the jewes ( a most stubborn obdurate people , that had killed the prophets , and stoned them that were sent ) some considerable number repented and came in upon christ's preaching , about three thousand were added to the faith at one sermon , act. 2.42 . before the apostles going out from jerusalem ( which wants but a seventh part of being half the number of those reserved ones of the whole kingdome of the ten tribes , in elijah's time , which had ( secretly ) kept out of that idol-baal-worship ) and so proportionably at other sermons , so that act. 20.21 . we hear of many myriads of believing jewes , and ( taking out of these the gnostick heretical party ) an hundred forty four thousand sealed out of the twelve tribes as faithful servants of god , which had received the faith of christ , and brought forth fruit accordingly , rev. 7. and that , though but a small number in proportion to the greater that remained obstinate , yet above twenty times as many as they in elijah's time ; and when the greater multitude was so terribly destroyed , then the believers of that nation were the onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or remnant of it , and in a manner that whole people , by the conversion of some , and slaughter of the rest , were soon after , though not at the time of the apostles resolving on this depositum , reduced to the faith , and became christian . § . 12. and for the gentiles , they were contained in the number of those which were present at that sermon , act. 2.11 . and no doubt some of them were wrought on by it , as even in christ's time , the gentiles faith is magnified for great , and above the size of what he had found in israel , and they were peculiarly the violent that took the kingdome of heaven by force , whilest the children of the kingdome neglected , and were cast out of it ; and soon after the apostles going out and preaching to all nations , they willingly received the faith , and forsook their idols , and within a while all asia , act. 19. by st paul's preaching , and other whole nations by each of the other apostles , and at length the whole roman empire became christian , and the kingdomes of the world became the kingdomes of our lord and of his christ , revel . 11.15 . and the kings of the earth and of the nations brought their glory to the lamb , rev. 21.24 , 26. and to the same purpose rev. 17.14 . & 19.6 . and as among the jewes , so all the world over , those that received not the commands of christ , and his doctrines of purity and perseverance , were signally destroyed , and they that did , were preserved as a peculiar people unto him , to live , and continue in his obedience . § . 13. and this great successe on both sides , among jewes and gentiles over all the world , ( part of it historically true at the compiling of these articles , and part of it prophetically true then , and fulfilled afterward , the subduing them either by the word of his mouth , the preaching of the gospel , or by the word of his power , the destructions which he sent among them ) was a most effectual argument , a soveraign method to give authority to this faith , which was thus prevailing , and becomes the greatest instance of reproach to all libertine professors , that they should not purifie their hearts by the faith , when the most impure idolaters were wrought on to doe so , and a sad certain aboad to all such ( after the example of obstinate infidels and impure gnosticks ) of both present and future destructions . § . 14. the sixt and last stone in this foundation is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his being received up in , or with , or into glory , christ's ascension or assumption to heaven being an irrefragable argument of conviction to the world , that he died an innocent person . joh. 16.10 . and consequently that what he taught was the will of god and 2 truth of heaven , to which he was assumed after his testification of it ; to which when these two circumstances are superadded , first , that his assumption being in the sight of many , was also solemnized by the presence of angels , and a voice from heaven , act. 1.9 , 10 , 11. ( and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in or with glory , after a glorious manner ) and secondly , that it was attended with the exercise of divine power , both in the church by the hands of the apostles , and their successors , whom christ had authorized to succeed him on the earth , and in the world by executing visible judgments on his crucifiers &c. ( and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into glory or regal power ) this will be an article of great energie for the planting of christian faith , and purity in the world . chap. vii . the faith in baptisme . § . 1. what hath thus been set down as so many branches of fundamental belief , and so of the mysterie of godliness , the ground of initiating or entring men into christian life , is more summarily compriz'd in the form of baptism , the ceremony of this initiation instituted by christ , wherein all that were to be baptized , were ( if of age , first instructed in the doctrine , and then ) received , in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . which are the abbreviature of the larger catalogue of doctrinals formerly taught , and explained by the catechist , and those , on which they that administred baptisme , are commanded to superstruct all the duties of christian life , mat. 28.20 . teaching them to observe all things which i have commanded you ; the authority of all and each the persons of the trinity being purposely engaged on this one great interest , and the gathering disciples and receiving of proselytes over the world , being design'd to this one grand end , of introducing the practise of christian virtues among men , who doe therefore in baptisme , sacramentally and federally , i. e. under oath and solemnest vow ( as they believe any thing of these fundamental doctrines of god the father , son , and holy ghost ) undertake the performance thereof , and if they fail therein , are the most faithlesse , perjured persons in the world . and certainly this method is in the designe as probable , ( how improsperous soever the wickedness of men hath rendred the successe of it ) as any could have been invented to this end . chap. viii . of the creeds in general , and first of the apostles creed . § . 1. the method now leads from the more compendious , to the larger and fuller view of this foundation , as it is set down in the creeds of the church , and first in that which is called symbolum apostolicum , the apostolick badge or mark , ( a tessera or token of the apostles having planted the faith in any church ) the known summarie of that belief , which had been received from the apostles . § . 2. for although in their epistles , which were all written to them which were christians already , there is not to be expected any complete catalogue of those articles , which they had every where taught , because they were supposed by them to be sufficiently known , and might briefly be referred to , as such without any perfect enumeration , yet in any city or region , where the apostles came to plant the faith , it is the affirmation of the first writers of the church , as frequently appears in tertullian , irenaeus , &c. ( and there is no reason of doubt of the truth of it ) that all those articles , which were thought fit to be laid , as the foundation of christian life , were by them distinctly delivered ; and this being a matter of fact , of which ( as of the canon of scripture , or of this or that book in it ) only the records , and stories of the first times are competent judges , that creed which is delivered down to us by the antient churches thus planted ( i mean those of the first three hundred years ) and by them entituled to the name the apostles , and expounded in the homilies of the fathers , some extant , others mentioned by ruffinus , illustres tractatores which had gone before him in that work , is in all reason to be deemed the summe of that foundation . of this if any farther evidence be necessary , it will be thus easily made up . § . 3. the time of forming the nicene creed , and the occasion of it , ( by way of opposition to those heresies which had then broken into the church ) is known to every man. now before this was formed , it is certain , that † all the churches of the world , both eastern and western had a form of confession of faith , which they had received from their immediate ancestors , and they from the * apostles themselves . § . 4. and of this there is no place of doubting , but that it was the very same which we now call the apostles creed , not only because there was never any other assigned by any , or affirmed to have had that general reception , but because the testimonies of the antients are expresly for this . ruffinus and vigilius cont : eutychen testifie clearly for the western church , and ruffinus again , and cyrill of jerusalem for the eastern . § . 5. and marcellus bishop of ancyra in the great councel of nice , a famous supporter of the true faith , ( and a great sufferer for it ) against the arians , at his taking his leave of pope julius , leaves behinde him the confession of his faith , which , saith he , he had received 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his predecessors in the lord , and this was the same with that which we now style the apostles creed , as appears in that story , set down by epiphanius haer : 72. all which will receive yet farther force from that known observation of saint austines , that what the vniversal church holds , and hath not been instituted by councels , but alwaies retain'd , is with all reason to be believed to have been delivered by tradition apostolical , ( there being no other so large an original to which so universal an effect may be imputed ) li. 4. de bapt : cont : donat : c. 24. especially when to that we adde tertullians words of this very matter lib. de velandis virgin : regula quidem fidei una omnino est , sola immobilis & irreformabilis , credendi scilicet in unicum deum , omnipotentem , mundi creatorem , & filium ejus jesum christum , natum ex virgine maria &c. the rule of faith is altogether one , and that alone immovable , and unreformable , to wit of believing in one only god , omnipotent , creator of the world , and in his son jesus christ , born of the virgin mary &c. which being a summary reference to this creed , and that resolved to be one over all the world , and that unchangeable , must needs be imputed to that apostolick original , which alone can pretend to that dignity . § . 6. and that every branch thereof in several , was a fit and proper ground-work of christian obedience , wherever it were planted , and all together sufficient to found the reformation of whole cities , and provinces at once , will be discernible by the most cursorie survey . § . 7. the articles 1. of god the father , the * ruler and creatour of all the world ; 2dly , of god the son , both in his titles and offices , and in the passages of his storie , from the assumption of our flesh to his coming again from heaven to be our judge ; and 3dly , of god , the holy ghost , being all amassed together , make up this plain sense , that all the divine ( and infinitely wise ) waies of oeconomie that god in heaven could think fit to use toward a rational creature , to oblige , and reduce mankinde to that course of living , which is most perfectly agreeable to our nature , and by the mercy of god ordinable to eternal blisse , all the most powerful methods of impressing our duty on us , the authority of the god of heaven , who hath soveraign dominion over all , of god the son , made up of all humble and charitable waies of condescension , to invite , and yet of all power , and terrors , to constrain , and engage our obedience ( to execute vengeance on those that will not be wooed by him ) and of god the holy ghost , who hath ordained a succession of men , from that time to the end of the world , continually to negotiate this one affair of reducing sinners to repentance : all these , i say , have been so solemnly made use of , and impressed by him , that there wants nothing but care and consideration of our own eternal weal , a tolerance or endurance of being made happy here , and blessed eternally , to bring all that have believed those articles , to forsake their sinful courses , and sincerely to apply themselves to the obedience of christ . § . 8. the first stone of this foundation is the consideration and acknowledgment of the one eternal god , under those two great relations of a father and a prince , and both those founded in his right to the creature by title of creation ; and the one belief and acknowledgment of this intitles him , and engages us to a ready voluntary obedience to , and dependence on him , and prepares for such an universal reception of all that shall ever be revealed to be his will , that every presumptuous , known act of prevarication is no lesse then a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a rebellion , like that of the old giants , a fighting against god , a contesting with heaven , a resisting his will and our own happiness , and that may be one seasonable degree toward the obliging us to piety . § . 9. the second , and that which brings along with it all the force and authority of the former ( as the only son bearing the person , and employed in the embassie of the father ) is the acknowledgment of jesus christ , who , by being sent into the world to be our king or lord , and by the divine miraculous way of his entrance into it , the powers and mighty works , and piety of his life , and the stupendious manner of his passage out of the world , to resume , in his humane , as well as divine , nature , that regal power in heaven , which from all eternity belonged to him as god , is fitly qualified , and prepared to take possession of his inheritance , to rule and reign in our hearts by this faith , and so to recall and reduce immediately all , that cordially believe the true god ( who now in this gracious pacifick manner comes to treat with them ) and to convince all the blinde worshippers of idol false gods , of the vanity and villany of their former courses , and so to bring them back to their own peace . § . 10. thirdly , the acknowledgment of the holy ghost , in that great office of paraclete , or advocate of christ , convincing the world of the truth , and divine authority of christ's message , and then commissionating and assisting the apostles , and their successors in their continued never-ceasing embassie to us , to pray us in christ's stead to lay down our weapons of hostility , and to be reconciled unto god , to live friendly and filially , i. e. obediently before him , what is it but a continued perpetuated voice from heaven , resounding for ever in our ears ? as if it were minutely proclaimed in thunder from heaven , to give men no rest in their sins , no quiet from christ's importunity , till they awake from the lethargick sleep , and arise from so dead , so mortiferous a state , and permit him to give them life . § . 11. that which follows of the holy catholick church , as it is ( with the rest ) an attendant on this article of the holy ghost , the end of whose descent was to gather a church or society of holy christian livers over the whole world , so is it the interpretation of those two parts of the mysterie of piety formerly explicated [ christ's being preached among the gentiles , and believed on in the world ] of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 thess . 2.1 . the gathering together of a multitude over the world , among gentiles , as well as jewes , to that banner set up by christ , enrolling themselves in his musters , engaging their faithful obedience to him ; and if we will not be made the mark , and aime of all his arrows , be lookt on as the professed opposers of all his methods , and therein of all piety , and of our own souls , we must think our selves obliged to hasten into that number , and that in respect of the holiness , as well as the assemblies , of the practise , as well as the profession of christianity . § . 12. and the consideration and serious belief of this , that god hath taken such care to anticipate , and prevent every man , to draw him early into his church , there to instruct and oblige him to all christian performance , to give piety the prepossession , before other competitors ( homebred lusts or vitious customs of the world ) should be able to pretend to him , and so to engage him in holiness first , and then in blisse , is another argument of great energie to work effectually on mankinde , and recommend this obedience unto them . § . 13. so likewise the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which seems to me ( and is elsewhere explicated ) to belong to the communication , act. 2.42 . as that signifies liberality of the saints which first received the faith of christ , and as it is there explained by their having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things common , v. 44. and that again by selling their possessions , and distributing them to all , as every man had need ; v. 45. and again by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praising god , and having or exercising charity to all the people , v. 47. ( making their liberality a special branch of their eucharist , their blessing and worshipping of god ) as it is an evidence of the great force that the gospel of christ had then upon men's souls , melting them into that liberal effusion of all that they had , into an absolute contempt of all that is most doted on in the world , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , possessions of all kindes , and by parting with all indefinitely , throwing themselves absolutely upon god's minutely providence for the sustaining of them ( which is directly the merchant's course in the gospel , selling all , and buying , at that vast price , the one hidden jewel which he had found ) so is it an engagement to all that will undertake this profession , to come with preparations of minde some way proportionable to these examples , to exercise that charity to men , and dependence on god in the things of this world , which shall evidence their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the joyes which they depend on are in another world , and that the either having or wanting here , is no otherwise considerable , then as it is the opportunity of exercising the several graces , which are the properest means to exalt and perfect our nature , and the way to our immortality . § . 14. as for the other larger notion of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so as to import the spiritual vnion of faith and love between all professors of christianity , and , ( as exercises of that ) the communication of the mysteries ( so ordinarily styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of prayers , of fastings , of tears , of sufferings , of rejoicings , of thanksgivings , it must be taken in by analogie with this former , and will also fitly be comprehended under the former article of the church ( and therefore it is , that the nicene creed sets [ the holy catholicke apostolicke church ] in the place of both these ) and therefore need not be farther insisted on here . § . 15. the forgiveness of sins , which now follows , is , being rightly understood , the most eminent branch of this foundation , and the removal of an hindrance which might otherwise obstruct all thought or designe of reformation , but being misunderstood is rendred instrumental to the most presumptuous obstinate security in sin . § . 16. should it be mistaken for an absolute impunity promised freely by god , or absolutely purchased by christ either for all men indefinitely , or for some special favorites of heaven , without respect to their reformation or new obedience , it were the direct foundation of all impenitence to all that either had , or believed themselves to have their part in it , and might by all carnal men probably be made use of as such . § . 17. for to a carnal liver , which were once possessed of this perswasion , that all his sins past and future were absolutely forgiven by the tenure of the gospel , and that without any condition of change required of him , what imaginable motive is there to perswade him to forsake any one sin , to which he hath the slightest temptation ? when god is once a favourer of his grossest sins , or of his person in despite of his sins , all the other articles of his belief will sound nothing but mercy and promises to him , and accordingly those that have imbibed this error , have extended the influence thereof to the whole gospel , which they will not allow to contain any thing but promises , and so all the commands of christ are at once out-dated . § . 18. but when it is rightly understood , and confined within those due limits , which the gospel every where assignes it , 1. to be the pardon of sins past and forsaken ( which belongs not either to future sins , or to any that are not reformed ) 2dly , to be the admission of sinners to repentance , and so , and by no other means , to forgiveness , ( and therefore john's ceremony of admitting proselytes is called the baptisme of repentance for the remission of sins ) 3dly , to extend no farther to any sort of sins continued in or unforsaken , then as they are reconcileable with sincere endevours ( and use of the means ) to forsake and get victory over them ( which though it secure us of god's favour and pardon to our infirmities and ignorances , doth denounce his wrath against our wilful sins ) when it is taken with these restraints and conditions on one side , and is then extended ( as the general promulgation extends it ) to all the sins of every sinner in the world , who shall by repentance and syncerity of change be rendred capable of it , when that which is mistaken to be particular and absolute , is duly understood to be general , but conditionate ( and to belong to none , who shall not perform the condition , i. e. impartially , and syncerely , and universally reform his waies according to the rules delivered by christ , his precepts of christian purity , extending to the very heart ) then is there a sure ground-work laid of renovation and care for our future lives , and all objections removed , that might probably obstruct that superstructure . § . 19. as long as we are guilty of any past sin , and have no promise ( the only due ground of hope ) of remission , whatever our future care be , this desperation of successe chills all our industrie , and we sin on , because we have sinned , we cast off the care of all future thrift , because we are already bankrupted . § . 20. so again while we make no distinction of sins , and deem every invincible infirmity or ignorance ( from which we have no hope to be freed in this life ) to be as dangerous and mortiferous as the most wilful act , or favoured habit of carnality , another face of the same desperation affrights us , and admonisheth us to provide for our ease , when we cannot for our security , deterres from attempting what we cannot finish , and permits us to be carelesse , when we cannot hope to be prosperous in our care . § . 21. nay when we undertake the baptismal vow , and enter on this new life , if , as that baptisme cannot be repeated , so it were impossible that any grosser fall after the first repentance could receive any cure or remedy ; the experience of our own frailties , and the consideration of the slipperie place we stand on , of the watchfulness of the tempter , and the advantage he hath from a false partie within us , which is alwaies ready to joyn with him , and betray us , and of the great difficulty , the moral , though not natural , impossibility , that in so long a work , we should continue so vigilant , as to be obnoxious neither to surprise , nor fall , would be apt ( like the news of the anakims in the way ) to discourage us from leaving the accustomed familiar wilderness , and undertaking the unknown voiage to that good land , invironed with so many difficulties : an opinion of the fecibleness or succesfulness of the work being as necessary to found a purpose of undertaking it , as either the authority of commands , or the perswasiveness of promises , or pungency of menaces , or prospect of mischiefs upon neglect , can be imagined to be . § . 22. but when all these objections are answered , discouragements removed , difficulties provided for , ( as they are by this article of remission of sins , duly explained , and superadded to the former branches of the foundation ) they to whom all this is revealed and received with an undoubting faith , if they doe not presently set about so easie , and so happy a task , which hath so many grains of equity and mercy allowed in the weighing it out unto us , if they will not be directed into a path so plained and smoothed , that the wayfaring men , though fools , shall not erre therein ( that weaknesse , or ignorance , or natural defects , or humane frailties , or any thing that includes not unsynceritie and presumptuous going on in sin , shall be reconcileable with their hopes and god's acceptance ) must needs acknowledge themselves in the number of the blinde people that have eyes , of the provokers that shall not , because they will not , enter into god's rest , of the sinners that have no excuse for their sin . § . 23. in the next place the resurrection of the body , which includes and supposes a future state of souls after that of this life ( for to what purpose should that world of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , carkasses , arise , if there were not as numerous a world of souls ready to animate them , and joyn with them in receiving rewards or punishments for all that the souls have acted by those instruments in this life ? ) is most necessary to found , and inforce this renovation ; for , if there were nothing after this life , if in the death of a man there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cure or remedy , wisd . 2.1 . if the premises of the atheist in that chapter had truth in them , his conclusion being founded on those premises , it could not be strange , or irrational for him to proceed , come on therefore , let us enjoy the good things that are present , v. 6. § . 24. and if , supposing the immortality of the soul , the body were not ascertain'd to return to that old associate , if that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that shop or workhouse of the good or evil spirit , should , with all that hath been wrought in it , be consumed eternally , this would take it much out of the care of the soul , either to stop it in its career of sin , or to mortifie those affections that are in this earthy part , or to spiritualize and replenish it with good works . § . 25. if the upper soul , that hopes to reign in another world , can so farre preserve that degree of superiority and dignity of its nature , as to reprehend and check what is consented to by the will or middle faculty , in complyance with the flesh , that inferior and brutish , ( as it is , as oft as any sin against conscience is committed , and can then hope , that after a few years of sensuality , that importune rebellious servant shall be eternally cast off , drop into a perpetual impassible nothing , take a long progresse into a land where all things are forgotten ( and consequently the good which hath been acted in that flesh , as well as the evil ) this would be some colour for that novel perswasion ( a fruitful principle of all carnality ) that the man may be regenerate in the sight of god , though he be sold under sin , led captive unto the law of sin , which is in the members . § . 26. but when the prevarications and irregularities of the body , which are not subdued , as well as check'd ; mortified , as well as disliked by the soul , shall receive their certain payment in the body ( reunited on purpose to the soul , that that which hath merited by compliance , may be rewarded by sympathie ) when the flames ( that by being inflicted on the body are experimented to afflict , and enter into the soul ) shall demonstrate to the soul her close concernment in all that is permitted to come so neer her , then it will appear to be every man's interest to joyn good performances to spiritual purposes and resolutions , to act , as well as to designe , to subdue and quell the exorbitances of the flesh , as well as to continue the wouldings of the spirit ; and this being absolutely required to the syncerity and reality of our repentance and renovation , which consists not in the strife , or wish , or purpose , but in the actual operations of good life , the belief of the resurrection of the body , which is so instrumental and preparative to this , must needs be fundamental to that , which is superstructed on it ; and was therefore deemed fit to be first preached to all men , before strict christian performances could reasonably be required of them . § . 27. lastly , the everlasting life both of body and soul in that future state , whether in blisse or woe , hath with all reason been added as the last stone to this foundation , and in it all the promises and terrors of the gospel , to perswade and drive us to repentance . § . 28. were the state , wherein we expect our reward for the abstinencies , or riots of this present life , under the prejudices of short , or finite , as it hath the disadvantage of absence and futurity , the promises and threats of christ would lose much of their virtue and energie , and being by their spiritual and invisible nature rendred so faint in the original , and yet ( to make them more so ) set to sollicite us at a distance , they would want a competent instrument to collect and convey their rayes succesfully , or so as to affect , or impresse the species with any vigor on a dull , and withall prejudicate faculty . we know a life in reversion is not half so valuable , as that which may at present be entred on , and this not only in the opinion of fools , but of the most prudent purchasers ; and unlesse there be somewhat in the duration to inhaunse the value , and to he offered in commutation , and to reward the patience of the present self-denial , heaven it self would be look'd on jealously , as a project to deprive us of our present portions to cheat us of our possessions ; but when the losse of every present advantage to flesh and blood , is sure to be repaid in a farre nobler coin , and to continue to be enjoy'd to all eternity , when beside the liberal harvest of satisfactions for any the most trivial losse or suffering , submitted to upon christ's command or advise ( the hundred fold more in this life ) we are secured to reap in another world , everlasting unperishable felicities , and when to the empty , nauseous , afflicting pleasures of sin , for some one shortest moment , attended immediately with a farre more durable shame , and then followed with an immortal , endlesse gnawing death ( that is all jawes , but no stomach ) shall remain ( by way of arrear ) a sharp , yet sullen payment to all eternity , when every play or jest of sin , shall engage us in that perpetual earnest , and after the transitory joy is forgotten or loathed , the irreversible sentence of endlesse woe is expected , instantly and infallibly to come out , and with it an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the store-houses of ease or mercy sealed up , all drops to cool , or oceans to quench our misery ; then certainly upon this perswasion duly rooted ( not in the brain but heart ) an ordinary orator may suffice to superstruct an admission of the precepts of christ , and induce in a rational creature a willingnesse to be happy here ( by a patient bearing of a gentle , desireable yoke ) that so he may be blessed eternally . § . 29. and so we have taken a cursorie view of the several articles of the most antient and shortest creed , and therein exemplified the propriety of our definition of fundamentals , and having the apostles judgment in their preachings to confirm us in the truth , that the laying of so large a foundation was deemed necessary , to their designe of planting the same fruits in all soils , piety , probity , and purity , in a nation of hypocritical jewes , and a world of idolatrous polluted gentiles , we have already shewed how unnecessary it is to enquire , whether any single sinner of either of those provinces might not possibly be reduced to christian life , without some one of these explicitely and actually considered , and so have no temptation to inlarge this chapter by any such consideration . chap. ix . of the nicene and athanasian creeds together ; and severally of the nicene . § . 1. having view'd the apostles creed , and of it premised this one thing , that it was a complete catalogue of all , that they ( being directed by the holy ghost in their ministerie ) thought fit , to lay the foundation of christian obedience in every church , and consequently that there was no more , in their opinion , necessary , in order to this end of working reformation in the world ; it will from this datum demonstratively follow , either that there is in the two other creeds , the nicene , and athanasian , nothing materially different from that which the apostles creed had contained ( nothing really superadded to it ) or else that that superaddition was not , in the apostles estimation , necessary to this end , and consequently that if ( at the forming of them ) it were by the following church thought necessary to be thus made , or still continues to be so , this must arise from some fresh emergent , one , or more , which had been observable in the church after the apostles time . § . 2. and which of these two is the truth , it will not be uneasie to define , for though the omission of some words , which had been retained in the apostles creed , doe not signifie much , ( for it is certain that they were ( while retained in that ) and are still , ( now they are left out in following creeds ) eternally and unquestionably true , in the sense , wherein the apostles and their successors understood them ) nor indeed any more , then that they were virtually contained in other words still continued ( as the descent to hades , under that of his suffering and burial , and not rising till the third day ; and the communication of saints , under the catholick church , with the epithet of apostolick added to it ) or else that they were not necessary to be repeated , because already familiarly known and confessed , and not question'd by those hereticks , against whom the variations were designed ( as in the athanasian creed the articles of the holy ghost , so largely set down in four branches in the nicene creed , and the three articles attending that of the holy ghost , in the apostles creed , are all omitted ) yet those words which in the later creeds were superadded to the former , were apparently designed by the compilers for some special use , either by way of addition , or interpretation , to fense the catholick orthodox faith from the corruptions , and depravations , or else from the doubtings , and contradictions of hereticks . § . 3. thus in the nicene creed , the two additions in the first article , the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one ] prefixed to [ god ] and the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of all things visible and invisible ] were , upon prudent deliberation and considering , interposed , the first of them on occasion of the arians , in one respect , and both of them , in another respect , by reason of the gnostick and valentinian , and such like following hereticks , whose heathen and poetical theologie ( taken from hesiod , and orpheus , and philistion ) had rendred them necessary . for that those hereticks , beginning with their simon and helena , had introduced a plurality of gods ( and so made the profession of the vnitie , part of the symbolum that should discriminate the orthodox from them ) and affirmed that their aeones or angels were begotten by helena ( simon 's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , first cogitation ) and that the world was created by them , and that the god of the jewes was but one of those angels ( and a great deal of the like ) appears by irenaeus , l. 1. c. 22. and these two intersertions were clear explications of the apostles old form , god the father , ruler of all , maker of heaven and earth , which sufficiently contained an acknowledgment of the vnitie ( for how else could he be monarch , or , ruler of all ? ) and also asserted him the creator of all the angels ( who were certainly comprehended under the heaven and earth , the phrase of scripture to denote the world ) but yet was capable of more light , by these more explicite words ( visible and invisible ) to exclude the contradictions of hereticks . § . 4. and though the creed in the ancient apostolick form were sufficient for any man to believe & professe , yet when the church hath thought meet to erect that additional bulwark against hereticks , the rejecting ( or denying the truth of ) those their additions , may justly be deemed an interpretative siding with those antient , or a desire to introduce some new heresies , and though good life might have been founded without those additions if on such occasions they had never been made , yet the pride or singularity ( or heretical designe ) of opposing or questioning them ( now they are framed ) being themselves unreconcileable with christian charity , and humility , are destructive of the fabrick directly , and interpretatively of the very foundation , and is therefore justly deemed criminous , and lyable to censures in the church of god. § . 5. so likewise the oneness of our lord jesus christ ( as before of the father referring to the several hypostases in the one eternal , indivisible , divine nature , and the eternity of the sons generation , and his coeternity , and consubstantiality with the father , when he came down from heaven , and was incarnate &c. for us men peculiarly ( not for angels ) and for our salvation ; and lastly the perpetuity of his kingdome added in the close , all these are assertions equivalent to those , which had been before comprised in the antient , more simple , uncompounded article , but were usefull to be thus enlarged , and explicated , when the arians opposed the apostolick tradition , and by corrupting , detorted the words of scripture to their sense . § . 6. this is elswhere more largely shewed ( in the note on 1 joh. 5.7 . ) and all that will opportunely here be added , is onely this , that they which , according to the apostles depositum , or doctrine in every church , believed the descent , and incarnation of the eternal god , on purpose to rescue mankinde from all impurities , to reveal the whole divine will for the regulating mens lives , to attest it by his death , and evidence it by his resurrection , &c. and at last to come to judge the world according to this determinate rule , had all those branches of christian faith , which were required to qualifie mankinde to submit to christ's reformation . and 't is the wilfull opposing these more explicite articles , the resisting them , when they are competently proposed from the definition of the church ( and not the not-believing them thus explicitly , when either they are not revealed , or not with that conviction , against which he cannot blamelesly and without pertinacy of his will hold out ) that will bring danger of ruine on any . § . 7. that which is added of the holy ghost [ the lord and giver of life , who proceedeth from the father and the son , ( supposing with the western church , that the [ filióque ] was found in the first copies , and acts of that councel ) who with the father and the son together is worshipped and glorified , who spake by the prophets ] is in like manner an enlargement , and explication of the more brief apostolick form , and the substance thereof was comprised formerly in that uncompounded style ( fitter then for the belief , and memory of all ) but was afterward prudently enlarged for the repelling , and preventing the poyson of heretical invaders , the montanists and macedonians , &c. § . 8. and so likewise that addition of the one baptisme prefixt to the remission of sins was on purpose design'd against the novatians , whose pretensions were considered , and condemned in the councel of nice ; the practises of the churches in receiving those that had fallen into gross sins after baptisme , had been somewhat different , in some parts milder , as in the church of rome , in others more rigid ; the church of rome had given some liberty for the great offenders , murtherers , adulterers , and such as had fallen to idol-worship , in time of persecution , viz : that after many years penance they might be restored to the communion , and peace of the church , without any new baptisme ( such as was used in admitting heathens ) only by imposition of hands , or absolution ; extending the virtue of baptisme formerly received , to the washing away of these sins committed after baptism , in case of sincere repentance and forsaking of them ; this the novatians disliked , and thereupon brake off , and made a schisme in the church . and the councel of nice taking cognizance of the matter , judged against novatus and his followers , that there was place for a second repentance , and not only for that first before baptisme , as appears by the canons of that councel . and this was it , that was referred to , in this more enlarged passage of their creed , and the use of it thought very considerable for the reducing of lapst christians , as the apostolical article of remission of sins indefinitely , had been for the attracting heathens . and this , and all the former additions , being thus setled by the vniversal church , were ▪ and still are , in all reason , without disputing , to be received , and embraced by the present church , and every meek member thereof , with that reverence that is due to apostolick truths , that thankfulness , which is our meet tribute to those sacred champions for their seasonable , and provident propugning of our faith , with such timely , and necessary application to practise that the holy ghost , speaking to us now , under the times of the new testament , by the governours of the christian churches ( christ's mediate successors in the prophetick pastoral , episcopal office ) as he had formerly spoken by the prophets of the old testament , sent immediately by him , may finde a cheerful audience , and receive all uniform submission from us . § . 9. and this is all that is here necessary to be said of this second creed . chap. x. of the athanasian creed . § . 1. of the athanasian creed ( as it is usually called ) two things will be briefly considerable , 1. the doctrine of it , 2. the curses and damnation denounced against those , who doe not entirely maintain it , without the corruptions , and mixtures of the hereticks . § . 2. the doctrine is ( well-nigh all of it ) the asserting the vnity of the divine nature , and the trinity of hypostases , whether subsistences ▪ as the greek church called it , or , as the latine , personae , persons in it , and that in opposition to several novel propositions , which had by hereticks been introduced in the church , and so , ( as the vices of men suggest lawes ) occasioned such explications , and enlargements . and of these again ( much more then of the nicene superadditions ) it may be reasonably affirmed , that being the explications of a father of the church , and not of a whole vniversal councel , or of the church representative , they were neither necessary to be explicitly acknowledged , before they were convincingly revealed , nor simply and absolutely imposeable on any particular man , any farther then he was a member of some church , which had actually received athanasius's explication ( as it is apparent the western churches did ) or then it appeared concordant with the more authentick vniversal confessions , as every doctrinal proposition of it , will be found to doe . § . 3. as for the censures annext 1. in the beginning [ that except a man keep the catholick faith ( of which this is set down , not as the entire form , but an explication , or interpretation of some parts of it ) whole and undefiled , he shall doubtless perish everlastingly ] 2dly , in the middle [ he that will be saved , must thus think , ] and [ it is necessary to everlasting salvation that he also believe rightly in the incarnation &c. ] and 3dly , in the end [ this is the catholick faith , which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved ] i suppose they must be interpreted by their opposition to those heresies , that had invaded the church , & which were acts of carnality in them that broached , and maintained them , against the apostolick doctrine , and contradictory to that foundation , which had been resolved on , as necessary to bring the world to the obedience of christ , and were therefore to be anathematized after this manner , and with detestation branded , and banished out of the church ; not that it was hereby defined to be a damnable sin to fail in the understanding , or believing the full matter of any of those explications , before they were propounded , and when it might more reasonably be deemed not to be any fault of the will , to which this were imputable . chap. xi . of the superstructure , and the particular branches thereof . § . 1. having thus briefly taken a view of the foundation , and therein also of the superstructure generally considered , together with the proprietie that one of these hath toward the other , the doctrines of belief to the renewing of mens lives , i am now by course to proceed to a more particular view of this superstructure , and the several branches of it . § . 2. where first it must be remembred , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or filling up , which christ designed , contrary to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dissolving or abrogating of the law and the prophets , is farre from evacuating or annulling the obligation of any one substantial precept introduced by the law of nature or moses , but coming as an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or suppletorie to all former laws , as a new and more perfect correct edition of the old codex , as one general law for the reforming and hightening of all laws , is wholly designed , as may be most ordinable to this end . § . 3. first in filling up vacuities , turning out shadows and ceremonies , by explicite prescription of the substantial duties , which those shadows did obscurely represent : 2. in binding some parts of the yoke closer then they were before thought to be bound upon men , extending the precepts farther then they were thought to extend : 3. in raising them to more elevated degrees of perfection , sinking them deeper then the outward actions to the purity of the very heart : and 4. by promises of the most amiable divine , and terrors of the dismall unsupportable nature , confirming and binding them all upon us , and not allowing us liberty , or impunity in any indulgent transgression of any branch of this law thus reformed and improved by him . § . 4. and this being the result of christ's designe , 1. the production of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an entire new creature , a new modelling of the whole soul for the whole space of the future life ; and 2. the purpose being to people the whole world , i. e. a community of men ( whose understandings are not generally deep , and so must be wrought on by means proportionable to them ) with a colonie of such divine new creatures ; and 3. the nature of man ( as a rational and voluntary agent ) requiring that all this be done by way of perswasion , not of violence , to preserve their liberty , which alone could render them capable either of reward or punishment ; and 4. the difficulty being so great , and the improbability of attempting this successfully , it was but reason that a large and a solid foundation should be laid , upon which this so important and weighty a fabrick might probably be erected . § . 5. but though an uniform universal obedience to the commands of christ , which contains every specialty under it ( and is not reconcilable with our partiality , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accepting , as it were , of the person of any sin or virtue , the preferring any one duty to the prejudice of any other ) be that which alone can own the title of the christian superstructure , without which completely erected , no enumeration of particular duties will be sufficient , yet some specialties there are which have a greater propriety to this title , then some others , and to which our christian institution gives us more peculiar obligations , and it will not be amisse to mention some of these . § . 6. first piety ( the love , and fear , and obedience , and faith , and worship of the one true god ) in opposition 1. to idolatry , 2. to formality , 3. to hypocrisie , on one side ; and then i. to sacrilege , 2. to profaneness , or impiety , on the other side ; § . 7. first piety , or the worship of the true god , the creator of the world , the god of israel , as that is opposed to the idol-worship , whether of devils and souls of men ( in the rites of whose religion many of the vilest sins of carnality and luxury were practised ) and to the adoration of livelesse , breathlesse pictures , and images , so it is the reforming of the vices , and sottishness that had long overspread the infatuated gentile world , and so a prime branch of that designe of christ's coming , and of his sending his disciples to all nations , to awake them out of this dead sleep , and lethargie of soul , and by the knowledge of the true god , to bring them to the imitation of , and dependence on him . § . 8. secondly , as piety is opposed to slight , negligent , external formal performances , so is it the necessary christian virtue , proportioned adequately to the omniscience and spirituality of that infinite deity , the belief whereof is laid as a prime part of the foundation . and though that inward warmth , if it be any whit intense , will necessarily extend it self to the outward man ( as motion that begins in the centre , naturally diffuses it self , and affects uniformly , and shakes every part to the circumference ) and consequently oblige the body to attend the soul in all reverences of addresse to that awfull majestie , who hath full title to the obediences of either ( and this , in this conjunction , is farre from meriting any unkinde censure , or jealousie , the very bodily exercise being affirmed by s. paul to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , profitable for a little , and the fasts , and austerities that were to attend the departure of the bridegroom , being of this nature directly , and so the publican's smiting on his brest being added to his prayer for mercy , on which christ bestowed that eulogie ) yet if , as insectile animals , for want of blood , run all out into legs , so the want or chilness of devotion , and not the intension of it , be that which casts the body into the solemn demure postures ; if , is julian reproacheth christianity , the striking of the breast , and shaking of the head , the formal outward humiliations be all the zeal and piety of the christian , this is no farther then ahab's soft pace , no part of that reformation , that christ came to work , none of that worship in the spirit , which is the tribute required in the daies of the messias , and that which the spirituality of god , to whom the addresses are made , and of the promises , which are rewards proportioned to our spirits , most strictly exact from us . § . 9. thirdly , as piety is opposed to hypocrisie and unsincerity , and all falsness or foulness of intensions , especially to that personated devotion , under which any kinde of impiety , oppression , rapine , sedition , &c. is wont to be disguised , and put off more . speciously , so is it a special part of this superstructure , and as the defining or opining godliness to be gain , 1 tim. 6.5 . hath the brand and reproach of an heresie , quite contrary to the christian doctrine and practise , so certainly the designing our obedience to any part of christ's precepts , as the means to gain to our selves , and defraud others , to sin more securely before god , or unsuspectedly before men , is of all things most unreconcileable with christianity ; and that so little of this sincere piety is to be met with in the world , the reason is clear , because christianity is so farre from having its perfect work upon mens hearts , our brains and our tongues being the only parts , that are ordinarily taken up and possessed with it . § . 10. fourthly , the true christian piety looks upon sacrilege with a more perfect aversation , then any former religion hath done ; the first efflux of men's piety after receiving of the faith was the selling , and consecrating their possessions , act. 2. and the detaining of any such sacred portion is looked on ( and punished severely ) as the defrauding of the spirit of god , c. 5.3 . and the zeal that is so exhausted , and layed out in animositie to idols and sabbath-breaking , that it can easily support , and put over the golden wedge , and the treasures of the temple , and so likewise the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the cheap , chargelesse piety that brings no tribute to the offerings of god , ( to which antiently it was a scandalous thing for any man to approach empty ) that offers all its sacrifices to the lord , of that which costs it nothing , is farre from any semblance of the christian reformation , is not ascended so farre as the natural , the mosaical , the heathen , the mahomedan piety , and is a work of more then aegyptian darkness , that the excess of light hath brought into the world . § . 11. fiftly , the christian piety is , beyond all other things , diametrally opposed to profaneness & impiety of actions , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , noonday devil , that sins bare-faced and confident before the eye of heaven , that of the practical atheists , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which though they acknowledge god in the creed , yet reject and abandon him in their actions , and either as jews , candidates of an earthy canaan , or as turks of a carnal paradise , live as if there were never a god in this world , and never a life after it , whatsoever proportion of the foundation is laid in their brains , have none of the superstructure in their hearts . § . 12. a second specialtie , which hath a considerable propriety to this title , is , obedience to superiors , which though founded in the law of the first creation , and afterward precisely commanded by moses , hath this note of eminence ( above what was formerly ) set on it by christianity , that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a prime commandment , the very title bestowed by christ on the love of god , mat. 22.38 . mar. 12.30 . and that with promise ( for that it was not the first commandment with promise , is evident by the second of the decalogue , which hath a promise annexed to it ) and it is a compound of three of those virtues , to which the beatitudes are peculiarly assigned by christ , mat. 5. of meekness , and peaceableness , and suffering for righteousness sake , and this bound indefinitely , not only on all under subjection , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. saith s. chrysostome , though they be apostles , or bishops , or any the most sacred persons ; and extended as indefinitely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the most heathen , provoking , oppressing , ( as long as they be lawful ) powers ; and lastly this duty is inlarged by christ so as to belong to ecclesiastical ( as well as to civil ) superiors , who having the keyes committed to them by christ , as to the oeconomi or stewards of his familie , though they be not armed with the secular sword , or any carnal weapons of their warfare , yet obedience is a tribute that belongs to them , heb. 13. v. 17. as to those that are to give account for mens souls , which they could not be supposed to doe , if they had not authoritie over them : and therefore to make religion a stratagem to undermine , or a banner under which to oppose and violate government , is a thing most contrary to this superstructure , most scandalous and reproachful to christianity . § . 13. thirdly , charitie to all sorts , to all mankinde , to neighbours , to strangers , to our own , and even to god's enemies , charitie of all sorts , of giving , of forgiving , of loving , blessing , praying for , of mercy to bodies , of relief to estates , but especially of admonition , and reprehension to souls ; charitie in opposition to injustice , coveting and defrauding others , to faction , division , civil intestine broils , schismes and ruptures in a church ( that special piece of carnalitie , 1 cor. 3.3 . ) to judging , anathematizing , damning , denying the peace of the church to them that are qualified for it ; and lastly to all guilt and thirst of blood , all capital punishing of any , but capital malefactors , is a third specialty of this superstructure , as certain a badge of this sinking down of christianity into the heart , as the apostolical symbole is of the preaching the faith among us . § . 14. fourthly , puritie is a special part of this superstructure , and the circumcision of the heart , the regulating and restraining of all desires of the flesh within the known limits of conjugal or virginal chastitie ; and this in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all sorts , the unnatural , incestuous , adulterous conjunctions , those before mariage , or after divorce , and to the several degrees of these in the very eye ( and all that is proportionable to that ) mat. 5.28 . but especially in the heart v. 8. and whatsoever mens faith , or their patience , or perseverance were , any remarkable indulgence to this sin , the seduction of balaam ( in the matter of peor ) or the deeds of the nicolaitans , rev. 2.3 . were sure to bring judgments and curses upon those first daughters of christ's love , and if not timely repented of and reformed , will in all probability be revenged with the removal of the candlestick , ploughing up the very foundation , the profession of the christian faith in those national churches that are still in any eminent manner guilty of it . the judgments of god , and utter destructions of many nations , not only those that were rooted out for the implanting of the jewes , but even of all the monarchies which are mentioned either by way of story , or prediction in the scripture , are so signally discernible to have been the reward of this sort of sins , especially of the unnatural sodomitical impurities ; and the honourableness of mariage in all ( in order to the averting the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dishonourable affections , rom. 1. ) is so solemnly recommended in the new testament ( in opposition to the impure gnostick heresie , that was so unkinde to mariage , as to make it a work of the devil ) that it may be a very opportune caution to all christian churches , and magistrates , not to impose celibacie on whole callings , and great multitudes of men or women , who cannot be discernible or supposeable to have the gift of continence , nor yet by offering worldly rewards and advantages to all that shall deprive themselves of that honourable remedy , to invite the rashest or the worst of men into that state of continual temptations , which hath caused the shipwrack of so many . § . 15. fiftly , contentedness is most eminently one of these specialties , and that both as it is opposed to ambition , covetousness , injustice , uncontentedness , ( each of which is a most unchristian sin ) and also as it is the maintaining and establishing of propriety in the world , which though it be not of any huge importance in respect of any considerable advantages , that wealth and honour can help a christian to , ( who is , or ought to be , raised by christ to a contempt , and superiority over such mean empty acquisitions as these ) yet , as the disturbances which questions of right never fail to bring along with them , are very unhappy , and innumerable , and endless , so the inestimable benefit of peace , and quiet , and vacation for piety , and the instrumentalness of riches to works of charity ( even above that more perfect way of absolute despising of wealth , which by giving all at once , disables for many thousand future charities ) have rendred it very politick and necessary in every christian common-wealth , by laws to settle , and secure propriety , which he that hath learnt with s. paul to be content in whatsoever estate , will never attempt to invade or violate . § . 16. many other branches of this superstructure there are , which it cannot be necessary to mention here , but above all the taking up of the cross and following christ with it on our shoulders : and the vigorous indevour to cast it off from our own shoulders , to fasten it on other mens , and to shake the foundations of government , in order to any such attempt , is most diametrally contrary to the true christian temper , an enmitie to the cross of christ . chap. xii . of the doctrines that hinder the superstructing of good life on the christian belief , first among the romanists , a catalogue of them , especially that of the infallibility of the church , 2. among others , 1. that of the solifidian . § . 1. i come now to consider what doctrines there are , infused ( discernibly ) among christians , which are most apt to frustrate the forementioned method , to obstruct , or intercept the cordial superstructing of christian life , or renovation , where the foundation is duly laid . for supposing the articles of our christian faith to be completely taught , and undoubtedly believed , and so the foundation to be purely laid according to the apostles platform ; and supposing farther that the several forementioned branches of the superstructure be so farre taught and believed also , as that they are not doubted to be the virtues prescribed , and preached to men by christ , it is yet possible , that after all this , some other doctrines may inconveniently interpose , and intercept the uses and aimes , to which god hath designed the faith , and at once obstruct the superstructing of all christian life upon it . § . 2. of this sort the catalogue is ( or soon may be ) farre larger , then will be fitly inserted in this place . for upon this occasion we might be engaged to enter on the examinati of the romish doctrines , 1. of penances , 2. of indulgences , 3. of the treasury of the church , made up ( beside the blood of christ ) of the supererogating merits of some , and applied to the benefit , and pardon of others , 4. of the improvableness of attrition into contrition , by the priests ayde , without the sinners change of life , 5. of purgatory , 6. of dispensableness of oathes , 7. of arts of equivocation , 8. of cessation of allegiance in subjects to an heretical prince , and some others the like ; but especially of the infallibility , and inerrableness , which is assumed , and inclosed by the romish church , without any inerrable ground to build it on , and being taken for an unquestinable principle , is ( by the security it brings along with it ) apt to betray men to the foulest whether sins , or errors , whensoever this pretended infallible guide shall propose them ; and seeing it is just with god to permit those , which thinke they stand so surely , to fall most dangerously , and because what some witty , and subtile men of this , and former ages have been experimented to fall into , may in the future possibly become the romanists case , and because the assuming of infallibility is by way of interpretation the presuming , and affirming every thing to be infallibly true , and good , which they shall ever believe , or teach de fide , or pronounce to be duty ( and there is nothing so † false , or sacrilegious , but it is possible they may thus teach , or pronounce of it ) for these reasons , i say , it will be impossible to free this doctrine of theirs , which hath so vast , and comprehensive an influence on the opinions and actions of all who have espoused it , from the guilt , of which now we speak , that of hindring the superstructing of christian life , and the several branches thereof , on the foundation . § . 3. and if ( as the jesuites define ) this infallibility of the church be supposed to be seated in the persons , or chair , or succession of popes , 't is presently obvious and clear , that as almain , and ocham have not thought it irreverent to averre that any such person is deviabilis , haereticabilis , apostatabilis , damnabilis , liable to errour , heresie , apostasie , damnation it self , so they that believe him an infallible guide , must in consequence to their opinion , if they pursue it , follow him to all these dangers ; and when pope steven hath been by s. cyprian accused of heresie , pope liberius by s. athanasius , pope honorius by all christians , when the chairs of those bishops , which have not secured their persons from notorious impiety of liliving , that fouler guilt then heresie , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a species of atheisme , as † nilus truly saith on this occasion ) can with no more pretence , or colour of proof secure them from defining of errors , or tolerating of sins , and when the writers of their lives , onufrius , and platina , who have told us , how much more then possible the former is , ( relating the incests , witchcrafts , cruelties of alexander the sixt , the idolatrous sacrifices of marcellinus , coelestins applications to the devil in pursuit of the papacy , and his disclaiming his part in heaven , so he might obtain that earthy dignity ) have given us reason to foresee the possibility also , and all the ill consequences , and aboads of the latter , it cannot be temerarious or unreasonable to affirm , that what hath been , may be , and in like manner , that the doctrines of any antient heretick may , in some new shape , be imbibed by a cardinal , and being so , may not forsake him when he is made pope , but beget a desire very consequent to his belief , an appetite of propagating his perswasions , and so that practises may be allowed , and articles taught by the pope , most contrary to the design of this foundation , and the church that hath imposed on her sons the belief of her infallibility , draw all that understand it in this sense ( for i see another is now affixt to it by some romanists ) and pay this ready obedience to it , into the same snare of heresie , or impiety , or both . § . 4. for of this we have too frequent experience , how hard it is to dispossesse a romanist of any doctrine , or practise of that present church , for which he hath no grounds either in antiquity , or scripture , or rational deductions from either ( but the contrary to all these ) as long as he hath that one hold , or fortresse , his perswasion of the infallibility of that church , which teacheth , or prescribeth it . and indeed it were as unreasonable for us to accuse , or wonder at this constancy in particular superstructed errors , be they never so many , whilst the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this first great comprehensive falsity is maintained , as to disclaim the conclusion , when the premises , that duly induce it , are embraced . and then that other errors , and guilts of the highest nature neither are , nor shall be entertained by those , that are thus qualified for them , must sure be a felicity ( to which this doctrine hath no way intitled them ) and that for which they can have no security for one hour , but by renouncing that principle ( which equally obligeth to the belief of truths , and falshoods ) embracing of commendable , and vitious practises , worshipping of christ in heaven , and under the species of bread , the son , and of the mother of god , when they are once received , and proposed to them by that church . § . 5. but in stead of any fuller view of these , i shall mention some few of those , which our closer , and later experience hath made most familiar to us , and given us reason to look on with a quickness of sense , and dread , but those such , as being not entred into the confessions of any national church , are not properly chargeable either on papists , or protestants , but on particular dogmatizers on both parties , from whom the doctrines being infusible into all , it will be more necessary to forewarn all of the danger of them . § . 6. such is first the perswasion of the solifidians , that all religion consists in believing aright , that the being of orthodox ( as that is opposed to erroneous ) opinions , is all that is on our part required , to render our condition safe , and our persons acceptable in the sight of god. § . 7. this is a perswasion frequently observable in those that are forward to separate from all , who differ in matters of doctrine from them , who place sanctity in their opinions ( as generally hereticks doe ) and make the dissents of other men , the characters of animal , carnal gospellers : and the influence of this on the matter in hand [ the superstructing christian life upon our faith ] is most evident , for if we should give that perswasion of theirs the greatest advantage , and suppose the doctrines , in the belief of which they place so much efficacie , to be these very fundamental doctrines , which this discourse hath defined and specified , yet in case the believing of those aright be conceived the one and onely necessary to salvation , it is evident that the superstructing of good life ( the thing to which those doctrines relate , and in respect of which they are styled fundamental ) is ipso facto become unnecessary . § . 8. for when it shall be once resolved that orthodox opinions are able to secure men of god's favour , and ( that being assumed as a principle ) the search of them , being a work of the brain , shall generally be discernible ( as aristotle observes of the study of the mathematicks ) to have nothing repugnant to passions in it , and when those articles of belief are conveyed to us with such evidence that we have no temptation to doubt of the truth of them , what argument is there remaining to any rational man , which can move him so superfluously , and unnecessarily to set upon that more laborious , and ungrateful task of mortifying lusts , of subduing of passions , of combating and overcoming the world , of offering violence to his importunate , vigorous , carnal appetites ? if he that is to be baptized , might be admitted to that state of justified christians , ( and therein to a right of inheriting the kingdome of heaven ) by a profession of the articles of his creed , and an undoubted perswasion and belief of the truth of them , what an impertinent tyrannie were it to increase his burthen , to refuse and delay his admission , till he should undertake the whole vow , of forsaking the devil and all his works , of keeping god's holy will and commandements , and walking in the same all the daies of his life ? what use even of prayer , of the sacraments , of charity , of faith it self , in any other notion but that , wherein he considers it and thinks himself assuredly possessed of it ? § . 9. the issue is clear , the solifidian looks upon his faith or articles of his belief , as the intire structure , not as the rudiments or foundation , as the utmost accomplishment and end , and not only as the first elements of his task ; and so this perswasion of his most unhappily , but most regularly , obstructs and intercepts the building any more upon it , which , if he conceived himself no farther advanced , then the laying a few stones , a bare foundation , he would rationally think himself engaged and obliged to prosecute to a farre greater perfection . § . 10. hitherto we have considered this perswasion of the solifidian at the best and fairest advantage , and supposed the opinions , on which he so relies , to be the true , christian , apostolical , and fundamental opinions ; but if we should proceed farther and consider how many other opinions there are abroad in the world , which being neither fundamental , nor apostolical , nor arrived so farre as to any fair probability of truth , doe yet pretend to be the only sanctified necessary doctrines , and such , as every man that believes them is a pure christian professor , and whosoever questions or examines the truth of them , is to be look'd on as a carnal gospeller ( whose arguments , though never so unanswerable , are to be resisted , as so many temptations ) and many of these in their own nature ( over and above this pharisaical opinion of the sanctitie of them ) very apt to intermit our watch , to slacken our diligence , to give a supersedeas to industrie , it would be most evident that the solifidian's perswasions doe most directly and immediately resist god's principal design in revealing his truths , obstruct the superstructure of christian life on this foundation . § . 11. but i shall not inlarge on the mention of these , any farther then they are likely to fall under some other head of this insuing discourse . mean while it is worth remembring , what epiphanius observes of the primitive times , that wickedness was the only heresie , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impious and pious living divided the whole christian world into erroneous and orthodox , by which we are advertised , how farre we are from performing the engagements of our christianity , if we insist so passionately , or so intently on the truth of our beliefs , as not to proceed to as vigorous a pursuit of all just , sober , and godly living , to a strict uniform regulation of our practise , according to the obligations of our most holy faith. chap. xiii . of the fiduciarie . § . 1. the second obstructive , which i shall mention , is that of the fiduciarie , that having resolved faith to be the only instrument of his justification , and excluded good works from contributing any thing toward it , proceeds to define his faith to be a full perswasion , that the promises of christ belong to him , or an assurance of his particular election ; which he that doth , and seriously believes himself to conclude aright , that he is a true believer , or that the only thing which he is obliged to acquire and arrive to , is this kinde of full assurance , as it excludes all fear or doubting of his estate , and yet farther asserts ( as many doe ) the prioritie of it ( in order of time ) before repentance , and so obliges himself to be sure of his election and salvation , before he repents or amends his life , is fortified and secured by this one deceipt from all obligation that christian religion can lay upon him to superstruct christian practise , or holy living upon his faith. § . 2. for 1. if assurance of his good estate be the one necessary , then it is evident that good life , which is a thing formally distinct from that assurance , is not necessary : 2. if his estate be already safe ( and if it be not , then his believing it , is the believing a lie , and god's command to believe , is a command to believe a lie , and so one man is justified and saved meerly by giving credit to a falsitie , and all others rejected and damned barely upon their not believing the like falsitie ) then it needs no assistance or supply from good life to make it a good estate , or give him grounds to believe it such : 3. if he be justified before he repents and amends his life , then nothing can hinder the continuance of his justified estate , in case he doe not repent at present , nor intercept his salvation , in case he doe never repent ; and this , not onely by force of that maxime generally received by these fiduciaries , that he that is once justified can never be unjustified , nothing can separate him from the favour of god , or interscind his justified estate , but , without that auxiliarie , by all rules of discourse and consequence , for he that is this day in a good estate without repentance , may be so to morrow by the same reason , and so on , to the last day and hour of his life ; repentance will be no more necessary to the continuance , then to the inchoation of his good estate . § . 3. or if amendment and good life be affirmed necessary in order to the approving of his faith or justification either to himself or others , though not to his justification it self , 1. this cannot be reconciled with the fiduciaries doctrine , for his faith being a full assurance , includes that approbation of his justification to himself , and so he that hath that already , needs not good life to help him to it , and for the approving it to others , that is perfectly extrinsecal , and unnecessary , and impertinent to his justification , either in the sight of god , or in his own eyes ; for as god judgeth not as man judgeth , so neither can man's disapproving of any man , be a just reason to move him , who believeth he sins and renounces the faith , if he permit himself to doubt , to admit any the least beginning of doubt of the goodness of his estate , or truth of his justification : and 2dly , 't is god's justification , god's pardon of sin , the promise , or hope of which hath sufficient power to perswade carnal men to forsake sin , and enter the rules of christian life , and not the approbation of men . § . 4. 3dly , in case the fiduciarie were in the right ( as he must be supposed to think himself to be ) the men that did not believe him justified , should be unrighteous judges , passing a judgment contrary to god's judgment , and why should the fiduciarie that supposeth himself to be approved of god without repentance , take such pains to approve himself to man's judgment , which the apostle disclaims being judged by , rom. 8.33 . § . 5. 4thly , how can it reasonably be said that good life is necessary to approve our justification or our faith , when good life is acknowledged to have nothing to doe in the matter of justification , and when faith is so defined as it hath no connotation of repentance or good life ? if faith be a full perswasion of my being justified , the only humane way for me to approve this to others , i. e. to make others believe that i am thus perswaded , is to testifie it by word or oath , which is the one means agreed on betwixt men to make faith of the truth of any thing which no man knows but my self ( and if man were supposed to know it , it would follow that i should not need means to induce that approbation . ) § . 6. the one other imaginable means of approving it to man , were the testimonie of god either by voice from heaven , or by some other like means of revelation , or by my doing miracles in god's name , which might impresse some image of divine authority and veracity upon me ; and so still good life is not the proper means for that end of approving us to men , especially if others believe what the fiduciarie doth , that faith may be without good works , and good works , as farre as to the eye of man , without faith , for that being granted it follows necessarily , that one cannot prove or approve the other . § . 7. thus did the jew by saying and thinking that he had abraham to his father , perswading himself of his particular irrespective election , think it safe first , and consequently prudent to run into all foul sins , and no more to think himself obliged or concerned by john baptist's , or christ's , or his apostles perswasions to bring forth fruits of amendment , immediately before the judgments of god came out against that people , then he had been all the time before ; nor could his belief of god , his expectation of another life ( allowed by the pharisees ) his obscure belief in the messiah promised , the law , the prophets , the descent of god from heaven , the raising jesus from the dead , prevail or gain in upon him , as long as he continued to conceive these privileges of abraham's sons to belong unto him . § . 8. and in like manner the christian professor , who hath imbibed this fiduciarie doctrine , and is confident of his present and unperishable right in the favour of god , when he commits those sins against which the gospel denounces , that they which doe those things shall not inherit the kingdome of god , he is , if he acknowledge that part of the gospel , and retain the belief of his personal election , necessitated to believe those acts , when committed by him , to cease to be those sins which they would be , when another man committed them ; and then what necessity soever lies on him that hath that guilt upon him to reform the sins that contract that guilt , he which is supposed not guilty , cannot be so obliged , and 't is hard to imagine what possible consideration , what messenger from the dead should be able to perswade him to repent , till he hath deposited that premature perswasion of his being in christ . § . 9. one special ground of the fiduciaries mis-perswasion is the doctrine of god's giving christ for all the elect , and for none but them , all others being supposed to be left by god in a state of absolute destitution , and dereliction , upon no other foreseen demerit , but only the guilt of adam's sin imputed to them , and not removed by christ . § . 10. and upon that doctrine imbibed , 1. it is not unreasonable or difficult for him that is thus perswaded , that supposes his danger to flow from no real sin , or guilt of his own , but only that which being committed by another is imputed to him , to believe that there is nothing required of him ( neither repentance nor good works ) but only a full assurance of his own being elected , and rescued in christ , i. e. a believing his own wishes ( an aerial , magical faith ) to work his deliverance for him . § . 11. 2dly , what should make it necessary for him to repent and amend , who either without respect to any degree of amendment , is supposed to be elected to eternal blisse , or without respect to sin , to be irreversibly reprobated , i. e. to any person thus considered , either as elect , or left , reprobate , and non-elect in the whole masse of lapst mankinde ? § . 12. nay i might adde , what obligation can lie on any man so much as to believe ( whatsoever the notion of faith be , even to believe he shall be saved ) when 't is supposed by him to be certainly decreed that he shall be saved , without foresight of , or respect unto this faith of his ? § . 13. upon these premises it cannot be unreasonable to conclude , and useful farther to take notice in the next place , that these two doctrines , 1. of christ's dying for none but the elect ; 2. of god's absolute irrespective decrees of election and reprobation , are inconvenient interpositions , which are most apt to obstruct and hinder the building of good life , even where the foundation thereof is received intirely , and not questioned in any part thereof , of which i shall therefore farther treat in the two next chapters . § . 14. mean while , as an appendix to this chapter , it will be just to take notice , that some men have thought it necessary , in the definition of faith , to change the [ full assurance ] into a milder style of [ relyance ] which if it be not joyned with other changes in that doctrine , as in that particular of the priority of faith before repentance , 't is certainly 1. as erroneous , 2. as liable to the charge of obstructing good life , as that other doctrine of assurance hath appeared to be . § . 15. for the first , where there is no divine promise , on which to relie , ( as to the unreformed sinner remaining such , the whole bible affordeth none ) there what is reliance , but presumption , reliance on a broken reed , a building , without a foundation ? whereas on the other side if any promise were producible , whereon it were safe to relie , what scruple could the christian there make against entertaining the fullest assurance ? for that without question will be supported abundantly by such a promise . § . 16. for the second , 't is visible , he that continues unreformed and impenitent in his course of sin , and is by the preacher induced to relie on christ for his salvation , and is farther taught , that this reliance is that faith by which he is justified , and the one thing , that is required of him to his salvation , what necessity can be imagined to lie on that man to reform or amend any vice , or to doe any thing , but relie on christ for the pardon of it , for justification and salvation ? 't is superfluous to pursue this any farther , which so discernibly falls under the inconveniences that have been shewed to belong to assurance , and are mention'd in the former part of this chapter , too largely to be here repeated . chap. xiv . of christ's dying for none but the elect. § . 1. now for that doctrine of christ's dying for none but the elect , i. e. ( according to the opinion of those which thus teach ) for a small remnant of the world , as it is asserted without any pretense or colour of scripture-proof , nay in opposition to as plain distinct affirmations as can be produced for any article in the creed , so is it of very ill consequence to the superstructing of good life . § . 2. that christ's dying for all is the expresse doctrine of the scripture , is elsewhere manifested by the phrases of the greatest latitude , used in this matter , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world , which is a word of the widest extent , and although it be sometimes used more restrainedly , yet never doth , nor can in any reason be interpreted to signifie a farre smaller disproportionable part of the world : secondly , all , which word , though it be sometimes restrained by the matter , and doth not alwaies signifie every person or thing , yet generally it must be extended as farre as the matter is capable of , and must not be restrained without some considerable reason for doing so : thirdly , every man , a form of speaking which excludes all exceptions , of which some general phrases are oft capable : fourthly , those that perish , those that are damned , those that deny christ , and purchase to themselves swift damnation , which being added to the number of those which are saved by his death , and acknowledged by all opposers to be so , make up the whole unlimited number of all mankinde : fiftly , as many as are fallen in adam and dead through him , which phrase is by all , but pelagius and his followers , supposed to comprehend every son of adam , every branch of his progenie . § . 3. and accordingly , though the apostles creed make no other mention of this , then is contained in styling jesus christ , our lord , i. e. the lord ( by title of redemption ) of us all indefinitely , and particularly of every person , who is appointed to make that confession of his faith , i. e. every one that is admitted to baptisme , yet the nicene creed hath inserted some words for the farther explication of that article , [ who for us men and for our salvation came down — ] which signifie all mankinde to have their interest in it . § . 4. nay if it be observed in the apostles creed , that the two first articles are corresponding and proportionable one to the other , ( to [ god ] in the first article , [ jesus christ ] in the second ; to [ father almighty ] in the first , [ his only son ] in the second ; to [ maker of heaven and earth ] in the first , [ our lord ] in the second ) we shall have reason to inferre that as [ heaven and earth ] in the first article signifie in the greatest latitude , all and every creature in the world to have been created by that father , so the [ our ] in the second article is set to denote all and every one of us , every man in the world , without any exception , to be redeemed by god the son. § . 5. and accordingly the catechisme of the church of england established by law , and preserved in our liturgie as a special part of it , expounds the creed in this sense , i believe in god the father which made me and all the world ; 2. in god the son who redeemed me and all mankinde ; 3. in god the holy ghost who sanctifieth me and all the elect people of god ; where , as creation is common to more creatures then redemption , and redemption then sanctification ; so mankinde , to which redemption belongs , as it is farre narrower then the world , or the works of god's creation , so is it farre wider then the catalogue of all the elect people of god , to whom sanctification belongs . § . 6. so in other parts of our liturgie , in consecrating the eucharist , we have this form of prayer , almighty god — which — didst give thine only son jesus christ to suffer death upon the cross for our redemption , and made there ( by his one oblation of himself once offered ) a full , perfect , and sufficient sacrifice , oblation and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world ; and accordingly in the administration of that sacrament , the elements are delivered to every communicant in this form , the body of our lord jesus christ which was given for thee — and , the blood of our lord jesus christ which was shed for thee , preserve thy body and soul into everlasting life ; which supposeth it the doctrine of our church , avowed and professed , that christ's death was not only sufficient for all , if god would have so intended and designed it , but that he was actually designed and given for all , not only as many as come to that sacrament ( which yet is wider then the elect ) but us men , or mankinde in general , whose salvation was sought by god by this means . § . 7. so in our articles also , christ suffered for us — that he might be a sacrifice not only for original sin , but also for all the actual sins of men , art : 2. and , by christ who is the only mediator of god and men — eternal life is proposed to mankinde , art : 7. and , christ came as a lamb — that by the offering of himself once made he might take away the sins of the world , art : 15. and , the oblation of christ once made is a perfect redemption , propitiation , & satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world , ar : 31 all which i have thus largely set down to shew the perfect consonancie of our persecuted church to the doctrine of scripture and antiquity in this point , wheron so much depends for the stating & determining other differences , which have also a special influence on practise . § . 8. as for the ill consequences toward the obstructing of good life , which are considerable to attend this one doctrine of christ's dying for none but the elect , they will be most discernible by attempting the reformation & change of any vicious christian that believes that doctrine , or the comfort of any disconsolate despairing christian , that hath gotten into this hold , and remains fortified in the belief of it . § . 9. for the former , 't is evident , and that which he is supposed to believe , if he believe the foundation ( as i presume him now to doe , when i set the case of a vitious christian ) that there is no salvation to be had for any sinner , but only by the sufferings of christ , and that redemption by him wrought for such ; if therefore a vitious liver , believing that christ dyed for none but the elect , shall have any attempt made on him to reform and amend his life , 't is certain that one medium to induce him to it , must be a tender of mercy from christ , of present pardon , and future blisse , upon his reformation , but if he be able to reply , that that mercy belongs only to the elect , and he is none of them , it necessarily follows that he that would reduce this stray sheep , must either prove convincingly to him that he is one of the elect , or else hath no farther to proceed in this attempt . § . 10. and if he thus attempt to perswade the vitious christian , that he is one of the elect , then 1. the very attempt confesses to him that a vitious person , remaining such , may be in the number of the elect , and from thence he will presently be able to inferre , that then he needs not reformation of life to constitute him such , and if so , then reformation of life is not the condition on which only bliss is to be expected , and without which it is not to be had , it being supposed and acknowledged by both parties , that all the elect shall have it , and so the medium , which was thought necessary to perswade his reformation ( the tender of mercy from christ upon reformation ) is already vanished , and consequently 't is to no purpose to perswade him , that he is one of the elect , which was useful onely for the inforcing this medium , and so the very making this attempt is destructive to the only end of it . § . 11. but if this were not the result of this attempt , yet 2dly , 't is in the progresse agreed to be necessary that he perswade this person that he is one of the elect , and what possible medium can he use to prove that to a vitious person ? a priori , from any secret decree of god's 't is certain he cannot demonstrate it , for he hath never entred into god's secrets , and 't is sure the scripture hath revealed nothing of it , whatsoever it saith of the book of life , never affirming that particular man's name is written there ; and then the one possible way of attempting it is à posteriori , from the fruits of election , and those are not supposeable in him who is supposed a vitious liver , who lives in that estate ( and is by him acknowledged to doe so , for otherwise why should he think it necessary to reduce him ? ) wherein he that lives shall not inherit the kingdome of god. for his proof , whatever it is , will easily be retorted , and the contrary proved , by interrogating , shall the adulterer , the drunkard , the vicious christian , inherit the kingdome of god ? if he shall , what need i that am now exhorted to reform my life , reform it ? if he shall not , then certainly i that am such , am none of the elect , for all that are elect shall certainly inherit the kingdome of god. § . 12. the onely reserve imaginable is , that this vitious christian be perswaded to believe in christ , and if he doe so , he shall by that know that he is one of the elect , and so that his sins shall be pardoned &c. but if this be the method made use of , then 1. this is not the attempting to reform , to work repentance ( which was the thing proposed in this first case ) but to work faith in him , and with men of those opinions these are two distinct things , faith & repentance , and the former must be before the other , and is resolved to doe the whole business without the other , and consequently this is not the way to bring the sinner to repentance , but rather to assure him that he hath no need of it , his businesse may be done without it . § . 13. 2dly , this very attempt of perswading him to believe in christ ( as that signifies the full perswasion that the promises of christ belong to him ) is , supposing that christ died for none but the elect , as desperate an attempt as the former , for why should he believe christ died for him , who died only for the elect , when he hath no means to perswade him that he is one of the elect , but great and strong presumptions to the contrary ? for to believe that christ died for him , for whom he died not , is to believe a down-right falsitie , and such is the believing christ died for him , who both believes that he died only for the elect , and that he himself is none of that number . § . 14. and in like manner the former inconvenience returns again , for if the vitious christian be advised to believe that christ died for him , remaining such , ( and that must be the case , if this faith must precede repentance ) it is by that advise presupposed and granted to him , that christ , which died only for the elect , who shall certainly inherit the kingdome of god , died for this vitious person , of whom the scripture saith , that he shall not inherit the kingdome ; and again , if he may believe , what he is advised to believe , that christ died for him , as now he is , an unreformed christian , then what needs he reformation to make him capable of the benefits of his death ? and so still it is impossible , where this opinion is imbibed and unremoved , to found any convincing argument , to reform a vitious christian . § . 15. but this hath no such appearance of difficulty to him that hath received the doctrine of vniversal , but conditional redemption , of christ dying for all , that shall perform the condition required by him , and to which his grace is ready to enable him . for then how great soever the sins of any unreformed person are , 't is evident that christ died for him , because he died for all ; that he died for those sins of his , because he died for all sins ; only he must reform , and forsake his sins , or else he shall never receive benefit of his death , and then though there be that pleasure in sin , which the habitual sinner cannot be perswaded to part with , unlesse he must , ( unlesse he discern the danger of retaining , and the advantage of parting with it ) yet when he hath such arguments as these proposed to him , eternal blisse in exchange for short temporary pleasures , assurance of this upon reformation , and an impossibility , and absolute desperation without it , the vitious christian , if he have advanced no farther then so , and if his habit of sin have not corrupted his principles , may think it reasonable to reform and amend upon such terms as these , the preacher may hope to superstruct good life upon such a foundation . § . 16. and the like inconveniences are found to be consequent to this opinion of christ's dying for none but the elect , whensoever any comfort is offered to a disconsolate despairing christian ; for it is not possible to give him any comfort , but by fetching it from christ , and that he shall receive no benefit from christ , is the affirmation , whereon all his despair is founded , and the one way of removing this dismall apprehension , is , to convince him that christ's death and the benefits thereof , either doe , or , if he perform the condition required of him , shall certainly belong to him . § . 17. this upon the belief of universal redemption is presently so farre done , that if he set industriously and sincerely to perform the commands of christ , he can have no ground or pretense of doubting , but it shall prove successful to him , and so all that he hath to doe , is to indevour by prayer and use of the means , and by good hope ( of which he hath such clear grounds ) to qualifie himself for this blessed condition , and in the mean time hath no excuse to continue in this melancholy , mournful posture , who hath so cheerful a prospect before him . § . 18. but to him that believes christ died for none but the elect , and whose comforter is of that opinion also , there is no possible replie to his objections , or satisfaction to his sad abodings : for that no mercy doth or can belong to him , he is resolved , upon this ground , because christ died not for him , and the doctrine that christ died for the elect yeilds him no relief , because he is verily perswaded that he is none of the elect ; and when the number of the elect is defined to be so small and disproportionable to the number of the reprobate , and so there is really all odds against him , that he is not of the number of the few , when his fears shall help to increase that odds , and make him lesse capable of believing , what is so much lesse probable , when his present despairs , being so contrary to that faith ( assurance of his salvation ) which alone can justifie , in his opinion , or bear witness to his election , shall by necessary consequence bear witness against him , and when the scripture , that should , and in this case alone can interpose for his relief , doth certainly affirm nothing of his particular election ; and lastly , when what it saith of christ's dying for all , is by him misunderstood to belong but to a few , 't is not imaginable what can be said to this man to perswade him that his progresse is not rational , that he doth not well to despair , who hath so slight grounds to build any hope , and so much weightier to comply with , and assist his fears in overwhelming him . § . 20. and then as necessary as hope is to labour , encouragement to quickning of action , so necessary is the belief of vniversal redemption to the superstructing christian life , where the foundation of christian belief is already laid . chap. xv. of the irrespective decrees of election and reprobation . § . 1. the same is discernible also , and need not more largely be declared in that doctrine of god's decrees of salvation , and damnation , which hath been taken up by some both of the romish and reformed churches , affixing them to mens particular entities , absolutely considered , without any respect to all qualifications and demeanours ; which , whatsoever else be believed of god or christ , is ( as farre as it is laid to heart , and permitted to have influence on carnal men's practise ) a most visible hindrance to the building of good life upon it . § . 2. the church of england having not so much as named ( but purposely avoided the mention of any decree of reprobation , and for election , or predestination to life , having set it down in an admirable temper , in order to gratifying all , and not provoking any of the several perswasions , art : 7. ( as might more largely be made to appear , if it were here seasonable ) hath yet providently foreseen the dangerous downfall that from this her doctrine ( the affirming no more , nor no more particularly then she doth ) is to be expected to curious ( as well as carnal ) men , i. e. to those that enter into farther speculations herein , ( which is the itch of curiosity ) and content not themselves with the simplicity of that doctrine , within which this church hath contained her self . and to prevent particularly all advantage , that might be taken from hence to the doctrine of the irrespective decrees , to which is inseparably joyned the confining all the promises to the elect , the article concludes with an earnest expression of care , and warning to the contrary , that we must receive god's promises in such wise , as they are generally set forth to us in the holy scripture ( as in our doing we are to follow that will of god , which we have expresly declared to us in the word of god ) which one passage excludes , and barres out that whole doctrine . § . 3. as for the particularity of the dangers , and hindrances of good life , that are directly consequent to this doctrine , they are presently discerned ; for if that salvation , which christ came to purchase for a few , and in like manner that dereliction or reprobation that irreversibly involves the farre greater multitude , be not distributed according to the qualifications or performances of men , whether works , or love , or hope , or repentance , or the want of any , or all of these , but only by the absolute irrespective will of god , what rational argument can be produced in any time of temptation to any sin , ( which is the special season for such arguments to be offered to any ) which may be of force to perswade a reasonable man , or christian professor , to renounce that present pleasure that comes in competition with duty ? § . 4. either the promises of christ , or the terrors of the lord , or the authority of the commander , must be the topick whence that argument is drawn , and all force , of any of these is utterly taken off by this doctrine . § . 5. promises can be of no force , unlesse they be believed to be conditional promises , and unlesse that duty , which is proposed to be inforced by those promises , be acknowledged to be part of that condition , upon performance of which those promises do , and upon neglect of which , those promises shall not belong to any , and the promises being but a transscript of the will and decree of god , a revelation made by christ of that mysterie , or secret , wrapt up before in god's eternal counsels concerning us , such as the decrees are supposed , such must the promises be concluded to be , if the decrees be believed to be absolute , the promises must be absolute too , and consequently not conditional , which was the one qualification necessarily required to render them of any force to work on any , to restrain , or invite any that were drawn , or sollicited another way . § . 6. for why should a man perform an ungrateful duty , undertake a difficulty , hazard a danger or diminution , deny himself any pleasurable enjoyment , upon a bare intuition of promises ( which by being such are represented with some disadvantage , lie under a considerable prejudice , and are acknowledged and experimented to be of lesse energie or force to allure or perswade , then present possessions ) when he is all the while convinced that all the promises , that he can possibly have any part in , belong to him absolutely and irrespectively , and shall no more be secured to him upon the performance , then upon the neglect , and omission of that duty ? § . 7. in like manner the terrors & menaces of scripture are of as little force ; for if they fall upon mens persons , and not upon their sins ( omissions or commissions ) if they are but the recitations and descriptions of god's decreed wrath , and those decrees and that wrath have no respect to the actual sins of men , but are terminated either in the innocent creature , or the childe of lapsed adam , i. e. either respect not sin at all , or else none but original sin , ( which is no part of the present deliberation , whether it shall be committed , and i guilty of it or no ) then why should terrors restrain me from any sin , when there is any tender of present advantage to invite me to it ? § . 8. all my fear and trembling will regularly be terminated in the decree , on which all my miserie depends , and not in the sinne , which means me no ill , and consequently the aversion and dislike will naturally be fastned on that severe law , that hath bound me in fatal chains of darkness , before ever i saw light , and if it proceed any farther , may be likely to ascend blasphemously unto , and against that judge , that hath taken pleasure to enact that law ( and so that doctrine may very probably take off from our love of god ) but 't is not imaginable which way this should produce in me any aversion or hatred against sin , which by this doctrine is cleared from being my enemy , from involving me into any mischief , designing the least treachery against me . § . 9. and lastly , for the authority of god's commands which forbid sin , and command obedience , it can be no greater with any man toward the undertaking of good life , then that man believes the weight to be , which god layes on the performance of them ; and if god heed that no more , then they that espouse the doctrine of irrespective decrees , must consequently be supposed to believe him to doe , if in his decreeing his eternal rewards of blisse or woe , he respect not our obedience or disobedience , but distribute both by a rule quite distant from that which is founded in his commands , or revealed will , it will never be thought any neer concernment or interest of ours to regulate our actions according to those commands , which have certainly much of strictnesse in them , much of contrariety to flesh and blood , but nothing of influence either on our weal or woe , as long as this doctrine is deemed to have any truth in it . § . 10. and so still the virtue and force of every of these three , which are the common standing inducements and engagements to obedience , is shrewdly allayed , if not wholly lost by this means . § . 11. and 't is not the motive of gratitude ( which is said to be the only score , on which the elect perform their obedience ) that can make any considerable difference in this matter , that can be sufficient to perswade him to abstain from any tempting sin , whom neither promises , nor terrors , nor precepts had been able to work upon . § . 12. 1. because gratitude being but a return of love in him that hath a quick sense of god's loving him first , cannot have any propriety to the producing of that effect in any , till he hath arrived to that sense , nor can it continue to doe it , when that sense is lost . and consequently a great number of the supposed elect shall be uncapable of it , both they which are not yet come to this assurance , that they are of that number , and they that under any anguish of minde are returned to affrightments , or doubtings whether they have not been hypocrites , and so reprobates all this while ; and as these two sorts ( according to their doctrine ) comprehend a great and considerable number of the very elect , ( of whom very few are arrived to that pitch of constant uninterrupted assurance of their election ) so gratitude , by being unuseful to them that are not thus assured , must be acknowledged unuseful to those who have the greatest want of it , and by being confined to the few , which have this assurance quick ▪ and undisturbed within them , is concluded to have a very narrow and slender province to work on , a very small number of a very small number , a remnant of a remnant , being acknowledged to be unappliable , and so consequently ineffectual to all others . § . 13. 2dly , because one other doctrine there is , which constantly accompanies the doctrine of irrespective decrees , which supersedes all farther dispute in this matter , the doctrine of the irresistibility of grace , in working whatsoever it works , which if it be once acknowledged , there is nothing to be affixt to gratitude ( or to any thing else in me ) which whatsoever it works at any time works by way of perswasion , not violence , and cannot be said so much as to contribute to the working of that , which is supposed to be irresistibly wrought by the spirit of god. § . 14. 3dly , if these two arguments , which are only ad homines , and consider the elect only in these mens notion of the word , had no kinde of force in them , yet still this of gratitude , which is the one pretended reserve , must needs be impertinently pretended in this matter . § . 15. first , because the good life to which the foundation was laid by the apostles preaching , is not that of a few persons , chosen out of the masse , but of all that receive the christian profession , of which number there being a large proportion which ( according to the tenure of this doctrine ) must be supposed to be non-elect , there will not be that matter of thanksgiving to any of them , nor consequently any account , upon which they can be perswaded to make those kinde returns to god , which the elect were more probably supposed to have engagement to doe . § . 16. and secondly , it being christ's errand , and business into the world , to call not the righteous , or the justified , but the unreformed , or sinners to repentance , to change them who need a change , and who , if they are by this doctrine supposeable to be already from all eternity elected , are not yet before their calling or conversion affirmed to be actually justified , or received into god's favour ( any more then saul was in the time of his journey to damascus , when he breathed out threatnings and slaughters against the church ) the conclusion must be , that any such unreformed sinner will not be capable of being wrought on by any such consideration of gratitude , and so christ , notwithstanding this only reserve , shall be wholly unsuccessful in his aime toward those , who were the principal designed persons , to whom he came , and predestined the benefits of his coming . § . 17. thirdly , this of gratitude being by those that maintain this doctrine supposed to follow faith or assurance of their salvation , 't is thereby acknowledged to have no force on those who have not this faith , though they doe believe all the articles of their creed , and so it can be no proper expedient to remove the hindrances which the beliefe of the irrespective decrees hath been said to interpose in the matter in hand ▪ or to adapt good life to be superstructed on this ( whatsoever it is imaginable to be on any other ) foundation . chap. xvi . of the predetermination of all things . § . 1. and as the absolute predestination of the persons is able to evacuate all the force of these fundamentals , designed by god as motives of great energie to induce good life , so certainly is the opinion of god's predetermining and preordaining the means as well as the end , ( i. e. all the acts of man's will , the evil as well as the good , and so all the most enormous sins that are or ever shall be committed ) most abundantly sufficient to doe it . § . 2. i say not the doctrine of god's predisposing or preordering , or of his predetermining or decreeing that he will so dispose and order all things that come to passe , whether good or bad , for that looks on the things as done , which are so disposed , and consequently includes not any influence or causality in the production of thē , and so god , that brings light out of darkness , can dispose of the worst things , the foulest sins , the very crucifying of christ , so as to bring health and salvation out of them . § . 3. but betwixt this and predetermining that which is so disposed , the difference is wide , as much as betwixt a bloody designers suborning his instrument to take away such a man's life , and the confessors representing the horridness of the fact , and by that means bringing him to repentance ; and though ordinare in latine , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek be equivocal , and capable of both these notions , yet ordaining and decreeing in our english use , is not thus liable to be mistaken . § . 4. secondly , i say not the doctrine of god's predetermining his own will , but his predetermining the acts of our will , or our volitions ; great difference there is betwixt these two , as much as betwixt my willing a lawfull thing my self , and my inducing another man to doe that which is unlawful . § . 5. for god doth predetermine his own will , as oft as he decrees to doe this or that , which he might not have decreed to have done , or have decreed to have done the contrary ; for when god's will is free to two things , to make or not to make a world , or such a world , and the like , his decreeing to make it , and to make it such , is the determining of his will , thus when before all time god might have created man a necessary agent , to will and to doe every thing that he wills and doth , after the same manner as the fire burneth , i. e. so as he could not doe otherwise , yet 't is evident that god chose to create him after the image of his own liberty , a voluntary free agent that might deliberate and choose , and either doe , or not doe , or doe this or the contrary to it ; and so in like manner god may determine his own will not to hinder , but permit what he sees man inclinable to doe , when he might on the other side have chosen to hinder or not to permit ; and thus he did when he decreed to permit the malice of the jewes , the covetousness of judas , the popularity of pilate to joyn all together in the crucifying of christ , upon which it is said , that his hand and his counsel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did predetermine this to be done , i. e. christ to be crucified ( which was done by god's predetermining to permit them to doe what they by the free act of their own wills resolved to doe , if they were not hindred ) no way intimating that god predetermined they should doe it . § . 6. and this predetermination of god's own will is so farre from being the determining of ours , that it is distinctly and visibly the contrary , for supposing god to predetermine that i i shall act freely , and that he will not determine my will to this or that object , 't is certain from thence that my will is free in respect of god , and not predetermined by him , and therefore that ordinary position , that the predetermination of god's will hinders not the liberty of ours ] which by being understood of god's will predetermining ours , is most grosly false , and implies a contradiction , a predetermination and not a predetermination , a liberty and not a liberty to the same thing , is yet most evidently true of god's predetermining his own will , or his own will being predetermined , for that , as it respecteth not our will , ( meddleth not with it at all ) so it is farre from hindring or taking away the liberty of it , but on the contrary , it being one act of god's eternal will , and so a predetermination thereof , that man shall be a free agent , and another act of the same divine will , that this or that act of our will shall be permitted and not hindred by god , either or both these predeterminations of god's will , necessarily inferres the liberty of ours , which cannot but be free , when god hath predetermined it shall be free . § . 7. thirdly , i say not the doctrine of god's prescience , his eternal foresight of all that is ever done in the world , for that again supposeth or looketh on the thing as done , which is thus the object of his sight , and hath no kinde of influence or causality in the production of it . § . 8. some difficulty there is in conceiving a thing to be foreseen or foreknown by god , and yet to continue free to be done or not to be done . and the best way of explicating that difficulty will be , to suppose god's science to be infinitely extended in respect of time , as his presence in respect of place , and though speaking of infinitie , we must acknowledge our understandings to be very imperfect , all the measures we have to conceive any thing , being finite , and so unequal and very unable to comprehend that which is infinite , yet if we will but conceive god's sight or science before the creation of the world to be coextended to all and every part of the world , seeing every thing as it is , that which is past as past , future as future , that which is by him predetermined , as necessary , and that which is left free , as free , that which is done , and might have been otherwise , as done freely and contingently , and that which is not yet done , and may or may not be done , as that which is yet free and contingent , there will remain no difficulty in affirming that his prescience or foresight of any action of mine ( or rather his science at sight ) from all eternity , layes no necessity on any thing to be , which is thus seen to come to passe , any more then my seeing the sun move , hath to doe in the moving of it , it being certain , and necessary , and antecedent in order of nature , that that have a beeing , that hath a capacity of being seen , and only accidental and extrinsecal to it , to be seen , when it is , and so the seeing but an accessary , not a cause of its beeing ; and it is most evident that god's foreseeing doth not include or connotate predetermining , any more then i decree with my intellect , or will with my apprehension , which is as if i should see with my ear , or tast with my eye , i. e. confound the most distant faculties . § . 9. to this may be added , that god being acknowledged to see or foresee every thing as it is , it is as impossible that any thing should be in any other manner then he foresees it to be , as that it should not come to passe , when he sees it doth , or foresees it will come to passe ; and consequently that god's foreseeing those things come to passe contingently which doe come to passe contingently , is a most certain proof that there are some contingents in the world ; so likewise when god foresees and foretels that judas will freely and voluntarily , and against all engagements and obligations to the contrary , betray and sell christ , that the jewes would not be gathered by christ when he was most sollicitous and sedulous in gathering them , 't is as certainly conclusible from the argument of god's prescience , that they will voluntarily and freely doe this , and obstinately resist their own good , as that they will doe it at all , the manner being foreseen by god , who cannot be deceived , as truly as the thing is foreseen by him . § . 10. and if there should yet be any doubt ( as socinus and his followers , men very well exercised , and skill'd in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , removing of those things , which have continued immovable in the church , have more then doubted ) whether god foresee any more then he determines , and consequently whether it may not safely be affirmed , that he doth not foresee all things , because he cannot be conceived to predetermine all things , it will presently appear , that as this is most irrational , so is it most false , irrational to grant an infiniteness of god's other attributes and powers , his omnipresence , omnipotence , &c. and to question the infinitie of his science , and apparently false , if only god's predictions to the prophets be considered , for there we see many things to be foretold , and consequently learn them to have been foreseen , which they that make this doubt , doe truly resolve cannot be predetermined by god , and , rather then they will believe them predetermined by him , deny them to be foreseen , viz : the infidelity and sins of men , which god cannot will or decree in their opinion , and which they must consequently acknowledge to have been both contingent & future , when they were foretold by him , and not to have lost their nature by being foretold by him . § . 11. having thus separated this doctrine of god's predetermining all events , from these 3 other things , which the haste of disputers have sometimes confounded with it , it will now be presently discernible how noxious & obstructive this doctrine is to the superstructing all good life . for 1. that which is predetermined by god is absolutely necessary and unavoidable , no man hath or can resist any decree of his ; the bounds which are placed to the sea by a perpetual decree , jer. 5.22 . are such as it cannot passe , and though the waves tosse themselves , yet can they not prevail , though they roar , yet can they not passe over , and such is the nature of all decrees of god ; and if the actions of men were under any such , ( as 1. by the expostulation there , and 2dly , by the mention of their rebellious heart , v. 23. and 3dly , by the opposition which is set betwixt the sea , that cannot passe the bounds , and the sinner that can , it is most evident they are not ) this would necessarily preclude all choise , and then , as tertullian saith , lib. 2. contr : marcion : nec boni nec mali merces jure pensaretur ei , qui aut bonus aut malus necessitate fuisset inventus , non voluntate , there would be no reward of good or evil , if men were good or evil by necessity , and not by choise ; and as justin martyr , apol : 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if mankinde had no power to avoid ill or choose good by free deliberation , it should never be guilty of any thing that was done . and as tatianus to the same purpose , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — god therefore gave liberty of choise to men , that the wicked might be justly punished , being wicked by his own fault , and the righteous commended , who by the same liberty hath taken care not to transgresse the will of god , so certainly this doctrine must take away all guilt of an accusing , and all solace of a quiet conscience , and in like manner supersede and slacken all industrie and endevour , which is the lowest degree of that which hath promise to be accepted by christ , and by fastening all our actions as well as ends by a fatal decree at the foot of god's chair , leave nothing to us to deliberate or attempt , but only to obey our fate , to follow the duct of the starres , or necessity of those irony chains which we are born under . § . 12. 2dly , there being little question made by any , but that god both can and doth whatsoever he will both in heaven and earth , when any thing is acknowledged to be willed by god ( as 't is certain every thing is which is predetermined & preordained by him ) it necessarily follows , that whensoever that is done it is done by god , and consequently if that be a sin , god doth , i. e. committeth the sin , and this without any so much as concurrence of any will of mine , but what is also predetermined by him ; which is evidently the defining god to be both the principal and accessarie in the committing every sin ; which when it is once believed , then 1. what possible way is there for any man to be guilty of sin , which we know is no farther sin , then it was voluntary in him that did it , and he free to have abstain'd , when he did commit it , or at least to have prevented that degree of force or necessity that is fallen upon him ? and on the other side what possibility of abstaining from sinne , when by god's predetermination of it , 't is acknowledged inevitable ? and when these two are taken away , the possibility of guilt , and the possibility of innocence , what restraint can the belief of all the articles of the creed lay upon any man to flie from evil , or pursue that which is good ? § . 3. 3dly , the only way of defining of sin , is , by the contrariety to the will of god ( as of good by the accordance with that will ) and if all things be preordained by god , and so demonstrated to be will'd by him , it remains that there is no such thing as sin , nor any thing to be abstain'd from , or avoided by us , nor difference betwixt good and evil , according to that measure of god's will , which by this doctrine is equally competible to both of them . and if the distinction of his secret and revealed will be here made use of , and only the latter of these conceived to be it , in contrariety to which sin consists , that so there may be a way of sinning against that , whilst the secret will is obeyed and performed ; then , besides the great absurdity of affirming any thing of god's secret will , till by some means or other it be revealed , and then it ceaseth to be ( what it is pretended to be ) secret , for if it be known it is not secret ; and 2dly , the ridiculousness of making that god's will , which is supposed contrary to his will , for certainly that which is contrary to his will , is not his will , and therefore the secret being supposed contrary to the revealed , if the revealed will be his will , the secret is not his will , and if the secret be his will , then that which is revealed to be his will , is not his will ; and 3dly , the impiety of opposing god's words to his thoughts , his revealed commands to his secret decrees , ( which is as ill as could be said of any man , and will never incline any to obey god , which hath such an unhandsome opinion of him ) besides these inconveniences , i say , 't is evident that intrinsick goodness consists in accordance , and sin in contrariety to the secret will of god , as well as to his revealed , or else god could not be defined infinitely good , or so farre as his thoughts and secrets , but only superficially good , as farre as the outside or appearing part of him , i. e. as farre as he is pleased to reveal himself , which again is perfect blasphemie to imagine , and that which equals god to the most formal and hypocritical professor . § . 14. 4thly , this doctrine is destructive to all that is established among men , to all that is most pretious , 1. to humane nature , to the two faculties that denominate us men , understanding and will , for what use can we have of our understandings , if we cannot doe what we know to be our duty ? and if we act not voluntarily , what exercise have we of our wills ? § . 15. 2dly , to the end of our creation , whether subordinate or ultimate ; the subordinate end of our creation is , that we should live virtuously and glorifie god in a voluntary and generous obedience , either of which other creatures , that act naturally , are not capable of , and god's predetermining all our actions deprives us of this honour and dignity of our nature , leaves no place of virtue , which is founded in voluntary action , and as origen saith cont : cels : l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if you take from virtue the voluntariness , you take away the essence of it . and so this doctrine brings us down to the level of horse and mule , whose mouthes are forcibly holden with bit and bridle , when yet it is one of the commands of that god , that we should not be like those creatures : and so for the ultimate end , a reward and crown in another world , which no irrational creature is capable of , this of predetermination of all our actions , which renders us necessary not rational agents , renders us utterly uncapable of that . § . 16. 3dly , it is directly contrary to all god's waies , or manner of dealing with us , which is all by rational waies of perswasion , by proposition of terrors and promises , the danger that we shall incurre by our disobedience , and the infinite advantages that we shall reap by our obedience , and to these is added the authority of the commander , vindicated from our neglect by the interposition of the greatest signes and wonders , in the hands of his prophets and of his son , such as we cannot but wonder when we read them ( as in the case of the israelites coming out of aegypt , & in the wilderness ) that they should not prevail upon them , when yet they did not prevail , and what can be more contrary to rational motives , then predetermination ? for as , if they had not that perswasive efficacie in them as to be able to move a rational man , they could not be denominated rational , so if they were backed with a violence , if they were proposed to us in the name and power of an omnipotent immutable decree , they could never be said motives or perswasives ; and so still god's gracious dealings with men being the aids and auxiliaries necessary to us in the pursuit of piety , and the one doctrine and perswasion of god's predetermination of all events , having superseded and cassated all those waies , we have no bottome left , on which to found the least beginning or thought of piety , as long as we continue possessed with that perswasion . § . 17. 4thly , this doctrine , if it were true , must necessarily take away all judgement to come , all reward and punishment , which are certainly apportioned to the voluntary actions , and choises of men ( and therefore belong not to any but rational creatures ) and can no more be awarded to those actions which are predetermined by god , then to the ascending of the flame , or descending of the stone , which by nature the providence of god are thus predetermined , and act by decree , and not by choise . and when all judgment to come is once vanished , all reward to engage obedience , and all terror to restrain disobedience is once removed , and so in effect the three last articles of the creed rejected also , what hope is there that the remaining articles should be sufficient to doe it ? § . 18. to these christian & theological considerations it will not be amisse to adde what care the writers of politicks have had to warn us of the noxiousness of this doctrine to all civil governments , which christian religion , rightly understood , is so very farre from disturbing , that beyond all other aphorisms political , beyond the sagest provisions of the profoundest lawgivers , it is ( would men but live according to the rules of it ) incomparably qualified to perpetuate publick weal and peace . § . 19. but for the doctrine of those , who so mistake christian religion as to think it is only a chain of fatal decrees , to deny all liberty of man's choise toward good or evil , and to affix all events to god's predetermination , this , say they , is utterly irreconcileable with the nature of civil government , with the foundation thereof laid in laws , or with the punishments and rewards , which are thought necessary to the continuance thereof , and campanella chooseth to instance in republicâ praesertim liberâ , in a republick or free state . § . 20. for when the people , which think their liberty , of which they are very tender and jealous , to be retrench'd or impaired by the restraint of laws , can farther answer their rulers , though but in the heart ( without proceeding to farther boldness ) that they cannot observe their laws , being led by irresistible decrees to the transgressing of them , the consequence is easie to foresee , the despising and contemning of laws , and hating and detesting of those who are obliged to punish them , when they have offended ; which two are soon inflamed , beyond the rate of popular discontents , into actual seditions and tumults , as soon as opportunity shall favour , or opinion of their own strength incourage them to it . § . 21. that the turkish empire hath not yet found the noxious effects of this poyson , so commonly received among them , will , i suppose , be objected against the truth of this ; but 't is visible to what antidotes this must be imputed , 1. to their ignorance and unimprovableness in matters of knowledge , and rational discourse , being generally kept rude , and without all literature ( which is the grindstone to sharpen the coulters , to whet their natural faculties , and to inable them to discourse and deduce natural consequences ) 2dly , to the the manner observed in governing them , by force , and not by obligation on conscience , by violence , and not by laws ; which way of managerie being somewhat proportionable to the opinion of fatal decrees , and agreeing with it in this , that it doth really leave nothing to men's choises , is withall as a contrary poyson , a hot thrown after a cold , very proper to abate the energie of it , forcing them as fatally to abstain , as they can deem themselves forced , or impelled to commit any such enormitie . § . 22. however 't is manifest that the force they are under is a real force , and that of their fate but an imaginarie conceived one , the one but in their brains , the other on their shoulders , and it is not strange if the irony chains are experimented to have more solidity , and so more efficacie in them , then the contemplative . § . 23. sed si italos , say the politick writers , but if this doctrine should ever get among the italians , whose wits are more acute ( and sure the italians have not inclosed that excellencie from all the rest of europe ) it would presently put all into confusion , they would soon discern the consequences , and utmost improvements of the opinion , and never stick to cast all on god , as the author of all , and having resolved , with him in homer , of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — that all is chargeable on the superiour cause , jupiter and fate , inferre regularly with him , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the blamelesness of the inferiour agent , and so there being no place left for sin or law , immediately believe and follow their own wishes , turn libertines , throw off all yoke of men as well as god. in intuition whereof i suppose it was that plato would not permit in his common-wealth any that should affirm god to be the author of all the evils that were committed . and proclus upon the timaeus sets them down as a third degree of atheists , who attribute to god the impressing on men's mindes a necessity of doing whatsoever they doe . § . 24. 't is true where there is any remainder of natural piety , he that believes the doctrine of absolute decrees , may be thereby restrained from actually making the conclusions , inferring such impious horrid consequences ( be they never so obvious and regular ) of making god the author of sin , and the like ; but we know those natural dictates are by unnatural sins effaced in many , and when that one restraint is removed , the conclusion will be as easily believed as the premises , and where neither boldness nor skill are wanting to deduce it , that conclusion will again turn principle , and induce all vitious enormous living , which laws were designed to restrain , but will no longer doe it , when themselves are look'd on as impertinent invaders of liberty , despised first , and then hated . § . 25. one farther consideration hath been added to this former , that this doctrine being imbibed by governours , is very apt to instill into them principles of tyrannie , if it be but by imitating and transcribing from god the notions which they have received of him , by doing that themselves which they believe of him , punishing their subjects by no other rule but of their wills , decreeing their destruction first without intuition of any voluntary crime of theirs , and then counting it a part of their glory to execute such decrees . thus when suetonius describes tiberius as a professed contemner of all religion , and from thence was soon improved into the most intolerable tyrant , he renders the original of it , that he believed all things to be wrought by a fatalitie . but these are popular considerations , yet not unfit also to be taken in as appendent to the former . § . 26. many artifices there are invented by the necessities of those who have imbraced this doctrine , to intercept and avoid these consequences of it ; the two principal i shall name , 1. that sin is a non-entitie , a nothing , and so that all things may be predetermined by god , and yet not sin : 2. that though god be author of the act of sin , yet he is not of the obliquitie of it , as the rider is cause of the horses going , but not of his lameness , or halting , when he goes . § . 27. for the former of these , which is a perfect phantasie and school notion , these things may be observed of it , that , besides that it would be 1. very strange ▪ that god should damn a multitude of angels and men for nothing ; and 2. very ridiculous , that my swearing to a truth should be an entitie , and my swearing to a falsitie , nothing ; eating my own bread , enjoying my own wife , an entitie , and eating another man's bread , enjoying another man's wife , nothing ; and 3dly , that which would soon fall back into the grand inconvenience of obstructing christian life ( for why should a christian be such a fool , as to be afraid of nothing , to flie and avoid nothing ? ) besides these , i say , it is apparent that they that thus teach , professe that sins are predetermined , by name adam's sin , and judas's sin , and , if it be driven home , every sin of every other man , as well as any other the most virtuous action . and yet farther , unless it could be gain'd that every virtuous action were nothing also , there would be little advantage in this matter , it being as contrary to judgment to come , to rewarding according to works , that one predetermined necessary action , which i could not but doe , should be rewarded , as that another should be punished , and as certain a prejudice to all diligence , or pursuit of christian life , that i cannot choose but doe the good which i doe , as that i cannot but commit the ill that i commit , for although it be very agreeable to the goodness of god to abound in giving grace and inabling to doe good , to prepare , prevent , and assist , and contribute all that can be wanting to us , either to will , or doe , ( as it is not competible with it so much as to incline any man to doe evil ) and so there is a difference in that respect betwixt the good and the evil , yet to doe all this irresistibly , for a fatal decree of heaven to contrive every good action of my life , so as it is impossible for me not to will and act , as god would have me , this is quite contrary to the nature of a voluntary agent , a rational creature , and consequently to that will and decree of god , whereby he predetermined man to be such , and as unreconcileable with reward or crown , as punishment is with that which is as much , but no more necessary . § . 28. as for the distinction betwixt the act and the obliquitie , there is some truth in it , and use to be made of it , so farre as to free god , who is author of all man's power to act , from being in any degree the author of his acting obliquely or crookedly , i. e. sinfully . § . 29. for as it is impossible for us to move either to good or evil , except he that gave us our first beeing and powers , continue them minutely unto us , so he having used all wise and efficacious methods to incline and engage us to make use of his gifts unto his service , and having contributed nothing to our evil choises , but his decree of permitting or not hindring them ( and if he should violently hinder , that would make us no whit lesse guilty , he that would sin , if he could , is as guilty as if he did ; and without that permission of evil , our good choises would neither be good , nor choises , and consequently never be rewarded by him ) it is most apparent that he is no author of the obliquities of our wills , but on the contrary that he doth as much to the straightning of them , as without changing our natures ( offering violence to our wills , which he hath decreed to remain free ) he could prudently be imagined to doe . § . 30. but this is no way appliable to this matter of freeing god from being the author of that sin , of which he is acknowledged to predetermine the act ; for 1. though a free power of acting good or evil , be perfectly distinct and separable from doing evil , and therefore god , that is the author of one , cannot thence be inferred to be the author of the other , yet the act of sin is not separable from the obliquitie of that act , the act of blasphemie from the obliquitie or irregularitie of blasphemie , the least evil thought or word against an infinite good god being as crooked as the rule is streight , and consequently he that predetermines the act , must needs predetermine the obliquitie . § . 31. nay 2dly , if there were any advantage to be made of this distinction in this matter , it would more truly be affirm'd on the contrary side , that god is the author of the obliquitie , and man of the act , for god that gives the rule , in transgressing of which all obliquitie consists , doth contribute a great deal though not to the production of that act , which is freely committed against that rule , yet to the denominating it oblique , for if there were no law , there would be no obliquitie ; god that gives the law that a jew shall be circumcised , thereby constitutes uncircumcision an obliquitie , which , had he not given that law , had never been such ; but for the act ( as that differs from the powers on one side , and the obliquitie on the other ) it is evident that the man is the cause of that , 't is man that circumciseth , or chooseth to be circumcised , and so that refuseth to receive that signe in his flesh , and the act of killing abel was as perfectly cain's act , as the offering of his sacrifice was , and so in all other acts , especially of sin , to which god doth not so much as incline , and the devil can doe no more then perswade any man. § . 32. to conclude , the obliquitie of any act arising , by way of resultance , from the transgressing of the rule ( i. e. doing contrary to god's command ) as inequality ariseth from the adding or substracting an unity from an even number , it necessarily follows , that he that first gives the law , and then predetermines the act of transgressing ( the disobedience , the doing contrary to ) that law , that first forbids eating of the tree of knowledge , and then predetermins adam's will to choose , and eat what was forbidden , is by his decree guilty of the commission of the act , and by his law the cause of its being an obliquitie , and indeed if the obliquitie , which renders the act a sinful act , be it self any thing , it must necessarily follow , that either god doth not predetermine all things , or that he predetermines the obliquitie ; and regularity bearing the same proportion of relation to any act of duty , as obliquitie doth to sin , it cannot be imagined that the author of the sinful act , should not be the author of the obliquitie , as well as the author of the pious act is by the disputers acknowledged to be the author of the regularity of it . § . 33. the complaint of the gods in homer will best shut up this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o , how unjustly mortal men accuse and charge the gods , saying that their evils are from them , when the truth is , that they by their own wretchless courses bring mischiefs upon themselves , above which their fate , or decree of the gods can be deem'd to have brought upon them . and accordingly it is one of the excellent lessons of the pythagoreans in their golden verses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this thou must know , that the evils that men fall under , are brought upon them by their own choises , on which even chrysippus , the stoick , and great asserter of fate , hath thus commented , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , evils , or mischiefs come to every man from himself , it being certain that by their own incitation they both sin , and suffer , and that according to their own minde and purpose . this being so farre distant from the doctrine of fatality , it may well be wondred , how chrysippus that asserted that , under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chain , and the decree , ( and defined it ▪ saith † gellius , sempiterna quaedam , & indeclinabilis series rerum & catena , volvens semetipsa sese , & implicans per aeternos consequentiae ordines , ex quibus apta connexáque est , an eternal and unavoidable series and chain of things folding and involving it self within it self by eternal courses of consequence , by which it is framed and connected , or in his own dialect , that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a natural complication of all things from all eternal , one thing following another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that complication being such as cannot be changed ) could believe himself , or reconcile this comment , or that verse , with his great principles ; and indeed † cicero hath past a right sentence of it , chrysippus astuans laboránsque quonam pacto explicet & fato fieri omnia , & esse aliquid in nobis , intricatur — chrysippus contending and labouring how to reconcile these two propositions , that all things are done by fate , and yet that something is in our own power , is intangled , and cannot extricate himself . this master of the stoicks was prest , saith gellius , with these inconvenient consequences of his doctrine of decrees , that then the sins of men were not to be charged on their wills , but to be imputed to a necessity and pressing , which arose from fate , that it must be unjust to make laws for the punishing of offenders , to which he had nothing to say but this , that though , if you look upon the first cause , all is thus fatally decreed , and chain'd , yet the dispositions of each man's minde are only so farre subject to fate , as is agreeable to their own properties and qualities , as , saith he , when a man tumbles a cylindre or roller down an hill , 't is certain that the man is the violent enforcer of the first motion of it , but when it is once a tumbling , the quality and propriety of the thing it self continues , and consummates it . in this witty resemblance of that stoick these three things must be consider'd , first , that the cylindre ( the instance that he thought fit to pitch on ) is an inanimate , livelesse trunk , which hath nothing of choise , or will in it , secondly , that neither the weight of the matter , of which 't is made , nor the round , voluble form of it ( which two meeting with a precipice , or steep declivity doe necessarily continue the motion of it ) are any more imputable to that dead , choisless creature , then the first motion of it was supposed to be , and therefore thirdly , that this cannot be a fit resemblance to shew the reconcileableness of fate with choise , or the reasonableness of charging on mens wills , what was inevitably produced by their fate , or of punishing them for those acts , which they are necessarily driven to commit ▪ to which purpose it may be remembred that neither is the cylindre charged with sin , whether by god , or men , nor any punitive law enacted by either against its rolling down the hill , nor indeed are such charges , or such laws ever brought in or enacted against any actions of any other creature , plant , or beast , till you ascend to man , who is supposed to have a will , and not to be under such inevitable , fatal laws , but to be , as that excellent man pomponius atticus was wont to say , the forger of his own fate , the framer of his fortune , which yet should be as improper to be applied to , or affirm'd of a man , as of any other creature , if all his actions were as irreversibly predetermined , as the descent of heavy bodies , or the ascending of light , i. e. if chrysippus's cylindre and the motion thereof were a commodious instance , or resemblance of this matter . but the truth is , the man was acute , and dextrous , could say as much for the reconciling of contradictions , as another , and though this last age hath considered this question very diligently , and had the advantages of the writings of the former ages to assist them , yet he that shall impartially make the comparison , will finde , that the antient philosophers have written more subtilely in this matter , and are more worth out reading , then any of our modern schools , ( he that shall survey hierocles on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ammonius on aristotles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in shewing the nature of contingent , and necessary propositions , & the christian philosopher boethius , lib. 2. de consolatione philosophiae , will , i believe , be convinced of the truth of what i say ) and when the master of them chrysippus was so unable to speak intelligible sense , or extricate himself in this business , 't will be lesse matter of wonder to us , that they which have espoused this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should endevour as improsperously to reconcile this with other notions of piety , and to extricate themselves out of a labyrinth not of fewer , but more difficulties ( god having most clearly revealed to christian , that as he rewardeth every man according to his works , so he requireth of him according to what he hath in his power to doe , and not according to what he hath not ) as chrysippus is by cicero judged to have done . § . 34. all which being duly considered , and the absurdities of that distinction ( thus applied ) betwixt the act and the obliquitie , as manifest , as those of chrysippus's expedient , in those so many forementioned respects , and the contrary so wide from the truth of scripture , the attributes of god , and common notions of piety written in men's hearts , and experimented in the government of the world , and lastly so noxious and poysonous to good life , we may certainly conclude with prosper , that great asserter of god's grace , resp : ad 14. object : vincent : ad praevaricationem legis , ad neglectum religionis , ad corruptelam disciplinae , ad desertionem fidei , ad perpetrationem qualiscunque peccati , nulla omnino est praedestinatio dei. to the forsaking the law , to the neglecting religion , to the corrupting discipline , to deserting the faith , to the perpetration of whatsoever sin , there is not at all any predestination of god. si ergo in sanctitate vivitur — if we live in sanctity , grow in virtue and persevere in good purposes , the gift of god is manifest in all this : si autem ab his receditur , — but if we go back from these , if we passe over to vices and sins , here god sends no evil temptation , forsakes not the desertor , before he be forsaken , and very frequently keeps him that would depart from departing , and causeth him to return , though he be departed . to which may be added that of the arausican councel , which was very careful to assert the necessity of grace , and yet pronounces an anathema against those who affirm any to be by god predetermined to sin . chap. xvii . of the spirits acting all things within the man. § . 1. what hath been said of the doctrine of god's decrees , fatally passed upon our persons , or our actions , will be farther extended to the pretensions of the spirit , and the opinion , that of late begins to diffuse it self among some , that all that is designed or done by them , is the dictate and motion of the spirit in them . § . 2. of this it is evident , that either that man , which thus pretends , never commits any act prohibited by the word of god , and vulgarly called sin , after the minute of such pretension ( and then that were a rare charm indeed to render him impeccable ) or that this is the means of consecrating every sin of his , and so the opinion being imbibed by one that lives in rebellion , murther , adulterie , pride , or schisme , or any other ( one or more ) grossest sins , the effect must be , that he believe every one of these to be infusions of the spirit of god , and so no more fit to be resisted before , nor repented for after the commission of them , then the most eminent acts of piety should be ; and when it is thus become impious to resist any temptation of our own flesh , which sollicites within us , or of satan that suggests and whispers within us too , i. e. to omit the acting of any sin , that we are any way inclined to , what place can be left for exhortation to christian life , as long as i have any temptation against it ? § . 3. this is a doctrine which a man would think should not finde admission with any considerable sort of men , and therefore it will be lesse pertinent for this discourse to take any larger notice of it , yet for the preventing and intercepting any farther growth of it , where it may unhappily have found any reception , it will not be amisse to adde , and evidence these few things : § . 4. first concerning the spirit , which is thus pretended to , that the descent of the spirit of god was principally for three ends , 1. to give testimony , that christ was the son of god , sent with authority to reveal his will , and to command our faith and obedience , and ( consequently to this ) to give the world assurance that the apostles were sent by him , and to signe the commission of preaching to all nations , to propagate what he had taught , 2dly , to assure all men , that the rules which christ gave us , are absolutely necessary to be observed , to render us capable of those promises made , those benefits purchased by him , and 3dly , that , we being so corrupt by nature , so farre from prone , or inclinable , in our flesh , to obey those rules ; the graces of his holy spirit , accompanying the revelation , or preaching of his will and word , should incline our corrupt hearts to keep his laws . § . 5. secondly , that after the mission of the spirit , god was pleased , for posterity , otherwise to expresse his care , and love to mankinde , viz : in giving , and consigning to them his written word for a rule , and constant directer of life , not leaving him to the duct of his own inclinations . § . 6. thirdly , that god hath made ( and continued , through all ages , both of jewes and christians ) one sort of men to teach another to learn ; among the jewes one to preserve knowledge in his lips , and with the same to dispense it , the other to enquire , and seek the law at his mouth , and under the gospel , pastors , and teachers ▪ and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rulers set over men for their good ; which is a visible prejudice to the pretended guidance of the spirit , for if that , by the voice within me , be the standing guide of all my actions , what use of forein teachers , or guides , or necessity of obeying the apostle when he commands me to obey those that are set over me ? § . 7. fourthly , that every thing that comes out of the heart of man , is not infused into it , or placed there by god. for besides that from thence proceed many aerial fictions , and phasmes , and chym●raes , created by the vanity of our own hearts , or seduction of evil spirits , and not planted in them by god or nature , or the duct of god's spirit , motions and emissions of our phansie , and not of our reason , of our sensitive , not humane nature ( and to this all the idolatrie of the antient heathens , and the new phansiful divinity of some present christians , and the whole religion of the mahomedanes is visibly imputable ) besides this , i say , it is affirmed by the apostle , jam. 3.15 , 17. that there is a wisdome ( and that must signifie some codex of directions for practise , some law in the members , opposite to that in the minde ) that cometh not from above , as well as a wisdome that cometh from above , and in plain terms , that it is earthly , sensual , and devilish , as that law in the members is said to lead the man into captivity to the law of sin which is in the members . § . 8. so again , saith christ , out of the heart proceed all the things that defile a man , evil machinations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all the most mischievous designments , by name , murthers , adulteries , fornications , ( incestuous and unnatural commissions contained under the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fornication , 1 cor. 5.1 . ) thefts , false-witnesses , evil speakings , i. e. ( as by those few instances is intimated and must be supplied by parity of reason ) all the contradictions to the several branches ( and degrees of those branches ) of the divine or moral law . § . 9. secondly , that to impose on our selves or others by this fallacie , to believe or pretend that whatever our own hearts incite us to doe , what they suggest , or dictate , is the spirit , or word , or revelation of the will of god within us , is the principle of all villanie ( the same that hath alwaies acted in the children of disobedience ) inhaunsed and improved with circumstances of greater boldness and impudence , then ever the most abominable heathens were guilty of , either in their oracles or in their mysteries . § . 10. in their oracles , though their idol-priests ( who had the inclosure of this cheat ) gave responses out of the caverns of the earth , and set up the devil ( by the advantage of his foreseeing some things in their causes , and conjecturing at others ) above the omniscient god of heaven , yet they affixed not the answers of their devils to the true god. they worshipped idols , and disclaimed any portion in the true god , turned all knowledge or profession of him out of their hearts , according to that reasonable proposition of s. paul , 2 cor. 6.14 , 15. that there is no possible agreement to be had betwixt light and darkness . but these by their refined pretension , doe ( in effect , and by way of necessary consequence , and direct interpretation ) turn the god of heaven into that accursed spirit , affix on him ( receive and deliver as the effata and oracles of god ) whatsoever the devil ▪ or their own lust , or revenge , or pride , or ambition , or covetousness ( so many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spontaneous devils ) can infuse into them , and out of their black hearts , as out of the most noysome caverns and dens of the earth ( holding intercourse with hell ) breath out , and deliver to the world . § . 8. so again in their mysteries , and most secret recesses , and adyta of their religion , their heathen priests were wont to betray and lead their silly votaries into all the most horrid unnatural sins , as into a special part of the devotions and worships required of them by the gods , whom they had undertaken to serve , but yet never thought fit to let them out of the dark , out of the retirement , but by banishing the eyes of men gave witness against themselves , accused those facts , which were not able to bear the light , ( to which the apostle seems to referre ephes : 5.13 . ) and so had the excuse of some bashfulness and self-accusation , and care not to scandalize other men ; whilst these that make their own lust , their own malice and revenge the voice of the true god , the spirit within them , are thereby qualified to act the horrid'st sins avowedly & shamelesly , and have no checks left , ( no coldness , but where they have no temptations ) no dislikes , no shame , no objections to any thing , but to tenderness , to scrupulosity , to fear of offending , to the doing what they doe in bondage , as they call it , i. e. to all the reliques or embers of conscience remaining in them , and if they can but utterly and finally cast out this fear , they are hereby delivered up really to the evil spirit , while they most pretend to the guidance of the good . the pretended spirit of god within them , by suggesting sins , gives a full confidence and security to commit them ▪ and then scripture and conscience and temper , and a tolerable degree of good nature , any thing lower then the utmost evil , is the thing only to be mortified , the one piece of criminous carnality to be burnt up . § . 12. thus by turning one pin in the machine , the whole scene is shifted , and this voice ( as if an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that comes out of our own bellies , being mistaken for the still language , in which god was once heard , a congregation of christians may be soon inspired into a legion of demoniacks , and onely one ( but that a teeming fruitful ) error be committed all this while , the mistaking our own motions for the incitation of the spirit of god , which till it be reformed or retracted , it must be a shortness of discourse to think strange , and an injustice to charge of any new crime , the infallible consequences of it , and such are all the barefaced villanies in the world . § . 13. for as he that is so sure and confident of his particular election , as to resolve he can never fall , if he commit those acts , or live in those habits , against which the words of scripture are plain , that they that doe them shall not inherit eternal life , must necessarily resolve , that what were drunkenness or adultery in another , is not so in him , and nothing but the removing his fundamental error can rescue him from the superstructive , be it never so grosse , so to this one grand mistake ( the judging of god's will by the bent of our own spirits ) all vicious enormous practises ( even to the taking away of all differences between good and evil ) are regularly consequent , and cannot seem strange to attend daily , where the other hath taken up the lodging . chap. xviii . of the mistakes concerning repentance . § . 1. one sort of doctrines more i cannot but annex here , though i have elsewhere already insisted on them , and those are the mistakes in the doctrine of repentance . § . 2. repentance , whatever that word signifies , ( and that is certainly a sincere change , and renovation of minde , a conversion of the sinner to god in a new life , repentance from dead works , heb. 6.1 . ) is questionless it to which , on purpose , christ came to call sinners , his whole embassie from his fathers bosome was projected and designed for this grand work , and so certainly all the preachings of all the apostles were of the same making , that the gospel tells us the first-fruits were , repent &c. and therefore it will concern us neerly , not to be mislead in this matter , for should we content our selves with somewhat else under the title , or disguise of repentance , which is either not-repentance at all , or but an imperfect , unsufficient part of repentance , and by consequence , perswade our selves , that by performing of this , we shall have fully answered christ's call , done all that he came from heaven to require of us , 't is visible what an obstacle this is to the rearing that superstructure which was designed to be erected on this foundation . § . 3. now to this head will be referred those that from the misunderstanding of rom. 7. ( not observing ) the custome of that apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , figuratively to transferre to himself , in the first person , what belongs to others ) have made it reconcileable with regeneration , or repentance ( for those two words certainly signifie one and the same thing in scripture ) to be in that state which is there described , i. e. to doe what a man allows not , but hates , v. 15. the evil which he would not v. 19. to be brought into capeivity to the law of sin , the law in the members , warring against the law of the minde , v. 23. and , upon the same account , even to be carnal , and sold under sin , v. 14. all which must equally belong to the person which is there represented , of whom equally in the first person they are all affirm'd . § . 4. that that chapter is really a representation of one , which hath only the knowledge , not practise of his duty , and consequently , to the sinnes , which he commits , hath the aggravation superadded of committing them against knowledge , against conscience , against sight of the contrary law , is manifest from the context , and hath † elsewhere more seasonably been evidenced , and of this i need not many words to declare , how farr it is from being so much as any part of repentance , any one of the ingredients in it ( being indeed no more then either the work of natural conscience , or , farther , of the minde instructed by the law of moses , but that not of force to work the least obedience in the man , but supposed in that text to be joyn'd with all customary disobedience , and captivity to sin ) and consequently that if this be mistaken for that , which it is so farre removed from being natural or legal knowledge of duty , despised and transgrest , for sincere obedience to all the commandments of god and the former of these , by so absurd , irrational a concession , be deemed sufficient to render his estate safe , whosoever hath arrived to this , this must needs annull , and cassate all the force of all the articles of the creed ( although never so firmly and explicitly believed ) toward bringing forth good life , i. e. repentance , truly understood , this supposititious no-repentance being once contentedly received , and espoused in exchange for it . § . 5. for who will ever take the pains to maintain a painful , ungrateful , perhaps bloody fight against the law of sin that is in his members ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the works of the penitentiary , on neglect of which , the valiantest combatant may prove a reprobate , 1 cor. 9.27 . ) if so much lesse then a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or beating the aire , v. 26. a bare dislike , or displeasure of the law of the minde , without ever coming into the field , will serve the turn , to secure him of the crown ? § . 6. so again they that , like the popular prince , are unwilling to dismisse any man without his request , and therefore , when they finde not a man penitent , if they can but obtain of him , to wish that he were penitent , or to grieve , that he cannot ascend so high as that wish , are content to accept that wish , or that grief for that repentance , which alone is the condition required by christ to rescue from perishing , what doe these again , but wilfully mistake that for repentance , nay is by them that affirm it is , presumed and supposed not to be ; for if there had been any thing , that could have approved it self to be repentance , they had never descended to those low enquiries , after the wish , and the grief , nay the wish they had repentance , is founded in the presumption they have it not , and the grief that they have not the wish , is again a concession that they have not so much as that ; and if they may be capable of comfort , who are so farre from being true penitents , reform'd , new livers , that the utmost they are arrived to toward it , is but an empty , ineffectual wish that they were such ( without considering the price , that must be payd , the pleasant , espoused sins , that must be parted with , if their wish were granted ) then what need all that christian life , those many years of severe devotion , and profitable service that the apostles meant , and all ministers endevour to superstruct on this foundation ? § . 7. so that frequent practise , though not doctrine of the many , of secure spending in sin the youth , and riper age , and even all the remainder ( till the forerunners of death and hell make their close approaches to them ) and never doubt but the whole condition required by christ , the repentance he came to preach , will in that last scene of their last act , immediatly before the exit , be as opportunely and acceptably performed , as at any other point of their lives , what doe these but evacuate the whole force of the christian faith , and absolutely resolve against building of christian life upon it . § . 8. the unreasonableness , and presumption , the danger , and desperate insecurity of those , that thus project , and in stead of that whole age of vital actions , which are all little enough , be they never so liberally dispensed , and never so duly perform'd , ( vastly disproportionable to that eternal crown , which we know is adjudged , a reward to every man , according to his works ) have not so much as a thought or designe all their lives long ( nor till those last , fearful summons extort it from them ) to advance so farre as attrition and contrition , sorrow , and resolution of amendment , and then have no means to secure them of the truth , and sincerity of these , the unreasonableness , i say , and danger of these is † elsewhere largely insisted on , but never sufficiently lamented , being that which is the debauching all parts of the world , a presumption , that ingages in all sin , and ruine , ascertains the life to be wholly unprofitable , and hath the luck among all professions of christians to have aides and officers diligent to offer it some encouragements ; the romanists have many , formerly named , and their extreme vnction , administred as the dying mans viaticum ( which s. james mention'd as the ceremony of his recovery ) may be added to the catalogue , and others of severall perswasions have made them other tenders of kindnesse , and being unwilling to discourage such cunctators , alwaies keep them up in good hope , that if they are not yet called ( for that is the style to expresse any impenitent , obdurate sinner ) they may yet with the thief be brought in at the last hour , and so ( to omit the desperate gulf they are by these vain hopes , if god shew not miracle , most sadly plunged in ) are ascertain'd never to superstruct any vital action , on that divine foundation , so fitly prepared for it . § . 9. if there be any , that mistake sorrow for sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( which it is very ordinary to finde in those who carry it to hell with them , and which continues in that state of woe , as charity doth in heaven ) and confound it with repentance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is never lesse then a conversion , and change of minde , these by obtruding an unsufficient part for the whole , the beginning of a change for the entire work of new life , will fall under the former guilt of obstructing this superstructure , and so , in a word , will all they , that either through indulgence to others , or fondness to any sinne in themselves , substitute for repentance any thing that is lesse , then a sincere , uniform resolution of new obedience , attended with faithful endevour , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meet , proportionable , worthy fruits of this change forever after . the several , of such possible , or real mistakes in the ret●il , are not here proper to be insisted on . chap. xix . of the necessaries to the superstructing of good life on this foundation . § . 1. there is still a fourth branch of discourse behinde , which by the laws of the designed method , must now briefly be consider'd , what things are necessary to the erecting of this superstructure on this foundation , whether in a particular christian , or especially in a church , or societie of such . § . 2. where by [ necessary ] i mean not the supernatural necessaries , the preventing , and assisting , and renewing grace of god , which we suppose god ready to annex to the revelation of his will , in the hearts of all that with obedient humble spirits receive , and sincerely imbrace it ; nor 2dly , in the physical notion of necessity , that without which the work cannot possibly be done , the building be erected , for in this sense , as was said , it cannot be affirmed of all the articles of the creed , that they are thus absolutely necessary , i. e. that no man can be imagined to reform his life , so as to be acceptable to god , but he to whom every of those articles hath been intelligibly revealed ; ( for of many plain , yet pious christians 't is not certain , that that can truly be now affirmed , and of the pious jews before christ's time , it is not so much as pretended . ) § . 3. but by necessary ] i mean that which is morally necessary to this end , i. e. very useful and helpful to advance it , and make it most probable to be attained , among men of those tempers , which we are commonly to look for in the world ; meaning also by the end to which these means are ordinable , not onely the first act of change , resolution of reforming , but withall the continuance and perseverance in such resolutions , and the bringing forth meet fruits of repentance , and that again , not in a single person only , but in a communitie or multitude of men . § . 4. and in passing our judgment on this kinde of necessaries , it will not be modestly nor soberly done , if any of our own wisdome intrude or interpose or be willing to make additions to what christ & his apostles have designed , and the vniversal practise of the church hath succesfully used , and recommended to us in this kinde ; and therefore all that we have farther to doe , is , to recollect , what things there are which are thus brought down unto us . § . 5. and that will appear to be a methodical successive observation of these severals , as degrees and steps , preparative the one to the other , and all together , thus orderly used , sufficient through the blessing of god ( and more probable then any course we could likely have pitched on ) to attain the designed end successfully . § . 6. a solemn admission of proselytes , all that either , being of age , desire that admission for themselves , or that , in infancie , are by others presented to that charitie of the church , with the desires of the parents , and intercession of sureties , that they may be thus early admitted by baptisme , the ceremonie of initiating proselytes , of entring disciples into the school of christ . § . 7. if the persons thus admitted be of years of understanding , then some competent degree of instruction is reasonably to prepare for it , which , if they be baptized in infancie , is timely to attend , and security to be taken for the present , that they shall be brought to the church in due time , where that is presumed to be ready for them . and b●cause in an established church , where that instruction is secured on all hands , and so is reasonably presumed to attend baptisme , the practise of the church hath alwaie been ( transcribed from the apostles ) to bring infant children to baptisme ▪ we have all reason to adhere to that practise , and to acknowledge with thankefulness the several advantages , which it contributes , toward the end of redeeming us from all iniquitie , and purifying a peculiar people unto christ . § . 8. first , on god's part , it secures to the infant a non-imputation of adam's transgression , seals unto him an assurance of god's not proceeding with him according to the strict covenant first made with man , of a perfect unsinning obedience , by which we could have no hope to be justified , and on the contrary receives him into a covenant of grace , where there is pardon reached out to all ( truly penitent ) sinners , and assistance promised and engaged ( and bestowed upon very easie conditions , humility and prayer and affiance in him ) and this , in a degree proportionable to what now is required of us , as farre as is truly sufficient , and can reasonably be desired by a rational agent , and as is reconcileable with that liberty , which is necessary to be reserved to the will of man , to make him capable of virtue and vice , and consequently of reward and punishment ; and this is a necessary expedient to deliver from the encumbrance and weight of fears , and to beget a lively and a quickning hope , and so 't is in it self one excellent principle of action , ( which slackneth for want of encouragement , and cannot choose but be inlivened by such pregnant grounds of it ) and thus it must needs appear to be , whensoever the infant attains to years and means of understanding it . § . 9. secondly , it is the entring the infant into the church , where the means of knowledge of duty dwells , and where it is early communicated to all , and so to this infant as soon as he is capable of receiving it , and the advantage hereof is inestimable , to be thus early taken up and prepossessed by christ before any other competitor hath made his claim , or gotten admission or hold or interest in him . § . 10. thirdly , it is the imposing a band and sacramental obligation upon him , an oath , a vow , which being the condition , upon the constant performance whereof all the promises of endlesse blisse are made over to him by god , it is not possible for one that prizeth his own good , to wish it had not been made , or deliberately to rescind or disclaim the standing obliged by it , and by this means it layes an absolute necessity on every one that hath been baptized , to undertake the performance of christ's condition , i. e. of a pious and christian life . § . 11. fourthly , it is solemnized with the prayers and benedictions of the church , which are alwaies of great efficacie to bring down that which is prayed for , but are especially so , when they are annexed to an institution of christ ( such as baptisme is known to be ) and the effect of those benedictions being the preventions , and illuminations , and assistances , and inspirations of god's good spirit , the heavenly auxiliaries , and secret hand , by which god hath promised to fight against amalek against sin forever , this together with the former advantages is very instrumental toward the beginning of this course , and ingaging the infant betimes to a constant perseverance in it . and accordingly baptisme in the scripture , and the rest of the particulars which are to attend it , as in some respect they are to be looked on , as privileges , and advantages afforded us by christ ( for such beyond all other things are those , that effectually induce reformation , or christian life ) so are they most frequently considered as bands and obligations , and seals of the christian's covenant with christ , whereby he ingages his soul to a faithful performance of his part of the covenant , and cannot now without perjurie and apostasie wilfully recede from it . § . 12. after baptisme ( when that is in infancie received , as now in a christian church we suppose it to be ) succeeds in the next place instruction and institution in the nature and several branches of that vow which was made at the font , and this in such a short , perspicuous , intelligible manner , and in so particular addresse and application to every single person ( which , with the narrow-mouthed bottle in quintilian , will not probably be filled with throwing whole buckets of water over it ( to which preaching is most fit to be compared ) and therefore requires to be taken single in the hand , and to have that which is needful , warily and with care infused into it ) that it is hardly imaginable how a more provident course should be taken , then is by the church appointed to be used , to convince every young person of his obligation , and to qualifie him judiciously and warily to take that oath in his own person , which was by proxies formerly taken for him , and what greater band can lie on any to undertake the duties of christian life , then the thus surveying and renewing of that oath . § . 13. and what is thus prepared for in catechizing is in the third place performed by confirmation , a most profitable usage of the church transcribed from the practise of the apostles , which consists in two parts , the childe 's undertaking in his own name every part of the baptismal vow ( having first approved himself to understand it ) and to that purpose , that he may more solemnly enter this obligation , bringing some godfather with him , not now ( as in baptisme ) as his procurator to undertake for him , but as a witness to testifie his entring this obligation , which one thing being heedfully and piously performed , is the greatest ingagement imaginable to the performance of the matter of the vow ( in which all christian belief and practise is folded up ) considering that every act of presumptuous sin , which shall ever be committed against that vow , brings the guilt of formal downright perjurie along with it ▪ together with the punishment that belongs to that great and criminous guilt , and the forfeiture of his right and claim to all those mercies , which either in baptisme or confirmation are made over to him by christ . § . 14. the second part of confirmation is the prayer and benediction of the bishop , the successour of the apostles in this office , and that made more solemn by the ceremony of imposition of hands , a custome indeed of the jewish parents in blessing their children , but taken up by the apostles themselves , in stead of that divine insufflation , which christ had used to them in conferring the holy ghost upon them , joh. 20.22 . as an outward signe of the same , as for holy orders , act. 6.6 so for confirmation of believers after baptisme , act. 8.18 . and the matter of this benediction , and petition , being the strength of christ , the daily increase of the manifold gifts of grace , the spirit of wisdome , understanding , counsel and ghostly strength , of knowledge and true godliness and holy fear , as the bestowing of these upon the childe is both the strengthning and ingaging him to all piety , to the bishop's prayer being thus , by virtue of his office , offered up , and having the suffrages of the whole congregation to joyn with it , and being commenced to god for that boon ( the spirit ) which he hath promised to grant to our importunity , it may most reasonably be presumed to be of force and efficacie with god to bring down that grace which may inable to will and to doe , on all that come duly qualified to receive it . § . 15. to which i may adde , that this being designed by the church to certifie those that are thus confirmed of god's favour and gracious goodness toward them , it hath all the advantages that either hope of acceptance and reward , or a grateful sense of mercies received can adde to it , to engage and oblige us to a constant obedience to him . § . 16. fourthly , those which are thus confirmed , are thereby supposed to be fit for admission to that other sacrament of the body and blood of christ , instituted in the close of his last supper : and that , whether it be considered , 1. as an institution of christ for the solemn commemorating of his death ; or 2. as a sacrifice eucharistical performed by the christian to god ; or 3. as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 communication of the body and blood of christ , the means of conveying all the benefits of the crucified saviour unto all , that come fitly prepared , and qualified for them ; or whether 4. as a federal rite betwixt the soul and christ , eating and drinking at his table , and thereby engaging our obedience to him ; or lastly , as an embleme of the most perfect divine charity to be observed among all christians ; in all and every of these respects , i say , it is doubtlesse an instrument of great virtue , that hath a peculiar propriety to engage the receiver to persevere in all piety . and that yet farther improved by the frequent iteration , and repetition of that sacrament . § . 17. 1. as it is the commemorating the death of christ , so it is the professing our selves the disciples of the crucified saviour , and that ingageth us to take up his crosse and follow him , and not to fall off from him for any temptations , or terrors of death it self , but to resist to blood ( as christ did ) in our spiritual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our olympicks or combates against sin . § . 18. 2dly , as it is the eucharistical christian sacrifice , so it is formally the practising of several acts of christian virtue , 1. of prayer , of thanksgiving , of all kinde of piety towards god ; 2. of charity to our brethren , both that spiritual , of interceding for all men , for kings , &c. 1 tim. 2.1 . and corporal , in the offertorie , for the relief of those that want ; and 3. the offering up and so consecrating our selves , our souls and bodies to be a holy , lively , acceptable service to god , the devoting our selves to his service all our daies , and this last a large comprehensive act of piety , which contains all particular branches under it , and is again the repeating of the baptismal vow , and the yet closer binding of this engagement on us . § . 19. 3dly , as it is by god designed , and , as an institution of his , blessed and consecrated by him into a sacrament , a holy rite , a means of conveying and communicating to the worthy receiver the benefits of the body and blood of christ , that pardon of sin and sufficience of strength and grace , which were purchased by his death , and typified and consigned to us by the sacramental elements , so 't is again the ridding us of all our discouraging fears , and the animating and obliging of us to make use of that grace , which will carry us ( if we doe not wilfully betray our succours ) victoriously through all difficulties . § . 20. 4thly , as it is a federal rite betwixt god and us ( as eating and drinking both among the jewes and heathens was wont to be ) so 't is on our part the solemn undertaking of the condition required of us to make us capable of the benefit of god's new evangelical covenant , and that is syncere performance of all duties prescribed the christian by christ , and he that doth no longer expect good from god then he performs that condition , is ipso facto devested of all those fallacious flattering hopes , which pretended to make purifying unnecessary , and must now either live purely and piously , or else disclaim ever seeing of god. § . 21. lastly , as this supper of the lord is a token and engagement of charity among the disciples of christ , so it is the supplanting of all the most diabolical sins , the filthiness of the spirit , the hatred , variance , emulation , strife , revenge , faction , schism , that have been the tearing and rending of the church of god ( oft-times upon pretense of the greatest piety ) but were by christ , of all other things , most passionately disclaimed , and cast out of his temple , and if by the admonitions , which this embleme is ready to afford us , we can think our selves obliged to return to that charity and peaceable-mindedness , which christ so frequently and vehemently recommends to us , we have his own promise , that the whole body shall be full of light , mat. 6. that all other christian virtues will by way of concomitance or annexation , accompany or attend them in our hearts . § . 22. and the several happy influences of all and each of these considerations , especially when they are superadded to the three former grand instruments , and frequently , every month at least , and every great festivity , called in to reinforce our watch , to remand us to our scrutinie ( the examination and search of out hearts and purging out all impurity , that hath been contracted in those intervals ) and to renew our vows of temper and vigilance , may very reasonably be allowed to have some considerable virtue and efficacy in them , to advance that work , for which christ came out from the bosome of his father , to superstruct the practise of all virtue , where the faith of christ is once planted . § . 23. after these four , which are thus subordinate and preparative the one to the other , the later still bringing with it an addition of weight to the former , two more there are which are several from , and yet being of continual use , are interweaved and mixt with every of these , and having their distinct energie proper to themselves , when they are in conjunction with the former , or added to them , they must needs accumulate and superadde a considerable weight unto them . § . 24. the first is the use of liturgie , the second the word of exhortation among the jewes , and in the apostles times , and proportionable to that the sermons or homilies of the church . § . 25. the liturgie as it contains the whole daily office , consisting of confession , prayers , psalms , hymnes , reading of the scripture of both testaments , creeds , supplications , intercessions , thanksgivings , injunctions of gestures and of ceremonies , and of holy-daies , is both the exercise of many parts of piety , and the conservatory of the foundation , on which all piety together is regularly built , and a means of hightning devotion and infusing zeal into it ; and the diligent , worthy , continual ( in stead of the negligent , formal , rarer ) use of it , and the unanimous accord of whole societies and multitudes herein , would certainly be very efficacious advancers of all christian virtue , of piety , of charity , of purity , over the world , of the two former directly , and of the later by way of diversion , the frequent performance of such offices , obstructing and sealing up the fountains of impurity , and intercepting that leisure , which is necessary to the entertaining the beginnings of it . § . 26. so for preaching or exhorting the people by way of homilie , it appears to have been received from the jewish by the christian church , and by the phrase , by which it is expressed in the acts [ a word of exhortation to the people ] it appears to have been generally imployed in reprehension of vices and exhortation to virtuous living , and if we survey the homilies of the antient church ( such are those of s. chrysostome most eminently ) we shall discern that as upon festival daies the subject of the homilie was constantly the business of the day , the clearing the mysterie , the incarnation of christ &c. and the recommending the actions or sufferings of the saint , and raising mens hearts to acknowledge the goodness of god in setting up such exemplary patterns and guides before us , so upon other daies , after some short literal explication of some place of scripture , the custome was , not to raise doctrinal points , according to every preachers judgment or phansie , but presently to fall off to exhortation to temperance , continence , patience , and the like christian virtues , which either the propriety of the text , or the wants and sins of the auditory , or the times suggested to them . and this so farre from being a fault in their method of preaching , that it was an eminent exemplary piece of christian prudence , observable and imitable in them , as a means of keeping false or unnecessary definitions out of the church , which tend to the increase of disputes and contentions , and whilst they they doe so , are not to the edification and benefit , but to the destruction and mischief of the hearers . § . 27. of this usage of the church it is most visible , if it be but by the ill uses which are made of it many times in stirring up seditions , rebellions , murthers , hatreds , animosities , calumnies , revilings of superiors , &c. in disseminating of heresies , infusing of prejudices &c. what advantage may be had toward the advancement of all parts of christian life by a due performance of it , 't is very much in the power of a popular orator to represent vices in so formidable , yet just appearances , and to set out each virtue in so amiable a form , and to apply this so particularly to those that are concerned to be thus wrought on , that the covetous person shall flie from , and scatter ( most liberally ) his beloved idol , wealth , the rageful person shall finde a calm , the lustful a coldness insensibly infused upon his breast , and the auditor's phansie and sensitive affections being called in to joyn with his reason and the spirit of god , it will by the blessing of that spirit be in the power of meditation , to radicate these seeds , to fix this transient gleam of light and warmth , to confirm inclinations and resolutions of good ( received in at the ear ) and give them a durable consistence in the soul . § . 28. next to this is the spiritual persons being called for ( and obeying the summons ) to visit the sick , jam. 5.14 . to assist him in the great work of discussing and examining his conscience , of making his search as particular as it can , whether it be any sin either unreformed , or unsufficiently mortified , which may have laid him under god's present displeasure , and brought that disease , as a piece of discipline , upon him . in this condition the rod of god hath a voice to be heard , and he whose office it is in publick to explain the oracles of god for the use of the church , and to apply them to each mans wants , is now to preach on this new text , and expound to the sick man ( as farre as by the closest inspection he can judge ) the particular meaning of the voice , the interpretation of god's message to him , and if he be not able , like daniel to interpret nebuchadnezzar's dream , or belshazzar's hand-writing on the wall , which was the work of a prophet extraordinarily inspired , yet he may , without the spirit of divination , discern that affinity and dependence betwixt the man's unreformed sins , and god's hand of punishment , which may be sufficient ground of superstructing daniel's exhortation of breaking off his sinnes by repentance , and shewing mercy to the poor , by humiliation , sincere resolution and vow of new life , and by meet fruits of such reformation , the highest works of charity and piety , that the patient is capable of . and besides that this method may receive so much force ( and probably prove successful ) by assistance of those impressions , that the desire of recovering the former health may have upon the patient ( when he considers the pardon of sinnes , which ordinarily introduced christ's corporal cures , and prudently judgeth how improbable it is , that god , which for any sin committed hath inflicted this disease , should remove it before reformation , or if he doth , must doe it as an act of higher wrath and punishment ) besides this , i say , the time of sickness , or any other affliction , is like the cool of the day to adam , a season of peculiar propriety for the voice of god to be heard in the mouth of his messengers , and so may , by the assistance of united prayers for god's blessing on his own instruments , be improved into a very advantageous opportunity of begetting or increasing spiritual life in the soul , and cannot without great guilt of unkindness and treachery to that most pretious part be neglected or omitted by us . § . 29. and the analogie holds , though not in the same degree , yet in the proportion , to every other season or person , who is under the power of any unreformed sin , or is doubtful of the sincerity of the kinde , or sufficience of the degree of his change , and is not so fit or competent a judge of his own estate ( if upon no other score but because his own ) as any other fellow christian of no deeper judgment then himself , or as the spiritual person , whose office it is to watch for his soul , and is probably furnished with more skill , fidelity & zeal toward the doing of it , may be deemed to be . and in this case the use of spiritual conference ( which is at all times very profitable , yea and pleasant to every diligent humble christian ) is unimaginable and unspeakable , especially if it be free and unrestrained , having all the advantages of the divinest friendship , and withall all the contentments and satisfactions of it ( which are exceedingly great , and agreeable to rational ingenuous natures ) and bearing an image and lively resemblance of that conversation which is among angels and beatified saints , a communication and conjunction of souls , designed to our highest interests and concernments , the countermining and eradicating of sin , mortifying this or that passion , rage , or other sensual desire , and contending for the highest exaltation and improvement of our natures , all growth in grace , and the practical knowledge of our lord and saviour jesus christ . § . 30. many inhaunsments of this spiritual useful , though more private exercise , might be farther noted , and rules for the more advantageous practise of it , especially that there were some eminent persons , of known abilities , experience , judgment , gravity , fidelity , zeal to all christian virtue and the good of souls set apart to this one office of spiritual conference , in every province , and all men rationally convinced of the great benefits that might be reaped by a frequent resort to them in all possible times of need , and of the no kinde of detriment or disadvantage , that they can suffer by it . § . 31. but beyond all these there is another very efficacious method still behinde , of which the apostle saith , that it was not carnal or weak ▪ but mighty to god , or very powerful , for the bringing down of strong holds , for the subduing of the most obstinate , contumacious sinner , and bringing him into the obedience of the faith of christ , and that is the power and exercise of the keyes committed to the apostles & their successors by christ , the weapons of their warfare , as saint paul calls them , the means of discharging their office to the good of souls . § . 32. for when any baptized , instructed , confirmed , communicated christian , which hath participated of the liturgie and sermons of the church , shall in despight of all these obligations ( very competent and sufficient to have restrain'd him ) break out into any known wilfull scandalous sin , this course is then ready at hand , to be sent as an officer to arrest and reduce him , first the admonitions , fraternal or paternal , of his fellow christians , or of the governors of the church , then more publike reprehensions and increpations , and upon the unsuccessfulness of all these milder medicaments , the use of that stronger physick , the censures of the church , either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a determinate , shorter space , or else indefinitely , usque ad reformationem , untill he reform and return , and then when he doth so , the admitting him to penance , to approve the sincerity of his change by meet fruits of repentance , and then , and not till then , allowing him the benefit , of absolution . § . 33. the efficacy and usefulness of this last method hath elswhere been shewn at large ( in a tract on that subject ) especially upon the score of shame , when he that will live the life of a heathen , go on unreformed in any open sin , shall not be allowed the honour of a christian name , of an ordinary good reputation among men , but be banished and interdicted the enjoyment of those sacred privileges , which the meanest of christ's flock is allowed by him . what these losses are , is sufficiently known , and set off by the apostles style , expressing them by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , destruction and excision , and the like ; as for that other of shame , the efficacy that belongs to it , may be discerned by that antient apophthegm of * cleobulus , the fift of the sages of greece , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that that people are composed to the greatest sobriety , among whom the citizens stand in more fear of dispraise , then of law ; supposing that state to be best qualified , where virtue , and every part of good living , which laws are wont to prescribe , hath acquired so great a credit , and reputation among all , that without fear of punishment from laws , or magistrates , the very dread of shame and disgrace shall be able to contain all men within the bounds of exact living , and awe them from admitting any thing which is foul , or sinful . to which purpose also is that of † hippodamus the pythagorean , that there be three causes of virtue ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and shame is the last of them , of which , saith he , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ) good customes are able to infuse a dread into all men , that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 well cultivated , and make them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to have a reverence , or pudicitious , chaste fear of doing any thing which is ill . and according to this prudential notion of these wise men of the world , is this piece of christian discipline instituted by our saviour , to deprive vice of its greatest temptation , the praise of men , to exalt and set up virtue the onely creditable thing , and brand sin as infamous , and if this of shame superadded to the former of losse ( and both being met together , as the sinners portion here , perfectly prefiguring the two saddest ingredients in hell , deprivation of the blissful vision , and confusion of face ) cannot prove efficacious and successful to the mortifying of unprofitable vice , the church doth then give over the patient as desperate ; pretends not to any farther methods of working on such obdurate sinners . § . 34. nor indeed is it reasonable it should , when beside the foundation ( consisting of so many stones , each of them elect and pretious , chosen by the wisdome of heaven for this admirable work of reforming the most obdurate jew or heathen ) this series and succession of so many powerful methods being farther prescribed by god and administred by the church , have found so discouraging a reception , that nothing but the violence of storming or battery ( the course which god is forced to take for the destroying , but cannot without changing the course of nature , for the converting of sinners ) can hope or pretend to prove successful on them . § . 35. what hath been said of the wise disposition of god in preparing & instituting this series of necessaries for the effecting this great work , the reformation of mens lives ( the latter annext to the former , each to adde weight and authority , and to vindicate the contempts of the former ) might more largely be insisted on yet , on a farther designe , to give us a just value of that sacred office , which christ fixed in the church in his apostles and the bishops their successors , and honoured it and them in this especially , that he hath put these weapons into their hands , intrusted to , and invested in them the power of dispensing all these , and by that means rendred them necessary to the planting and supporting a church of vital christians , to the maintaining of pious practise in any community of professors . but this would soon swell this discourse beyond the limits designed to it . § . 36. all that is behinde will be by way of comment on that part of the church of england's charity , which hath constantly called to god , that he will inspire continually the vniversal church with the spirit of truth , unity , and concord , and grant that all they that doe confesse his holy name may agree in the truth of his holy word , and live in unity and godly love . a prayer . o most gracious lord god , the creator of all things , but of men and all mankinde a tender compassionate father in jesus christ , thou that hast enlarged thy designes and purposes of grace and mercy , as the bowels and blood-shedding of thy son with an earnest desire that every weak or sinfull man should partake of that abysse , that infinite treasure of thy bounty , thou that hast bequeathed to us that legacie and example of a sacred inviolate peace , a large diffusive charity , we meekly beseech thee to overshadow with thy heavenly grace the souls of all men over all the world , o lord , thou lover of souls , to bring home to the acknowledgment and embraces of thy son all that are yet strangers to that profession , and in whatsoever any of us , who have already received that mercy from thee , may be any way useful or instrumental to that so glorious end , to direct and incline our hearts toward it , to work in us all an holy zeal to thy name , and tender bowels to all those whose eternity is concerned in it . o give us a true serious full comprehension and value of that one great interest of others , as well as our selves , shew us , the meanest of us , some way to contribute toward it , if it be but our daily affectionate prayers for the enlarging of thy kingdome , and the care of approving all our actions so , as may most effectually attract all to this profession . and for all those that have already that glorious name of thy son called upon them , blessed lord , that they may at length , according to the many engagements of their profession , depart from iniquity , that that holy city , that new jerusalem may at length according to thy promise descend from heaven , prepared as a bride adorned for the husband christ , that that tabernacle of god with men may be illustriously visible among us , that we may be a peculiar people , and thou our god inhabiting in power among us , that we which have so long professed thee , and been instructed by thee , may no longer content our selves with that form of knowledge , which so often engenders strife , contentions , animosities , separating , and condemning one another , and that most unchristian detestable guilt of blood , but endevour and earnestly contend for the uniform effectual practise of all the precepts of thy son , the fruits and power of all godliness , that all the princes and people of christendome , the pastors and sheep of thy fold may at length in some degree walk worthy of that light and that warmth , that knowledge and those graces , that the sun of righteousness with healing in his wings hath so long poured out upon us . lord purge & powerfully work out of all hearts that profaneness and atheisticalness , those sacrilegious thirsts and enormous violations of all that is holy , those unpeaceable , rebellious , mutinous , and withall tyrannizing cruell spirits , those prides and haughtinesses , judging and condemning , defaming and despising of others , those unlimited ambitions and covetings , joyned with the invasion and violation of others rights , those most reproachful excesses and abominable impurities , which to the shame of our unreformed obdurate hearts , doe still remain unmortified unsubdued among us , but above all , those infamous hypocrisies of suborning religion to be the engine of advancing our secular designes , or the disguise to conceal the foulest intentions , of bringing down that most sacred name whereby we should be saved , to be the vilest instrument of all carnality , and by the power of thy convincing spirit , lord humble and subdue all that exalts it self against the obedience of christ . and when thou hast cast out so many evil spirits , be pleased thy self to possesse and inrich our souls , to plant and root and confirm and secure in us all those pretious fruits of piety , and faith , and obedience , and zeal toward thee ; of purity , and meekness , and simplicity , and contentedness , and sobriety , in our selves ; of justice , and charity , and peaceableness , and bowels of mercy , and compassion toward all others ; that having seriously , and industriously , as our holy vocation ingages us , used all diligence to adde unto our faith , virtue ; and to virtue , patience , and perseverance in all christian practise , we may adorn that profession , which we have so long depraved , and having had our fruit unto holiness , we may obtain our end everlasting life , through jesus christ our lord. amen . the contents . chap. i. the notation of the word fundamental . page 1 chap. ii. the division of the discourse into four parts , what are fundamental in general . page 15 chap. iii. a particular view of fundamentals , jesus christ indefinitely . page 24 chap. iv. jesus christ crucified . page 35 chap. v. jesus christ raised &c. page 38 chap. vi. other articles of belief in christ . page 42 chap. vii . the faith in baptisme . page 56 chap. viii . of the creeds in general , and first of the apostles creed . page 58 chap. ix . of the nicene and athanasian creeds together ; and severally of the nicene . page 82 chap. x. of the athanasian creed . page 91 chap. xi . of the superstructure , and the particular branches thereof . page 94 chap. xii . of the doctrines that hinder the superstructing of good life on the christian belief , first among the romanists , a catalogue of them , especially that of the infallibility of the church , 2. among others , 1. that of the solifidian . page 108 chap. xiii . of the fiduciarie . page 120 chap. xiv . of christ's dying for none but the elect . page 130 chap. xv. of the irrespective decrees of election and reprobation . page 145 chap. xvi . of the predetermination of all things . page 156 chap. xvii . of the spirits acting all things within the man. page 192 chap. xviii . of the mistakes concerning repentance . page 202 chap. xix . of the necessaries to the superstructing of good life on this foundation . page 211 a prayer . page 240 the end . errata . page 51. line 12. re : christ p. 60. § . 4 l. 9. re : eutychen p. 77. l. 1. after omitted adde ) p. 90. l. 25. after practise adde , p. 95. l. 17. after the adde most p. 110. marg : the note subditos-with that next following it , valdi — belong to p. 111. l. 7. and the word guilt p. 111. the note summorum — belongs to lin . 19. and the word deviabilis p. 111. the note 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs to p. 112. l. 16. and the word secure p. 114. l. 19. after principle for ( put , l. 20. after falshoods for ) put , l. 21. after practises adde ( l. 23. after bread , adde of l. 24. after god adde ) p. 128. l. 4. after not re : but be reasonable p. 172. l. 19. after nature adde and p. 178. l. 10. dele was p. 189. l. 20. re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 198. l. 17. re : § . 11. p. 200. l. 5. for if re : of p. 204. l. 27. after being adde ( l. 30. after god adde ) p. 206. lin . 9. after repentance adde which is not repentance p. 213. l. 17. after § . 6. re : first p. 219. l. 3. for in re : of p. 223. l. 7. for service re : sacrifice p. 229. l. 26. re : diffused notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45419-e90 foundation is a relative and figurative word . the relation of it to superstructure . building on the sand , and on a rock . the difference between them . the superstructure to which foundation here relates , two sorts of superstructures . heaven . the church . heaven cannot be it , for two reasons . the first . the second . fundamental to a church , to piety and christian life . this notion of fundamental confirmed . by s. athanasius . edifying . four branches of discourse proposed . the general way of defining fundamentals , by what the apostles taught every where . the foundation laid , 1 cor. 3.11 . 1 tim. 6.20 . jude 3. 2 tim. 1.13 . eph. 4.5 . approved in common by the apostles . comprehensive of all necessaries — to the planting of a church ; not to the conversion of every particular person . some jews reduced to good life without this foundation . synesius a bishop before he believed the resurrection ▪ jesus christ the foundation . 1 cor. 3.11 . the christian foundation compared with the natural . with the judaical . with the heathen and mahomedan . christ crucified the foundation . what propriety the crosse hath to this . christ's resurrection the foundation . an argument of the greatest conviction . a pawn of our resurrection corporal , and spiritual . an example of new life to us . the mysterie of godliness , 1 tim. 3.16 . god made manifest by the flesh . the arians doctrines against it . de fide p. 53. god justified by the spirit . god seen of angels . preached among the gentiles . believed on among men . the jewes ; the gentiles . received up into glory . the father , son , and holy ghost . the apostles creed . proved to be the apostles . † ecclesia per universum orbem usque ad sines terrae seminata , & ab apostolis & à discipulis corum accepit eam fidem quae est in unū deū patrē omnipotentē &c. iren : l. 1. c. 2. * quid si neque apostoli quidem scripturas reliquissent nobis , nonne oportebat ordinem sequi traditionis , quam tradiderunt iis , quibus constituebant ecclesias ? cui ordinationi assentiunt mullae gentes barbarorum , quorum qui in christum credunt , sine chartâ & atramento scriptum habentes in cordibus suis salutare , & veterem eruditionem diligenter custodientes , in unum deum credentes &c. iren : l. 3. c. 4. the articles thereof fundamental to good life . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the article of god the father . of god the son. of god the holy ghost . of the holy catholick church . of the communion of saints . the forgiveness of sins ; misinterpreted . rightly understood . the want of this to renovation in a first , a second , a third respect . the necessity of it . the belief of the resurrection of the body . fundamental to renovation . the want of it very hurtful . the perswasion gainfull . everlasting life . the necessity of the belief of that . the design of ●●●er creeds . defined . of the nicene . one god. of all things visible , and invisible . one lord jesus christ , &c. the h. ghost the lord and giver of life &c. one baptisme for the remission of sins . the doctrine of the athanasian creed . the censures . the generall nature of the superstruction in five particulars . the specialties of it . piety in opposition to idolatrie . piety in opposition to formality . to hypocrisie to sacrilege . to profaneness . obedience to superiors . charitie . e. puritie . contentedness· taking up the crosse . doctrines among the romanists . the doctrine of infallibility . † subditos illi ( papae ) simpliciter obligari ad credendum , adeò irrationabile & blasphemiae plenum est , ut etiam quacunque haeresi pestilentius inveniatur , that subjects should be absolutely and simply bound to believe the pope , is so irrational and full of blasphemy , that it is found more pestilent then any heresie whatsoever . wesselus groningens : de dignit : & potest : eccl : c. 1. ( written about 200 years since . ) valdè periclitaretur vita justi si penderet ex vitâ papae . wesselus groningens : de dignit : & potest : eccl : c. 1. the life of a just man would be in very great hazard , if it depended on the life of the pope . summorum pontificum plerique pestilenter erraverunt &c. most of the popes have erred pestilently . wesselus groningens : de dign : & potest : eccl : c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; what amulet hath the pope to preserve him from denying god in his words , who so oft doth it in works ? nilus de prim : p. 57. of the pope . † de primatu p. 57. the ill effects of it . the perswasion of the solifidian . the doctrine of faith being a full perswasion . ostructive to good life . the pretended use of good life to the justifying of our faith , vain in four respects : the first . the second . the third . the fourth . the jew's premature perswasion of his good estate . the christians . the fiduciarie's ground , christ's dying for none but the elect. two farther obstructions to good life . of faiths being defined by reliance . the error of it . the danger of obstructing good life . universal redemption the doctrine of scripture . of the creeds . the nicene . the apostolick . of the church of england , in the catechism . in the cōmunion services . in the articles the ill consequences of the denying it . in the reducing a vitious christian . in comforting a disconsolate christian . the article of our church . the doctrine of irrespective decrees . takes off the force 1. of promises , 2. of terrors . 3. of commands . of gratitude ▪ the doctrine of god's predetermining all events . of preordering . of god's predetermining his own will. of gods prescience . the doctrine of predetermination noxious to practise . revealed and secret will. sin is not nothing . the distinction betwixt the act and the obliquitie . † noct : att : l. 6. c. 2. li. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † de fato . l. 6. c. 2. concerning the descent of the spirit . gods method in his church . teachers and learners . all that comes out of the heart is not from god. jam. 5.15.17 . mat. 15.18 , 19. the belief of it a very noxious error . worse then the fallacie of the heathen oracles . or idolatrous mysteries . of repentance ▪ dangerousness of mistakes in it ▪ misunderstanding rom. 7. † annot : in rom : 7. dangers of it . wishes of repentance . sorrow that they doe not wish . deferring repentance to death-bed . † of death-bed repentance . mistake of sorrow for repentance . three kindes of necessaries . morally necessary to this end . what the universal church of christ hath thought thus necessary . 1. baptisme , of infants . benefits of that ; the first . the second . the third . the fourth . catechizing . confirmation . the first part thereof . the second . the lord's supper . in five considerations . the first . the second . the third . the fourth . the fift . the frequency of receiving it . the use of liturgie . the use of liturgie . of preaching . visitation of the sick. spiritual conference . the power of the keyes . * stobaeus , ser : 41. p. 268. † li. de republ : this the last ecclesiastical means . the necessity of governors in the church . the conclusion . notes for div a45419-e89510 a prayer . a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england wherein the several pretended reasons for altering or abolishing the same, are answered and confuted / by henry hammond ... ; written by himself before his death. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1660 approx. 312 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 49 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45474 wing h617 estc r21403 12226521 ocm 12226521 56538 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45474) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56538) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 631:5) a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england wherein the several pretended reasons for altering or abolishing the same, are answered and confuted / by henry hammond ... ; written by himself before his death. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [8], 88 p. printed for austin rice ..., london : 1660. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -liturgy. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england . wherein the several pretended reasons for altering or abolishing the same , are answered and confuted . by henry hammond d. d. written by himself before his death . london , printed for austin rice , and are to be fold , at the crown in saint pauls church-yard , 1660. a preface to the ensuing discourse . sect. 1 that the liturgie of the church of england , which was at first as it were written in blood , at the least sealed , and delivered down to us by the martyrdom of most of the compilers of it , should ever since be daily solicited , and call'd to the same stage and theatre , to fill up what was behinde of the sufferings of those fathers , is no strange or new peice of oeconomy in the church of god. this proposition i shall take liberty briefly to prove by way of introduction to the ensuing discourse , and shall hope that you will acknowledge it with me , if you but consider these severals . sect. 2 first , that there is not a surer evidence and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which to discern the great excellencie of moderation in that book , and so the apportionatenesse of it , to the end to which it was designed , then the experience of these so contrary fates , which it hath constantly undergone , betwixt the persecutors on both extream parts , the assertors of the papacy on the one side , and the consistory on the other , the one accusing it of schisme , the other of complyance , the one of departure from the church of rome , the other of remaining with it , like the poore greek church , our fellow martyr , devoured by the turk for too much christian profession , and damn'd by the pope for too little , it being the dictate of naturall reason in aristotle , ( whose rules have seldome failed in that kinde , since he observed them ) that the middle virtue is most infallibly known by this , that it is accused by either extreame as guilty 〈◊〉 the other extreame : that the true liberalitie of minde is by this be● exemplified , that it is defamed by the prodigall for passimony , and by the niggard for prodigality , by which ( by the way ) that great block of offence , which hath scandalized so many , will be in part removed , and the reproaches so continually heaped upon this book , will to every discerning judge of things , passe for as weak an unconcluding argument of guilt in it , as the scarres of a military man doth of his cowardice , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the every topick of rayling rhetorick , mal. 5. of the unchristiannesse of the person on whom they are powred out . sect. 3 secondly , that ever since the reproaches of men have taken confidence to vent themselves against this book , there hath nothing but ayre and vapour been vomited out against it , objections of little force to conclude any thing , but onely the resolute contumacious , either ignorance , or malice of the objector , which might at large be proved , both by the view of all the charges that former pamphlets have produced , all gathered together , and vindicated by mr. hooker , and that no one charge of any crime , either against the whole , or any part of it , which this directory hath offered ; which as it might in reason , make such an act of malice more strange , so will it to him that compares this matter with other practises of these times , ( whose great engine hath been the calumniari fortiter , the gaining credit by the violence of the cry , when it could not be had by the validity of the proofs , most men being more willing to believe a calumnie , then to examine it ) make it but unreasonable to wonder at it ; it being an experiment of daily observation , that those which have no crime of which they are accusable , are therefore not the lesse , but the more vehemently accused , prosecuted , and dragg'd to execution , that the punishment may prove them guilty , which nothing else could , it being more probable in the judgement of the multitude , ( who especially are considered now adayes , as the instruments to act our great designs ) that a nocent person should plead not guilty , then an innocent be condemned ; which prejudice , as it might be pardon'd from the charitie wherein 't is grounded , that they who are appointed to punish vilenesses , will not be so likely to commit them , so being applyed to usurping judges , ( whose very judging is one crime , and that no way avowable , but by making use of more injustices ) will prove but a peice of turcisme , which concludes all things honest , that prove successefull , or of the moderne divinity in the point of scandall , which makes it a sufficient exception against any indifferent usage , that it is by some excepted against , a competent cause of anger , that men are angry at it though never so without a cause . sect. 4 thirdly , that it hath been constantly the portion , and prerogative of the best things ( as of the best men ) to be under the crosse to have their good things of this world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with persecutions . mar. 10. 30. and so no strange thing that that which is alwayes a dealing with the crosse , should be sometimes a panting , and gasping under it ; there was never any surer evidence of the cleannesse of a creature amongst the jews , then that it was permitted to be sacrificed ; the lamb , and the turtle emblems of innocence , and charity , and the other christian virtues , were daily slaughter'd and devoured , while the swine , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and all the uncleaner creatures , were denyed that favour , placed under a kinde of anathema , or excommunication sentence , of such it was not lawfull , no not to eat ; and so it must be expected in the anti-type , that all the heat of the satanicall impression , all the fire of zeal , the sentence to be sacrifized , and devoted , should fall as now it doth , on this lambe-like , dove-like creature , of a making not apt to provoke any man to rage , or quarrell , or any thing , but love of communion , and thanksgiving to god for such an inestinable donative . sect. 5 fourthly , that a liturgie being found by the experience of all ancient times , as a necessary hedge , and mound to preserve any profession of religion , and worship of god in a nationall church , it was to be expected that the enemy and his instruments , which can call destruction mercy , embroyling of our old church the founding of a new ( we know who hath told one of the houses of this parliament so , that they have laid a foundation of a church among us , which if it signifie any thing , imports that there was no church in this kingdom before that session ) should also think the destroying of all liturgy , the onely way of security to gods worship , the no-form being as fitly accommodated to no-church , as the no-hedge , no-wall to the common , or desert , the no inclosure to the no-plantation . sect. 6 fifthly , that the eradication of episcopacy , first voted , then acted , by the ordination of presbyters by presbyters without any bishop , which begun to be practised in this kingdom , about the end of the last yeer , was in any reason to be accounted prooemicall and preparatory to some farther degree of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disorder , and to be attended by the abolltion of the liturgy in the beginning of this new yeer , ( episcopacy and liturgie being like the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among the aegyptians , this daughter to attend that mother , as among the barbarians when their prince died , some of the noblest were constantly to beare him company out of the world , not to mourn for , but to die with him ) a thing that the people of this kingdom could never have been imagined lowe or servile enough to beare or endure ( i am sure within few yeers they that sate at the stern of action conceived so , and therefore were fain by declaration , to disavow all such intentiōn of violence ) till by such other assayes , and practises , and experiments , they were found to be , satis ad servitutem parati , sufficiently prepared for any thing that was servile , almost uncapable of the benefit or relief of a jubilee , like the slave in exodus , that would not go out free , but required to be bored thorow the eare by his master , to be a slave for ever . sect. 7 sixtly , that it is one profest act of gods secret wisdom , to make such trials as this , of mens fidelity , and sence , and acknowledgement of his so long indulged favours , to see who will sincerely mourn for the departing of the glory from israel , whether there be not some that ( with the captive trojan woman in homer , who wept so passionately at the fall of patroclu● , but made that publick losse the season to prowre out their private grifes ) are sensible of those sufferings of the church onely wherein their interests are involved , and more neerly concerned ; whether not some that count the invasion of the revenues of the church a sacriledge , a calamity , and unparallell'd , but think the abolition of the liturgie unconsiderable , a veniall sin and misery ; whether that , wherein gods glory is joyned with any secular interest of our own , that which makes the separation betwixt christ and mammon , may be allowed any expression of our passion or zeal , i. e. in effect , whether we powre out one drop for christ in all this deluge of tears , or whether like uncompounded selflovers , whose onely centre and principle of motion is ourselves , we have passion to no spectacle but what the looking glasse presents to us , with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making god the pret●nce and apology , for that kindness , which is paid and powered 〈◊〉 ●nto another shrine . for of this there is no doubt , that of ●ll the changes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 designed and offered to authority , there is none for which flesh and blood , passions and interests of men can allow to ●ree a suf●rage , so regertlesse a consent , as this of the abolition of the liturgie , ( the s●uggishnesse of ungifted men , the onely thing that is affirmed to be concerned in , or to gaine by it , is perfectly mistaken , as shall a non appear ) and were there not a god in heaven , the care of whose honour obliged us to endeavour the preservation of it , were not a future growth of atheisme and prophanenesse the feared consequent of such abolition , and notorious experience ready to avow the justnesse of this feare , i have reason to be confident that no advocate would offer libell , no disputer put in exception , against this present directory ; i am privy to my own sence , that i should not , i have rather reason to impute it to my selfe , that the want of any such carnall motive to stir me up to this defence , might be the cause that i so long deferr'd to undertake it , and perhaps should have done so longer , if any man else had appear'd in that argument . and therefore unlesse it be strange for men , when there be so many tempters abroad , to be permitted to temptations , sure gods yeilding to this act of the importunity of satan ( who hath desired in this new way to explore many ) will not be strange neither . sect. 8 lastly , that our so long abuse of this so continued a mercy , our want of diligence , in assembling our selves together ( the too ordinarie fault of too many of the best of us ) our generall , scandalous , unexcusable disobedience to the commands of our church , which requires that service to be used constantly in publike every day , the vanity of prurient tongues and itching eares , which are still thirsting news and variety , but above all , the want of ardor and fervency in the performance of this prescribed service , the admitting of all secular company ( i meane worldly thoughts ) into its presence , preferring all secular businesse before it , the generall irreverence , and indifference in the celebrations , may well be thought to have incouraged satan to his expetivit , to the preferring his petition to god , and his importunity at length to have provoked god to deliver up our liturgy to him , and his ministers , to oppose and maligne , to calumniate and defame , and at last to gaine the countenance of an ordinance , to condemne and execute it as at this day . the lord be mercifull to them that have yeilded to be instrumentall to that great destroyer in this businesse . sect. 9 i have thus far laboured to presse home that part of st. peters exhortation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to think the calamity strange which hath befallen this church in this matter , on no other purpose , but to discharge that duty which we owe to gods secret providence , of observing the visible worke of it , that discerning our selves to be under his afflicting hand , we may , i. joyn in the use of all probable means to remove so sad a pressure , by humbling our selves , and reforming those sins which have fitted us for this captivity , then 2. that we may compassionate and pardon , and blesse , and pray for those whose hands have been used in the execution of this vengeance and reproach upon the land : and lastly , that we may endeavour , if it be possible , to disabuse and rectifie those , who are capable , by more light , of safer resolutions ; to which purpose these following animadversions being design'd in the bowels of compassion to my infatuated countrey-men , and out of a sincere single desire that our sins may have some end or allay , though our miseries have not , and therefore framed in such a manner , as i conceived , might prove most usefull , by being most proportionable to them , who stood most in need of them , without any oblation provided for any other shrine , any civility for the more curious reader ) are here offered to thee , to be dealt with as thou desirest to be treated at that last dreadfull tribunall , which sure then will be with acceptation of pardon , and with that charity ( the but just return to that which mixt this antidote for thee ) which will cover a multitude of sins . chap. i. in the ordinance prefixt to the directory ( being almost wholly made up of forms of repeal ) there are onely two things worthy of any stay or consideration . sect. 1 1. the motives upon which the houses of parliament have been inclined to think it necessary to abolish the book of common-prayer , and establish the directory , and those are specified to be three . first the consideration of the manifold inconveniences that have risen by the book in this kingdom . 2. the resolution according to their covenant , to reform religion according to the word of god , and the best reformed churches . 3. their having consulted with the learned , and pious , and reverend divines to that purpose , from whence they conclude it necessary to abolish the book . sect. 2 to this conclusion inferr'd upon these premises , i shall confidently make this return , 1. that the conclusion is as illogicall as any that any assembly of wise men have ever acknowledged themselves to be guilty of , no one of the three motives being severally of strength to bear such a superstructure , and therefore all together being as unfufficient ; for if the conclusion were onely of the prudence , or expedience , of taking it away , somewhat might be pretended for that inference from the premises , supposing them true : but when 't is of necessity ( and that twise repeated , and so not casually fallen from them ) there must then be somewhat of precept divine in the premises to induce that necessity , or else it will never be induced : for i shall suppose it granted by them with whom i now dispute , that nothing is necessary in the worship of god , but what god hath prescribed , the necessity of precept being the onely one that can have place in this matter , and the necessitas medii , being most improper to be here pleaded . but that there is no such direct precept , so much as pretended to by those three motives it is clear , and as clear , that all together , do not amount to an interpretative precept . for that a lawfull thing though prest with manifold inconveniences should be removed , is no where commanded the lawfull magistrate , but left to his prudence to judge whether there be not conveniences on the other side , which may counterballance those inconveniences ; much lesse is it commanded the inferiour courts in despight of king and standing law. for what ever of expedience ; and so of prudence might be supposed to interpose , that may be sufficient to incline a wise magistrate to make a law , but not any else , either to ●surp the power of a law-maker , or to do any thing contrary to establish'd laws ; there being nothing that can justifie the least disobedience of subjects to their prince , or the laws of the kingdom , but that obligation to that one superiour law of that higher prince , our father which is in heaven , which being supposed , 't is not all the resolutions and covenants in the world that can make it lawfull for any so to disobey , much lesse necessary , any more , then the saying corban in the gospel , i●e . pretending a vow will free the childe from the obligation of honouring or relieving his father , or then herod's vow made it lawfull to cut off the head of john the baptist : and then how far the consultation with those divines may induce that necessity , will upon the same ground also be manifest to any , especially that shall remember , with what caution that assembly was by the houses admitted to consult , and with what restraints on them , and professions , that they were call'd onely to be advisers , when they were required , but not to conclude any thing , either by a generall concurrence , or by that of a major part , any farther then the reasons which they should offer them , might preuail with them ; to which purpose it was so ordered , that if any one man dissented from the rest of their divines , his opinion and reasons were as much to be represented to the houses , as that other of the rest of the assembly . sect. 3 by this i conceive it appears , that i have not quarrell'd causelesly with the logick of this conclusion , the premises pretending at most but motives of expedience , and so as unable to infer a necessity , as a topicall argument is to demonstrate , or a particular to induce an universall . that which i would in charity guesse of this matter , as the cause of this mistake , is my not groundlesse suspicion , that when the presbyterians had prepared the premises , the independents framed the conclusion , the former of these joyning at last with the other in a resolution of taking away the book , but onely on prudentiall considerations ; not out of conscience of the unlawfulnesse , and proportionably setting down those reasons but prudentiall reasons ; and the latter though restrained from putting conscience into the premises , yet stealing it secretly into the conclusion , and so each deceiving and being deceived by each-other , i am not sure that my conjecture is right in this particular , yet have i a reason to insert it . i because i find in many places of the directory certain footsteps of this kind of composition and complyance , and mixture of those so distant sorts of reformers . 2. because the presbyterians which have formerly appeared both in other and in this kingdom ( whose copy these present reformers of that party have transcribed ) have constantly avowed the lawfulnesse of liturgy , and so cannot affirm any necessity of abolishing ; witnesse calvin himself ( whom we shall anon have occasion to produce ) and the practice of the church of geneva , and neerer to our selves , witnesse those foure classes , which in q. elizabeths dayes , had set themselves up in this kingdom . these had made complaint to the lord burleigh against our liturgy , and entertained hopes of obtaining his favour in that businesse about the yeer 1585. he demanded of them , whether they desired the taking away of all liturgy , they answered , no , he then required them to make a better , such as they would desire to have setled in the stead of this . the first classis did accordingly frame a new one , somewhat according to the geneva form . but this the second classis disliked , and altered in 600 particulars ; that again had the fate to be quarrell'd by the third classis , and what the third resolved on , by the fourth ; and the dissenting of those brethren , as the division of tongues at babel , was a fair means to keep that tower then from advancing any higher . nay even for our neighbours of scotland themselves , what ever some of them of late have thought fit to do , since they became covenanteers , ( in animosity perhaps and opposition to that terrible mormo , the liturgy sent to them from hence ) we know that they were presbyterians formerly , without seeing any necessity of abolishing liturgy . sect. 4 't is no news to tell you that mr knox wrote a liturgy , wherein there is frequent mention of the dayes of common prayer ; and among many other particulars , these ensuing , worthy your remark . 1. plain undisguised confessions of such faults , which this age , though as notoriously guilty of as they , will not put into publick forms , or leave upon record against themselves , as , that for the pleasure and defence of the french they had violated their faith , oft breaking the leagues of unity and concord , which their kings and governors had contracted with their neighbours . and again , that for the maintenance of their friendship , they have not feared to break their solemned oaths made unto others . to which i might adde , from another confession , that whoredome and adultery are but pastimes of the flesh ; crafty dealing , deceit and oppression is counted good conquest , &c. but that it would look too like a satyre against some part of that nation at this time thus to specifie . 2. their great sence and acknowledgement of obligations from this kingdom of england , and not onely prayers for continuance of peace between england and scotland , but even execrations on all ( and so sure on those their successors of this age ) which should continue or contribute ought toward the breaking of it , the words are these . seeing when we by our power were altogether unable , &c. thou didst move the hearts of our neighbours ( of whom we had deserved no such favour ) to take upon them the common burthen with us , and for our deliverance , not onely to spend the lives of many , but also to hazard the estate and tranquillity of their realm , grant unto us that with such reverence we may remember thy benefits received , that after this in our default , we never enter into hostility against the nation of england , suffer us never to fall into that ingratitude and detestable unthankefulnesse , that we should seek the destruction and death of those whom thou hast made instruments to deliver us from the tyranny of mercilesse strangers . [ the french. ] dissipate thou the counsels of such as deceitfully travail to stir the hearts of either realm against the other , let their malicious practices be their own confusion , and grant thou of thy mercy , that love , and concord , and tranquillity may continue and encrease among the inhabitants of this island , even to the coming of our lord jesus christ . thirdly , that some of their forms of words are directly all one with ours , others with some small additions retaining our forms , as in the prayer for the king , and the exhortation before the sacrament , and the adjuration of the parties to be married will appear . fourthly , that on their day of fast ( though that be with great care provided and ordered to be the sunday twice together , quite contrary to the canons and custome of the primitive church , yet ) 't is then appointed , that the minister with the people shall prostrate themselves , &c. a posture of most humble bodily adoration , made to reproach those who will not so much as recommend or direct any one kind of corporall worship or gesture of humiliation in all their directory . the inlarging to this mention of particulars i acknowledge to be a digression . but the presenting to your knowledge or remembrance this scottish liturgy is not ; by which superadded to the former , and by much more which might from other churches be added to that , it briefly appears what is or hath been the uniform judgement of the presbyteriansin this matter , directly contrary to the concluded necessity of abolishing . sect. 5 which necessity on the other side the independents have still asserted , and for that and other such differences have avowed their resolutions , to be the like scourges to them as they have been to us , professing ( and ad homines , unanswerably proving the reasonablenesse of it ) to ●eform the geneva reformation ( as a first rude and so imperfect draught just creeping out of popery there , and therefore not supposeable to be compleat at the first assay ) as the presbyterians upon the same pretences have design'd and practiced on our english reformation . sect. 6 all this i have said against the concluded necessity in case , or on supposition that the premises were true , but now i must adde the falsnesse of those also , and then if the necessity will still remain , i must pronounce it a peice of stoicall fatality , an insuperable unruly necessitie indeed , that will acknowledge no laws , or bounds , or limits to confine it . sect. 7 and first for the manifold inconveniences , if that phrase denote those severals which in the preface to the directory are suggested , i shall in due place make it appear . 1. that there are no such inconveniencies . 2. that greater then those may easily , and hereafter shall be produced against their directory , and consequently that , although true inconveniencies were supposed sufficient to infer a necessitie of abolition , yet such onely pretended names of inconveniency , such chimaera's and mormo's ( especially over-ballanced with reall ones in the other scale ) would be abundantly insufficient to do it . but if the manifold inconveniences have a larger prospect to refer to , we shall conclude it very uncharitable not to mention those , which might possible have had the same effect with us as with them , convinced us also to be their proselytes , and in the meane time very unjust to put so uncertain an equivocall phrase into a law , which we have no criterion or nomenclature to interpret ; but beyond all , very imprudent to mention and lay weight on such slight and such no inconveniencies afterward specified , when others might have been produced better able to beat the envy of the accusation . sect. 8 as for your resolution , if it went no higher then the covenant , and that but to reform religion , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , i am sure it cannot oblige , or so much as incline you to take away that book , there being nothing in it . 1. contrary to the designe of reformation . 2. contrary to the word of god , or 3. contrary to the example of the best reformed churches . not 1. to reformation , for reformation is as contrary to abolition of what should be reformed , as cure to killing ; and if it be replyed , that the abolition of liturgy , as unlawfull may be necessary to the reforming of religion , i shall yeeld to that reply on that supposition , but then withall adde , that liturgy must first be proved unlawfull , and that testified from divine infallible principles ; which because it is not thorow this whole book so much as pretended , both that and the second suggestion from the word of god must necessarily be disclaimed , and then the example of the best reformed churches will soon follow , not onely because all other reformed churches ordinarily known by that title , have some kind of liturgy , and that is as contrary to abolition , as the continuing of ours without any change , but because no reformation , is to be preferr'd before that which cuts off no more then is necessary to be cut off , and which produces the scripture rule , the sword of the spirit for all such amputations ; and therefore the church of england , as it stands established by law is avowable against all the calumniators in the world , to be the best and most exemplarie reformed ; so far , that if i did not guesse of the sense of the covenant more by the temper then words of the covenanteers , i should think men , that have covenanted to reform after the example of the best reformed churches , indispensably obliged to conform to the king edward , or queen elizabeth-english reformation , the most regular perfect pattern that europe yeeldeth . sect. 10 as for the truth of the last affirmation that they have consulted with the divines called together to that purpose , although i have no reason to doubt of it , yet this i know , that very many of the learned'st there present , were , immediately before their imbarking in that imployment , otherwise minded , and that therefore so sudden an universall change of minds savours either of some strong charm , or strange inconstancy , and i shall make bold to ask this question of that whole number of divines , whether i should do them wrong in affirming , that there yet are not ten divines in that number that think all liturgy unlawfull , and consequently that it was necessary ( not to reform , but ) to abolish our book , which is the stile of the ordinance . if this challenge of mine may not be answer'd with a plain punctuall subscription of so many to the condemnation of all liturgy as unlawfull , i am sure this is an argument , ad homines , unanswerable . and the ground of my challenge , and of my specifying that number , is the relation we have oft had of the but seven dissenting brethren , i. e. the but so many of the independent party among them , which upon my former ground i now suppose the onely mortall enemies to all liturgy . but if i am mistaken , and this be the common sense of those assemblers ; then have i reason to adde to my former complaints this other of their so over-cautious expressions , which through this whole book hath not once intimated either the whole or any part to be unlawfull , but onely quarrel'd the inconveniences , which supose it otherwise to be lawfull . sect. 11 and thus much might suffice of the first observable in the ordinance , the concluding this abolition to be necessary . but because i would foresee and prevent all possible rejoynder , and because i would here interpose some considerations which would otherwise take up a larger place , i shall suppose the presbyterians may have another notion of the word necessary , of a lower importance then this under which we have hitherto proceeded against them ( though still the independents , whose judgement is not wont to be despised in the framing of ordinances , cannot be imagined to take it in any other ) and that is , that it shall signifie onely a politicall necessity , or that which is necessary , if not to the being , yet to the well being , i. e. to the peace and presperity of this kingdom . now because there be two parts of every christian kingdom , a seat and a church , and so two branches of policy , civill and ecclesiasticall , i shall not undertake to be so far master of their sence , as to pitch upon either as that wherein they affirm this abolition necessary , but say somewhat to both , and to shew that it is not necessary in either sence of politicall necessity . sect. 11 and first that the abolition of liturgy cannot have so much as a benigne influence on the state , much lesse be necessary to the prosperity of it , i shall infer onely by this vulgar aphorisme , that any notable or grand mutation , if from some higher principle it appear not necessarie to be made , will be necessary not to be made , at least not to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , altogether , but onely by degrees , and prudent dispensings . i shall not any farther enlarge on so plain a theme , then to mention one proportion or resemblance of this truth in the naturall body observed by the physitians in the cure of an hydropicall patient , who , when the body lyes covered with such a deluge of water , that it proves necessary to make some sluce to let out the burthenous superfluity , do not yet proceed by any loose way of letting out all at once , because the violent effluvium , or powring out of spirits constantly consequent to that , would certainly destroy the patient , and endanger him on dry ground , as much , or more , then in the midst of those waters ; but the method is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the making so small a hole in the skin , that shall drain the body by insensible degrees by drawing out a little at once , and never above a pint at a time , though many gallons are designed to passe by this way of evacuation . i shall adde no more to this resemblance , but that the totall violent illegall abolition of liturgy in a setled church , is certainly of this nature , and being superadded to the change of the government into a form quite contrary to that which for 1600 yeers hath prevailed in the universall church of christ , there setled by the apostles , may be allow'd the stile of insignis mutatio , a mutation of some considerable importance to a christian state , which being admitted altogether without any preparative alleviating steps , will ( by the rapid sudden motion at least , if there were nothing else ) have a dangerous influence upon the whole body , of which the cunningest diviner cannot at this distance foresee the effects , or prevent the emergent mischiefs which succeeding time may discover . if it be said , that this abolition is now necessary to conclude the present war , and that be affirmed to be the politick necessity here meant , i answer , that if it were able to do that , i should acknowledge it the strongest argument that could be thought on to prove it politically necessary , this war being so unnecessarily destructive , and any thing that could rid us of that , so strongly convenient , that if conscience would permit the use of it , i should allow it the title of necessary . but to make short of this , no man can believe that these armies were raised or continued to subdue the common-prayer-book , for , besides that there was a time when 't was found necessary for the houses to declare , that they had no designe to take away that book , for fear the people should be disobliged by it , and another when the earl of essex his army exprest some kindnesse to it ; 't is now confest by the pretenders of both perswasions , presbytrians and independents , one that they do not , the other that they must not take up arms for religion , and so that kind of politicall necessity of abolishing the book is , and by themselves must be disclaimed also . sect. 12 now for the second branch of this necessity , that which is in order to ecclesiasticall or church-policy , we shall take liberty in this place to consider this matter at large , because it may perhaps save us some pains hereafter , and because their pretending of this necessity of doing what they do , is a tentation , if not a challenge to us to do so , and then we shall leave it to the reader to judge what grounds may hence be fetcht for this pretended necessity . and this must be done by laying together the severall things that are in our liturgy , and are purposely left out in the directory , and so are as it were the characteristicall note , by which the directory is by the assemblers designed to differ from our liturgie , as so much food from poyson , christian from antichristian ( if necessity be properly taken ) or ( if improperly for that which is necessary onely to the well being ) as a more perfect and more profitable , from that which , if it be so at all , is not either ( in their opinion ) in so high a degree . sect. 13 now the severals of our liturgie which are purposely avoided in this directory , i have observed to be principally these ; of those that are more extrinsecall , six . 1. the prescribing of forms , or liturgie it self . 2. outward or bodily worship . 3. vniformity in performing gods service . 4. the peoples bearing some part in the service . 5. the dividing the prayers into severall collects , and not putting them all into one continued prayer . 6. the ceremonies of kneeling in the communion , of crosse in baptisme , of ring in marriage , &c. then of those that are intrinsecall , and parts of the service . 1. the absolution , in the beginning of the service next after the confession , and before the communion , and in the visitation of the sick . 2. the hymnes , the introite , the te deum , &c. 3. the use of the doxologie or giving glory to god. 4. the confession of the faith in the creeds . 5. the frequent repeating of the lords prayer , & the prayers for the king 6. the observations of divers feasts commemorative , not onely of christ , but of saints departed , and assigning services , lessons , epistles , and gospels , and collects to them . 7. the reading the commandments , and the prayers belonging to that service . 8. the order of the offertory . 9. private baptisme . 10. aprescript form of catechisme . 11. confirmation . 12. the solemnities of burying the dead . 13. thanksgiving after child-birth . 14. communion of the sick . 15. the service containing the communion . 16. the observation of lent , and the rogation , and i would adde also of the ember weeks . this may seem too loose a task , to enlarge on each of these , and yet we are in justice to this book , and for answer to the pretended necessity of abolishing it , obliged to do so , as breifly as it may , onely so farre as may serve to give the reader a view of the lawfullnesse at least , and withall of the usefulnesse of each of these , and consequently of the no appearance of reason why it should be thought necessary to abolish any one of them , much lesse of all the rest for that ones sake . sect. 14 and first for the prescribing of forms of prayer , or liturgy it self , we shall referre it to judgement whether it be necessary in ecclesiasticall policy , i. e. strongly conducing to the benefit and edification of a church to interdict or banish it out of the kingdome , when we have proposed these few things concerning it . 1. the example of god himself and holy men in the old testament , prescribing set forms of blessing the people to be used daily by aaron and his sons , numb . 6. 23. the lord blesse thee and keep thee , &c. set forms for the people to use themselves , deut. 26. 3. 5. thou shall say before the lord , a syrian , &c. as also at the going out of their armies , deut. 20. 3. and of thanksgiving , exod. 15. 1. made by moses , and it seems learnt by-heart by all the people ; and in the same words used again by mirian , v. 21. and so it appears , isa . 38. 20. that hezekiah did not onely form a set thanksgiving , but used it all the dayes of his life . and the same hezekiah , 2. chron. 29. 30. in his thanksgiving commanded the levites also to sing praises to god with the words of david and asaph , i. e. forms already prepared to his hand by those sacred pen-men . sect. 15 2. the practice of the jews since ezra's time constantly using set forms of prayer by way of liturgie ; for this i shall produce no other proof then the testimony of a learned member of their assembly , mr. selden in in his notes on eutychius , vouching all his affirmation out of the ancient records of the customes of the jewish nation from whom , that they may be of authority with you , i shall transcribe these severals , that certain forms of praying , which were to be used by every one daily by law , or received custome , were instituted by ezra and his house , i. e. his consistory . that the jews about the end of the babylonish captivity had their ancient manners as well as language so depraved , that without a master they either were not able to pray as they ought , or had not confidence to do so . and therefore that for the future , they might not recede either in the matter of their prayers ( through corruption ) or expression ( through ignorance ) from that form of piety commanded them by god , this remedy was applyed by the men of the great synagogue , ezra & his 120. collegues , ( where by the way is observable one speciall use and benefit of set forms , not onely to provide for the ignorance , but to be an hedge to true religion , to keep out all mixtures or corruptions out of a church ; to which purpose also the councels in the christian church have designed severall parts which we still retain in our liturgie , a reall and a valuable benefit , if it were considered . ) that of this kind there were 18. prayers or benedictions , called in the gemara composed or appointed prayers . that the three first of these , and the three last respected the glory of god the twelve other intermediate were spent on those prime things that were necessary , either to the whole people , or every particular man , ( proportionable to which perhaps it is that our saviour who accommodated most institutions of his baptisme and his last supper , &c. to the customes of the church , did also designe his prayer , as it is set down in matthew , though not according to the number of the jewish prayers , yet to the generall matter & form of them , the three first branches of it , and the conclusion , which may passe for three branches more , referring to the glory of god , and the other intermediate to our private and publick wants . ) that these prayers were to be learnt by every man that the prayers of the unskilfull might be as perfect as of the most eloquent . that every act of praying was begun with , psal . 51. 15. o lord open thou our lips & our mouthes shall shew forth thy praise ( the very form of words still retained in st james his liturgy , and in ours before the introite ) and concluded with psal . 19. the last verse , into thy hands , &c. that of these 18 prayers no one was to be omitted , that if any other were added , they were counted of like free-will offerings , as the other were answerable to the prescribed and were called by that name . that the additions might be made onely in those prayers which concern their own wants , because those were capable of variation , but not to those that concern'd god. that on sabbath & feast-dayes no man might use a voluntary prayer . that about the time of the jews destruction gam●liel and his sanhedrim added a nineteenth prayer , and after him others , so that at length the daily service grew to an 100 prayers . that it is likely that the pagans come to use their set forms in their sacrifice also , ( and perhaps the mahumedans too ) by the example of the jewish church , for which he there referres the reader to many books of the learned . i conceive the authoritie of this gentleman hath not been despised by the house of commons , and the assemblers ( when it hath chanced to agree with their designes or interest ) and therefore i have thus farre , as an argument ad homines , insisted on it . sect. 16 3. the not onely practice , but precept of christ in the new testament , who did not only use himself a set form of words in prayer , three times together using the same words . matth. 26. 44. and upon the crosse in the same manner , praying in the psalmists words , onely changed into the syriack dialect , which was then the vulgar : but also commanded the use of those very words of his perfect form , which it seems he meant not onely as a pattern but a form it self ( as the standard weight , is not only the measure of all weights , but may it self be used ) luke 11. 2. when you pray , say , our father , &c. which precept no man can with a good conscience ever obey , that holds all set forms necessary to be cast out of the church . sect. 17 4. the practice , not onely of john the baptist , who taught his disciples to pray , luke 11. 1. ( which occasioned christs disciples to demand , and him to give them a form of prayer ) but especially of the apostles , of which we find intimations , 1. cor. 14. 26. when you come together every one of you hath a psalm , which sure referres to some of the psalms of david or asaph , used then ordinarily in their devotions , ( and that as even now i said , authorized by the example of christ himself upon the crosse , who it is thought repeated the whole 22. psalm , it is certain , the first verse of it , my god , my god , why hast thou for saken me ) and so certainly a set form , and that of prayer too ( of which thanksgivings and praises are a part . ) but because every one had his severall psalm , it is therefore reprehended by the apostle , as tending to confusion , and by that consequence , s. pauls judgement is thence deducible for the joyning of all in the same form , as being the onely course tending to edification in the end of that verse , and then sure 't would be hard , that that which the apostle conceived the onely course for edifying , should now be necessarie to be turn'd out of the church as contrary to edification . farther yet , 't is clear by text , that the apostles when they met together , to holy duties ( such are fasting , prayer , receiving the sacrament ) continued very long time , sometimes a whole day together . this being too much to be alwayes continued in the church , and unsuteable to every mans businesse , is said to have been the occasion that s. james first made choice of some speciall prayers most frequently by them used , which was after called his liturgie , which ( or some other in the disguise of that ) the greek church still use on solemn dayes . this also being of the longest for every dayes use , st basil is said to have shortned , and that again st chrisostome ; how certain these reports are , i shall not take upon me to affirm , but onely adde , that the greek church , who are most likely to know the truth of it by their records , do retain all these three liturgies , and would loudly laugh at any man that should make doubt whether st james , st basil , and st chrysostome , were not the authours of them . 2. that the judgement of that church ( if they are deceived also , and may not be thought worthy to be heeded by our assemblers ) is yet an argument of great authoritie to any prudent man , if not that these liturgies were purely the same with those which were written by that apostle , and those holy men , yet that there were such things as liturgies of their penning . the like might be added of that short form of st peters , which alone they say was used in the roman church for a great while , till after by some popes it was augmented , and the same of st marks liturgy . i am sure st augustine speaking of some forms retained in the church , and still to be found in our liturgie , particularly that of sursum corda , lift up your hearts , &c. faith , that they are verba ab ipsis apostolorum temporibus petita , words fetcht from the times of the apostles , which supposes that they did use such forms . and for that particular mentioned by st augustine , it is agreeable to the constitutions of the apostles , l. 8. c. 16. ( which collection if it be not so ancient as it pretends , doth yet imitate apostolicall antiquity ) and so in st james's , and basils and chrysostomes liturgy in the same words with our book as farre as to the word [ bounden ] and for many other such particular forms used by us we find them in cyril of jerusalems catechisme , one of the ancientest authours we have , and then that it should be necessary for the church to turn out what the apostles had thus brought into it , will not easily be made good by our assemblers . sect. 18 fifthly , the practice of the universall church from that time to this , which is so notorious to any that is conversant in the writings of the ancient fathers , and of which so many testimonies are gathered together for many mens satisfaction by cassander , and other writers of the liturgica , that 't were a reproach to the reader to detain or importune him with testimonies of that nature . to omit the practice of * constantine , who prescribed a form for his souldiers ( a copy of which we have in euseb . de vit . const . l. 4. c. 20. ) i shall onely mention two grand testimonies for set forms , one in the 23 canon of the third councell of carthage , quascunque sibipreces aliquis describet noniis utatur , ●ise priùs oas cum instructioribus fratribus contulerit : no man may use any prayers which he hath made , unlesse he first consult with other learneder christians about thē . and the other more punctuall : concil : milev . c. 12. placuit ut precesquae probatae fuerintin concilio ab omnibus celebrentur . nec alia omninò dicātur in ecclesia , nisi quae à prudentioribus tractantur , vel comprobatae in synode fuerint , no fortè aliquid contra fidem , aut per ignorantiam , aut per minus studium sit compositum . it was resolv'd on , that the prayers that were approv'd in the councell should be used by all , & that no other should be said in the church but those that had been weighed by the more prudent , or approv'd in a synod , lest any thing , either through ignorance or negligence should be dōne against the faith. instead of such citations ( and because whatsoever argument is brought from that topick of ecclesiasticall tradition , is now presently defamed with the title of popish and antichristian , because forsooth antichrist was a working early in the apostles time , and every thing that we have not a mind to in antiquity , must needs be one of those works ) i shall rather choose to mention another , as a more convincing argument ad homines , and that is , sect. 19 sixthly , the judgement and practice of the reformed in other kingdomes , even calvin himself in severall ample testimonies , one in his notes upon psal . 20. 1. another in his epistle to the protector . i shall not give my self licence to transcribe these , or multiply more such testimonies , onely for the honour not onely of liturgie in generall , but particularly of our liturgie , 't will be worth remembring that gilbertus a german , many yeers since , in a book of his , propounds our book of prayer for a sample of the forms of the ancient church ; and for the purity of it , through reformation , that cr●nmer procured the king edwards common-prayer-book to be translated into latin , & sent it to bucer , & required his judgement of it , who answer'd , that there was nothing in it , but what was taken out of the word of god , or which was not against it , commodē acceptum , being taken in a good sence , some things indeed , saith he , quae nisi quis , &c. unlesse they be interpreted with candor , may seem not so agreeable to the word of god , & which unquiet men may wrest u●te matter of contention . as may be seen at large in bucers scripta anglicana . upon this occasion this book of king edwards was again survey'd , and in those particulars , that were subject to such cavills , corrected . after which time the quarrels about that book were generally with the papists ( not so much with the opposite extreame ( and therefore john ould in queen maries dayes wrote against them in defence of it , and of the king edwards reformation . and cranmer made a challenge , that if he might be permitted by the queen to take to him p. martyr , and foure or five more , they would enter the lists with any papists living , and defend the common-prayer-book to be perfectly agreeable to the word of god , and the same in effect which had been for 1500 yeers in the church of christ . this for the reputation of the book . then for the fruit and benefit that by the use of it redounded to christians , take an essay by mr john hullier , fellow of kings colledge in cambridge , who was martyr'd in queen maries dayes , ann. 1557. and being at the stake among many other books that were thrown into the fire to him , it hapned that a common-prayer-book fell between his hands , which he joyfully receiving opened , and read till the flame and smoke suffered him not to see any more , and then he fell to prayer , holding his hands up to heaven , and the book betwixt his arms next his heart , thanking god for that mercy in sending him it , the relation is mr foxes , and from thence the plea authentick , that the tree that bare wholsome fruit , should not be cut down by the law , deut. 10. 20. even when warre was to be made on a city , and as maimon addes , l. de idol . though it were worshipt for an idoll , and if that which was then of so dear esteem be now so necessary to be cast our , it is an ill indication of the times into which we are fallen . sect. 20 seventhly , the reasons on which the very heathens themselves took up the same practice , which was universall ( it seems ) through all the world , more catholick then the church it self . to this purpose beside those authors which mr selden refers to , i shall onely adde these three testimonies , first of plato , l. 7. de leg . where he commands , that what ever prayers or hymnes the poets composed to the gods , they should first shew them to the priests ( as if they were in a manner leprous till then ) before they publisht them , le●t they should ask evil things in stead of good ( an infirmity that these dayes are very subject unto ) the second in thucyd. l. 6. p. 434. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . set forms for severall occasions , and a common joynt sending them up to heaven . the third in alexander ab alex. l. 4 c. 17. that the gentiles read their prayers out of a book before their sacrifices , nè quid praeposterè dicatur , aliquis ex script● praeire & ad verbum referre solitus est : that the work might not be done proposterously . which two reasons of theirs , the one lest they should stray in the matter of their prayers , the other lest offend in the manner , may passe for christian reasons , as seasonable with us , as they were among them . and no necessitie that those reasons should be despised by us neither . sect. 21 eightly , the irrationall concludings , or shortnesse of discourse of those which are against set forms , especially in two things ; the first observed by d. preston ( whose memory is , i hope , not lost among these assemblers ) and made use of in a printed work of his to the confuting of them . that while they in opposition to set forms require the minister to conceive a prayer for the congregation , they observe not , that the whole congregation is by that means as much stinted , and bound to a set form , to wit , of those words which the minister conceives , as if he read them out of a book . 2. that the persons with whom we have now to deal , though they will not prescribe any form of prayer , yet venture to prescribe the matter of it in these words , pag. 14. the minister is to call upon the lord to this effect . now why the prescription of the matter is not the stinting of the spirit , as well as the form of words ( unlesse the spirit , like the heathen mercury be the god of eloquence , and be thought to deal in the words onely ) or why the promise of dabitur in illâ horâ , it shall be given you in that houre , should not be as full a promise for matter , as for expressions ; especially when that text forbids care or provision , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not onely how , but what they should speak , and the promise is peculiarly for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it shall be given you what you shall speak ; and this is it , that is attributed to the spirit , v. 20. ( from whence if i should conclude , that the holy ghost taught the disciples onely the matter of their answer ; and they themselves were left to put it in form of words , there is nothing in that text against that assertion ; and that it was so in their penning of the new testament , many probable arguments might be produced if it were now seasonable , ) and consequently , why the prescribing of one should not be unreasonable in them , that condemne all prescribing of the other , i confesse is one of those things which my charity hath made me willing to impute to the shortnesse of discourse , because i am unwilling to lay any heavier charge upon it . sect. 22 from all which considered , and a great deal more which might be added , from the usefulnesse of known forms to those , whose understandings , are not quick enough to go along with unknown , and if they have no other , are faine ofttimes to return without performing any part of that so necessary duty of prayer in the church , from the experience of the effects of the contrary doctrine , the many scandalous passages which have fallen from ministers in their extemporary prayers ( of which meer pity and humanity , civility and mercy to enemies , restrains us from inserting a large catalogue ) and the no manner of advantage above that which set forms may also afford , but onely of satisfaction to the itching eare , exercise and pleasure to the licentio●● tongue , and the vanity of the reputation of being able to perform that office so fluently ( which yet is no more then the rabbins allow achitophel , that he had every day three new forms of prayer ) or having a plentifull measure of the spirit ; which is believed to infuse such eloquence , i shall now conclude it impossible that any humane eye should discern 〈◊〉 necessitie , in respect of ecclesiasticall policy , edifying the church , why all liturgie should be destroyed , not wash't nor purg'd with sope , suc● any reformation would be , but torn and consumed with nitre , for suc● is abolition , why it should suffer this ostracisme , unlesse as aristides di● for being too vertuous ) be thus vehemently first declaimed , and then b● ▪ nish'd out of the church . sect. 23 secondly , for outward bodily worship , 't is particularly prohibited by the directory at one time , at the taking of our seats or places when we enter th● assembly , ( directly contrary to that of i●idor si quis veniat cùm lectio celebratur adoret tantùm deum : if any come in when the lesson is a reading let him onely perform adoration to god , & hearken to what is read ) & neve so much as recommended at any time , nor , one would think , permitted i● any part of their publick service , like the persians in strabo , l. 15. that never offer'd any part of the flesh to the gods in their sacrifices , kept all th● to themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supposing the gods would b● content with the souls , which in the blood were powred out and sacrificed to their honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they said that the gods wanted and desired the souls for a sacrifice , b● not any thing else ; of which people herodotus , l. 1. hath observed that they had neither templars nor altar , and laugh'd at them which built either but went to the top of some hill or other , and there sacrificed , prefe●ring such naturall altars before any other . the former of these is th● avowed divinity of these men ( and might perhaps have been attende● with the latter too , were it not that there be so many churches alread● built conveniently to their hands ) in stead of which , our liturgie hat● thought fit not onely to recommend but prescribe bodily worship ; fi●● by directing in the rubrick what part of service shall be performed kneeling , then by reading the venite , where all encourage and call up one th● others to worship , and fall down , and kneel , &c. to worship i. e. adore , whic● peculiarly notes bodily worship , and so surely the falling down , and kneeling before the lord. and of this i shall say , that it is 1. an act of obedience to that precept of glorifying god in our bodies , as well as souls . 2. a transcribing of christs copy , who kneeled , and even prostrated himself in prayer , of many holy men in scripture , who are affirmed to have done so ( and that affirmation written for our example ) and even of the publican , who though standing yet by standing afar off , by not looking up , by striking his breast , did clearly joyn bodily worship to his prayer , of [ lord be mercifull to me a sinner ] used at his coming into the temple , and in that posture thrived better then the pharisee in his loftier garbe , went away more justified , saith our saviour , as a vessel at the foot of a hill , will ( say the artists ) receive and contain more water , then the same or the like vessell on the top of it would be able to do ( and he that shall do the like , that shall joyn adoration of god , and nothing but god , to the use of that or the like servent ejaculation at his entrance into gods house , will sure have christs approbation of the publicans behaviour , to justifie him from any charge of superstition in so doing ) and besides 3. the most agreeable humble gesture , and so best becoming , and * evidencing , and helping the inward performance of that most lowly dutie of prayer , and consequently that it may be charged with blasphemy , as well and as properly , as with superstition , and probably would be so , if the latter were not the more odious of the two : and indeed why kneeling or bowing should be more lyable to that censure , then either mentall or orall prayer , there is no reason imaginable , it being as possible that one may be directed to a false object ( and so become idolatrous , or superstitious in the true notion of those words ( as they denote the worship of idols , or dead men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or superstites ) as the other , and ( for the improper notion of superstition ( the one again as much capable of being an excesse in religion ( the mind or tongue being as likely to enlarge and exceed as the body ) or of using a piece of false religion , as the other , the bodily worship duly performed to god , being the payment of a debt to god ( and no doubt acceptable , when it is paid with a true heart ) and no way an argument of want , but a probable evidence of the presence and cooperation of inward devotion , as i remember nazianzen saith of his father , or. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shewed a great deal in the outside , but kept the greater treasure within in the invisible part . and on the other side , the stiffnesse of the knee , an argument of some eminent defect , if not of true piety , yet of somewhat else , and christs prediction , john 4. that the time should come that the worshippers should worship god in spirit and truth , ( being not set in opposition to bodily worship , but to the appropriating it to some singular places , jerusalem or that mountain ) not producible as any apology or excuse for such omission . to these brief intimations i shall need adde no more , when the conclusion that i am to inferre is so moderate , being onely this , that it is not necessary to turn all bowing , or kneeling , or bodily worship out of the church , ( were there any superstition in any one or more gestures , this were too great a severity , to mulct the church of all , above the proportion of the most unlimited arbitrary court , whose amercements must alwayes be within the compasse of salvo contenemente , which this will not be , if there be no competency of bodily worship left behind ) and that the liturgie doth better to prescribe it at fit times , then the directory to omit all mention of it at all times , unlesse by way of dislike and prohibition . which conclusion will be the more easily evinced against them , by asking them whether in their family-parlour-prayers ; or in their private closet-prayers , they do not approve and practice that gesture ; which as i believe in charity they do , so i must from thence infer , that by them the house of god , is the onely place thought fit to be despised . and if it be replyed , that the directory forbids not kneeling , but onely commands it not , leaving it free to use or not to use . i answer . 1. that the effect of this liberty is very remarkable among them , and equall to that of a prohibition , no man almost of their perswasion ever kneeling in their churches . 2. that the never so much as recommending it , is very near a forbidding of it . 3. that bowing or adoration is directly forbidden once ( which by the way , is as much the defining of a ceremony , viz. that of standing or going upright , and so as contrary to the independants perswasions , and to the great clamorous complaint for liberty in ceremonies , as any prescription of kneeling or bowing can be . ) 4. that kneeling also is at the receiving of the sacrament forbidden , by necessity of consequence , sitting being prescribed , and therefore that that reply or excuse is false also . and so now what speciall advantage this is like to bring in to this church of ours , to have the bodies of negligent , or prophane , or factious men left ( without any so much as an admonition ) to their own inclinations and so what depth of ecclesiasticall policy there was which made this change so necessary , i desire now may be judged . sect. 24 thirdly , for uniformity in that service ; ( which our liturgie labours to set up , by prescribing the manner of it , but the directory hath taken away by leaving all to the chance of mens wills , which can no more be thought likely to concurre in one form , then democritus's atomes to have met together into a world of beautifull creatures , without any hand of providence to dispose them ) it hath certainly the approbation of all wise men , and command of st paul , 1 cor. 14. 40. in that grand place , let all things be done decently , and in order . of which i conceive the clear importance to be , that all be done in the church according to custome and appointment . the former implyed in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( custome being the onely rule of decency , and therefore the indecency of wearing long hair , is proved by being against nature , i. e , saith suidas in the scripture phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a custome of some continuance in that place , and thereupon st paul thinks it enough against an ecclesiasticall usage , and that which might supersede all strife about it , 1 cor. 11. 16. [ we have no such customes , &c. ] ) and the latter in plain words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to order or appointment ( for so the words literally import ) and then upon these two grounds is uniformitie built , and necessarily results , where all that is done in the church is ruled by one of these , by custome , or by law , which being here commanded by st. paul , is a proof of the more then lawfulnesse of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prescription of ceremonies in a church , and of uniformity therein . and then what necessitie there is or can be that st pauls command shall be so neglected , all care of uniformitie so disclaimed , all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constitution , or ordinance , for any ecclesiasticall matter ( unlesse their ordinance against all such constitutions ) so solemnly disavowed , it will be hard to imagine , or guesse , unlesse it be on purpose to observe master prynnes rule of conforming the church to the state , to fill one as full of disorder and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and confusion as the other . i remember a saying of socrates which plato and cicero record from him , mutatâ musicâ mutantur & mores : that the change of a kinde of musick , had a great influence on mens minds , and had a generall change of manners consequent to it . i conceive uniformitie in gods service to be parallel to musick , being it self an outward concord , or harmony of the most different affections ; and that that should be not onely changed , but lost , i cannot understand any necessity , unlesse it be that some such like effects may be wrought in religion also . sect. 25 for the fourth , the peoples bearing some part in the service ( whether by way of response in the prayers , and hymnes , or by reading every other verse in the psalm , mentioned in theodorets story , l. 2. c. 24. where speaking of flavianus and diodorus , he saith of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. they divided the quire of singers into two parts , and appointed them to sing the psalms successively , which custome began by them ( who , saith he were admirable men , & labour'd extreamly to stir up all men to piety , & to that end invented this ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prevaild over the whole world , or by way of mutuall charity , returning a prayer for the priest , who began one peculiarly for them ; which innocentius referres to , in his letter to aurelius and augustino , calling the communes & alternas preces , to which he there attributes more force , quàm privatis , then to private , or by way of following the presbyter in confession of sins , both at the beginning of the service , and before the communion ; or in profession of faith in the creeds , wherein every the meanest christian is to have his part ; ) it is certainly designed by the church , from the example of pure antiquity , to very gainfull uses , to quicken devotion , which the length of continued hearing may have leave to dull and slacken , and to recall those thoughts which may upon the like temptation have diverted to other objects ; in a word , to engage every one to be made no idle of unprofitable spectator of the service : and as long as there is still need of that help to these so necessary ends , and not the least shew or pretence of objection against it , how necessarie it can be to reject it wholly , and lay all the task upon the priest , and not require so much as an amen ( which it seems was in fashion in st pauls time ) of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or lay person , i leave to the most prejudicate reader to give sentence for me . sect. 26 as for the letany , wherein the people are more exercised then in any other part of the service , it is certainly designed to make it more proportionable to the title bestowed on it by the ancients of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . earnest or intense prayer , and in methodius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , earnest petitions , in the greek liturgie , simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intense or earnest ) from act. 12. 5. luke 22. 44. this continuall joyning of the people in every passage of it , tending very much both to the improving and evidencing that fervor and intention , which can never be more necessary then throughout that service ; of which i shall in passing say these three things , and justifie them against any gain-sayer , that there is not extant any where , 1. a more particular excellent enumeration of all the christians either private or common wants , as far as is likely to come to the cognisance of a congregation ; nor secondly , a more innocent blamelesse form , against which there lies no just objection , and most of the unjust ones that have been made , are reproachfull to scripture it self , from whence the passages excepted against are fetcht , as that particularly of praying for gods mercy upon all men , from 1. tim. 2. 1. nor thirdly , a more artificiall composure for the raising that zeal , and keeping it up throughout , then this so defamed part of our liturgie ; for which and other excellencies undoubtedly it is , ( and not for any conjuring or swearing in it ) that the devil hath taken care that it should drink deepest of that bitter cup of calumnie and reviling , which it can no way have provoked , but onely as christ did the reproach of the diseased man , what have i to do with thee ? &c. when he came to exorcize and cast out the devill that possest him . and for this to be thrown out of the church , sure there is no other necessity , then there was that there should be scandal● and heresies in it , onely because the devil and his factors would have it so . sect. 27 5. for the dividing of prayers into divers collects or portions , and not putting all our petitions into one continued prayer , these advantages it hath to give it authority , 1. the practice of the jews , whose liturgie was dispensed into lessons , &c. and 18 collects , or short prayers . 2. the example of christ prescribing a short form , and in that , saith st chrisostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , teaching us the measure or length due to each prayer of ours , hom : de ann●f . 965 , and setting a mark of heathenisme , mat. 6. and of pharisaisme , matth. 23. 14. on their long prayers . 3. the advice of the ancients , who tell us st peters form , used for a great while in the roman church , was a short one , and that christ and s paul commanded us to make our prayers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , short and frequent , and with little distances between . and so epiphanius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : orat . 6. 24. directs to offer our petitions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with all frequencie ; and cassian , de instit . mon. l. 2. 10 from the universall consent of them , vtilius censent breves orationes sed creberrimas fieri : the way that is resolved to be most profitable , is to have short prayers , but very thick or frequent . and he addes a consideration which prompted them to this resolution : ut diaboli insidiantis jacula succinctâ brevitate vitemus : that by that means the devils darts which he is wont to find and steal his time to shoot in to our breasts , may by the brevitie of our prayers be prevented . to these many more might be added , but that the no-advantage on the other side above this ( save onely the reputation of the labour , and patience of speaking , or hearing so much in a continued course , in one breath as it were ) will save us the pains of using more motives to perswade any , that sure it is not necessarie to exchange this pleasant easie course of our liturgie , for the redious toilsome lesse profitable course in the directory . sect. 28 sixthly , for the ceremonies used in the severall services , much might be said , as particularly for that of kneeling ( in opposition to sitting at the lords supper designed in the directory ) 1. that it is agreeable to the practise of all antiquity , who though they kneeled not because the canon of the councell of nice , obliged all to stand in the church , between easter and whitsuntide , or on the lords day all the yeer long , ( which by the way absolutely excludes sitting , as also doth that saying of optatus , l. 4. that the people may not sit in the church : and of tertullian , l. de orat : 〈◊〉 . 12. that 't was an heathen custome to sit in the church , & therefore ought to be reprehended ; ) yet used the prayer-gesture at receiving , i. e. bowing their bodies and heads , which the fathers call adoration : kissing of the hand , is the proprietie of the latin word , but the ordinary denotation of it , bowing the body : the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is more then the former , the cultus major , among the learned ; for as herodotus observes of the eastern nations , that the manner of equals was to kisse one another at meeting ; of inferiours to kisse the hand of the superiour ; but of the suppliants or petitioners , that would expresse the greatest humility to bow themselves before him , so was this last of the three continued among the primitive christians , in their services of the greatest piety and humility ; climacus , p. 298. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when i receive i worship , or adore ; agreeable to which the great men in the french churches , who receive it passing or going ( a meer egyptian . passeover custome ) do first make a lowly cringe or curtesie before they take it in their hands . 2. that christ's table-gesture at the delivering it , is no argument for sitting , both because it is not manifest by the text that he used that , save onely at the passeover , from which this supper of the lord was distinct , and was celebrated by blessing , and breaking , and giving the bread , &c. to which some other gesture might be more proper , and more commodious , and because christ's gesture in that is no more obligingly exemplary to us , then his doing it after super was to the apostles , who yet did it fasting . act. 13. 2. and generally took it before the agapae , and as by plinies epistle it appears , so early in the morning , that the congregation departed and met again , ad capiendum cibum promiscuum , to take their meals together . as also 3. that the contrary gesture of sitting , as it was , not many yeers since , by a full synod of protestants in poland forbidden , if not condemned , because they found it used by the arrians , as complying with their opinion , who hold our saviour to be a meer creature , so is now profest by some of our late reformers writings to be a badge and cognisance of their believing in the infallibility of christ's promise of coming to reign on this earth again , and take them into a familiar and ( a kind of ) equall conversation with him , the doctrine of the millenaries , once in some credit , but after condemn'd by the church , and though favoured by some learned men , both anciently and of late , is not yet sure clear enough to come into our creed or liturgy : or to be profest and proclaimed by that gesture , when ever we receive the sacrament . the evidence or proof of it being primarily that in the revelation , which by the rest of that book i am very apt to suspect , may signifie any thing rather then what the letter of the words imports to us at the first view of them . but i shall not enlarge on this , nor the other ceremonies mention'd , but refer the reader to the learned satisfactory unanswer'd labour of mr hooker , on these subjects , and then ask him when he hath read him , 1. whether he repent him of that pains . 2. whether in his conscience he can think it necessary , or tending to edification , to cast all these causelesly out of this church , or the whole liturgie for their sakes . now for those things that are more intrinsecall to the liturgie , and parts of the service ; as sect. 29 1. for the pronouncing of absolution , which christ so solemnly instated on the priest in his disciples ( by three severall acts , first unto peter as the mouth of the apostles , matth. 16. 19. then by way of promise to them altogether , cap. 18. 18. then by way of actuall instating it on them , breathing that power and the holy ghost on them together , joh. 20. 23. ) and which is so distinctly named by st james , cap. 5. 15. in the case of sicknesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( not as we render they shall be forgiven him , as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and belonged onely to god's act of pardoning , but ) impersonally absolution shall be given him ; and so constantly preserved and exercised in the universall church in publick and private , and approved as far as our liturgie uses it ) even by those who affirm that power in the minister to be onely declarative , that any man conversant either in the gospel or writings of the fathers , or modern authors , or that hath but seen knox's scotch liturgie , and observ'd that part of it , about the receiving of penitents , would be amazed to see a directory for the publick worship of god ( which is a large phrase , and contains the whole office of the priest ) and in it a title for the visitation of the sick , and yet find never a word about absolution , no not in case of scruple , doubt , or temptation , pag. 67. or the death-bed it self . this exercise of those keyes of the kingdome of heaven , i. e. of the church , this pronouncing of gods pardon , & actuall giving the pardon and peace of the church to all her penitent children , especially that more particular act before the communion , and on the bed of sicknesse , is , beside the obedience to christ , so necessary an expression of christian charity in every church to its poore members , and the denying of it , where it is due , so barbarous an inhumanity ( which yet i hope no man shall be the worse for , but those that do deny it ) that as the turning of publick censures out of this church , is a rare example of despight unto christs command , ( there being no nationall church from christs time to this to be found without it , till this of ours for these last three yeers ) so the sending of absolution after it , and the affirming it to be necessary to be done , and appointing all foot-steps of it to be turn'd out of the service , is a peice of disorder , as contrary to charity as to piety , to reason as religion , this being so far from the blame of an exuberancy in our service , that there is more reason to wish that there were more of this nature , then that that , which we have already , were omitted . sect. 30 2. for the hymnes of the church , it will not be amisse perhaps to give you first the true notion of the word ; there being among the hebrews three sorts of songs , 1. mizmor , a concise or short verse , 2. tehillah , praise , celebrating or depredicating of god , and 3. schir , a canticle , as the word is used in the title of that song of songs . and answerable to these three , we have col. 3. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , psalms and hymnes , and songs , where the word hymne is answerable to the second of these , a praising and magnifying of god in and for some of his most remarkable acts of mercy and power . thus was it the dictate even of nature it self among the heathens , to imploy a great part of their poetry , i. e. their piety ( for so orpheus the first and most famous writer of hymnes , was called theologus poeta , a poet that was a divine also ) in framing of hymns to their gods , though those of musaeus and linus , the other two theologi poetae are not now to be met with . the like we have still of homer also , and i remember galen the famous physitian , in one of his books , de usu partium , describing the composure of the foot , breaks out of a sudden into an excellent acknowledgement , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a true hymne in laud of that god which made these curious bodies of men . this duty of naturall piety , christianity certainly hath not obstructed , but elevated it to a far higher pitch by superadding that greatest obligation taken from the redemption of mankinde , to that old one of the creation . and thus in all ages of the church some hymnes have been constantly retained to be said or sung in the churches , i mean not , onely the daily lections of the psalms of david ( which yet this directory doth not mention , but onely commands a more frequent reading of that book , then of some other parts of scripture ) nor the singing of some of those psalms in metre , ( which yet this directory doth not prescribe neither , save onely on dayes of thankesgiving , or after the sermon if with convenience it may be done , making it very indifferent , it seems , whether it be kept at all in the church or no , unlesse on those speciall occasions . ) but the alternate reading of the ' psalmes both by priest and people ( psalme ab omnibus celebrentur , let the psalms be said by all , in the milevit : counc . can. 12. ) the constant use of some speciall psalms , as the introite , and of other more purely christian hymnes , either framed by holy men in the scripture in reference to christs incarnation , or by the church since on purpose to blesse and praise god for his mercies in christ , which sure deserve a daily celebration from every christian , as well & as richly as any victory over enemies , though it be one of theirs over the king himself , can deserve of them upon any day of thanksgiving . of this kind is the te deum , 〈◊〉 most divine and admirable form called anciently , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a triumphant song , generally thought to be composed by st augustine , and st ambrose , on the day that st ambrose baptized st augustine , and fitted to that purpose with an acknowledgement of the trinity , in reference to st augustines conversion from manichaisme . if this be true , then sure is it one of those , the repeating of which moved st augustine to so much passion , that he saith in his confessions , l. 9. quantum flevi in hymnis & canticis ecclesiae tuae , that and the like hymns of the church fetcht many tears from him . of which i shall onely say , that to any man that hath but an humble , faithfull , thankfull fervent heart to go along with it , it is as christian a piece of praise and praier , as any humane pen could contribute toward the publick worship of god , which he that hath had the use of in the church , and now thinks fit to banish out of it , shews his own former coldnesse and non-proficiencie under that means of grace , and that he never joyned in it with any zeal or earnestnesse , or else his retchlesse ingratitude to the church which hath allow'd him the benefit of it . sect. 31 the like might be added of those two other in the administration of the sacrament of the lords supper , the former before the sacrament beginning with , lift up your hearts , and ending with the holy , holy , holy , lord god of hosts , &c. a form to be found with little variation , both in saint jameses , st basils , and st chrysostomes liturgie ; the other , after the sacrament , glory be to god on high , &c. called anciently hymnus angelicus , the angelicall hymne , from the first part of it which was sung by angels , and both these such ancient , pure , excellent composures in themselves , and so fitly accommodated to the present businesse , and all that i have named , so far from any appearance of evil , so free from any the least objection of any the most petulant malicious calumniatour ( as far as i yet ever heard ) so well-becoming a congregation of saints , who by praising god in the church , should practice before hand , and fit themselves for the singing of hallelujahs perpetually in heaven , and in the mean time bear the angels companie here ( who st chrysostome tels us , sing all the hymnes with us ) that 't is little better then furie , savouring much of the temper of that evil spirit on saul , that was exercised with davids musick , and ( therefore may be allowed to have malice to that and the like ever since ) to think it necessary to throw this piece of heaven out of the church . 3. for the doxoligie so constantly annexed to many parts of our service , in these words , ( wherein the people either are to begin or answer ) glory be to the father , &c. it is an ancient piece of very great consideration the former versicle of it being , as 't is affirmed by good authorities , composed by the first councell of nice , and appointed by them to be used in the church , as a lesser creed , or confession of the trinity and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consubstantiality of the son and holy ghost , with the father ( at which it hath therefore anciently been the custome to stand up , confession of god , being a praising of him ( as the word in other languages imports ) to which therefore that posture is most due ) which may well passe for no fable , because 't is clear , that soon after that time , flavianus sang it aloud in the church of antioch , as appears by a zozomen , and b theodoret , ( and if we may believe c nicephorus , st chrysostome joynd with him in it ; ) of this philostorgius the arian historiographer tels us , an. 348. flavianus having gotten a congregation of monks together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the first that began that form of doxology , others using that other form of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , glory to the father , by the son in the holy ghost : making the son inferior to the father , and the holy ghost to the son , as eunomius and eudoxius did , which it seems philostorgius himself most approv'd of , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith his epitomator of him ) others ( not as gotofred mends his copy , and reads it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as the oxford manuscript ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , glory to the father , and the son in the holy ghost . these two severall forms , & some say a third [ in the son and the holy ghost ] were it seems proposed against athanasius in the councel of antioch , an. dom. 34● , and by men of severall perswasions used in the church of antioch , as a character , by which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they exprest their several opinions , saith zozomen . l. 3. c. 19. & l. 4. 27. & by so doing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every one applied the psalm or hymn ( to the end of which , as now with us , it was , it seems , then annext ) to his opinion . in which narration of philostorgius , we have no reason to suspect any thing , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that flavianus was the first that sang it , wherein his favor with the arrians might make him partial , or the truth might be , he was the first that sang it at antioch , for there athanasius was in a councel condemn'd , & so still the form might in other places be used more anciently . this first verse being on this occasion brought into the church as a testimony , and pillar of the catholick veritie against the arrians , and annext by ancient custome to the end of the psalms in the liturgy , st jerome , or some body before him , being moved by the noise of the macedonians ( who excepted against that part of it concerning the holy ghost affirming that the doctrine of the divinitie of the holy ghost was novell ) is said to have been the author of adding the other verse or line to the former , in opposition to them , as it was in the beginning , &c. to signifie this to be the ancient catholick , no new private doctrine or opinion ; and yet that it was very neer , if not as ancient as the former may be guest by what theodoret , l. 2. c. 24. saith of leontius bishop of antioch , that he was wont to say to himself the arrian doxology so softly , that no word could be heard by him that stood next , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for ever and ever , ( the close of the second line ) and this saith he , while flavianus , who opposed him , was a lay-man . and if this be a time wherein such forms as these , ( which besides giving glory to god , do secure and defend the catholick doctrine of the trinity against all ancient or modern arrians and macedonians ) are necessarily to be cast out , as hinderances to growth and edification , sure the designe is onely to plant heresies in the church ( to which alone that may prove impediment ) but nothing else . sect. 33 having said this , 't will not be needfull to adde concerning the fourth head , more then onely the acknowledgement of my wonder and astonishment , why the same calamity and tempest that carried away his lesser creed , should also be able to raise so fierce a torrent , as to drive and hurry with it three larger creeds also , especially that not onely of the nicene fathers , but of the apostles themselves ; against the matter of which i have not heard , that the presbyterians have any objection , and sure the beads-mans divinity , that turns the creed into a prayer , hath not concluded the use of it to be a restinting of the spirit . what the effect of this part of reformation is likely to be , will not be heard to divine , even barbarisme and atheisme within a while , the turning god and christ , and all the articles of the creed out of mens brains also , and not ( as yet it is ) onely out of their hearts ; what is the necessitie of doing it , will not so easily be resolved even by him that hath imbibed the assemblers principles , unlesse it be to gratifie the separatists , who are profest deniers of one article , that of the holy catholick church , resolving the end and the effect of the holy ghosts descent to have been onely to constitute particular congregations , and none else . as for the great pattern of the presbyterians , the practice of geneva , or scotland , that appears by knocks common prayer book , to have allowed a set form of confession of faith , and designed it for the publick use as the first thing in that booke of prayers , though the truth is , the apostles , or other ancient creeds being set aside , one of the geneva forming is fain to supply the place of them , which yet by the setting the severall parts of the apostles creed in the margent , both there and in the order of baptisme , appears rather to be an interpretation of it , and so still the separatists must be the onely men in the church fit to be considered , or else apparently there is no such politicall necessitie of this neither . sect. 34 : for the fifth thing , the so frequent repetition of the lords prayer , and prayers for the king in our service , this account may be briefly given of it . for the former , that in our common-prayer book , there be severall services for severall occasions , of the sacraments , &c. for severall dayes , as the letany , for severall times in the day , not onely morning and evening but one part to be said earlier in the morning , and then toward noone a return to another part , ( as the ancient primitives had three services in a forenoon , 1. that for the catechumeni , consisting of prayers , psalms , and readings ; then a 2. for the penitents , such as our letany ; and a 3. for the fideles , the faithfull , our communion service ; ) and even that which is assigned to one time so discontinued by psalms , and hymnes , and lessons , that it becomes in a manner two services , clearly two times of prayer . now our saviour commanding , when you pray , say our father ; we have accordingly so assigned it , to be once repeated in every such part of service , and i remember to have heard one of the gravest and most reverend men of the assembly , being asked his opinion about the use of the lords prayer , to have answer'd to this purpose , god forbid that i should ever be upon my knees in prayer , and rise up without adding christs form to my imperfect petitions . and whereas this directory is so bountifull , as to recommend this praier to be used in the praiers of the church , and yet so wary as but to recommend it , it is thereby confest that it is lawfull to retain a set form , ( for that is surely so ; and then the often using of a lawfull thing will not make it unlawfull ) but withall that christs command in point of his service shall no more oblige to obedience , then the commands of men , for if it did , this would be more then recommended . and now why that which may , say they , commendably ( must , say we , necessarily in obedience to christ ) be used in the prayers of the church , and being repeated oftner then once , shall be usefull to him who was not come at the first saying , or may be said more attentively by him who had before been too negligent , should be necessary to be used but once , when all mens zeal or understanding of so divine a forme , or perhaps presence at that part of the service , shall not necessarily go along with it , i leave to more subtle diuiners to instruct us . this i am sure of , that god hath made a peculiar promise to importunity in prayer , to a coming often to him on the same errand , and luk. 18. 5. by a phrase in the parable seems to say , that he that comes oft to god in this manner , will at length force him to shame , if he do not grant his petition , for that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and from thence the fathers use a bold phrase in their liturgies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i put thee to shame , i. e. importune thee , basil . in liturg : and in the psaltery of the greek church , which hath many prayers mixt with it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unlesse thy own goodnesse put thee to shame , &c. now that this will not be subject to the censure of vain repetitions , mat. 6. 7. which is the onely exception made against it , if the example of david , psal . 136. be not sufficient to authorize the repeating any form often , which is as faultlesse as that was ) might largely be evidenced , 1. by the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there used , which both hesychius and suidas apply to another matter , and explain it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 long , idle , unseasonable forms , such as battus used in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his long-winded hymns so full of tautologies , which munster therefore rendreth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do not multiply words , unprofitably or unseasonably . 2. by the customes of the heathens which christ there referres to [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , use not , &c. as the heathens ] and which are evident in their writers , especially their tragedians ; where 't is plain , that their manner was to sound , or chant for many houres together , some few empty words to the honour of their gods , such the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in their bacchanals , from the noise of which they were call'd evantes ; such in sophocles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and especially in the virgins chorus of aeschylus's tragedy , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where there are near an hundred verses , made up of meer tautologies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and an enumeration of the severall names of the gods with unsignificant noises added to them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and within two verses the same again , and much more of the same stile . two notable examples of this heathenish custome the scripture affords us , one , 1. kings 18. 26. where the prophets of baal from morning till noon , cry o baal , hear us , and it follows , they cryed with a loud voice , and cut themselves . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to their custome or rites ( that loud crying the same words so long together was as much a heathenish rite , as the cutting of themselves , ) the other of ephesians acts 19. 34. who are affirm'd to have cryed with one voice for two houres space , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , great is diana of the ephesians , and 3. by the designed end that christ observes of that heathen custome , 1. that they may be heard by that long noise , for which elias sco●●es them , 1. kings 18. 27. cry aloud , perhaps your god is a talking , or a pursuing , &c. 2. that their petitions may be more intelligible to their gods , to which christ opposes , your heavenly father knoweth what you have need of , and so needs not your tautologies to explain them to him . much more might be said for the explaining of that mistaken place , but that it would seem unnecessary to this matter , the exception being so causlesse , that the vindication would passe for an extravagance . sect. 35 of the prayers for the king , the account will not be much unlike , s. paul commands that prayers , & supplications , and intercessions , & thanksgivings be made for kings , &c. 1. tim. 2. 1 , 2. where though the mention of those severall sorts of prayers , signified by those foure words , might be matter of apology , for the making severall addresses to god for kings in one service , supposing them proportioned to those sorts in that text , yet have we distributed the frequent prayers for him into the severall services , one solemn prayer for him , in the ordinary daily service , ( and onely a versicle before as it were prooemiall to it ) another in the letany , another after the commandments ) on which though our book hath two forms together , yet both the rubrick and custome , gives us authority to interpret , it was not meant that both should be said at once , but either of the two chosen by the minister , ) another before the communion , where the necessity of the matter , being designed for the church militant , makes it more then seasonable to descend to our particular church , and the king the supream of it ; just as herodotus relates the custome of the persians , l. 1. p. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they pray for all the persians , particularly for the king. to this practice of ours so grounded in the apostle , we shall adde , 1. the reward promised ( by the apostles intimation ) to such prayers ( if not , as i conceive , by those words , that we may live a peaceable and quiet life , &c. that peaceable and quiet life , of all blessings the greatest , seeming to be a benefit or donative promised to the faithfull discharge of that duty , of praying , and supplicating , and interceding , and giving thanks for kings , yet certainly somewhat else ) in that high declaration made concerning it in the next words , for this is good and acceptable before god our saviour , whose acceptation is reward sufficient to any action , and yet who never accept● but rewards also . 2. the practise of the ancient christians , set down by tertull. sacrificamus pro salute imperatoris purâ prece : our prayers are sent up a pure sacrifice for the prosperity of the emperour . and that quoties conveniebant , in another place , at every meeting or service of the church , & precantes semper pro omnibus imperatoribus , vitam prolixam , imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus fortes , senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , quaecunque hominis & caesaris vot● sunt : praying alwayes for the emperours , and begging of god for them , long life , secure reign , the safety of his house , couragious armies , a faithfull senate , a good people , a quiet world , all those severals , ( which would make up more prayers then our book hath assigned ) all that either a man or king they can stand in need of ; and so athen●goras and others to the same purpose , especially when they have occasion to justifie the fidelity of christians to their unchristian emperours , having no surer evidence to give of that , then the frequency of their prayers for them , which they which think necessary to abridge , or supersede , must give us leave by that indication to judge of somewhat else , by occasion of that topick to observe their other demonstrations of disloyalty to those that are set over them by god ; and to any that are not guilty of that crime , nor yet of another , of thinking all length of the publick service unsupportable , i shall referre it to be judged , whether it be necessary , that the king be prayed for in the church , no oftner then there is a sermon there . sect. 36 6. the communion of saints , ( which if it were no article in our creed , ought yet to be laid up , as one of the christians tasks or duties ) consists in that mutuall exchange of charitie and all seasonable effects of it , between all parts of the church , that triumphant in heaven , christ and the saints there , and this on earth militant ; which he that disclaims , by that one act of insolence , casts off one of the noblest priviledges , of which this earth is capable , to be a fellow citizen with the saints , and a fellow member with christ himself . the effects of this charity on their parts is , in christs intercession , and in the saints suffrages , and dayly prayers to god for us ; but on our part thanksgivings and commemorations , which 't is apparent the primitive christians used , very early solemnizing the day of christs resurrection , &c. and rehearsing the names of the saints out of their diptycks , in time of the offertory before the sacrament ; besides this so solemn a christian duty , another act of charity there is , which the church ows to her living sonnes the educating of them in the presence of good examples , and setting a remark of honour on all which have lived christianly , especially have died in testimony of the truth of that profession ; and again , a great part of the new testament , being story of the lives of christ and his apostles , ( and the rest but doctrine agreeable to what those lives expressed ) it must needs be an excellent compendium of that book , and a most usefull way of infusing it into the understanding , and preserving it in the memory of the people , to assigne proper portions of scripture in lessons , epistles , and gospels to every day , every sunday , every festivall in the yeare ( which are none in our church , but for the remembrance of christ , and the scripture-saints ) to infuse by those degrees all necessary christian knowledge , and duties into us , the use of which to the ignorant is so great , that it may well be feared , that when the festivals , and solemnities for the birth of christ , and his other famous passages of life and death , and resurrection and ascension , & mission of the holy ghost , and the lessons gospels ( and collects ) and sermons upon them , be turn'd out of the church , together with the creeds also , 't will not be in the power of weekly sermons on some head of religion to keep up the knowledge of christ in mens hearts , a thing it seems observ'd by the casuists , who use to make the number of those things that are necessariò credenda ; necessary to be believed , no more , then the festivals of christ make known to men : and sure by the ancient fathers whose preaching was generally on the gospels for the day ; as apears by their sermons de tempore , and their postils . to all these ends are all these festivals , and these services designed by the church , ( and to no other that is capable of any the least brand of novell or superstitious ) and till all this antidote shall be demonstrated to be turned poyson , all these wholesome designes , to be perfectly noxious , till ill or no examples , uncharitablenesse , schismaticall cutting our selves off from being fellow members with the saints , and even with christ our head , till ingratitude , ignorance , and atheisme it self , be canonized for christian and saint-like , and the onely things tending to edification in a church , there will hardly appear any so much as politick necessity to turn these out of it , sect. 37 7. for the reading of the commandments , and prayer before , and the responses after each of them , though it be not anciently to be found in the church , as a part of the service , ( but onely retained in the catechisme ) till king edwards second liturgie , ( and therefore sure no charge of popery to be affixt on it ) yet seemeth it to me a very profitable part of devotion , being made use of as it ought . the priest after a premised prayer for grace to love and keep gods commandments , is appointed to stand and read every of the commandments distinctly to the people , as a kind of moses , bringing them from god to them ; these are they to receive in the humblest affection of heart , and posture of body , as means to try and examine themselves , and to humble themselves in a sense of their severall failings , and thereupon implore ( every one for himself , and for others , even for the whole kingdome ) first gods mercy for pardon for all that hath been committed against the letter of each commandment , or what ever christ , and the gospel hath set down under any , or reducible to any of those heads . 2. grace to perform for the time to come , what ever may be acceptable to christ in that particular . this being thus distinctly and leisurely done to each perticular precept , the heart enlarging to every particular under that , proves an excellent form of confession of sinnes , and of resolution ( and prayer for strength ) to forsake them . and let me tell you were gods pardon thus ●ervently and often called for by each humble soul in a kingdome , for every mans personall , and the whole kingdome nationall sinnes , the atheisme speculative and practicall , the impiety , iufidelity , want of love and fear , and worship of god , &c. in the first commandment , and so throughout all the rest , and the grace of god , to work all the contrary graces in every heart , in the heart of the whole kingdome , as humbly and heartily invoked , the benefit would certainly be so great and so illustrious , that none but satan , who is to be dethroned , and part with his kingdome by that means , would ever deem it necessary to cast out this part of service , and have nothing at all in exchange for it . 8. for the order of the offertory , it must first be observed , that in the primitive apostolick church , the offertory was a considerable part of the action , in the administring and receiving the sacrament ; the manner of it was thus . at their meetings for divine service , every man as he was able brought something along with him , bread , or wine , the fruits of the season &c. of this , part was used for the sacrament , the rest kept to furnish a common table for all the brethren ( and therefore in ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to celebrate the feast , is to administer that sacrament , being joyn'd there with the mention of baptisme ) rich and poore to eat together , no one taking precedence of other , or challenging a greater part to himself by reason of his bringing more ; this is discernable in saint pauls words , chiding the corinthians for their defaults in this matter , 1 cor. 11. 21. every man , saith he , takes and eats before another his own supper , ( i. e , ) the rich that brought more , eats that which he brought ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he were at home eating his own private meal , without respect to the nature of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were a common meale for all , and so while one is filled to the full , some others have little or nothing to eat , which is the meaning of that which follows , one is hungry , and another is drunken ; after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ceased , and the bringing of the fruits of the season , which were as a kind of first-fruit offering , was out-dated , whether by canon of the church , or by contrary custome , this manner was still continued , that every receiver brought somewhat with him to offer , particularly bread , and wine mixt with water . justin mart , apol. 2. p. 97. sets down the manner of it clearly in his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the bread and wine of the brethren , i. e. communicants is brought to the priest or prefect ; ( not as in the latine interpreter reads praefecto fratrum , as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were to be joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which belongs to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and he receiving it gives la●d and praise unto god , in the name of the son and the holy ghost , and all the people ioyn in the amen , then do the deacons distribute that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bread , over which he hath thus given thanks , and then , saith he , over & above the richer sort and every one as he shall think good contributes , & that which is so raised is left with the priest , who out of that stock succors the orphan & widow , and becomes a common provider for all that are in want . this clearely distinguisheth two parts of the offertory , one designed for the use of all the faithfull in the sacrament , another reserved for the use of the poore , the former called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , oblations , in the councell of laodicea . the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that of gangra , and proportionably , the reposicory for the first called sacrarium in the fourth councell of carthage , can. 93. ( and by possidonius in the life of s● augustine , secretarium unde altari necessari● inferuntur , where those things are laid , and from whence fetcht , which are necessary to the altar ) the other gazophylacium or treasury , the first st. cyprian calls sacrificia , sacrifices . the second eleemosynae , almes , l. de op . & eleem. parallel to those which we find both together mentioned , act. 24. 17. i came to bring almes to my nation and offerings . this saith justin martyr , is our christian sacrifice , which will more appear to him that considers that the feasting of the people , their partaking of the sacrifice , having their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was alwaies annexed to sacrifices both among jews and heathens , which the apostle calls partaking of the altar , and consequently that the sacrifice , and the feast together , the sacrifice in the offertory , the feast in the eating and drinking there , do compleat and make up the whole businesse of this sacrament , as farre as the people are concerned in it ; and all this blest by the priest , and god blest and praised by priest and people , and so the title of eucharist belongs to it . thus after justin : irenaeus . the offertory of the christians is accounted 〈◊〉 pure sacrifice with god as when st paul , saith he , mentions the acts of th● philippians liberality , he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an acceptable sacrifi●● ( and so heb. 3. 16. to do good and to communicate forget not , such acts 〈◊〉 liberality to those that want for with such sacrifices god is well pleased and presently defines what this sacrifice was , primitiae earum quae sunt ●jus creaturarum , the first fruits of god's creatures , so tertullian , modicas unusquisque stipem menstruâ die adponit , every one brings somewhat ever month , just parallel to our offertory at monthly communions ; much more might be said of this out of ancient constitutions and canons , if 't were no● for my desire of brevity . effectually st cyprian , locuples & dives es , 〈◊〉 dominicam celebrare te credis , & corbonam non respicis , qui in dominicum sine sacrificio venis , qui partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit ●●mis ? art thou rich & thinkst thou receivest as thou oughtst , & respecte● not the corban , feedest on the poore mens sacrifice , and bringst none 〈◊〉 self ? and st aug. to the same purpose ; and 't is worth observing that ma●● authorities , which the papists produce for the externall sacrifice of the b●dy of christ in the masse , are but the detortion and disguising of thos● places which belong to the offertory of the people , and in the canon of th● masse that prayer which is used for the offering up of christ , ( la●ded with so many crosses ) plainly betraies it self to have been first instituted by relation to these gifts and oblations , as appears by the mention of abels sacrifice , and melchizedecks offering ( that of abels the fruit of the earth , melchizedecks a present onely of bread and wine to abraham ) and the per quem haec omnia semper bonacreas ( by whom thou createst all these good things ) which belongs evidently to the fruits of the earth , but is by them now most ridiculously applied to the body of christ . i have been thus large in shewing the originall of the offertory , because it hath in all ages been counted a speciall part of divine worship , the third part of the christian holocaust , saith aquinas , 2a , 2ae . q. 85. art . 3. ad 2. the observation of which is yet alive in our liturgy ( i would it had a more chearfull universall reception in our practice ) especially if that be true which honorius saith , that instead of the antient oblation of bread and wine , the offering of money was by consent receiv'd into the church in memory of the pence in judas's●ail ●ail . now that this offering of christians to god for pious and charitable uses , designed to them who are his proxies and deputy receivers , may be the more liberally and withall more solemnly performed , many portions of scripture are by the liturgy designed to be read to stir up and quicken this bounty , and those of three sorts , some belonging to good works in generall , others to alms-deeds , others to oblations , and when it is received and brought to the priest , he humbly prayes god to accept those alms , and this is it which i call the service of the offertory , so valued and esteemed among all antients , but wholly omitted in this directory ( onely a casuall naming of a collection for the poore by way of a sage caution , that it be so ordered , that no part of the publick worship be thereby hindred upon what grounds of policy or pretence of necessity , i know not , unlesse out of that great fear le●t works of charity ( which the apostle calls an acceptable sacrifice , and with which god is well pleased ) should passe for any part of the service or worship of god , which after praying to him is an act that hath the greatest remark , and highest character set upon it & when it is thus in the offertory , is accounted pars cultūs a part of worship , say the school-men . and beside , where it is used , as it ought proves of excellent benefit ( when prudent faithfull officers have the dispensing of it ) toward the supplying and preventing the wants of all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the minister is thereby enabled to be the guardian of all that are in want , saith justin m. apol , 2. and sure necessity hath little or no law or reason in it , when the rejecting of such customes as these proves the onely necessary . sect. 39 9. for private baptism , that which our liturgy prescribes is , that all possible care be taken , that all children that are to be baptized be brought to church , and not without great cause and necessity baptized at home in their houses . and yet when great need shal compel them so to do , then an order of administring it is prescribed , such as in case the childe die , it may not be deprived of the sacrament , and in case it live , it may , as publickly be presented , and with prayer received into the church , and pronounced to be baptized already , which is equivalent as if it had been baptized in the publick . the clear confest ground of this practice is the desire of the church not to be wanting to any the meanest creature , in allowing it that which christ hath given it right to , and to encourage and satisfie the charitable desires of parents , which in danger of instant death require it for them . this ground seems clearly to be acknowledg'd by the compilers of this directory pag. 41. where'tis affirmed , that the posterity of the faithfull born within the church , have by their birth ( not by their living to the next lords day , or till they can be brought to church ) interest in the covenant and right to the seale of it , which sure is baptisme ) and then what necessitie there is , that they that are acknowledg'd to have right to that seal , should yet not be permitted to have it , ( as in case private baptisme be excluded , some of them infallibly shall not ) i professe my understanding too short to reach : and as ignorant i must confesse to be also , why , when they come to the congregation , it should be utterly unlawfull for them to be baptized in the place where fonts have hitherto been placed , i. e. near the doore of the church , as the directory appoints ; a new scandalous piece it seems of popery , and superstition , ( which is as dangerous as private baptisme , and therefore with it together forbidden ) and yet very ancient , and farre from any superstitious in●ent ; baptisme being at first in any convenient pond or river , as the gospel , and after that just . martyr , tells us : and is noted by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is literally , to dope over head in the water , and by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a swimming or diving place , by which the fathers expresse the font. but when churches were built , then there was an erection also of baptisteria , at first without , but after within the churches , and those placed near the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or porch of the church , on no other designe undoubtedly , then to signifie the sacrament there celebrated to be a rite of initiation or entrance into the church , ( as the chancell or upper part of the church was assigned unto the other sacrament to signifie it to belong to those onely that were come to some perfection ) against which 't is not possible any thing should be objected of unfitnesse , but that the ministers voyce will not in some churches so easily be heard by the whole congregation , which if it may not be helpt , by raising his voyce at that time , will not yet infuse any popery or superstition into it , the charge that is here so heavily laid on it , ( as well as that of unfitnesse ) of which if it be guilty , superstition is become a strange ubiquitary , ready to fly and affix it self to any thing they will have it , and shall as justly be fastened by me on their negative , or prohibition of baptisme in that place [ it is not to be administred in the places where fonts , &c. ] as upon our positive appointing it . for sure if a significant rite , or designation of place , &c. without any other guilt , then that it is so , be superstitious ; an unsignificant interdiction of it will be as much ; and if the positive superstition be to be condemned , the negative must be so also . 10. for the prescript form of catechisme , it is placed by our church in our liturgie , and as fit to be placed there as any directions for preaching can be in theirs , ( which takes up so great a part in their religion , and consequently in their directory ) the previous instruction of youth being so much more necessary then that , as a foundation is then any part of the superstructure , that being necessary to the end onely , but this over and above necessary to make capable of the other necessary . of this particular catechisme i might say somewhat , which would be worthy to be observed in these times , how much christian prudence the church hath shewed in it , in setting down for all to learn , onely those few things which are necessary to the plainest and meanest , for the direction of christian faith and practice ; and if we would all keep our selves within that moderation , and propose no larger catalogue of credenda to be believed by all then the apostles creed , as 't is explained in our catechisme , doth propose , and lay the greater weight upon consideration and performance of the vow of baptisme , and all the commands of god as they are explained ( and so the obligation , to obedience enlarged ) by christ , and then onely adde the explication of the nature and use of the sacraments , in those most commodious and intelligible expressions ( and none other ) which are there set down , i should be confident there would be lesse hating and damning one another ( which is most ordinary for opinions ) more piety and charity , and so true christianity among christians and protestants , then hitherto hath been met with . but seeing , though this be fit to be said , yet 't is unnecessary in this place , this catechisme being not put in ballance with any other way of instructing youth in the directory , but onely sold or cast away for nought , and no money , nothing taken or offered in exchange for it , i am superseded from this , and onely left to wonder why catechising of children in the faith and knowledge of their vowed duty ( which i hope is no stinting of their spirits ) should be one of those burthens which 't is so necessary should be thrown off , and not so much as considered in this directory . 11. for confirmation , which ( being a thing wherein the bishop is a party , will , i must expect , be matter of some envy and odium but to name it , and ) being so long and so scandalously neglected in this kingdome ( though the rule have also been severe and carefull in requiring it ) will now not so easily be digested , having those vulgar prejudices against it , yet must i most solemnly professe my opinion of it , that it is a most ancient christian custome , tending very much to edification , which i shall make good by giving you this view of the manner of it . it is this , that every rector of any parish , or curate of charge , should by a familiar way of catechizing instruct the youth of both sexes within his cure in the principles of religion , so farre , that every one of them before the usuall time of coming to the lords supper , should be able to understand the particulars of the vow made in baptisme for the credenda and facienda yea and fugienda also , what must be believed , what done , and what forsaken ; and be able to give an intelligent account of every one of these , which being done , every such child so prepared , ought to be brought to the bishop for confirmation . wherein the intent is , that every such child attained to years of understanding shall singly and solemnly before god , the bishop and the whole congregation , with his own mouth , and his own consent take upon himself the obligation to that , which his godfathers and god mothers in baptisme promised in his name , and before all those reverend witnesses , make a firm , publick , renued promise , that by gods help he will faithfully endeavour to discharge that obligation in every poi●● of it , and persevere in it all the dayes of his life . which resolution and promise so heighrned with all those solemnities , will in any reason hav● a mighty impression on the child , and an influence on his actions fo● ever after . and this being thus performed by him , the bishop shall severally impose his hands upon every such child ( a ceremony used to th● purpose by christ himself ) and bl●sse , and pray for him , that now that th● temptations of sinne , begin more strongly , in respect of his age , to assau●● him , he may receive grace and strength against all such temptations 〈◊〉 assaults , by way of prevention and speciall assistance , without which obtained by prayer from god , he will never be able to do it . this is th● summe of confirmation , and were it rightly observed ( and no man admitted to the lords supper , that had not thus taken the baptisme 〈◊〉 from the sureties into his own name , and no man after that suffered continue in the church , which brake it wilfully , but turned out of th●●● sacred courts , by the power of the keyes in excommunication ) it would certainly prove , by the blessing of god there begged , a most effectuall mean to keep men , at least within some tearms of christian civility , from falling into open enormous sinnes ; and that the defaming and casting out this so blamelesse gainfull order should be necessary or usefull to any p●licy save onely to defend the devil from so great a blow , and to sustain and uphold his kingdome , i never had yet any temptation or motive to suspect or imagine . instead of considering any objections of the adversary , against this peice , whether of apostolicall or ecclesiasticall discipline ( which i never heard with any colour produced ) i shall rather expresse my most passionate wish unto my friends , those who sincerely wish the good of this nationall church , that they will endeavour their utmost to revive these means of regaining the purity and exemplary lives of all its members , when god by restoring our peace shall open a door for it . sect. 42 12. for the sclemnities of buriall , as they are certainly uselesse to them who are dead , so are they not designed by us but to the benefit of the living in lessons and prayers upon those occasions , as also for the freeing us from the imputation of rudenesse and uncivility ( which christianity teaches no body ) to those bodies which shall have their parts in the resurrection , and to their memories , which the obligation of kindred , friendship , at least the common band of christianity , make precious to us ; and that it should be necessary , and tend to edification , not to pray such seasonable prayers , hear , and impresse upon our hearts such seasonable lessons , ( at a time when they are exemplified before our eyes , and our hearts being softned with mourning , are become more malleable ) to perform such laudable christian civilities , onely for fear we should ( not pray but ) be thought to pray to or for them , over whom , or near whose hearse , or by or toward whom we thus pray ( which that we do not , our prayers that then we use , are ready to testifie ) is another unreasonable , able to evidence the power of prejudice and faction to any that is not sufficiently convinced of it . sect. 43 13. for that of thanksgiving after childbirth , as it may be acknowledged , to be taken up in proportion to , or imitation of purification among the jews , so is it not thereby lyable to any charge of evil ; for herein is a marvellous mistake among men , to think that because the continuing of circumcision was so forbidden by s. paul , gal. 5. 2. therefore it should be unlawfull for any christian church , to institute any usage which had ever been commanded the jews . for the reasons which made the retaining of circumcision so dangerous , will not be of any force against other customes of the jews , as 1. that it was prest by the judaizing christians , as necessary to justification , gal. 5. 4. which is in effect the disclaiming of christ or of any profit , v. 2. or effect , v. 4. by him , a falling from grace , & renouncing the gospel . 2. that it was contrary to that liberty or manumission from the judaicall law which christ had purchased , v. 13. to have circumcision imposed as a law of gods still obligatory , when christ by his death hath cancelled it . 3. that some carnall professots , which thought by this means to escape the opposition , and persecution , which then followed the doctrine of christ , and profession of christianity , did much boast that they put themselves and their disciples in a course to void the crosse , c. 6. 12. which is the meaning of that , v. 13. that they may glory in your flesh , i. e. in your being circumcised , as that is by saint paul opposed to glorying in the crosse , v. 14. i. e. the persecution that followed profession of the gospel , as c. 5. 11. he mentions it as the onely reason of his being persecuted , that he would not preach circumcision : agreeable to which is that of ignatius in ep. ad magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. if we till now live according to the law of the jews & circumcision of the flesh , we deny that we have received grace , for the divinest prophets lived according to jesus christ , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for doing so were persecuted : which they that desired to avoid , and therefore would be circumcised , or preach circumcision , those are the men s. paul so quarrels with , as those that would not suffer for christs sake , that were not much in love with that crosse of his . to which a fourth reason may also be added , that many of the ceremonies of the law did presignifie the future messias , and the teaching the necessity of such observances as nor yet abolisht , is the professing christ not to be the messias . all which notwithstanding , it still remains very possible , that a rite formerly commanded the jews , not as significative of the future messias ; but as decent in the worship of god , without any depending on it for justisication , without any opinion that the jewish law obliges us , & without any fear of being persecuted by the jews , or consequent compliance with them , may now be prescribed by the christian church meerly as a humane institution , judging that decent or usefull new , which was so then , & in this case if nothing else can be objected against it , save onely that god once thought fit to prescribe it to his own people , there will be little fear of danger in , or fault to be found with any such usage . for it is an ordinary observation which paulus fagius in his notes on the targum ( a most learned protestant ) first suggested to me , that many of the jewish ceremonies were imitated by christ himself under the gospel . i might shew it you in the apostles , who were answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the missi or messengers among the jews , and were by christ our high-priest sent abroad to all nations to bring in ( that peculium , which of all others he counted most his due , having paid so dear for it ) sinners to their saviour , as they were among the jews sent by the high-priest to ferch in the dues to the temple . so also the imposition of hands , a form of benediction among the jews , as ancient as jacob himself , gen. 48. 14. in blessing josephs sonnes , and is often used by christ to that same purpose . and even the two sacraments are of this nature , baptisme related to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , washings used by them at the initiating or admitting of proselytes , & christs taking bread , & giving thanks , &c. after supper ( wherein the other sacrament was first instituted ) was directly the postcoenium , among the jews , not a peculiar part of the passeover feast , but a ceremony after all feasts , very usuall among them . so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the assemblies civill or facred among the jews , is made use of to signifie the christian church , which christ was to gather together . so the lords day one day in seven , proportionably to their sabbath . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders among the jews are brought by the apostler to signifie an order in the church & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , colleges of many of them together , called by ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacred societies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , counsellers & assistants of the bishops ; & his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ep. ad trall : are parallel to the sanbedrim or councell of elders that were joyned to moses in his government , to facilitate : the burthen to him . the same may be said of the deacons which were an imitation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the treasurer or steward among them , & consequently the place , where the goods which they were to distribute were kept , is parallel to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the treasury , & so the bishop also , saith grotius , is a transcript of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of the congregation . and the patriarchs among christians are taken from the heads of the tribes among them , called ordinarily by the 72 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adde unto these the christia● censure of excommunication answerable to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whether it were from sacred or onely from civill assemblies among them it matters little , for the civill among them may be accommodated to ecclesiasticall among christians , as in some of the fore-mentioned is acknowledged , and as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies primarily any kind of assembly , & is so taken , matth. 6. 5. is appropriated to a place of divine worship in other places ) and the severall degrees of it in the christian church , answerable to their niddui , cherem , and schammatha ; and so for absolution also . all this i have said , and might adde much more to make the demand appear no unreasonable one , that it may be lawfull for the church to use a custome , which hath some resemblance of some ceremony in sorce anciently among the jews , viz. that of the purification of women in our churching . which objection being removed there will remain no other , and then that it should be simply unlawfull or unedifing , to take notice of the deliverance of each woman , or to pay acknowledgement to god for it , and necessary to set up such schools of ingratitude in the church , is more then ingenucus nature will suffer any christian to believe , upon the bare authority of these assemblers . sect. 44 14. the cummunion of the sick , if it be superstition & popery also , ( as sure is implyed by the no mention of it at the visitation of the sick in the directory ) 't is sure of a very long standing in the church ; the canons of the councels about the lapsi and excommunicate , that generally take care that they should have the peace of the church in extremis ( answerable to our absolution at that time ) and if with expressions of penitent hearts they desire it ; the sacrament also , are evidences so clear of this custome , that i shall not need produce any testimonies ; those that are moved with the practice of antiquity being sufficiently furnisht with them ; if any may be unsatisfied in this , let him read the famous story of the dying s●rapion in eusebius , l. 6. c. 36. and that it should be necessarie to the edification of that church , that this viaticum , ( as the fathers call'd it ) should be denied every hungring and thirsting traveller at that time when it might yield him most comfort , and our charity most inclines us to allow it him , nay that the church should be thought to suffer by that in any eminent manner ( if it were ill ) which is done privately onely to some particular , ( and order taken that all publickly should be warned to receive the communion frequently in the church , and so not want it on the bed , or trouble the minister then for it ) and consequently the church perhaps never hear of it , this is again a new kind of necessity , to be fetcht from some under-ground fundamentall laws of i know not whose laying , that the christian church never heard of till these times . sect. 45 15. as for the service of the commination , fitted for the first day of lent ; which by denuntiations against particular sinnes under the law , ( appointed to be read to , and attested by the people , with an amen of acknowledgement , that every such offender is by the law cursed , not of prayer that he may be so dealt with in gods justice ) is designed to bring men to humiliation & contrition for sin , the speciall duty of that day and the ensuing season , and closeth with most affectionate prayers for such penitents ; it is matter of some panick sencelesse fears to some ignorant men ( which are very tender and passionate friends to their beloved sins , and dare not subscribe to the condemnation of them ) but very usefull to awake even those and all others out of this security , as a feaver to cure the lethargick , to kindle a fire about mens ears , that they may see their danger , and make out to the use of all christian means of repentance and devotion , and laying hold on christ to avert it ; and if such a bug-bear as that of being thought to curse our selves and freind , in the saying amen to the threatnings ( which will be true to all impenitents whether we say or no ) be sufficient to exercize such an exorcist , to cast out of the church such a powerfull means of bringing sinners to repentance , or if bare prejudice of the assemblers without either hearing or objecting against it , be enough to make it necessary to be left out of our service , the devill will never be in danger from his enemies , as long as he may have but the spell of the directory to put them thus to flight for him . sect. 46 lastly , for the observation of lent , &c. if they be consider'd in generall as fasts , there will sure be no necessity to renounce them ; the jews had their fasts as well as feasts ( and those set publick , not onely voluntary private fasts ) and not onely that great day of expiation appointed by god himself , but occasionall ones appointed by men , and yet , when appointed , as constantly observ'd as that other , the fast of the fourth moneth , of the fifth , of the seventh , and of the tenth moneth . zach. 8. 19. and under christianity , though in the time of christs presence with the disciples , they fasted not , yet the fasting of johns disciples , nay the twice a week of the pharisees themselves is not ( though mentioned yet ) reprehended , but implicitely approved by christ , and of his own saith he , they should not have that immunity long , the dayes should come when the bridegroome should be taken away ( and that is ever since christs ascension ) and then shall they fast in those dayes . 't were easie to iustifie this through the writings , and by the practice of the whole church of god till these dayes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let loose , till these dayes of animosities and epicurisme , have made the usage of fasts by papists , a command to us not to use them , and concluded the abating any thing of our gluttony to be an intrenchment on our christian liberty , and both those deceits together quarrell'd all christian times of fasting out of our practice first , then out of our kalendar . this being said in generall of fasting , the application of this to these fast● of the church , will be indisputably satisfactory to any , that shall but consider the occasions of each of them , of the lenten-fast , the known fourty dayes example of abstinence in christ , whereupon saith st. jerome , vnam quadragesimam sec . traditionem apostolorum , &c. je●unamus : we fast the lent according to the tradition of the apostles . and epiphanius joyns with him to make the lent fast an apostolicall tradition , & others of the ancients concurring for the practice of it , if not so punctuall for the tradition , st , basil may speak for all in hom . 2. of fasting , that there was no age , nor place , but knew it , and observed it . and then i know no necessity of despising christs pattern , & apostolicall practice , unlesse it be the same which obliges to the destroying of episcopacy ( which as it is an imparity opposite to the equality of presbyters , is clearly deducible from both those authorities , to which it seems this yeer is resolved to prove fat all ; ) that so there may be at length as little imitation of christ among us , as reverence to apostles . then for r●gation week , though the originall or occasion of that cannot be deduced so high , but is by historians referred to claud. mamertus bishop of vienn● in france , for the averting of some judgements , which on the observation of many inauspicious accidents and prodigies were sadly scared to be approaching , yet will it not be necessary to turn the fasts , or the l●tanies , or the services assigned to it out of the church , as long as dangers are either present , impendent , or possible , or indeed as long as there be sins enough among us to abode us ill , or provoke any wrath of heaven , any judgements on us ; and when all those occasions cease , i am content those services may be laid aside also , i. e. when we meet all together in heaven . next , the ember weeks are of great antiquity in the church , called the quatuor tempora in the latin fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( from whence i conceive in the english ember ) in the greek , and ( beside the first institution of them for quarterly seasons of devotion , proportion'd to each part of the year , as the first fruits of every season , that the whole , and each division of it might be blest by it , and again beside their answerablenesse to those foure times of solemn fast mention'd among the jews , that we christians may not be inferiour unto them in that duty ) an admirable use is assign'd to them in the church , in imitation of the apostles , act. 13. 3. by fasting and prayer to prepare for the ordination of ministers immediately consequent to every such week , that god would send , and furnish worthy instruments of his glory to serve him in that glorious office , and till ministers are acknowledg'd to be generally so good , that either they cannot or need not be better , till those are also grown immortall ( as the framers of this ordinance ) and so no use of care for succession . i shall suppose it not over-necessary to precipitate these out of the church of christ , but rather wish that there were in our liturgie some service appointed of lessons and prayers for this purpose , to be used constantly on the dayes of fast through those weeks . sect. 47 thus have i , as briefly as i could ; examined all the pretended exuberances of our liturgie , which have required it thus to be more then lanced even to a deliquium animae , to many fainting fits a long while , and at last to its fatall period , if our assemblers may be allowed of the jury , and this ordinance have leave to be the executioner ; and as yet to the utmost of our impartiall thoughts can we not discern the least degree of necessity , of any the most moderate signification of the word , to own so tragicall an exit . the leafs which have been spent in this search , as it may seem unnecessarily , might perhaps have been better employed ; yet will it not be unreasonable to expect a expect a favourable reception of them , when 't is considered , that by this means a farther labour is spared , there needing no farther answer to the whole body of the directory , or any part of it when it shall thus appear , that there was no necessity for the change , nay ( which i conceive hath all along been concluded ) that the continuance of the liturgy , unlesse some better offer or bargain were proposed to us , is still in all policy , in all secular or christian prudence most necessary . and therefore when we have considered the second particular in the ordinance , and to that annext a view of some severalls in the preface , the readers task will be at an end , and his patience freed from the ●entation of our importunity . sect. 48 the second thing then in the ordinance is , that all the severals which this ordinance is set to confront , are statutes of edward the sixth , and of queen elizabeth , all which are without more ado repealed by this ordinance ; which i mention not as new acts of boldnesse , which now we can be at leasure to declaim or wonder at , but to justifie the calumniated sons of this church , who were for a long time offered up maliciously to the peoples hatred and fury , first as illegall usurpers , and adders to law , then as popishly affected , and the pattern of queen elizabeths time vouched to the confirming of this their charge , and the erection of her very picture in some churches , and solemnization of a day for her annuall remembrance , ( by those who will not now allow any saint , or even christ himself the like favour ) design'd to upbraid those wayes and reprove those thoughts . it seemeth now 'tis a season for these men to traverse the scene , to put off disguises , and professe openly and confidently , what till now they have been carefull to conceal , that their garnishing the scpulchre of q. elizabeth was no argument that they were cordially of her religion or meant kindnesse sincerely to the q. elizabeths reformation . some seeds we know there were of the present practices transmitted hither from our neighbour disciplinarians in the dales of q. elizabeth , and some high attempts in private zeal in hacket , and coppinger , and arthington , at one time , which when god suffered not to prosper , it was the wisdom of others to call phrensie and madnes in those undertakers . and generally that is the difference of fate between wickednes prospering and miscarrying , the one passeth for piety , the other for fury . i shall now not affirm , ( or judge my brethren ) but meekly ask this question , and leave every mans own conscience to answer ( not me , but ) himself in it sincerely , and without partiality , whether if he had lived in the dayes of q. elizabeth , and had had his present perswasions about him , and the same encouragements and grounds of hope , that he might prosper and go through with his designes , he would not then in the matter of religion have done just the same , which now he hath given his vote , and taken up arms to do . if he say , out of the uprightnesse of his heart , he would not , i shall then onely ask why it is done now , what ill planet hath made that poyson now , which was then wholsome food , why queen elizabeths statutes should be now repealed , which were then so laudable ? if any intervenient provocation , or any thing else extrinsecall to the matter it self have made this change now necessary , this will be great injustice in the actors . or if the examples of severity in her dayes , ( the hanging of coppin and thacker , an. 1513. at s. edmundsbury , for publishing browns book , ( saith camden ) which ( saith stow p. 1174. ) was written against the common prayer book ) might then restrain those that were contrary minded , i know no reason why the laws by which that was done , should not still continue to restrain ; or at least why conscience should not be as powerfull as fear . from all this i shall now take confidence to conclude , that were there not many earlier testimonies to confirm it , this one ordinance would convince the most seducible mistaker of these two sad truths . sect. 49 1. that the preservation of laws , so long and so speciously insisted on was but an artifice of designe to gain so much either of authority to their persons , or of power and force into their hands , as might enable them to subvert and abolish the most wholsome laws of the kingdom , and in the mean time to accuse others falsly of that , which it was not their innocence , but their discretion , not their want of will , but of opportunity , that they were not really , and truly , and perfectly guilty of themselves , that so they may most compleatly own and observe the principles by which they move , and transcribe that practice , which hath been constantly used by the presbyterian , ( wheresoever they have appear'd ) to pretend their care and zeal to liberty , that by that means they may get into power ( like absalom a passionate friend to justice , when he had an itch to be king ; or like d●oces in herodotus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his ambition of magistracy made him content to be just ) when as soon as they attain , they inclose , and tyrannically make use of to the enthralling and enslaving all others ; even laws themselves , the onely bounds and bulwarks of liberty , which alone can secure it from servitude on one side , and licentiousnesse on the other , ( which very licentiousnesse is the surest way to servitude , the licentiousnesse of one implying the oppression and captivity of some other , and being it self in a just weighing of things the greatest * slavery as much as the mans own unruly passions are greater tyrants then laws , or lawful princes ) are to be levell'd in their jehu-march , to be accused and found at last the onely guilty things , and the same calamity designed to involve the pretended enemies of laws and the laws themselves . sect. 50 the second truth that this unhappy ordinance hath taught us , is that which a while ago had been a revelation of a mystery indeed , which would without any other auxiliary have infallibly quencht this flame ( which now like another aetna and vesuvius is gotten into the bowels of this kingdome , and is there likely to rage for ever , if it be not asswaged from heaven , or determin'd through want of matter , by having devoured all that is combustible ) but now is a pretty vulgar observation , that hath no influence or impression on any man , and therefore i scarce now think it worthy the repeating ; and yet to conclude this period fairly , i shall ; 't is onely this , that the framers of this ordinance , that have so long fought for the defence of the establisht . protestant religion , will not have the peace , unlesse they may be allowed liberty to cast off and repeal every of those statutes , that of the second and third of edward the sixth , that of the fifth and sixth of the same king , that of the first of queen elzabeth , that of the fifth , that of the eighth of the same queen , ( though not all at once , yet as far as concerns the matter in hand , by which you may be assured , that the fragments of those statutes which remain yet unabolished , are but reserved for some other opportunity , as ready for a second and third sacrifice , as thus much of them was for this ) , by which the protestant religion stands established in this kingdome , and in which the whole work of reformation is consummate . and all this upon no higher pretence of reason , then onely a resolution to do so , a not being advised by their divines to the contrary , and ( to countenance the weaknesse of those two motives ) a proostesse scandalous mention , or bare naming of manifold inconveniences , which might as reasonably be made the excuse of robbing , and murthering , and damning ( as far as an ordinance would reach ) all men but themselves , as of abolishing this litu●gio , lord lay not this ●ix to their charge . chap. ii. sect. 1 the preface to the directory , being the oratour to perswade all men to be content with this grand and sudden change , to lay down with patience and aequanimity , all their right which they had in the venerable liturgie of the church of england , and account themselves richly rewarded , for doing so , by this new framed directory , begins speciously enough , by seeming to lay down the onely reasons , why our ancestors a hundred years ago , at the first reformation of religion , were not onely content , but rejoyced also in the book of common-prdyer , at that time set forth ; but these reasons are set down with some partiality , there being some other more weighty grounds of the reformers framing , and others rejoycing in that book , then those negative ones which that preface mentions , viz , the perfect reformation wrought upon the former liturgie , the perfect conformity of it with , and composure out of the word of god , the excellent orders prescribed , & benefit to be reaped from the use of that book , & the no manner of reall objection , or exception of any weight against it ; all which if they had been mentioned , as in all justice they ought ( especially when you report not your own judgements of it but the judgements of those rejoycers of that age , who have left upon record those reasons of their rejoycing ) this preface had soon been ended , or else proved in that first part , an answer or confutation of all that follows . but 't is the manner of men now adayes , to conceal all that may not tend to their advantage to be taken notice of , ( a practice reproached by honest cicero , in his books of offices of life , in the story of the alexandrian ship-man , that went to relieve rhodes , & out-going the rest of his follows , sold his corn at so much more gain , by that infamous artifice though not of lying yet of concealing the mention of the fleet that was coming after ) and to cut off the locks of that sampson whom they mean to bind , pare and circumcise the claws of that creature they are to combate with ; i mean to set out that cause , and those arguments at the weakest , to which they are to give satisfaction . and yet by the way , i must confesse , that even these weak arguments which they have named , are to me of some moment , as first , the redresse of many things , which were vain , erroneous , superstitious , and idolatrous , which argues that all is not now involv'd under any of those titles , nor consequently to be abolisht , but further reform'd onely . 2. that they which did this , were wise and pious , which they that were , would never take pains to purge that which was all drosse , their wisdome would have helpt them to discern that it was so , and their piety oblige them to reject it altogether , and not to save one hoof , when all was due to the common slaughter . 3. that many godly and learned men rejoyced much in the liturgie , which argues that all was not to be detested , unlesse either these men now be somewhat higher then godly or learned , of that middle sort of rationals , that iamblichus out of aristotle speaks of , betwixt god , and man , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or unlesse it be confest that many godly and learned men may be mistaken in a matter of this moment , and then these may be also mistaken at this time . sect. 2 having therefore made use of that artifice , mention'd some generall slight grounds of mens approving and rejoycing in the new formed liturgie , the composers of that preface , i mean speedily to weigh them down , with a heap of contrary sad matter , and then to leave it to the readers judgement , whether they are not his friends , thus to disabuse him , and his silly good-natur'd ancestors , that were thus slightly flatter'd into a good opinion of an inconvenient , if not mischievous liturgie . great hast is therefore made , and some arts and preparations used , to work upon the affection more then judgement of the reader , and this is done by that rhetoricall pathetick stroke [ howbeit , long and sad experience hath made it manifest ] words of some consideration and efficacy , but that they have one weak part in them , an infirmity that this age is very subject to , that of causlesse and groundlesse calumny . for how long soever , and to murmurers , and passionate lovers of news and change , how irksome and tedious soever the experience of this liturgie hath been , 't is notoriously certain that it hath not been sad , save onely again to those evill eyes ; but on the other side , a continuall float and tide of joy to all true english men , to see and observe the prosperity and flourishing of this church , in a perpetuall swelling and growth , ever since the establishing of that protestant liturgie and religion together among us , till at last ( about the time when this vast calamity brake in upon us ) it was grown to such an height , as was certainly never heard of ( or by enemies themselves affirmed at any other time to have been ) in this kingdom , or ( were it not a little like boasting , to which yet you have constrain'd us , i should adde ) in any other part of europe also for these many hundred yeers . sect. 3 but what is it that this so falsly supposed sad experience hath made manifest ? why , that the liturgie used in the church of england ( notwithstanding the pains and religious intentions of the compilers of it ) hath prov'd an offence , not onely to many of the godly at home , but also to the reformed churches abroad . in which words we shall not take advantage of the confession of the religious intentions of the compilers of our liturgie , which signifies the offence here spoken of in their notion of it to be acceptum , non datum , taken when it was not given ; nor 2. oppose those religious intentions to the irreligious mistakes of others , and accusations of those things which were so religiously intended ; nor . 3. compare the reputations of those persons which compiled that liturgie , whether in king edwards ( cranmer , ridly , p. martyr ) or in queen elizabeths dayes ( parker , grindall , horn , whitchead , &c. ) with the members of this assembly , much lesse the intentions of them , which in the mouth of enemies is acknowledged religious , with the intentions of these , which if we may measure by their more visible enterprizes , and the covenant in which they have associated contrary to all laws of god and men , we shall have temptation to suspect not guilty of over-much religion ; or good purpose to the government of this kingdom ; nor 4. confront the number of those others that are here confest to be pleased and benefited , against those others that are said to be offended , which were argument enough for thatwhich is established , that considering the danger of change , it ought in all reason rather to stand to please one sort , and benefit them still , then to be pull'd down to comply with the other . but we shall confine our selves to that which the objectors principally designed as a first reason for which our liturgie must be destroyed , because , forsooth , say they , it hath prov'd an ●ffence , &c. for the through examining of which reason , it will be necessary to enquire into these three things : 1. what they mean by offence : 2. what truth there is in the assertion , that the liturgie hath prov'd so to the godly at home , and to the reformed churches abroad : 3. how far that might be a reason of destroying that which proves an offence . sect. 4 for the first , the word offence is an equivocall mistaken word , and by that means is many times a title of a charge or accusation , when there is no reall crime under it ; for sometimes in our english language especially , it is taken for that which any body is displeased or angry at , and then if the thing be not ill in it self , that anger is a causelesse anger , which he that is guilty of , must know to be a sin , and humble himself before god for it , and fail into it no more , and then there need no more be said of such offences , but that he that is or hath been angry at the liturgie , must prove the liturgie to be really ill , ( which if it could be done here , the matter of offence would never have been charged on it , for that is set to supply the place of a greater accusation ) or else confesse himself , or those others so offended , to have sinned by such anger . but then 2. if we may guesse of the meaning of the word by the reason which is brought to prove the charge [ for not to speak , &c. ] it is set here to signifie , 1 the burthen of reading all the prayers ; 2. the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies , which hath occasion'd mischiefby disquieting the consciences of those that cocld not yeeld to them , and by depriving them of the ordinances of god , which they may not enjoy without conforming or subscribing to those ceremonies . to proceed then to the second thing , what truth there is in this assertion , and view it in the severals of the proof . sect. 5 for the first of these , the burthen of reading the prayers ; if they were enough to prove the liturgie offensive , all christian vertues would be involv'd in that charge , because they have all some burthen and difficultie in them , and for this particular , seeing we speak to christians , we might hope that the service would not passe for a burthen to the godly ( who are here named ) i. e. to minds truly devout , if it were longer then it is : and that it may not do so , i am sure it is very prudently framed with as much variety , and as moderate length of each part , as could be imagined , and sure he that shall compare the practices , will find the burthen and length both to minister and people to be as great , by observing the prescriptions in the directory , in the shortest manner , as this that our liturgie hath designed . 3. for the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies . every of those epithets is a calumny ; for 1. they are not many , to the people i am sure , for kneeling and standing which are the onely ceremonies in the daily service , will not make up that number ( and for the rest , there is but a superaddition of some one in each service . ) as for sitting bare , if reason it self will not prescribe that civility to be paid to god in the house of god , ( where without any positive precept , jacob put off his shooes from off his feet ) neither doth our liturgie prescribe it . 2 they are not unprofitable , but each of them tending to advance the businesse towhich they are annext , kneeling to increase our humility , and joyn the body with the soul in that duty of adoration , standing to elevate and again to joyn with the soul in confession of god and thanksgiving , and the rest proportion'd to the businesse in hand ; and 3. if not many , not unproffiable , then not burthensome also . as for the disquieting the conscience of many godly ministers and people , who could not yeeld to the ceremonies ; i answer , that by what hath formerly been said , and the no-objection in this directorie against any such , it appears that thereis no ceremonie appointed in our liturgie which is improper or impertinent to the action , to which it is annext , much lesse in it selfe unlawfull . and then for mans consciences to be disquieted , it argues that they have not , in that manner , as they ought , desired information ; as for ministers , we know that all that have been received into that order , have voluntarily su scribed to them , and consequently have receded from their own subscription , if they have after refused to conform . and we desire to know what tender respect will be had to the consciences of those , who shall submit to your directory , and afterward refuse to conform unto it . i am sure the denuntiations which we have heard of against the dissenting brethren , about the matter of jurisdiction and censures ( and now lately concerning the depravers of your directory ) have been none of the mildest , although those are your own fellow-members , that have assisted you as affectionately in the grand cause as any , and never made themselves liable to your severitie , by having once conformed to you in those particulars . and so 3. for depriving them of the ordinances of god , &c. if that were the punishment appointed for the obstinate and refractory , 't is no more then the laws of the land appointed for their portion , and in that sure not without any example in scripture and apostolicall practice , who appointed such perverse persons to be avoided , which is a censure as high as any hath been here on such inflicted . what ordinances they were of which such men were deprived , i conceive is specified by the next words , that sundry good christians have been by means thereof kept from the lords table , which must needs refer to those that would not kneel there , and why that should be so unreasonable , when the very directory layes the matter so , that none shall receive with them who do not fit , there will be little ground , unlesse it be that no posture in the service of god can be offensive , but onely that of kneeling , which indeed hath had the very ill luck by socinus , in his tract de coenâ domini , to be turn'd out of the church as idololatricall ( with whom to affirm the same will be as great a complyance , as kneeling can be with the papists . ) and by these as superstitious at least , i know not for what guilt , except that of too much humility , as being in m. archer his divinitie , as before i intimated , a betraying of one of the greatest comforts in the sacrament , the sitting fellow kings with christ in his earthly kingdom , confessing thereby that some mens hearts are so set on that earthly kingdom , that the hope of an heavenly kingdom , will not yeeld them comfort , unlesse they may have that other in the way to it ; and withall telling us , that he and his compeers are those men . sect. 6 having survey'd these severalls , and shewed how injustly the charge of offence is laid on the lyturgie , and how little 't is prov'd by these reasons , i shall onely adde , that the proposition pretended to be thus proved by these particulars , is much larger then the proofs can be imagined to extend . for part of the proposition was , that the liturgie was offence to the reformed churches abroad , to which the [ for ] is immediately annext , as if it introduced some proofe of that also . but 't is apparent , that the proofes specified inferre not that , for neither the burthen of reading is offence to them , nor are their consciences disquieted , nor they deprived of gods ordinances by that means . in which respect 't is necessary for us to conclude , that the word offence , as applyed to them nor are their consciences disquieted , nor they deprived of gods ordinance by that meanes . in which respect 't is necessary for us to conclude , that the word offence , as applyed to them , is taken in that other notion , that they are displeased and angry at it . to which we then must answer , that although there is no guilt inferred from the undergoing this fate of being disliked by some , but rather that it is to be deemed an ill indication to be spoken well of by all , yet have we never heard of any forrreigne church which hath exprest any such offence ; the utmost that can be said , is ( and yet not so much as that is here suggested ) that some particular men have exprest such dislike ; to whom we could easily oppose the judgement of others more eminent among them who have largely exprest their approbation of it . and 't is observable , that calvin himselfe , when from frank fort he had received an odious malitious account of many particulars in our liturgy ( as any will acknowledge that shall compare the report then made , with what he finds ) though he were so far transported as to call them ineptias follies , yet addes the epithet of tolerabiles , that though such , they were yet tolerable . and therefore in the third place , i may now conclude , that if all that is thus affirm'd to prove the offence in the liturgie , used in the church of england were ( after all this evidence of the contrary ) supposed true , yet is it no argument to infer the justice of the present designe which is not reforming , but abolishing both of that and all other liturgie . were the offence in the length of the service , that length might be reform'd , and yet liturgie remain ; were there offence in the ceremonies , or mischief in the punishing them that have not conformed , those ceremonies might be left free , that conformity be not thus prest , and still liturgie be preserved inviolate . as for the forreign churches , 1. i shall demand , whether onely some are thus offended , or all . not all , for some of the wisest in these churches have commended it ; and if some onely , then it seems others are not offended , and why must we be so partiall , as to offend and displease some , that we may escape the offending others ? not sure because we more esteme the judgements of the latter , for by the apostles rule the weaker men are , the more care must be taken , that they be not offended . 2 i shall suppose that their liturgie , or their having none at all , may possibly offend us , and then demand why they shall not be as much obliged to change for the satisfying of us , as we of them ? i am ashamed to presse this illogicall discourse too far , which sure never foresaw such examination , being meant onely to give the people a formall specious shew for what is done , a heap of popular arguments , which have of late gotten away all the custome from demonstrations , and then , si populus vult decipi , decipiatur if the tame creature will thus be taken , any fallacy , or topicke doth as well for the turn , as if euclid had demonstrated it . sect. 8 in pursuit of this popular argument it follows , that by this means , i. e. of the liturgie , divers able and faithfull ministers were debarred from the exercise of their ministery , and spoiled of their livelyhood to the undoing of them and their families . to which i answer . 1. that if this be true , it is very strange that so few of this present assembly were of that number . for of them i may surely say many , very many in proportion , were not debarred of the exercise of their ministery , were not despoyled of their livelyhood , &c. and if any one was , which i professe i know not , i beleeve it will be found , that the standing of liturgie , brought not those inflictions upon him . the conclusion from hence will be , that either these present assemblers concurred not in judgement with those many able and faithful ministers , ( and then why do they now bring their arguments from them , whose judgement they did not approve and follow ? ) or else that they were not so valiant , as to appear when fufferings expected them , or else that they had a very happy rainbowe hanging over their heads to avert from them that common storme . but then secondly , it might be considered , whether those mentioned penalties have not been legaelly , and by act of parliament , inflicted on those who suffered under them , and then whether that will be ground sufficient to abolish a law , because by force thereof some men that offended against it have been punished . thirdly , whether somemen did not choose non conformitie as the more instrumental to the exercise of their ministry , changing one parish for the whole diocesse and preaching oftner in private families then any other did in the church , and withall , whether this had not the encouragement of being the more gainfall trade , of bringing in larger pensions then formerly they had receiv'd tithes . fourthly , whether the punishments inflicted on such , have not generally been inferiour to the rignor of the statute , and not executed on any who have not been very unpeaceable , and then whether unpeaceable persons would not go neer to fall under some mulcts , what ever the form of government , what ever the church service were , none having the promise of inheriting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the land of canaan , an happy prosperous life in this world , but they whose meeknesse and obedience to laws have given them a claim to that priviledge . fifthly ; whether the number of those , who by ordinances have lately been so debarred of the exercise their ministry , and spoiled of their livelyhood , have not been far greater then all those together , that ever the liturgie thus offended since the reformation . sixthly , whether this directory , should it be establisht , would not be so imposed , that they which obey it not , shall be subject to these or the like penalties . sect. 9 't is added in the next place to raise the cry , and encrease the odium , and to involve the prelates and the liturgie in the same calamity , ( for otherwise what hath the prelates labouring , &c. to do with the liturgie ) that the prelates and their faction have laboured to raise the estimation of the liturgie to such an height , as if there were no other worship , or way of worship of god among us , but onely the service-book , to the great hindrance of the preaching the word . to which i answer , 1. that this or any other action of the prelates , if supposed never so true , and never so extravagant , is wholly extrinsecall and impertinent to the businesse of the liturgy , and the more impertinent , by how much the more extravagant , such actions being easily coerced , and reduced by and according to the rule , and such unreasonable enhaunsments separable , without any wound or violence to the liturgie . give the liturgie its due , not its usurped estimation , and we are all agreed . 2. 't is here acknowledged that this was but laboured , not affirmed that it was effected , and then this sure is too heavy a doom on the liturgie , for that their labouring ; we do not find that st paul was stroke dead , like herod , because the lycaonians meant and laboured to do sacrifice unto him . act. 14. 16. but then 3. he that shall consider who they are which make this objection , will sure never be moved by it . for certainly they that have formerly set the prime of their wits and endeavours to vilifie and defame the liturgie ; and now that they think they have power , have absolutely abolisht it , will go neer to be partiall when they are to judge of the due estimation of it ; they that declaim at bishops for advancing it , will they be just and take notice of their own contempts , which enforced the bishops thus to rescue and vindicate it ? i shall not expect it from them , nor , till then , that they will deliver any more then popular shews of truth in this matter . for 4. the prelates have not raised the book to an higher estimation then the law hath raised it , that is , that it may be observed so as may most tend to edification , nor do we now desire any greater height of value for it , then you for the directorie , i shall adde , nor so great neither , for we do not exclude all other as unlawfull , as you have done , and then i am confident god will not lay that charge on us , which you do on the prelates , nor any man that shall consider how different our titles are , though our claims not proportion'd to them . a peice of modesty and moderation which we challenge you to transcribe from us . 5. all this all this while is a meer calumny , if by the service book is meant the use of the prayers in the liturgie , for no prelate ever affirm'd , or is known to have thought , that there is no other way of worship of god , but that among us . but then 6ly , we adde that this way of publick prayer by set form , the onely one establisht by law , ( and so sure to be esteem'd by us before any other ) is also in many respects the most convenient for publick worship , of which affirmation we shall offer you no other proof or testimony , then what mr. calvin , whom before we named , hath given us in his epistle to the protector , in these words , quod ad formulam , &c. as for forms of prayers , and ecclesiasticall rites , i very much approve , that it be set or certain . from which it may not be lawfull for the pastors in their function to depart , that so there may be provision made for the simplicity and unskilfulnesse of some , and that the consent of all the churches among themselves may more certainly appear : and lastly also , that the extravagant levity of some , who affect novelties , may be prevented . so probable was my conjecture , that at first i interposed , that the men that had here imposed upon their fellows so far , as to conclude the abolition of liturgie necessary , were those that undertook to reform geneva as well as england , to chastise calvins estimation of it , as well as that of our prelates . sect. 10 as for that pompous close , that this hath been to the great hindrance of the preaching of the word , and to the justling it out as unnecessary , or at ●est inferiour to the reading of common-prayer . i answer , 1. that the liturgie , or the just estimation of it , is perfectly uncapable of this charge , it being so far from hindring , that it requires the preaching of the word , assignes the place where the sermon shall come in , hath prayers for a blessing upon it . 2. that if any where sermons have been neglected , it hath not been through any default either of the length or estimation of the liturgie , for these two , if faction and schisme did not set them at oddes , would very friendly and peaceably dwell together , and each tend much to the proficiencie and gain which might arise from either ; prayers would prepare us to hear as we ought , i. e. to practice also ; and sermons might incite and stir up the languishing devotion , and enliven and animate it with zeal and fervencie in prayer . and constantly the more we esteemed the ordinance , and set our selves to the discharge of the dutie of prayer , the more should we profit by sermons which were thus received into an honest heart thus fitted , and made capable of impression by prayer . these two may therefore live like abraham and lot , and why should there be any wrangling or controversie betwixt thy heards-men and my heards-men ? but seeing it is made a season of complaining , i answer , 3. that it is on the other side most notorious , that in many places the sermon hath justled out the common prayers , and upon such a provocation , ( and onely to prevent the like partiality or oppression ) it may be just now to adde , that as long as the liturgy continues in its legall possession in this church , there is no other legall way ( as that signifies , commanded by law ) of the publick worship of god among us , and although that voluntary prayer of the minister before sermon , when it is used , is a part of the worship of god , ( as all prayer is ) yet is it not prescribed by the law , nor consequently can it without usurpation cut short or take away any part of that time which is by that assigned to the liturgie ; the free will offerings , though permitted must not supplant the daily prescribed oblations , the corban must not excuse the not honouring of parents , the customes which are tolerated must not evacuate or supersede the precepts of the church . as for sermons , which in this period seem the onely thing that is here opposed to liturgie ; i hope they do not undertake to be as eminent a part of the worship of god among us as prayer . if they do , i must lesse blame the poore ignorant people , that when they have heard a sermon or two think they have served god for all that day or week , nor the generality of those seduced ones , who place so great a part of pietie in hearing , and think so much the more comfortably of themselves from the number of the houres spent in that exercise , which hath of late been the onely businesse of the church , ( which was by god instil'd the house of prayer ) & the liturgie at most used but as musick to entertain the auditors till the actors be attired , and the seats be full , and it be time for the scene to enter . this if it were true , would avow and justifie that plea in the gospel [ lord open unto us , for thou hast taught in our streets ] i. e. we have heard thee preach among us . which sure christ would not so have defamed with an [ i will say unto them , go you cursed &c. ] if it had been the prime part of his worship to be such hearers ; the consideration of that place will give us a right notion of this businesse , and 't is this , that hearing of sermons , or what else appointed by the church for our instruction , is a duty of every christian prescribed in order to practice or good life , to which knowledge is necessarily preparative , and so , like many others , actus imperatus , an act commanded by religion ; but so far from being it self an immediate or elicite act of worship precisely or abstractly , as it is hearing , that unlesse that proportionable practice attend it , 't is but an aggravation and accumulation of our guilts , the blessednesse not belonging to the hearing , but the [ and keeping the word of god ] & the go you cursed , to none more then to those , that hear and say , but do not : and for the title of worship of god , whether outward or inward outwardly exprest , orall prayer certainly , & adoration of god is the thing to which that most specially belongs , as may appear , psal . 95. 6. where that of worshipping is attended , with falling down and kneeling before the lord our maker . and even your directory , though it speak extream high of preaching the word , yet doth not it stile it any part of gods worship , as it doth the reading the word of god in the congregation , p. 12. because indeed our manner of preaching is but an humane thing , and the word of man. this i should not here have said , because i would be sure not to discourage any in the attending any christian duty ( and such i acknowledge hearing to be , and heartily exhort all my fellow-labourers in their severall charges , to take heed to doctrine , to reproof , to exhortation , to be as frequent and diligent in it , as the wants of their charges require of them ; and my fellow-christians also , that they give heed to sound doctrine , that they require the law at the priests mouth , as of a messenger of the lord of hosts , & again to take heed how they hear ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or impropriety of speech , that i say no more , that is in this matter discernible in the words of the directorie , and the consequent dangers which experience hath forced us to observe in them , who place the worship of god especially in hearing , have extorted thus much from us , which may be usefull to give us a due valuation of sermon and prayer , the former as a duty of a christian , the latter a duty too , and an elicite act , a prime speciall part of worship also . sect. 11 and whereas ' ●is added , that the liturgie by many is made no better then an idol , 1. that is a speech of great cunning , but withall of great uncharitablenesse : cunning , in setting the words so cautiously thus , not an idoll , but [ no better then ] ( as they , that will rayl , but would not pay for it , whose fear doth moderate the petulancy of their spleen , and covetousnesse keep them from letting any thing fall that the law may take hold of , are wont to do ) and yet withall signifying as odiously as if it had been made an idoll indeed . whereas the plain literall sense of the words if it be taken , will be this , that an idoll is not worse then our common-prayer book is to many , or that it is used by many as ill as an idol is wont to be used , which is then the most bitter peice of uncharitablenes , if not grounded on certain knowledge , and that impossible to be had by others , as could be imagined . the truth is , this directory hath now proved that there is a true sense of these words , the compilers of which have demonstrated themselves to be those many that have made our liturgie no better then an idoll , have dealt with it as the good kings did with the abominations of the heathens , brake it in peices , ground it to powder , & thrown the dust of it into the brook ; for abolition is the plain sence for which that is the metaphor . but then a ▪ 't is possible , the calme meaning of those odious words is no more then this , that many have given this an estimation higher then it deserves , if any such there be , i desire not to be their advocate , having to my task onely the vindication of it's just esteem ; but yet cannot resist the temptation which prompts me to return to you , that some men ar neer the golden mean as the assemblers , have said the like of preaching , though not exprest it in so large a declamatory figure ; and i shall ask ; whether you have not possibly given them some occasion to do so ( as great perhaps as hath been given you to passe this sentence on on them ) at least now confirmed them in so doing , by applying or appropriating to the preaching of the word ( in the modern notion of it , and as in your directory it is distinguisht from reading of the scriptures ) the title which st paul gives to the gospel of christ , saying , that it is the power of god unto salvation , and one of the greatest and most excellent works of the ministry of the gospel , p. 27 , which former clause of power of cod. &c. though it be most truly affirmed by s. paul of their preaching the gospel , and also truly applied or accommodated to that preaching or interpreting of scripture , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the due application of the scripture rule to particular cases , yet is it not true in universum , of all that is now adayes call'd preaching , much of that kind being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a mortiferous poysonous savour , not to them that perish , but to the most christian auditory it meets with ; and that the railing of every pulpit rabshakeh , the speaking evil of dignities , &c. should be stiled the power of god to salvation , i have little temptation to believe . and whether the latter clause be true also , i refer you to s. aug. ep. 108. ad honorat . where speaking of damages that come to the people by the absence of the minister , and consequently of necessaria ministeria , the speciall usefull necessary acts of the ministry , he names the sacraments , and receiving of penitents , and giving of comfort to them , but mentions neither praying nor preaching in that place , i shall adde no more , but that some have on these , and the like grounds been tempted to say , that you idolize preaching , because you attribute so much to any the worst kind of that , above what others have conceived to be its due proportion . and yet we hope you think not fit to abolish preaching on that suggestion , and consequently , that it will be as unjust to abolish liturgy on the like , though it should be prov'd a true one , this being clearly the fault of men , end not of liturgy , as that even now of the lycaonians and not of paul , especially when the many , which are affirmed to have thus offended , by idolizing the liturgy , are said to be ignorant and superstitious , whose faults , & errors and imprudencies , if they may prove matter sufficient for such a sentence , may also rob us of all the treasures we have , of our bibles & souls also . for thus hath the gospel been used as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or charm , and that is but little better then an idol , and so have some persons been had in admiration , and beleeved as if they were infallible , and so in a manner idoliz'd also , and that this should be a capitall crime in them that were thus admired , would be a new peice of severitie , that few of draco's laws could parallel . sect. 12 the next charge ( which is an appendant proof of this ) is that the people pleasing themselves in their presence at that service , and their lip-labour in bearing a part in it , have thereby hardned themselves in their ignorance , and carelesnesse of saving knowledge and true piety . to this i answer , 1. that 't is no fault to be so pleased with presence at that service ( the congregation of many saints is to any a pleasing company ) and therefore if it were immediate to , and inseparable from the liturgy , would not be a charge against it , nor in any probability hinder but advance the desire , and acquisition of saving knowledge and true piety , which is there proposed to all that are present at the liturgy . but if the phrase signifie being pleased with the bare presence , or the being present , and doing nothing of that they come for , as the lip . labour seems to denote the hard labour of the lip , and not joyning any zeal or intention of the heart , it is but then an uncharitable censure again , if it be not upon certain knowledge , and if it be , 't is as incident to that order of the directories proposing , as to the liturgy , one may please himself with a bare presence at sermon , and either sleep it out , or think on some worldly matter ; one , may say all or most of the ministers prayer after him , and sigh and groan at every period and satisfie himself that this is a gallant work of piety , but truly i would be unwilling to be he that should passe this censure on any whose heart i did not know ( for sure it is not necessary that any man should leave his heart at home , when his body is present , or employ it on some thing else , when his lips are busied either in our liturgy or that directory prayer ) nor , if i did so should i think that the directories order for worship should be rejected for this fault of others , if there were nothing else to be said against it . as for the peoples bearing a part in the service , which seems to refer to the responses , this hath had an account given of it already sect. 13 onely in the whole period put together , this seems to be in●●nuated , that the saving knowledge , and true piety , is no where to be had , but in those sermons , which are not ●shered in with the liturgy ; which we shall not wonder at them for affirming , who have a long time thus perswaded the people , that all saving knowledge is to be had from them , and their complices , and blasted all others for carnal men , of which many discriminative characters were formerly given , as kneeling or praying at the time of entrance into pue or pulpit ; but now it seems the use of the liturgy supplies the place of all , as being incompatible with saving knowledge and true piety . if this be true , that will be a very popular plausible argument i confesse , and therefore i shall oppose unto , that which i hope will not passe for boast either with god or angels , that of the sermons which have been preacht since the reformation in this kingdom , and commended to the presse and publick view , very few were preacht by those that excluded the liturgy out of the churches , and that since this directory came into use , and so made a visible discrimination among men there hath been as much saving knowledge , i. e , orthodox doctrine , and exhortation to repentance , prayer , faith , hope , and love of god , self-deniall , and readinesse to take up the crosse , ( duties toward god ) and to allegiance , justice , mercy , peaceablenesse , meeknesse , charity even to enemies , ( and the rest of the duties toward man ) to be heard in the sermons of those that retain the liturgy , and as much obedience to those observable in the lives of those that frequent it , as is to be met with in the espousers of the directory . if it be not thus , i confesse i shall have little hope , that god will suffer such a jewel as the liturgy is , to continue any longer among us so unprofitably , and yet if men were guilty of this fault also , and the liturgy of the unhappinesse of having none but such clients , yet would not this be sufficient authority for any men to abolish it , any more then it will be just to hang him who hath been unfortunate , or to make any mans infelicity his guilt . i beseech god to inflame all our hearts with that zeal , attention , fervency , which is due to that action of of prayer in our liturgy , and that cheerfull obedience to all that is taught us out of his word , and then i am sure this argument or objection against our liturgy will be answered , if as yet it be not . sect. 14 the next objection is the papists boast , that our book is a complyance with them in a great part of the service , and so that they were not a little confirm'd in their superstition and idolatry , &c. where i shall 1. demand , is there any superstition or idolatry in that part of the service wherein we thus comply with them ? if so , 't is more then a complyance with papists , 't is in it self a down-right damning sin ; and if there be not , but all that is idolatrous or superstitious in their service is reform'd in ours , then sure this will be far from confirming them in either of those , if they depend any thing upon our judgements or our cōplyance . 2. 't is a little unreasonable , that they who will not believe the papists in any thing else , should believe their boast against us , and think it an accusation sufficiently proved , because they say it ; whereas this affirmation of the papists , if it be theirs , ( and not the assemblers rather imposed upon them ) is as grosse , though perhaps not as dangerous a falsity , as any one which the assemblers have condemn'd in them . for 3. the truth is notorious , that our reformers retain'd not any part of popish-service , reformed their brevi●ry and processionall , and masse-book , as they did their doctrine , retained nothing but what the papists had received from purer antiquity , and was as clear from the true charge of popery , as any period in either prayer or sermon in the directory ; which argues our complyance with the ancient church , and not with them ; the very thing that isaac casaubon so admired in this church of ours , the care of antiquity and purity , proclaiming every where in his epistles to all his friends , that there was not any where else in the world the like to be found , nor ever hoped he to see it till he came into this kingdom . and sure there is no soloecisme in this , that we being a reformed church , should desire to have a reformed liturgy , which hath alwayes had such a consent and sympathy with the church , that it will not be a causlesse fear , lest the abolition of liturgy as far as god in judgement permits it to extend , ( the just punishment of them that have rejected it ) be attended with the abolition of the church in time , and even of christianity also . sect. 15 as for the confirming of papists in their superstition by this means , i desire it be considered whether it be a probable accusation , viz. 1. whether the rejecting that which the papists have from antiquity , as well as what they have obtruded on , or superadded to it , be a more likely means to win them to hear us or reform themselves , then our retaining with them what they retain from antiquity , i. e. whether a servant ( much more whether a brother ) that is reprehended as much for his diligence , as for his neglects , for his good and faithfull , as for his ill and false services , be more likely thereby to be enclined to mend his faults , then he that is seasonably and meekly reprov'd for his miscarriages onely ? it was good advice in that ancient epistle to polycarpus , ascribed to s. ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meeknesse is the best means to bring down the most pestilent adversary , & the resemblance by which he expresse it as seasonable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fomentations are most proper to allay any exasperation of humours . and 't is hippocrates advice , that the physitian should never go abroad without some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lenitives or mollifying applications about him ; it seems there was nothing of so daily approved use as those . and that will avow this method of complying with adversaries , as far as w● may , to be a probable & a wise , as wel as a christiā course to bring them from their superstition , & not to confirm them in it . and another use there is wherein the papists themselves confesse this cōpliance was politick , to take all scruple out of the heads & hearts of the people of england , concerning the lawfulnesse of this reformation , ( this is the opinion of the papists exprest / in a book call'd babel and jerusalem , or monarcho-machia protestantium , subscibed by p. d. m. but conceiv'd to be patisons ; p. 314. ) that they might conceive , that the service and religion still continued the same , but was translated into english onely , for their hetter edification , and so , saith he , 〈◊〉 was indeed very politickly handled . 2. whether that which drives away all papists from all kind communion or conversation with us , from all hearing of our preaching or doctrine , be more likely to work them over to our side , then that which permits them to come to our churches with us . for this is notoriously known , that as our liturgy now is , and was framed in queen elizabeths dayes , the papists did for ten years together , at the beginning of her reign , come to church with us , and so continved , till the popes excōmunicating the queen and our nation , made it so appear unlawfull for them . and perhaps but appear too , for an account might be given of this businesse , that it is no way unlawfull ( by his own principles ) to a papist , remaining thus to come to our churches , and be present at our liturgy , and ( if that be thought an objection or reproach against us , i shall then adde ) not onely to ours , but to that service which is performed according to the directory also , the onely difference being , that if both by them were conceiv'd lawfull ( as by mistake , i beleeve , in them neither now is ) our liturgy would be more likely to attract them , then the directory ; and this we conceive not such a fault as to offer any excuse for it , ( for if s. paul by being a jew to the jew , could hope to gain the jew , why should not we ( without being papists to the papists , but onely christians in those things wherein they are so too ) expect to gain the papist also ? for supposing this to be , as you call it a compliance with them , sure 't were a more probable gaining way , then to denounce enmity to all , whom they ever converst with ; i mean to the primitive liturgies for no other crime , but because they made use of them , who are best diviners in this matter , they , or we , experience may perhaps hereafter prove . in the mean , i cannot imagine but liturgy and moderation , & charity , may be able to bring in as fair a shole of proselytes , to convert as many papists to us , or at least to confirm protestants , as an ordinance for sequestration of all their goods , & halter , & a directory will be able to do , yea with an ordināce for the ordinatiō of ministers by meer presbyters too , cal'd in to assist th● sect. 16 and whereas 't is added in that same section , that the papists were very much encouraged in that expectation , when upon the pretended warrantablenes of imposing of the former ceremonies , new ones were daily obtruded upon the church . 1. i demand an occasion of that phrase [ pretended warrantablenesse of imposing of cerémonies . ] may any ceremonies be imposed or no ? if they may , then an act of parliament may certainly do it , and such was that which confirm'd our liturgy , & so the warrantablenesse not pretended ; if not , why then do you impose entring the assembly not irreverently , p. 10. and taking their places without bowing ? for that generall , and that negative is notation of some ceremony , if it have any sence in it . the phrase [ not irreverently ] prescribes somé reverence , there being no middle between those two , & consequently the forbidding of the one being a prescription of the other . for i shall ask . is keeping on the hat irreverence at that time ? if it be , then pulling it off , or not keeping it on is a reverence then required ; and if this be avoided by saying , that this is onely there directed , not cōmanded ; i reply , that an ordinance prefixt for the establishing that direction , requiring that what is there directed shall be used , amounts to a prescription . the same may be said of causing the man to take the woman by the right hand in marriage , in the directory , which is the prescribing of a ceremony , as much as if the ring had been appointed to be used there also . 2. i answer that we know not of any ceremonies which have been obtruded or forced on any which the law hath not cōmanded , ( or if there had , this had been nothing to the liturgy , nor consequently to be fetcht in as a part of a charge against it ; ) that of bowing at the entrance into the church , is the most likely to be the ceremony here spoken of , and yet that is neither a new one ( never by any law or canon turn'd out at the reformation , but onely not then imposed under any cōmand , and since disused in some places ) nor yet was it lately imposed or obtruded on the church , but on the other side in the canon of the last so hated convocation , ( which alone could be said to deal with the church in this matter ) it was onely recōmended , and explained , and vindicated from all mistake , and then the practice of using of it left to every mans liberty , with the caution of the apostle , that they that use it should not condemne thē that use it not , nor they that use it not , judge them that use it . 3. that the warrantablenesse of imposing the former ceremonies was no means or occasion of obtruding new daily , but rather an hedge to keep off such obtrusion ; for when it is resolved by law , that such ceremonies shall be used , 't is the implicite intimation of that law , that all other uncōmanded are left free , & that , without authority ( as the word [ daily ] supposes the discourse here to mean ) no other can be obtruded . for sure 't is not the quality of law to steal in illegall pressures , but to keep them out rather , to define and limit our liberty , not to enthrall us , to set us bounds and rules of life , not to remove all such . but then 4. that it may appear of how many truths this period is composed ( every one of them with the help of one syllable a [ not ] set before the principall verb , able to become such ) i shall adde that the very obtrusion of such ceremonies , if they had been obtruded , would never have encouraged a rationall papist to expect our return to them , but only have signified that we meant by complying with them , as farre as it was lawfull , to leave them without excuse , if they did not do so too , comply with us in what they might , and restore the peace and union of christendom by that means . this with any moderate papist would most probably work some good , and for the more fiery jesuited , i am confident none were ever more mortally hated by them , then those who were favourers of the ceremonies now mentioned , and for the truth of what i say , you are obliged to believe that passage in romes masterpeece , which you appointed to be set out , wherein the king , and the late arch-bishop of canterbury , were by the popish contrivers designed to slaughter 〈◊〉 persons wh●● they despaired to gain to them : but that any of the now assemblers were so hated , or so feared , or thought so necessary to be taken out of the way , we have not yet heard , but are rather confident that if a pe●tion of rome , or a cardinals cap , will keep them longer together to do more such work as this , so reproachfull to the protestant religion , they should be so hired , rather then dissolve too speedily . sect. 17 in the next place , 't is found out by experience , that the liturgie hath been a great means to make and encrease an idle and unedifying ministry , which contented it self with set forms made to their hands by others without putting forth themselves to exercise the gift of prayer . to this i answer , that those ministers are not presently proved to be idle and unedifying which have been content to use the liturgy . i hope there may be other wayes of labour , beside that of extemporary prayer ( which can be no longer a labour then while it is a speaking . ) for 1. i had thought that these men might have acknowledged preaching and catechizing , the former at least , to have been the work of a minister , and that an edifying work , and that s●re those men have been exercised in , who have retaind the litu●gy also . 2. study of all kind of divine learning , of which the haters of liturgie have not gotten the inclosure , may passe with sober men for a labour also , & that which may tend to edification , if it have charity joyned with it , and that may be had too , without hating the liturgie . but then 3. i conceive that this directory is no necessary provision against this reproached idlenesse , or unedifyingnesse in any that were formerly guilty of them in the dayes of liturgie . for sure the labour will not be much increased to the minister , that will observe the directory , because either he may pray extempore , which will be no pains , but of his lungs and sides in the delivery , or else a form being composed by any , according to the directory ( which is in effect a form it self , ) he may thenceforth continue as idle as he who useth our form of liturgie , and he which hath a mind to be idle , may with that use of it , and that you acknowledge , when you interpose that caution p. 8. [ that the ministers become not herely slothfull and negligent ] which were wholly an unnecessary caution , if this directory made idlenesse impossible ; and if a caution will serve turn , the like may be added to our liturgie also , without abrogating of it . and for the edifying , i desire it may be considered , whether the extravagancies and impertinences , which our experience ( as well grounded as that which taught these men this mystery of the idle unedifying ministry ) bids us expect from those who neglect set forms , do more tend to the edifying of any then the use of those prayers which are by the piety and judgement of our reformers composed , and with which the auditory being acquainted , may with uninterrupted devotion go along and say , amen . sect. 18 and whereas 't is added in this place , that our lord christ pleaseth to furnish all his servants whom he calls to that office with the gift of prayer . i desire 1. that it may be shewed what evidence we have from any promise of christ in his word , that any such gift shall be perpetually annext by him to the ministry ; i beleeve the places which will be brought to enforce it , will conclude for gifts of healing , making of psalms , and other the like also , which ministers do not now a dayes pretend to . 2. i would know also why christ , if he do so furnish them , may not also be thought to help them to the matter of their prayers ( in which yet here the directory is fain to assist them , and pag. 8. supposes the minister may have need of such help and furniture , ) as well as the form of words , in which the liturgie makes the supply . 3 i shall not doubt to affirm , that if the gift of prayer signifie an ability of praying in publick without any premeditation , discreetly and reverently , and so as never to offend against either of those necessaries , every minister is not furnisht with this gift , some men of very excellent abilities wanting that sudden promptnesse of elocution , and choice of words for all their conceptions , others being naturally modest and bashfull , and not endued with this charisma of boldnesse , which is a great part , a speciall ingredient of that which is here called the gift of prayer . and even for those which have the former of these , and are not so happy as to want the latter , that yet they are not sufficiently gifted for prayer in publick , experience hath taught us by the very creditable relations of some , who have faln into so many indiscreti●●s , that we say no worse in that performance 't is true that god enableth men sufficiently in private to expresse their necessities to him , being able to understand sighs and groans , when words are wanting , and as well content with such rhetorick in the closet as any , but this is not peculiar to ministers , and for any such ability in publick , there will not be the like security , unlesse the language of sighs and groans , without other expressions , be there current also , which appears by some , who are forced to pay that debt to god in that coyn , having through unthriftinesse provided no other ; and yet 't were well also if that were the worst of it , but the truth is , blasphemy is somewhat worse then saying nothing . sect. 19 the last objection is , that the countenance of the liturgie would be a matter of endlesse strife and contention in the church , and a snare to many godly ministers , &c. to the end of that page . where 1. is observable the temper and resolution of these men , of whom such special care is taken , which makes it so necessary for them , not onely to strive and contend , 1. against establisht law. 2. about forms of prayer , ( which sure is none of the prime articles of the creed ) but also to strive for ever , which being observed , it seems secondly , that they have a very charitable opinion of us all who are assertors of liturgy , that we will never strive or contend for it , for otherwise the strife may be as endlesse upon its taking away . and sure in ordinary judging ( if they be not sure that none are contentious , but their favourites ) we see no reason , why the introduction of a new way of worship , should not be more matter of strife , and so also a snare to more ( if any can be ensnared or scandalized , but they ) then the continuance of the old establisht liturgie . where , by the way , the snare they speak of seems to signifie that which catches and intraps their estates and not their souls , causeth them to be persecuted , &c. which is a notable paralogisme and fallacy put upon the scripture use of that phrase , if we took pleasure in making such discoveries . but then thirdly , we desire experience may be judge , and upon the sentence which that shall give , that it may be considered , whether upon the ballancing of the kingdom , it will not be found that a far greater number are now at this time offended at the directory , and thereby ensnared in their estates , if they lie within your power , then formerly at any time ( i shall adde in all times since the reformation , put together ) ever were by the liturgie . sect. 20 as for that passage which is added in the close of this section , that in these latter times god vouchsafeth to his people mere and better means for the discovery of errour and superstition . ] though this sounds somewhat like his divinity who makes the power of resisting kings , to be a truth which god pleas , d to reveal in these latter times , for the turning antichrist out of the world , but hid in the primitive times , that antichrist might come in , yet i shall not now quarrell with it ( because 't is possible it may have another sence , and i would not deny any thing but what is apparently and inexcusably false ) but from thence assume , 1. that i hope god vouchsafeth these means to them , that use the liturgie also ; for if it must be supposed a ●in to continue the use of it , 't is not , i hope , such a wasting sin , as to deprive men of all grace , even of the charismata , which unsanctified men may be capable of , and of means of knowledge , which is but a common grace , and therefore i must hope that the phrase [ his people ] is not here meant in a discriminative sence ( like the montanists form of nos spirituales , in opposition to all others , as animales & phychici ) to signifie onely those that are for the directory , for then let them be assured , gods gifts are not so inclosed , but that ox●ord is vouchsafed as plentifull means for the discovery of err●ur and superstition , as london , and have , among other acts of knowledge , discovered this one by gods blessing , ( which again i shall mention ) that there may be as much errour and superstition , in rejecting of all l●turgie , as in retaining of any , in opposing ceremonies , as in asserting them , a negative ( as i said ) touch not , taste not , kneel not , bow not , as well as a positive superstition ; as also that there be errours in practice , as well as doctrine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 infidelities against the commandments , and sermon of christ in the mount , as well as against the creed it self , and that imposing of laws on the king and kingdom by the sword , abolishing liturgie , setting up directories by that s●erne way of argument , those carnall weapons of mili●ia or warfare , when they are not onely practised , but asserted for lawfull , are errours , damnable errours also , and such as are very neer the ordinary notion of superstition , the teaching for doctrine the commandments of men , i would i might not say of — also . but then 2. all this being supposed of gods granting better means of knowledge now , then formerly , i shall yet interpose , that sure this is not a truth of an unlimited extent , for there have been apostles , which had ●etter means then we , and they that were nearest●h●m ●h●m , ( and knew their doctrines , and practices , better then it is possible we should ) had so also , nay vniversall councels meeting in the holy ghost , and piously and judiciously debating , had by the priviledge of prayer , more right to that promise of christs being in the midst of them , and leading them into all truth , then an illegally congregated assembly ; and all these have been greater favourers of liturgie then any of equall authority with them have been of your directory ; and 3. if all were supposed and granted which you claim , yet still the means of knowledge now vouchsafed do not make you infallible , lay not any morall or physicall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you to be faultlesse or errourlesse , and therefore still this may be errour in you as probably , as liturgie should be superstition in us . and for gifts of preaching and prayer , i answer , if they are and have been truly gifts , others of former times may be the spirit have had as liberal a portion of them , as we . for sure those daies wherein the spirit was promised to be powred out on all flesh , are not these dayes of ours , or of this age , exclusively to all others ; of this i am confident , that some other ages have had them in such a measure , as was most agreeable to the propagating of the gospel , and if that were then by forming or using of liturgies , why may it not be so at this time also ? sect. 21 having given you my opinion of these passages , and yeelded to them for quietnesse sake , a limited truth , i must now adde , that if they be argumentative , and so meant as a proof that these assemblers are likely to be in the right , while they destroy liturgie , although all the christian world before them have asserted it , this will be a grosse peice of insolency and untruth together ; a taking upon them to be the onely people of god of these latter times , nay to have greater judgement knowledge , gifts , then all the whole christian world , for all ages together , including the apostles and christ himself , have had . for all these have been produced together with the suffrage of jews , heathens , mahometans also , to maintain set forms ; and though it be true , that some of late have found out many superstitions , that never were discover'd before , one or other almost in every p●sture or motion in gods service , yet this sure is by the help of an injustice in applying without all reason that title to those actions , and not by a greater sagacity , in discerning , making many acts of indifferent performance , nay of piety it self , go defamed and mourning under the reproach of superstition , and not bringing any true light into the world , that before was wanting . this one odium fastned on all orthodox ministers in this kingdom at this time , of being superstitious , and the mistake of the true notion of the word which hath to that end been in●u●ed into many , ( but is by a tract lately printed somewhat discovered ) hath brought in a shole of sequestrations of livings , which have been very necessary and instrumentall , to the maintaining of these present distempers . and now at length it proves in more respects then one , that what ever un●atiate hydropecall appetices are tempted to take away , is presently involved under that title , a name that hath an universall malignitie in it , makes any thing lawfull prize that is in the company . god will in time display this deceit also . having mentioned these so many reasons of their abolishing our liturgie , i. e. their so many 〈◊〉 against our church and church-men , all if they were true , hang so loose and so separable from liturgie , that they cannot justifie the abolition of it ; at length they shut up their suggestions with [ vpon these and many the like weighty considerations , and because of divers particulars contained in the book , they have resolved to lay aside the book ] where if the many considerations unmentioned be of no more truth or validity then these , and so be like weighty considerations , i acknowledge their ▪ prudenc● in not naming them , and think that no part of the world is like to prove the worse for this their reservednesse , onely by the way a generall charge is nothing in law , and in generalibus latet dolus , is a legall exception against any thing of that nature . but if they have any other which they conceive to be of any weight , ●hey are very unjust and very uncharitable to us , thus to ensnare our estates ( the fault even now laid upon the prelates ) by requiring our approbation of their directorie , and conformity of our practice to it , and yet not vouchsafe us that conviction , which they are able , to satisfie us of the reasons of their proceedings . but the truth is , we shall not charge this on them neither , being made confident by the weaknesse of the motives produced , that they have not any more effectuall in store . and for the particulars contained in the book , if there were any infirm parts in it , any thing unjustifiable , ( which we conceive their conscience tels them there is not , having not in this whole book produced one , and yet their charity to it not so great , as to cover or conceal any store of sins ) yet would not this inferre any more then onely farther reformation of the book , which is not the designe against which we now argue . sect. 23 and having proceeded to so bloody a sentence upon such ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the gospel phrase ) testimonies and accusatious so unsufficient and unproportionable to such a ●●ndenmation , they could not but foresee the opinion that would be had of the action , and the ill and odious consequents that would attend it , which therefore to keep off , is the next endeavour , by professing that which is done , is not from any love of novelty . and truly 't is well you tell us so , for otherwise the semblance of that love in this and other actions , might have perswaded us mortals , who see but the outsides , so to judge . and still notwithstanding the affirmation , ( which is not of much value in your own cause , unlesse we had more testimonies of the authors infallibility , then this preface hath afforded us ) the consideration of the matter and terms of the change from what and to what , of the no manner of advantage or acquisition by it to recompence all the disadvantages , the great temerity , if not impiety to boot , in separating from this nationall , and in scorning and defying the practice of the vniversall church , and the great illegality , that i say no worse , of your action and the preparatory steps of motion to it , may tempt us to affirm , that it must needs be a love of novelty , even a plat●nick love , as the phrase is now adayes , a love of novelty , as novelty , without any other hope for reward , without any other avowed designe in seeking it ; for if there be any other which may be own'd , i am confident it hath already appeared by what hath been said , that this is not the way to it . but then 2. such a profession as this will not sure signifie much , to innovate , and yet to say we love not innovation , to act with a proud high hand in despight of so much at least of god , as is imprinted in the laws of man , and our lawfull superiour's , and then to excuse it by saying we love not to do so , will but little alleviate the matter before any equall judge . 't is certain there is something unlovely in the reproachfull name of sin , how glibly soever the pleasures of it go down , yea and even in the sin it self , it hath the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the two cups in homer , more truly then that to which he applies it , its bitter and hatefull , as well as its sweeter lovelier parts , extemplo quodcunque malum committitur , ipsi displicet , and if men may have leave and excuse to commit adultery so long , till they fall in love not onely with the pleasure of it , but the very sinfulnesse of it , and the name and reproach also , we shall give them a good large space of repentance : the short is , the mention of novelty is an evidence that the composers conscience tels them , that what they now do is such , and 't is not their not loving it ( perhaps onely thinking , perhaps onely saying they do not love it ) which will much lessen the fault but rather define it to be an act against conscience , to be and continue guilty of so huge a novelty , when they professe they love it not . sect. 24 the next envie that they labour to avoid , is the having an intention to disparage the reformers , of whom they are perswaded , that were they now alive they would joyn with them in this work . this is another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to blanch your actions with contrary intentions , to do that which is most reproachfull to the reformers , to obliterate , or which is worse , to defame their memory ( whom yet at the beginning you called wise and pi●us ) and then say you intended them no disparagement , nay to make ▪ them repent and retract after their death ( i. e. to put them in a kind of purgatory ) to undertake for them that they have changed their minds , and not onely that they are now content to part with that finally out of the church , the short temporary losse of which , one of them ( arch-bishop cranmer in one of his letters publisht by miles coverdale ) laments , as the severest part of the persecuters tyranny toward him , viz. that they would not permit him the use of the common-prayer book in the prison ; but withall that they are grown zelots too , are content to act most illegally and seditionsly to cast it out . the judgement of this matter we leave to any ordinary arbitration , 1 whether it be likely that they would joyn , against law to take that away , which they compiled , or make all prescribed forms unlawfull , who did not think any fit in publick , but those which were prescribed . 2. whether any man can have ground of such perswasion , when they died in the constant exercise of it , and have sent them no message from the dead of their change of minde . 3. whether it be not strongly improbable , that they of the first reformation who in queen mari●s dayes flying and living in frankf●rd , and there meeting with the objections that have been produced by our new reformers maintained the book against them all , would now if they were return'd to us from a longer exile , disclaim all that they had thus maintain'd . 4. whether it be not an argument of a strong confidence and assurance , ( which is the mo●t d●nge●ous mother of schisme and heresie imaginable ) of strong 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 judgement , to think that all men would be of their side ( as 〈◊〉 thought ve●ily that all london would rise with him ▪ as soon as he appear'd in chea● side ) upon no other ground of that perswasion mention●d , but 〈◊〉 that they are of it , which is but in effect as the same h●●k●t did shewing no evidence of his being a prophet , but onely his confidence , which produced all kinde of direfull oa●bes that he was , and hideous im●recations on himself , if he were not so . that which is added by way of honour to those martyrs , that they were excellent instruments to begin the ●●●ging and building of his house , may be but an artifice of raising their own reputation , who have perfected those rude beginnings , or if it be meant in earnest , as kindnesse to them , 't is but an unsignificant civilitie , to abolish all the records of their reformation , and then pay them a little praise in exchange for them , martyr their ashes ( as the papists did fagius and bucer ) and then lay them down into the earth again , with a dirge or an●●em , defame the reformation , and commend the reformers ; but still to intimate how much wiser and godlier you are , then all those martyrs were . sect. 25 thus farre they have proceeded ad amoliendam invidiam ; now to the positive motives , of setting upon this great work of innovation , and those are , 1. to answer in s●me measure the gratious providence of god which at this time calleth upon them for farther reformation : what they should mean by the gracious providence of god in this place , i confesse i cannot guesse , ( if it be not a meer name to adde some credit to the cause ) unlesse it be the prosperity & good successe of their arms ; which if throughout this war they had reason to brag or take notice of ( as sure they have ) not , but of gods hand many times visibly shewed against them , in raising the low estate of the king , without visible means , and bringing down their mighty strengths , as the septuagint makes god promise to fight against amalek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by secret hand , by invisible , ) yet sure would not that justifie the taking up of those arms , much lesse be able to consecrate all other sins , that those arms may enable any to be guilty of . t is the turks divinity , as before i intimated , to p●●●e sentence on the action by the prosperity of the man , to make one killing of a father villany and sacriledge , because the designe it aim'd at miscarried , and another of the same making an heroick act , that god was pleased with , because it brought the designer to the kingdom : and therefore , i beseech you , look no longer on the cause through the deceivable and deceitfull glasses of your conceited victories , but through that one true glasse the word of christ in the new testament ; and if that call you to this farther reformation , go on in gods name ; but if it be any else that calleth you , ( as sure somewhat else it is you mean , for if it were gods word you would ere now have shew'd it us , and here have call'd it gods word , which is plain and intelligible , not gods providence , which is of an ambiguous signification ) if any extraordinary revelation however convey'd to you ; this you will never be able to approve to any that should doubt your call , and therefore i shall meekly desire you , and in the bowels of christian compassion to your selves , if not to your bleeding countrey , once more to examine seriously , what ground you have in gods word , to satisfie conscience of the lawfulnesse of such attempts , which you have used , to gain strength to work your reformation ; and this we the rather desire to be shewed by you , because you adde , that having consulted with gods holy word , you resolve to lay aside the former liturgie , which cannot signifie that upon command of gods word particularly speaking to this matter , you have done it , for then all this while , you would sure have shewed us that word , but that the word of god hath lead you to the whole work in generall , which you have taken in hand , and therefore that is it , which as a light shining in so dark a place , we require you in the name of god to hold out to us . after this there is a second motive , the satisfaction of your own consciences . this i cannot speak to , because neither i know them , nor the grounds of them , save onely by what is here mentioned , which i am sure is not sufficient to satisfie conscience ; ( phancy perhaps it may ) onely this i shall interpose , that it is possible your own consciences may be erronious , and we are confident they are so , and then you are not bound to satisfie them , save onely by seeking better information , which one would think might be as feaseable a task as abolishing of liturgie . sect. 27 next a third motivels mentioned , that you may satisfie the expectation of other reformed churches ; to this first i say , that this is not the rule for the reforming of a nationall church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and independent . and such i conceive , the last canon of the councell of ephesus , will by consequence conclude this of england to be ; and its being so is a sufficient plea , 1. to clear us from all shew of schisme in separating from the roman church ( to which we were not , according to the ephesine rule , subj●sted as a part ) though we reformed our selves , when the pope vehemently required the contrary , and would not himself be reformed ; and from the church universall , of which we still remain a member undivided , 2. to answer this motive of our assemblers , by telling them that in the reforming such a church ( as this of ours , if not by others , yet by them is acknowledged to be ) the care must be , to do what the head and members , of the church , shall in the fear of god resolve to be fittest , and not what other churches expect ; for if that were the rule , it would be a very fallacious and very puzling one , the expectations of severall churches being as severall , and the choice of some difficulty , which of them was fittest to be answer'd . but then secondly , what the expectation of other churches have been in this point , or what the reasons of them , we do not punctually know , onely this we do , that after your solliciting of many ( which is another thing , somewhat distant from their expecting ) we hear not of any , that have declared their concurrence in opinion with you in this : but on the contrary , that in answer to your letter directed to the church of zeland , the wallachrian classis made this return to you , that they did approve set and prescribed forms of publique prayer , as profitable and tending to edification , quite contrary to what you before objected of the offence to the protestant churches abroad , and now of their expectation , &c. ) and give reasons for that approbation , both from texts of scriptures , and the generall practice of the reformed church , avouching particularly the forementioned place of calvin , and conclude it to be a precise singularity in those men who do reject them . and now , i beseech you , speak your knowledge , and instance in the particular , if any church have in any addresse made to you , or answer to your invitation , signified their expectation that you should abolish liturgie , or their approbation of your fact , able to counte ballance this censure from the pen of those your friends thus unexpectedly falne upon you . some ingenuity either of making good your assertion of the churches , or else of confession that you cannot , will be in common equity expected from you . sect. 28 the desires of many of the godly among your selves ( which you mention as a fourth motive for abolition ) will signifie little , because how many suffrages soever might be brought for the upholding of liturgie , those who are against it shall by you be called , the godly , and that number what ever it is , go for a multitude . but then again , godly they may be , but not wise , ( piety gives no infallibility of doctrine to the professor ) at least in this point , unlesse you can first prove the liturgie to be ungodly ; nay they that rejoyced in it , were , as you say , godly and learned , and they that made it wise and pious , and therefore sure some respect was due to the w●se , as well as godly in the abrogation . and yet it may be added farther , that the way of expressing of the desires of those whom you mean by the godly , hath been ordinarily by way of petitions , and those it cannot be dissembled have been oft framed and put into their hands ( i say not by whom ) even in set prescribed forms : not thinking it enough to give them a directory for matter , without stinting their spirits , by appointing the words also . this shews that the desires of those many of the godly , are not of any huge consideration in this businesse , and yet i have not heard to my remembrance of any petition , yet ever so insolent , as to demand what you have done ( in answer it seems to some inarticulate groans or sighs ) the abolition of all liturgie . sect. 29 the last motive is , that you may give some publique testimony of your endeavours for uniformity in divine worship promised in your solemn league and covenant . to this the answer will be short , because it hath for the main already been considered . 1. that the covenant it self is unlawfull , which therefore obliges to nothing but repentance , and restitution of a stray subject to his allegiance to god and the king again . 2. that there is one speciall thing considerable of this covenant , which will keep it either from obliging or from being any kind of excuse or extenuation of the crimes that this action is guilty of , and that is the voluntary taking of that covenant on purpose , thus to ensnare your selves in this obligation , to do what should not otherwise be done ; we before told you , that he●ods oath would not justifie the beheading of john ; and shall now adde , that if some precedaneous hatred to john , made herod lay this designe before hand , that herodias's daughter should dance , that upon her dancing he would be vehemently pleas'd , that upon her pleasing of him he would swear to give her any thing she should ask , even to half his kingdom , and the same compact appoint her to make this petition , to take john baptist's head for her reward , ( as 't is not unlikely but that as herodias was of counsell with her daughter , so herod might be with herodias ) if the train i say , lay thus , sure herods oath would take off but little from the crimson dye of his murther , but rather superadde that sin of deep hypocrisie , of making pietie , and the religion of oaths , a servant and instrument to his incest and murthering of a prophet . and then i shall no farther apply , then by asking this question , did you not take this covenant on purpose to lay this obligation upon you , and now pretend that for your covenants sake , you must needs do it ? if you cannot deny this , o then remember herod . but if you took the covenant without any such designe , but now ●ind your selves thus ensnared by it , then rather remember the times to get out of that snare , and not to engage your selves faster in it . 3. i answer , that if by uniformity be meant that among your selves in this kingdom ; the taking away our liturgie by ordinance , while it remains establisht by valid law , is no over-fit means to that end , nothing but a new act , and an assurance that all would be obedient to that act , can be proper for that purpose ; and i am sure there are some men in the world , whom if such an act displeased , the obedience would not be very uniform ; what ever it may seem to be when better subjects are supposed to be concluded by it . but if it be uniformity with the best reformed churches ( as your covenant mentions ) then 1. that uniformitie in matters of form or ceremonie is no way necessary , ( communion betwixt churches may be preserv'd without it ) not near so usefull , as that other among our selves , and therefore the bargain will be none of the most thriving , when that acquisition is paid so dear for , uniformity with strangers purchased with confusion at home , as bad a market , as unequall a barter , as if we should enter upon a civill war , for no other gain , then to make up a peace with some neighbour prince ; which none but a mad statesman would ever counsell . but then 4. the covenant for such uniformitie , obliges not to make this directory , which i shall prove . 1. by the verdict of those themselves which have taken the covenant , of whom many , i am confident , never conceived themselves thereby obliged to abolish liturgie , there being no such intelligible sence conteined in any branch of the covenant , any such intention of the imposers a●owed at the giving of it . 2. because we conceive we have made it manifest , that that part of the covenant which mentions uniformity with other best reformed churches , doth not oblige to abolish liturgie , not onely because the generall matter of the covenant refers unto the government , and not to the liturgie , but because this of england , as it now stands establisht by law , is the best reformed , both according to that rule of scripture , and standard of the purest ancient church ; for which we have also the testimony of learned protestants of other countreys , preferring it before their own , and shall be ready to justifie the boast by any test or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that shall be resolved on fit to decide this doubt or competition between this of ours , and any that you shall vote or name to be the best . sect. 30 the like challenge we also make in return to a ta●it intimation of yours more then once falne from you in this preface , and in the body of the directory , p. 40. and 73. viz. that the church of england hath hitherto been guilty of superstition in her liturgie . to which we first reply by desiring , that you mention any one particular wherein that accusation may appear to be true , ( and we hereby undertake to maintain the contrary against all the learnedst in that assembly ) which if you will not undertake to specifie and prove , you must acknowledge to be guilty of great uncharitablenesse in affirming . i shall not be so uncharitable as to wish that the judgement of the civill law may be your doom , and the sentence that belongs to superstition be the reward of your defamation , i shall not say so much as the lord reprove , by way of imprecation , but once more repeat , lord lay it not to your charge . sect. 31 upon these grounds you proceed , that [ having not consulted with flesh and blood , &c. ] this sure in st pauls phrase , gal. 1. 16. signifies not consulting with men , though apostolicall ; as consulting with them is opposed to immediate revelation from heaven ; and then sure your assembly was very spirituall , and very heavenly , for with them you confesse to have consulted ; but if you mean by the phrase , in a larger sense , earthly or humane interests , i shall onely ask , whether all the actions which have proceeded from you are so visibly divine , and unmixt with earth , so apparently uninterested , that your own testimony should be sufficient to give credit to this affirmation ? sect. 32 having said this , you proceed to the conclusion , that you resolved to set up the directory , and in it to hold forth such things as are of divine institution in every ordinance , and other things be set forth according to the rules of christian prudence ; agreeable to the generall rules of the word of god. and now 't is a little strange , ( but yet that which my temper obliges me to desire may still be my fate , when i fall upon a controversie with any ) that we which have been at such distance all this while , should just now mee● at parting , that such contradictory premises , should beget the same conclusion ; for there is not a better rule in the world , nor any which i would rather chuse to be judged by in this matter , then that which is here proposed by you ; onely i desire a little importunately to be advertised , where it is that the compilers of our liturgie have swerved from it . where you have swerved , we have instanced in many particulars in our answer to the ordinance , and shall now once for all demand , what rules of prudence oblige you to turn those many severals there mentioned out of the service of the church , every one of them tending to edfication directly , over and above the agreeablenesse of each to the generall rules of scripture ; in particular , whether it be agreeable to christian prudence to a bolish a liturgie , which hath been so piously and discrectly framed , by those who have seal'd our reformation with their blood , and in stead of it to bring in a voluntary way of serving god in a nationall church , where there be many thousand parishes , and no such promise of divine inspiration or enthusiasme , but that there may be still some number of those ministers , who will not be able to speak constantly in the congregation , so as in the presence of angels they ought to speak . the experiments that have given us reason thus to fear , and desire prevention of the like , we are again tempted to adde unto this paper , but we delight not to demonstrate them guilty of blasphemies , who have accused us of superstition . we desire this fault may be cured by some milder recipe . sect. 33 as for that which in passing you say , that by your directory ministers may be directed to keep like soundnesse of doctrine , this indeed is a prerogative of the liturgie , ( which hath alwayes been used as an hedge to keep out errours , and to retain a common profession of catholick verities ) but cannot belong to your directory , which hath neither creed nor catechism , nor one article of religion , or doctrine asserted in it , but leaves that wholly to the preacher , whose doctrine that it should be sound at all , or agree with the doctrine of all other preachers , and so be like sound , here is no provision made . we have thus call'd your preface also to some triall , and found it of such a composure and temper , 1. so many variations from truth ( which one that desires to be civill , must be unjust if he do not call them so ) that we cannot with any pleasure give an account of our judgement of them . 2. so many unconcluding premises , affirmations , which if they were all supposed true , would never come home to abolition , and among all the heap , so no one truth which is of importance or weight toward that conclusion , that now we conceive we have discharged the task , given the reader such a view of the inward parts of this spatious fabrick , that he will not wonder , that we are not so passionately taken with the beauty , as to receive at a venture whatsoever is contain'd in it ; for supposing there were never an unseasonable direction in all the book following , yet the reception of that , being founded in the ablition both of ours , and of all liturgy , the christians prudence agreeable to the word of god , which is here commended to us , obliges us to stop our ears to such slight temptations , and never to yeeld consent , to the but laying aside that form of service , which we have by establisht law so long enjoyed , to the great content and benefit of this nation ; though god knows some have not made so holy , others so thankfull an use of it , as it deserved of us , some neglecting it , others slandering , and so many bringing worldly hearts along with them , which though they are great evils , under which this divine liturgy hath suffered , yet being the infelicities , not the crimes , the crosse , which hath made it like unto our saviour , in being spit on , ●evil'd , and crown'd with thorns ( for such he cals the cares of this world , the most contumeli●us part of the suffering ) and not at all the guilt ( being wholly accidentall and extrinsecall to it ) must never be exchanged , for the certain evils , naturall and intrinsecall to the no-liturgy , and withall the greater mischiefs which may probably follow this alteration ; for all which patience and submission , we have not the least kind of invitation , save onely that of the noise , and importunity of some enemies , which should it be yeelded to , would , i doubt not , be resisted and prest again , with the petitions of many thousands more , importuning the return and restitution of the liturgy again ; unlesse by this means the devil should gain an absolute and totall manumission , cast off all his trashes , and presently get rid of both his enemies , religion , and liturgie together . a postscript by way of appendix to the two former chapters . sect. 1 the truth of all which we have hitherto spoken , if we have not sufficiently evidenced it already , will abundantly appear by one farther testimony , which is authentick and undeniable to them , against whom we speak . and it is , ( what the providence of god , and the power of truth hath extorted from them ) their own confession , in a book just now come to my hands , called , a supply of prayer for the ships that want ministers to pray with them , agreea●le to the directory established by parliament , published by authority . from which these things will be worth observing , 1. that the very body of it is a set form of prayer , and so no superstition in set forms . 2. that their publishing it by authority , is the prescribing of that form , and so 't is lawfull to prescribe such forms . 3. that the title , [ of supply of prayer ] proveth that some there are , to whom such supplies are necessary , and so a directory not sufficient for all . and 4. that [ its being agreeable to the directory ] or as it is , word for word form'd out of it , ( the directory turn'd into a prayer ) sheweth , that out of the directory a prayer may easily first be made , and then constantly used , and so the minister ever after continue as idle without exercising that gift , as under our liturgy is pretended , and so here under pretence of supplying the ships , all such idle mariners in the ship of the church are supplied also , which it seems was foreseen at the writing that preface to the directory , where they say , the minister may if need be , have from them some help and furniture . 5. that the preface to this new work entitled , a reason of this work , containeth many other things , which tend as much to the retracting their former work , as judas's throwing back the money did to his repentance . sect. 2 as , 1. that there are thousands of ships belonging to this kingdom , which have not ministers with them , to guide them in prayer , and therefore either use the common prayer , or no prayer at all . this shews the nature of that fact of those which without any objection mention'd against any prayer in that book , which was the onely help for the devotion of many thousands , left them for some moneths , to perfect irreligion and atheisme , and not praying at all . and besides these ships ( which they here confesse ) how many land-companies be there in the same condition ? how many thousand families which have no minister in them ? ( of which number the house of commons was alwayes wont to be one , and the house of lords , since the bishops were removed from thence ) and to deal plainly , how many ministers will there alwayes be , in england and wales ( for sure your care for the vniversities is not so great as to be likely to work miracles ) which will not have skill , or power , or gift , ( which you please ) of conceiving prayers as they ought to do ? and therefore let me impart to you the thoughts of many prudent men ( since the news of your directory , and abolition of our liturgie ) that it would prove a most expedite way to bring in atheisme ; and this it seems , you do already discern and confesse in the next words , that the no prayer at all , which succeeded the abolishing of the liturgie , is rather to make them heathers then christians , and hath left the lords day without any mark of pietie or devotion : ( a sad and most considerable truth , which some persons ought to lament with a wounded bleeding conscience , the longest day of their life ) and therefore we a●e apt to beleeve your charity to be more extensive , then the title of that book enlarges it , and that it hath designed this supply , not onely to those ships , but to all other in the like want of our liturgie . your onely blame in this particular hath been , that you would not be so ingenuous , as judas and some others , that have soon retracted their precipitous action , and confest they did so , and made restitution presently , while you , rather then you will ( to rescue men from heathenisme caused by your abolition ) restore the book again , and confesse you have sinned in condemning an innocent liturgie , will appoint some assembler , to compile a poor , sorry , pitteous form of his own , of which i will appeal to your greatest flatterer , if it be not so low that it cannot come into any tearms of comparison , or competition , with those forms already prescribed in our book ; and so still you justifie your errour , even while you confesse it . sect. 3 secondly , that 't is now hoped that 't will be no grief of heart to full christians , if the thirsty drink out of cisterns , when themselves drink out of fountains , &c. which is the speciall part of that ground , on which we have first formed , and now labour'd to preserve our liturgie , on purpose that weak ministers may not be forced to betray their weaknesse , that they that have not the gift of prayer ( as even in the apostles time there were divers gifts , and all ministers had not promise to succeed in all , but one in one , another in anothers gift by the same spirit ) may have the help of these common gifts , and standing treasures of prayer in the church ; and ( because there be so many of these kinds to be lookt for in a church ) that those which are able to pray as they ought , without a form , may yet in publick submit to be thus restrain'd , to the use of so excellent a form thus set before them , rather then others should be thus adventur'd to their own temerity , or incur the reproach of being thought not able ; and then this providing for the weak , both minister , and people , will not now , i hope , be charged on the liturgie , by those , who hope their supply of prayer will be no grief to others . sect. 4 thirdly , that these prayers being enlivened , and sent up by the spirit in him that prayeth , may be lively prayers , and acceptable to him , who is a spirit , and accepts of service in spirit and truth . where 1. it appears by that confession , that as the place that speaks of worshipping in spirit and truth , is not of any force against set praiers , so neither is that either of the spirits helping our infirmities , belonging as it is here confest most truly , to the zeal , and fervor , and intensenes of devot●●●●nfused by the spirit , ( and not to the words wherein the addresse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which if the spirit may not infuse also in the use of our liturgy , and assist a minister and congregation in the church , as well and as effectually as a company of mar●mers in a ship , i shall then confesse that the directory first , and then this supply , may be allow'd to turn it out of the church . sect. 5 lastly , that in truth though praiers come never so new even from the spirit , in one that is a guide in prayer , if the spirit do not quicken and enliven that prayer in the hearer that follows him , it is to him but a dead form , and a very carcase of prayer , which words being really what they say , a truth , a perfect truth , and more soberly spoken then all or any period in the preface to the directory , i shall oppose against that whole act of abolition , as a ground of confutation of the principall part of it , and shall onely adde my desire , that it be considered what prayers are most likely to be thus quickned and enlivened by the spirit in the hearer those that he is master of , and understands and knows he may joyn in , or those which depend wholly on the will of the speaker , which perhaps he understandeth not , and never knows what they are , till they are delivered , nor whether they be fit for him to joyn in ; or in plainer words , whether a man be likely to pray , and ask most fervently he knows not what , or that which he knows , and comes on purpose to pray . for sure the quickning and enlivening of the spirit , is not so perfectly miracle , as to exclude all use of reason or understanding to prepare for a capacity of it , for then there had been no need to have turn'd the latine service out of the church , the spirit would have quickned those prayers also , chap. iii. having thus past through the ordinance and the preface , and in the view of the ordinance stated and setled aright the comparison betwixt the liturgie and the directory , and demonstrated the no-necessity , but plain unreasonablenesse of the change , and so by the way insisted on most of the defects of the directory , which are the speciall matter of accusation we prosesse to find in it , i shall account it a superfluous importunity to proceed to a review of the whole body of it , which makes up the bulk of that book , but instead of insisting on the faults and infirm parts of it ( such are , the prohibition of adoration toward any place , p. 10. that is of all adoration , while we have bodies about us for that must be toward some place ; the interdicting of all parts of 〈◊〉 ●●ochryphal books , p. 12. which yet the ancient church avowed to be read for the directing of manners , though not as rule of faith , the frequent motion of the covenant in the directions for prayer , once as a speciall mercy of god , p. 17. which is the greatest curse could befall this kingdome , and a great occasion , if not authour of all the rest , which are now upon it , then as a means of a strict and religious vnion , p. 21. which is rather an engagement of an irreligious war ; then as a precious band that men must pray that it never be broken , p. 21. which is in effect to pray , that they may never repent , but continue in rebellion for ever . then as a mercy again , p. 37. as if this covenant were the greatest treasure we ever enjoyed . then the praying for the armies by land and sea , p. 38. with that addition [ for the defence of king & parliament , and kingdome ] as resolving now to put that cheat upon god himself , which they have used to their fellow subjects , that of fighting against the king for the defence of him , ( beloved be not deceived , god is not mocked : ) then affirming that the fonts were superstitiously placed in time of popery , & therefore the child must now be baptized in some other place , p. 40. while yet they shew not any ground of that accusation , nor ever will be able to do . then that the customs of kneeling & praying by , & towards the dead , is superstitious , p. 73. which literally it were , ( superstitum cultus ) if it were praying to them , but now is far enough from that guilt . and lastly , that the lords day is commanded in the scripture to be kept holy , p , 85. the sanctification of which we acknowledge to be grounded in the scripture , and instituted by the apostles , but not commanded in the scripture , by any revealed precept . ( the first that we meet with to this purpose , is that of ignatius , epist . ad magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let us therefore sabbatize no longer ; let every christian celebrate the lords day , which saying of an apostolick writer being added to the mention of the lords day in the new testament is a great argument of the apostolick institution of that day , which the universall practice of the church ever since doth sufficiently confirm unto us , and we are content and satisfied with that authority , although it doth not offer to shew us any command in the scripture for it . and then you may please to observe , that the same ignatius , within a page before that place , foreciting for the observing of the lords day , hath a command for common prayer , and i conceive for some set form , i shall give you the words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let all meet together to the same , whether action or place in prayer , let there be one common prayer , one mind , &c. and cle●● . alex. to the same purpose , the altar which we have here on earth , is the company of those that dedicate themselves to prayers , as having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a common voice , and one mind , which cannot well be , unlesse there be some common form by all agreed on . ) instead i say of pressing these or the like frailties upon this work , which will argue the composers of it to be men and fallible . i shall rather desire to expresse and evidence my charity ( and my endeavour to read it without any prejudice ) by adding my opinion , that there be some things said in it ( by way of direction for the matter of prayer , and course of preaching ) which agree with wholsome doctrine , and may tend to edification , and i shall not rob those of that approbation which is due to them , nor conceive our cause to need such p●evish means to sustain it ; being not thereby obliged to quarrel at the directory absolutely as a book , but onely as it supplants the liturgie ( which if it had a thousand more excellencies in it then it hath , it would not be fit to do . ) and being willing to give others an example of peaceablenesse , and of a resolution to make no more quarrels then are necessary , and therefore contributing my part of the endeavour to conclude this one assoon as is possible . and the rather because it is in a matter , which ( if without detriment to the church , and the souls of men , the book might be universally received , and so the experiment could be made ) would i am confident within very few years assoon as the pleasure of the change and the novelty were over , prove it 's own largest confutation , confesse it 's own wants & faults ; and so all but mad men see the errour , and require the restitution of liturgie again . this i speak upon a serious observation and pondering of the tempers of men , and the so mutable habits of their minds , which as they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily changed from good to evil , so are they ( which is the difference of men from lap●st angels ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily reduced also to their former state again , when reason comes to them in the cool of the day , when the heat of the kindnesse is past , and a sa●iety hastning in its stead , or if it prove not so well , yet falling from one change to another , & never coming to stability . how possible this may prove in this particular , i shall now evidence no farther , then by the parallel vehement dislikes , that the presbyteriall government hath already met with among other of our reforming spirits , very liberally exprest in many pamphlets which we have lately received from london , but in none more fully then in the epistle to the book entituled , john baptist : first charging the presbyteriant ( who formerly exclaimed against episc●pacy for stinking the spirit ) that they began to take upon them to establish a dagon in his throne , in stinking the whole worship of the god of heaven , &c. and in plain words without mi●cing or dissembling , that they had rather the french king , nay the great turk should rule over them , then these , the onely use which i would now make of these experiments is this , to admire that blessed excellent christian grace of obedience ( and contentment with our present lot , whatsoever it be , that brings not any necessity of sinning on us . ) i mean , to commend to all in matters of indifference , ( or where scripture hath not given any immediate rule , but left us to obey those who are set over us ) that happy choice of submitting , rather then letting loose our appetites , of obeying , then prescribing ; a duty , which besides the very great ease it brings withit , hath much of vertue in it , and will be abundant reward to it self here on earth , and yet have a mighty arrear remaining to be paid to it in heaven hereafter ; which when it is heartily considered , it will be a thing of some difficulty to invent or feign a heavier affliction to the meek & quiet spirit , a more ensuaring peice of treachery to the christian soul , ( i am sure to his estate , and temporall prosperity ) then that of contrary irreconciliable commands , which is now the case , and must alwayes be when ordinances undertake to supersede laws , when the inferior , but over-swaying power , adventures to check the superiour . of which subject i have temptation to annex a full tyde of thoughts , would it not prove too much a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and be most sure to be so esteemed by them to whom this addresse is now tendred . the good lord of heaven and earth encline our hearts to keep that law of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ephes . 6. 2. which is a prime commandment , and that with a promise of secular peace and abundance annext ( if not confined ) to it . to conclude therefore , and summe up all in a word , we have discover'd by this brief survey , the resonablenesse of this act of gods providence , in permitting our liturgy to be thus defamed , though in all reason the liturgy it self deserve not that fate , the no-inconveniences so much as pretended to arise from our liturgy , to which the directory is not much more liable , the no-objection from the word of god against the whole or any part of it produced , or offered by you , the no-manner of the least or loosest kind of necessity to abolish it , the perfect justifiablenesse , and withall usefulnesse of set forms above extemporary effusions , the very many particulars of eminent benefit to the church , and of authority in it , preserved in our liturgy , but in the directory totally omitted , and that in the despight of all statutes both of k. edward , and q. elizabeth , by which the reformation of this church is establisht among us , and i trust shall still continue , notwithstanding the opposition of those who pretended kindnesse , but now run riot against this reformation ; we have shew'd you also the true grounds of our ancestours rejoycing in our liturgy , instead of the partiall imperfect account given of that businesse by your preface , the wonderfull prosperity of this church under it , contrary to the pretended sad experience , &c. and withall we have made it clear , that all the exceptions here proposed against the liturgy , are perfectly vain and causlesse ; as that it hath prov'd an offence , &c. the ordinary crime charg'd on those actions that are liable to no other , and so that offence without a cause ; that this offence hath been by the length of the service , which will onely offend the prophane , and withall , is as observable in your service ; by the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies , which have been shewed neither to be many , nor unprofitable , nor burthensome ; by the disquieting of consciences , i. e. onely of the unquiet ; by depriving them of the ordinance , i. e. those who would rather loose the sacrament , then receive it kneeling , or reverently ; that the offence was extended to the reformed churches abroad also , and yet for that no one proof offered , nor church named that was so offended : and if there were , yet still this supposed offensivenesse , no just plea for any thing but reformation . so also that by means of the liturgy , many were debarred of the exercise of their ministery , the suggestion for the most part a meer calumny , and that which was true in it , ready to be retorted upon these reformers : that the prelates have labour'd to raise the estimation of the liturgy too high , yet that no higher then you would the value of your directory , to have it the rule for the manner of publick worship , or if they did , this is the fault of those prelates , not of the liturgy ; who yet were said but to have labour'd it neither , not to have effected it ; and even that labour or desire of theirs , to have amounted no higher then calvin's letter to the protectour would avow ; that this hath been to the justling out of preaching , which is rather a speciall help to it , and prescribes it , and allows it its proper place , but hath oft the ill luck to be turn'd out by preaching ; that it hath been made no better then an idol , which if it be a fault in the liturgy , is as farre more chargeable on the hearing of sermons that the people please themselves in their presence , and lip-labour in that service ; an uncharitable judging of mens hearts , and a crime to which your directory makes men as lyable as the liturgy ; that our liturgy is a compliance with papists , and so a means to confirm them in their idolatry , &c. whereas it complies with them in nothing that is idolatrous , &c. and by complying with them , where they do with antiquity and truth , it is more apt to convince them of their errors , and by charity to invite , then by defiance ; that it makes an idle ministery ; which sure the directory will not unmake , being as fit for that turn , either by forming and conning the prayer there delineated , or by depending on present conceptions , as the liturgie can be ; that it hinders the gift of prayer , which if it signifie the elocution , or conception of words in prayer , is not peculiar to the minister , and for any thing else , hindring it no more then the directory doth ; that the continuance of it would be matter of endlesse strifes &c. which sure 't is more reasonable to think of an introduction of a new way of service , then the retaining of the old ; that there be many other weighty considerations , and many particulars in the book , on which this condemnation is grounded , and yet not one of these mention'd , but kept to boil in their own breasts , if there be any , or which is more likely , falsely here pretended to inflame the reckoning ; that they are not mov'd to this by any love of novelty , and yet do that which is most novell ; that they intend not to disparage the reformers , and yet do that which is most to their disparagement ; that they do this to answer gods providence , which never call'd them to this work , to satisfie their own conscience , which if erroneous , must not thus be satisfied ; to satisfie the expectation of other churches which expect it not , or if they did , might rather conform to us and satisfie us ; and the desires of many of the godly at home , whose pietie is no assurance that their desires are reasonable , and yet are not known to have exprest any such desires ; that they may give testimony of their endeavours for uniformity , whereas with other churches , there is no such necessity of conforming in such matters , and within our selves , nothing is so contrary to uniformity , as this endeavour . and lastly , we have learnt from them , a rule by which they pretend to form their directory , the agreeablenesse to the word of god , and christian prudence , and are most confident to justifie our liturgy by that rule , against all disputers in the world ; and having now over and above all this , a plain confession under their own hands , in their supply of prayer , to justifie all that we pretend to , and so being saved the pains of any farther superfluous confutation , we shall leave it to the judgement of any rationall lay-man in the new assembly , to judge betwixt us and his fellow members ; whose pretensions are most moderate in this matter , whose most like christian , those that are to rescue and preserve , or those which to destroy . thus in the councell of nice , holden before constantine and helena , in a controversie of great importance , craton and zenosius , not onely lay-men , but heathens were appointed judges or arbitratours , onely on this ground , because craton a philosopher would not possesse any worldly goods , and zenosimus in time of his consulship , never received present from any , saith jacobosius : thus also eutropius a pagan philosopher , was chosen umpire between orig●n and the marcionites , it being supposed , that such an one was as fit to understand their severall claims , and judge according to allegations and proofs as any ; and if we fall or misc●●ry before such an aristarch●s , i shall then resolve , that a covenant may wast a soul , ( even drive the man into the field with nebuchadnezar ) deprive it of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common principles of discourse , ( by which , till it be debauched , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , able in some measure , to judge of truth , proposed and debated before it ) and then i shall hope for more candor in the businesse from an intelligent heathen , then from him . my onely appeal in that case shall be to heaven , that the host of angels , may by the lord of that host be appointed , to guard and assist that cause , and those armies whose pretentions in this , and all other particulars , are most righteous , and most acceptable in his sight . do not erre my beloved brethren . now the lord of all mercies , and god of love and peace , grant us to be like minded in all things , that we may joyn with one heart , and tongue , to praise him , and worship him , to blesse him , and to magnifie him for ever . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45474-e1040 p. 102. ib. p. 163. p , 106. p. 41. p. 42. p. 43. p. 44. p. 48. p. 49. p. 50. p. 55. * the same constantine in his palace imitating the orders of the church , among other things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rendred set prayers , euseb de vit . const . l. 4. c. 17. and so it is said of the nobles about him , that they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prayers that the emperor liked , & were all brought by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to pray the same prayers all of thē even in private , c. 18. precum fol. 301. 212. acts and mon. pag. 1818. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 14. 12 matth. 10. 19. p. 10. de div . offic. 10. vide clav. in sacr. bosc . c. 1. * cum hi motus corporis fieri nisi motu animi praecedente non possin● , eudem r●●sus exter●ùs visibiliter factis ille interior invisibilis augetur . aug. l. de cura pr● m●r . 5. chrysost . 〈◊〉 . populus in ecclesia ●●dendi potestatem non habet . ideo reprehendi meretur , quia apud idola celebratur . telman in basil , t. 1. p. 795. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t. 4. p. 753. l 40. edit . savil. sect. 32 a l. 3. c. 16. b l. 2. c. 14. c l. 18. c. 51 ad s●● . cap. 2. apol. cap. 30. dial. cum tryph. p. 260. l l. c. 34. apol. c. 39. de op . & eleemos . p. 180. serm. de temp . 215. apol. 2. in fine . epist . 54. ad marcella● . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist . ad polycarp . ignatio adscripto . notes for div a45474-e19360 p. 1. p. 2. p. 3. p. 3. p. 3. p. 4. p. 4. p. 4. p. 5. p. 5. p. 5. p. 6. p. 7. p. 8. notes for div a45474-e37440 s●rom . l. ● de concil . l. 2. c. 6. hagieā theoū krisis iudgment worthy of god, or, an assertion of the existence and duration of hell torments, in two occasional letters, written several years since / by ... henry hammond ; to which is added an accordance of st. paul with st. james, in the great point of faith and works by the same author. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1665 approx. 156 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45396 wing h515 estc r15162 12158525 ocm 12158525 55220 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45396) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55220) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 600:2) hagieā theoū krisis iudgment worthy of god, or, an assertion of the existence and duration of hell torments, in two occasional letters, written several years since / by ... henry hammond ; to which is added an accordance of st. paul with st. james, in the great point of faith and works by the same author. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [23], 155 p. printed by h.h. ..., for ric. royston, and ric. davis, oxford [oxfordshire] : 1665. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hell. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion inprimatur gualt : blandford , vicecan : oxon . aug. 1. 1664. ἀξία θεο̂υ κρίσις . iudgment worthy of god. or an assertion of the existence and duration of hell torments , in two occasional letters , written several years since , by the most learned , reverend , and pious dr henry hammond . to which is added an accordance of st paul with st james , in the great point of faith and works , by the same author . — who being dead yet speaketh . heb. 11.4 . oxford printed by h. h. printer to the university , for ric : royston , and ric : davis , 1665. the preface . so servilely dis-ingenuous is our nature , and altogether brutish in the pursuit of sensual enjoyments , that the proposal of rewards does in no proportion lead us so forcibly to our interests and duties , as do the threats and menaces of punishment . insomuch that it may be said with perfect truth , that god is far more gracious in severity then in mercy ; far more obliging and indulgent in creating of a hell , then in furnishing a heaven . whilst the flaming sword and dreadful cherubim , set at the entrances of paradise , though they seem'd meant to hinder the return of our first parents , prove really both theirs and ours best convoy thither . we being such , whom vengeance only can reclaim , terrors allure , and even damnation it self preserve from ruin and damnation . accordingly , it is an observation verify'd by full experience , that our fears of hell are ballanc'd with our hopes of heaven ; and our beliefs concerning each , answer our expectations of either . the apostle's assertion of mens heaping to themselves teachers according to their lusts , being as true of their choice of doctrines : and however in other things we live not answerably to our principles , in this instance we rarely deviate , and by the same degrees grow confident in doing ill at present , and disbelieving of our future sufferings for it : so that it proves a contemplation of great variety to recollect what shifts men put themselves upon , to gain a truce and correspondence with their vices ; how they sweat and labour , as to acquire the real punishments , so to elude the anticipated dreads and frightful expectations attending their misdoings . 1. and first of all ; how being engag'd in vitious practice , they strive to palliate its deformity with the beauteous appearances of neighbouring vertue ; calling their angers justice , their lusts friendships , their rapines zeal , and so of the rest . but when this umbrage proves too thin , and the hypocrite has the ill fate never long to impose on others , and therefore much lesse upon himself . 2. the next attempt is made to lessen the regard of vertue and shame of vice , by suggesting that both are the production of opinion : that nature knew no ethicks , but founding all things in community made no proprieties excepting those of enjoyment and possession : whilst law and right are the meer issues of preceding vvrong , the usurping on that freedome which was the native birthright of mankind ; and honesty is nothing but a bondage unto common fame , the being a fool to escape the stile of knave . but when this gourd is wither'd in the day of it's appearance ( dishonest practise ; however fashionable and recommended by example ; being of ill mark and seeking covert : never secure by any strengths , nor shelter'd by concelement : nay more then this , the partial sinner condemning still in others , the very guilts he flatters in himself , which makes it evident that naughty practise has an horrour in it which in despight of interest or prepossession confesses it detestable ) 3. a fresh expedient is sought , and men are taught to argue , that howsoever wickednesse be shamefull in its nature , it will not much import if it at least be innocent in its effects ; and followed by impunity . which hope is countenanct by the indifferent and seeming casual dispensation of successes in the world ; where one event happens to the good and bad , the clean and unclean ; him that sacrifices , and him that sacrifices not ; whilst providence is so far from punishing offenders as to allow to them the most signal liberalities ; and good men in the interim rarely share in any thing but misery . yet notwithstanding this ; since conscious guilt by sad misgiving controules its most assur'd enjoyments ; and reason addes her more concluding suffrage , retorting back the argument , and from the impunity of wicked men at present demonstrates that instead of peace and safety a sure arrear of judgment must be look'd for ; it being most consequent , that if there be a god , he must be just ; and if he be so , will punish in a future world the injustices which scape and thrive in this . 4. henc it growes needful for the vicious person to look out farther for security ; and beaten from the former shelters , his next addresse is to religion , and with the troops of other criminals he seeks for refuge at the altar , which to all purposes besides he scornes and desecrates . and here he boldly claimes the priviledge of saintship , of faith , predestination , and thousand texts of scripture which promise mercy and forgivenesse unto sinners . but when these flattering expectations are silenc't by the voice of the same scripture , which plainly saies that no whoremonger , adulterer , unclean person , or the like , shall have any inheritance in the kingdome of christ and of god : and on the contrary , that tribulation and anguish is on the soule of every man that doth evil whatsoever his opinions be : and as to advantages from outward profession , they are but this ; he that knows the vvill of god and does not practise , has right unto this one prerogative alone , to be beaten with more strips then others : 5. after these frequently repeated misadventures , the sinner encourages himself to try a yet unthought of artifice : and since that in all addresses whither to nature or religion he meets with sad abodes of future punishments : he would fain please himselfe with putting far off from him the evill day : suggesting that these punishments both are and likewise will be future still ; at least are so remote , as not to merit our regards , or stand in competition with a present satisfaction . but when the hourly possibilities of death and a succeeding state of torment , revenging with severe inflictions the broken minutes of reprieve , intrude upon the mind ; then this fair dream of comfort likewise vanishes as faithlesse and as empty as the rest . and now it were to be expected , that the sensual man driven so often from his fastnesses and places of retreat , should yield and be content at last to part with ruine . 6. but the industry of vice is not so wanting to its self : for though it be made evident that vertue is a real being , and the demure pretension to it will no way satisfy our interest or duty : also that it appear religion has no gospel for the wilful sinner : and no impunity can be expected to transgression , nor advantage in delay of suffering : one more , and indeed the only unattempted refuge is laid hold of ▪ to try if that these punishments are really so formidable as is pretended ; or such indeed as a generous and valiant sinner may meet and grapple with . the which is put in practise by framing easy characters of the inflictions apportion'd to transgression , and likewise shortning the date of their duration . and indeed this method of procedure seems to be the last effort of resolute impiety : when men determin'd not to leave their sin , rifle the regions of darknesse for their shelter , and seek a refuge in perdition : fulfilling the prophetick strain and high hyperbole of making a covenant with death and being at an agreement with hell. a method which though not perfectly unknown unto precedent generations , was rarely ventur'd on ; but seems left like to the barbarous western vvorld to be invaded and possest by this our age. even that , which having attempted mischiefs beyond all common practise , was in reason to look out for salvo's and excuses no lesse peculiar . and as if these would not be authentick if only whisper'd in discourse , we have liv'd to see them made the argument of books and magisterially disputed as sober truths and maximes of divinity . for besides the preparatory doctrine of the socinians , ( who teaching men to disbelieve that resurrection which god asserts , leave it an easy task to overthrow that which themselves contriv'd . ) we have in our own language been solemnly instructed that the pains of hell are nothing but the luxuries of earth ; the drudgery of getting children , and living or'e again that age which sensual men would live for ever . we have bin likewise taught those pains dwell only in the phancy , nay in the vvishes and importunate desires of them that are tormented : as if the flames of the infernal tophet had bin the painted fires of purgatory , and every criminal were his own hell and pain and devil too . lastly , we have been taught that the severity of the day of judgment shall pass upon its self , when death shall learn to dye , damnation be condemn'd , and perdition be destroy'd . whilst men have brought again from the infernal pit that monstrous heresy , which should have justify'd its doctrine , by having been its self consum'd there , and lost unto eternity . alass ! who will from henceforth be afraid of sin , if it only punish by inflicting pleasure , torment by baiting us with keen desire , or end in painless deperdition ? we can dwell with consuming fire , and peacefully cohabit with everlasting burning , if the flames be only those of lust , or of desire ; or be they real ones , if they utterly consume , and are so great as to be withal most friendly , and calcine us in a moment . which severals being thus nakedly premis'd , there will not need a farther preface to manifest , how very seasonable the subjects of the ensuing discourses are : nor more to justify the edition of them , unlesse it may be useful to declare , that these considerations were so weighty , as to perswade thereto the right reverend father in god , the lord bishop of london , ( who was entrusted with these venerable remains ) though he otherwise is very jealous without much caution to commit ( and will not suffer any other person to bring ) the posthumous labours ( especially the occasional private letters ) of his friend to publick light : least , though every thing which fell from that excellent pen , merits its readers full reception , yet wanting the advantage of a review , it may not altogether merit and deserve its author ; that is , be not so exactly absolute , as whatsoever past his second view was sure to be . may the charity of the one in writing , and the other in publishing these discourses be answer'd in the advantage of the reader ; who can only , by being convinc'd there is a hell , escape the knowing what it is , and will happily confute these papers by being a proselyte unto them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iudgment worthy of god. or , an assertion of the existence and duration of hell torments . sir , as soon as i had made my last dispatch to you , it pleased god to fasten me to my bed for some dayes , by the returne of a fit , which hath been my frequent exercise ; from whence being now after five dayes remov'd to my chaire , i have some liberty to review your question ; and think it best with my pen in my hand to offer to you ( in the same order which you have us'd ) my thoughts of every period . and first for the termes of the question , they want somewhat of expresness : for supposing , as you doe , that the wicked rise , and are judged , and adding from hence that their sentence shall be that they shall utterly be destroyed , yet it is uncertain , whether that sentence shall be immediately executed , or after some space ; or if immediately , whether by a swift or lingering destruction . for he that should affirm the wicked to be at the last judgement committed to a fire , which should torment for many hundred or thousand years , and at last consume and annihilate them , would affirme the affirmative of this question : and so he , that advanc'd from 1000 ds to millions of years and ages of sufferings , concluded ( at any the longest last ) with abolition . and then the arguings that are after us'd from gods justice &c : would be of little force , if no more but this were design'd to be gained by them . for it were sure as much justice to punish eternally , as to punish millions of years , and then annihilate , when the supposed ground of injustice is the lightness , or shortness of the acts so punished , which would in the eye of law , and equity , bear as little , i. e. no proportion with many millions of ages , as with duration absolutely infinite . i shall therefore take it for granted by him that proposeth the question , that he means destruction immediately following the dooms-day sentence , and that no lingering but swift destruction . next then p. i. for origens opinion , granting it right stated ( as i think it is ) i demand for what reason that is mention'd ? is it not for this , because origens doctrine was deem'd an heresy in the church , and that of some ill and dangerous consequence to be believed ? if so , then it must be considered , whether they that deem'd origens hereticall , can appear to have been more favourable to this , ( which will not be found ) or whether the ill consequences of this be not as dangerous , as of origens , i e. whether the belief of no future punishment to the wickedst hypocrites in the world , save only of swift annihilation , will not be as forcible a meanes of securing wicked men that have no tast or spirituall joyes ) in the admitting of any gainfull evill , as the belief that after a long space of horrible torments proportionably encreas'd to their number of sins , and the aggravations thereof , they shall one day , no body knowes when , when the divells have been punish'd enough for their highest rebellions and continued hating and opposing of god , be delivered out of their flames , and made partakers of vision of god , and society of saints and angels , which they ever hated , and never desire to see ▪ or be in their company , and have suffer'd all those torments , rather then they would entertain or admit communion ( or desire and practices ) with them . t is possible it may be said , that the reason of the difference is because origens opinion was contrary to scripture , and that this other is not . to this i shall make no further reply , then in the words of vincentius lirin : imo planè nemo unquam magistrorum fuit , qui pluribus divinae legis uteretur exemplis . his only fault then must bee , that he urged divine testimonies in uncatholick interpretations : ( and whether that have not place here also ; i leave it to every one to consider ) and so saith lirinensis again , dum parvipendit antiquam religionis christianae simplicitatem , dum se plus cunctis sapere praesumit , dum ecclesiasticas traditiones & veterum magisteria contemnens quaedam scripturarum capitula nova more interpretatur , meruit ut de se quoque ecclesiae dei diceretur , si surrexit in medio tui propheta — thirdly then , to come to your testimonies from scripture , of the n : t : especially , for proof of the affirmative . and 1. for the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : it is acknowledg'd that these words properly signify the same that in english death or dying doth . but that this should be limited to utter destruction and annihilation , is most unreasonable . for , in the using of this argument it is foreseen and granted , that death is taken sometimes for death in and unto sin : only 't is suggested that those are mysticall and metaphoricall sences ▪ hereupon i infer , that if the words be taken sometimes mystically and metaphorically , and yet no assurance that they are so , but because they are us'd in a matter whereto death , as it signifies a separation of soul and body , is unappliable ; then may they by the same reason be taken so elsewhere , and not bound to that one which is thought to be the sole literal and proper signification . if death appear to signify in scripture somewhat beside utter destruction , then how can the wickeds utter destruction be concluded from the mentions of their death & c ? against this it avails not to say , that the one is the proper , but the other only metaphoricall notion of it : for it being granted that the scripture useth metaphors in one instance , why may it not in another as probably ? this is sufficient to the force of that argument . but then ex abundanti , i adde , that the notion of death for utter destruction i. e. annihilation being only usefull to the disputer , it will be hard for him to produce any one place , either in old or new testament , ( i might adde , or in any other author ) where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. signifies annihilation . it signifies indeed the separation of soul from body very frequently ; but that is not founded on supposition that in that separation either of the parts , much lesse both , utterly perish . nay the doctrine , for which the proposer of the questions disputes , supposes him not to mean death in that notion ; for then eternall death , the wickeds portion , must be eternall separation of soul and body , which is exclusive of all reunion or resurrection at the day of judgment : which the disputer averts as hereticall . nay 't is to be observ'd that when our saviour came nearest the expressing this matter or annihilation , he chooseth two other phrases , ( not this of death , or anything that way inclining ) having never been born , and having a milstone hanged about the neck and being cast into the midst of the sea , which by an imperfect resemblance seemeth meant on purpose to signifie annihilation : and yet it is also observable to the main question , that either of these states ( and so annihilation ) is better and more desirable , then the lot which in gods decree awaites a betrayer of christ , a wicked man , for that one fact . thus far by way of evacuating all force in that argument ; to this i shall adde somewhat positive toward the laying foundation for the evincing the contrary , viz. that death in scripture use . , is ( as 't is granted in the objection ) oppos'd to life . life then ordinarily signifies that which results from the union of soul and body : but it also signifies the result of another union ( unio virtutis ) betwixt god and the soul , or betwixt god and both . in the former of these it signifies spirituall life , both as that signifies living well , whereby the passages of spiritual vertue betwixt god and us , are kept open and free ; and as it signifies pardon of sin , the contrary whereto is expressed by separating and hiding his face , and turning himself from us . in the latter ( viz. betwixt god and the soul and body , i. e. person of man ) it signifies gods favour and protection , of which under the style of gods presence the psalmist saith , that in it is life . and then as all felicity is the certain effect or consequent of this kind of union , so life oft signifies felicity , even that of the highest magnitude . and all this not mystically or metaphorically , that i know of , ( or if it did , that exception is of no force as hath already been shew'd ) but as litterally , and with as full propriety as the union of soul and body is call'd life , god being ( as the school saith out of st augustin ) intimior cuicunque rei creatae , then the soul is to the body : and so the several parts of that union more necessary to the several sorts of life signified thereby . mean while it is evident that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 life belongs not to being simply ; for all ents have not life : or to miserable being ; non est vivere sed valere vita ; but to greater or lesser degrees of happy and joyfull being , the utmost of which is so naturally expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it wants not the addition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( oft times ) to do it : if thou wilt enter into life mat. xix , 17. and vii , 14. and xviii , 8. i. e. the happy being in heaven : which is so properly that which is call'd life , that this we live here scarce deserves the appellation in comparison with it . now in proportion to these acceptions of life must the notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. be calculated . had life signified most properly [ being ] simply taken , there might have been some pretence , that the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should denote the contrary to being viz. annihilation : but when it signifies those so many other things , and not simple entity , 't is most rationall that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should both technically , and properly signify the opposites to those severals , wicked life , the displeasure of god , a miserable being here , separation of soul from body ; of both from god , and above all endless torments in another world , joh. viii , 51 , 52. ( and that as somewhat to be seen and tasted , which were not so well appliable to annihilation ) and in many other places ; i instance in one or two more , first , heb. 2 , 14. because there it seems to mee to have a mark distinguishing it both from death , the separation of soul and body , and from annihilation . for of neither of those i suppose the divell can be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to have power , especially not of the latter ; which is a work of the same omnipotency that creation is : whereas of eternal torments of the wicked 't is certain that the inflicting of them is entrusted to the divell ; and so he hath power over them . secondly 1. joh. 3.14 . where he that loveth not his brother is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to abide in that which is there call'd death , which is some prejudice to the opinion of redactio in nihilum : for in that there is no abiding . so that i suppose it clear that there hath been little gaind to the establishing the affirmative of the question , from this first objection , the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. for the punishment of the wicked . proceed wee then to the second sort of words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there rendred destruction or perishing or perdition . for all these will be ruled by the former 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. none of them having any propriety to the sence of annihilation , but only oppos'd to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the notions wherein they are visibly us'd for rescues or deliverances ; sometime from greater , sometime from lesser dangers , sometime for forsaking of sin , repentance act. 2.40 . coincident with spiritual life : sometime for pardon of sin , sometime for temporal cures ; and sometime for that state of endless rest from pain , sin , frailties , infirmities , together with addition of all positive blisse in the vision of god. and in proportion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is fitly vs'd not only for the privations ; but contraries to every one of those , the evils extreamly opposite to these good things . and nothing hinders but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be taken mat. 10.28 . not for annihilating but tormenting in hell , that being the known place for the inflicting of torments , and to that end the fire eternal prepar'd for the divel and his angels , and men also adjudg'd to have their parts of it mat. 25.41 . and the office of the divells there to be lictors , & tormentors , and jaylors , which suppose space of detention and cruciating , but are irreconcileable with instant annihilation : see mat. 5.25 ▪ 26. and against this sence of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing farther said hath force . for , first , thus 't is certain , god both can and will punish , i. e. cruciate those that fear him not . secondly , 't is denied that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most properly signifies the destruction of the being of the subject , or annihilation , and whereas 't is affirm'd so to signifie mat. 10.39 . it is certain it doth not . for there as it is once oppos'd to the loosing this present life , ( as our saviour foretels the complying jewes , and gnosticks should in event do by those very means by which they intended to preserve them ) so it is a second time apply'd to godly martyrs who loose their lives for christs sake , of whom it will not be imagined that they are annihilated , when they so dye . thirdly , the concession that when apply'd to a person , it signifies generally death in the proper sence , is a manifest prejudice to its signifying annihilation ; for if the death of a person were the annihilating that person , all resurrection were superseded . and this is farther evident by the several proofs farther produced as mat. 26.52 . where they that take the sword against the lawfull magistrate , shall i. e. are worthy to perish by the sword of the magistrate , which yet i hope can annihilate no man , but only kill the body , mat. x. 28 . and beyond that have no more that they can do : so mat. 27.20 . i hope jesus was only crucifyed , not annihilated . and so in all other places , save only that of 1 cor. 15.18 . where upon a false assumption it would follow that ( not the wicked , which alone were pertinent , but ) good christians should utterly loose all being , at least of the body , or be never rais'd again , so that it is far from being by that cumulus of testimonies concluded that the destruction or perishing or the wicked signifies utter destruction . if these testimonies may be believ'd ( some of which belong to christ , some more to the godly , and no one to the annihilation of the wicked ) the direct contrary will be concluded . fourthly , the places that are produced to prove this to be the expectation or the devils , prove it not . not mar. 1.24 . for there to destroy them ] is to retrench their great power over the men of the world , to destroy their dominion , to cast them out of the bodies v. 25. yea and out of the temples and minds of men , which they possest . the other of luke 4.34 is to the same purpose , and so concludes no more , then that concluded . and indeed it cannot be with any shew of reason imagined , that the divels should know so little of their own doom , as to thinke it possible they should at christ's coming be annihilated . nay if they had , their present condition being so far from the least degree of happinesse , they could have no reason to deprecate it , or beg christ to let them alone , and disclaim having any thing to do with him . their annihilation ( if that had been the signification of destroying them ) the speedier it were , it were certainly the more desireable ; especially when it would also have secur'd them from the fear of a yet worse condition , which we know was decreed them , and of which they cannot be doubted to have receiv'd presages , by being finally sentenc'd to it . if this argument be consider'd , it will certainly warrant my affirmation , that 't was not annihilation that the divels with such horrour expected from christ , but , as appeares by comparing with mat. 8.29 . amandation to torments . fifthly , the uses of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for eternall destruction , exemplifi'd by the objector by many texts jo. 3.15 , &c. if proved as manifestly , as freely granted by me , are still of no force to induce the desired conclusion , because it was said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not annihilatiō . and yet it falls out , that severall of the testimonies are impertinent to that to which they were design'd ; as 1 cor. 1.18 . 2 cor. 2.15 . where they that perish are impenitent sinners ( abstracted from the doom that expects them ) as oppos'd to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the notion of penitents , and the next 2 thes . 2.10 . is of the same importance . sixthly , the uses of the nounes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be concluded by what hath been already said of the verbs and nounes together , and indeed infer as little toward the undertaken cōclusion . for to that two premisses being requisite . 1. that the punishment of the wicked is exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. that those words signifie annihilation , only the former of these is pretended to be prov'd from the use of the words in the quoted places : the later , on which all the weight lyes , being not pretended or endeavoured to be prov'd , but rather taken for granted , which is the great fallacy of petitio principii , not to be tolerated in the pressing any argument . seventhly , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it availes nothing : for allowing it to be all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( a word which by the way i must now adde , having formerly omitted to insert it , signifies bodily smart inflicted by the devill , 1 cor. 5.5 . all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 cor. 12.7 . buffeting , yet still it signifies not annihilation , but sometimes an effect of spirituall death , or separation of god from the soule : viz : abominable uncleannesse , which in a christian is the defiling of gods temple 1 cor 3.1 , and that is granted by the objector to be uselesse to him ( and is not rendred more serviceable by pretending 't is metaphoricall , for though to call a man a temple may be deem'd a metaphor , yet to pollute , whether temple or man , is propriety of speech , and that the only importance of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in all places of the n. testament , 1. cor. 15.33 . 2 cor. 7. ● . and 11.3 . eph. 4.22 . jud. 10. revel . 19.2 . and so very often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rom. 8.21 . vid. annotat : 2 pet. 1.4 . and 2.12 . twice and 19. sometimes the corruption of the body in the grave , 1 cor. 15.42 . and 50. sometimes for hurt to the man , col 2 . 2● . and sometimes for the pun●shments that await the wicked , gal. 6 8 and opposed to an happy everlast●ng state call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & by that opposition not prejudiced but rather concluded to be an everlasting miserable state . for whereas the contrary is suggested without offer of proof , viz that destruction being oppos'd to eternall life , doth therefore seem to signify that which is most opposite thereto viz. real and eternall destruction , this is indeed scarce so much as a seeming or probability , very far from a demonstration . for sure eternall miserable being is most properly contrary and so opposite to eternall happy being . and though in metaphysicall consideration absolute not being be most opposite to being , and so to eternall being ; yet in morall speaking it is not so . 1. for sure eternall ill being , eternal torments , are much worse then no being at all : the bare bonitas entis , which dr twiss , and some predestinarians fly to , being , when joyn'd with infinite miseries , very far from being valuable to him that hath it , if we believe christ ; having never been born , is more desireable then it . what is said on this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the interpreting of 2 pet. 2.12 . is in my opinion not to be adher'd to : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are , i think , to be actively taken , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will signify those that take , and corrupt others , the filthy gnosticks ; see annot : ) and in that sence , of which only the words are capable , the phrase hath no shew of usefulnesse to the objecter . for then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 readily signifies in their corrupting or debauching others , they shall be destroyed i. e. punish'd severely ( i suppose eternally though that word enforce it not . ) eighthly , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luk. 19.27 . the full importance of it is to denote a signal execution of punishment on malefactors , brought forth and slain before the provoked king , but no more implies annihilation then any of the former . nor is it at all discernable by that place , whether the punishment executed were to be swift or lingering , it only signifies sharpe , and not to be averted ; and solemne , and exemplary , as for a great and provoking crime : and indeed the passage wherein we find that phrase being a parable , the notion of it must be accorded thereunto ; and so cannot be other then such as a prince executes on his rebell subjects , neither annihilation on one side , nor eternal punishments on the other ; & so that phrase will be argumentative on neither part . ninthly , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the other words of the same nature with that , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the utmost that can be pretended of them is , that those things that are thus burnt , consum'd , and devour'd , are utterly changed from their former state , not that they are annihilated . for what is utterly burnt is turn'd to ashes , but then ashes and not nothing are the terme of that corruption . so likewise that which is eaten and masticated never so small and converted into chyle , then blood , then flesh , the rest going out into the draught , is still but thus chang'd not annihilated . 't is not indeed what it was , but thereby it only the more fitly represents those infernal torments , and state , which is as wide a moral mutation & departure from all good or desirable to any appetite , as can be imagin'd . and certainly this is all that can pretend to be deduc'd from common interpretation ( which is referr'd to ) of those phrases . for if the wicked were granted to be destroy'd exactly after the manner of chaffe &c. yet as chaffe is not annihilated , so would it not follow that the wicked are annihilated . but then withall it will be just to remember that similitudes and parables must not be bound to such accurate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that every circumstance in the parable be accounted for strictly in the application , but only the main lineaments , wherein the design'd resemblance consisted , preserv'd , viz. that as after the threshing and winowing the good corn , and laying it up carefully in the granary , the manner is to set fire to the chaffe , which licks it all up , and never ceaseth 'till it have consum'd all , and in that respect is call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the wind conspiring with the fire , as in their open threshing flours on the tops of mountains the jewish husbandry directed ) so after the trying and purging and at length rewarding the godly with eternall heaven , 't is to be expected that god shall proceed to deal severely with the wicked , and then that severity be such as they shall not possibly avert nor be able to undergo without the utmost morall damage to them . as for the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heb. 13.11 . of sacrifices burnt to ashes , act. 19.19 ▪ of bookes burnt also , and revel . 8.7 . of trees , and green grasse burnt up , it is no more then hath been yeelded to the force of the former places . for still none of these were annihilated , they were burnt to ashes , not to nothing . nay when the very phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes joyn'd with the burning of the wicked , as of chaffe , it is not obvious to render any reason for the choice of this phrase , but what will be founded in the eternity of their torments and being ; for fire we know goes out it self when the fewel is exhausted : and so the unextinguishablenesse of the one must be answered with the durableness of the other . tenthly , for the same and like phrases in the old testament , granting ( according to the mind of the objector ) that they include the second death after the general judgment : yet still this avails nothing to the desir'd conclusion , unlesse it be farther prov'd that those words and phrases do signify absolute utter destruction , or annihilation , for upon that only the affirmative of the question depends , and for that there is no least pretence of proof offer'd here . eleventhly , for the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it will never be usefull to the disputer : for if the first death be the act of separation of soul and body , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not the torments of hell , but the state or continuance of that separation ( as it will be found to signify in all the places of the bible , and in the most and best heathen authors ) then the second death being the taking away them , must by consequence be founded in the reunion of the soul and body , that reunion being in propriety the dissolving of separation , act and state both . granting therefore that the casting of death and hades ( i must set that word instead of hell , which in use signifies another thing , even that whereunto it is there said to be cast ) into the lake of fire , revel . 20.14 . is the second death : and the converting those ( act and state ) into a state of sensitive and real misery : what can follow thence to the disputers advantage ? that according to the rabbinical notion , it signifies final and utter destruction ? why , let it do so ; and the result is , that then death being finally and utterly destroy'd , a never ceasing state of being ( though that most miserable ) now takes place , and that is eternity of torments , far remov'd from annihilation : for though utter destruction of positive entities may be deem'd to signify annihilation , yet when attributed only to privative entities , death and hades , it can in no reason signifie annihihilation , but the contrary restauration to being , i. e. to union of soul and body . but then secondly that the rabbins or chaldae paraphrast , deut. 33.6 . or is . 22.14 . meant by second death to denote absolute negation of all being , must not be allowed : for deut. 33.6 . the hebrew reading let reuben live and not die , and the chaldae paraphrast using the phrase of the second death , that can infer no more , then by that phrase they explain'd what they deem'd already meant by the hebrew word duly rendred dying : and there is no reason or colour for saying that that signify'd annihilation ; dye he might , yet not be annihilated . and the like is apparent of the other place is . 22.14 . so much therefore for that . to proceed then , will it be for the objectors advantage that the second death is express'd by the lake of fire and brimstone , and that evidently referring to the utter destruction of sodom and gomorrah ? to this i reply first , that 't was a tempestuous rain of fire and brimstone that consumed sodom , and not a lake ; and so the reference doth no farther hold then the fire and brimstone , i. e. the terrible stinking , and furiously burning fire , and that gaines nothing to the disputer ; the fire of hell may be as searching , and noysome , as is possible , without being finite , utterly consuming , or annihilating . nay , secondly , when the men of sodome and gomorrah , the inhabitants as well as the walls , were burnt to ashes by that fire and brimstone , to which that lake bears some resemblance , what probability is there , that either those walls that were burnt to ashes were annihilated , or els that all that people were then annihilated so as to be uncapable of being rais'd , and judged at the day of doom ? or if they were , wherein did their punishment appear to be greater then the portion of any other more moderate wicked man , which in the disputers sence shall be so finally annihilated ; and sure reap no advantage by the state that expects him in the intervall ? lastly , will his advantage be , that as death by being cast into the lake is suppos'd to be utterly destroyed , so whoever else is cast into the lake , shall be utterly annihilated ? that i suppose the specially design'd advantage : but as it was said , it will prove none , because death being a privative thing , the destroying of that necessarily infers not only a positive resurrection , but consequent to it an undying state , and that is contrary to the disputers pretentions . and then though those privations be destroy'd by being cast into the lake , yet it no way followes , that men by being cast in thither , shall be destroyed also . the concluding thus were , as if , putting off the prophetical expression , one should say in plain words , after the death of adam and all his posterity , and their continuing in the state of separation some thousands of years , they shall be rais'd againe , and their souls eternally united to their bodyes , and of those so rais'd , many should be cast into as eternal flames , ( the former of these is parallel to the casting of hell and hades into the lake ; the latter of the persons into the same lake ) ergo as there shall be no more separation of souls from bodies , so there shall be no more punishing of wicked men , whereas indeed the very contrary followes : the destroying of death is the commencing of this endless miserable life , therefore proov'd to be endlesse because death is destroyed , and so life comes universally ; and so to continue eternally instead of it : for else death and hades ( or that which is more then death , annnihilation ) should returne to have their being again , which it was decreed they should not , and therefore they are said to be cast into the lake . 't is true indeed , if hades signified the place of hell or state of torments , then the casting this into the lake , would be the finishing those torments , whether after origens way , or any other , it matters not ; but this as hath been said , is not the importance of hades , but the state of death , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the act of it . to what hath last been said , that which followes in the bottome of p. 3. will be found no competent answer . the first answer is , that the destruction of death and hades is spoken properly in reference to them whose names are in the book of life . but first , if this were true , then one of my former conclusions must needs be granted , that hades signifies not hell torments ( for that being destroyed to those that were under it , the godly were never under these ) but the state of the dead in universum . yet secondly , it is not true , for v. 12. i saw the dead , small and great , stand before god , and the books were opened , the books of register of all mens deeds ( from which the book of life , following , is different ) and the dead were judged — the dead indefinitely , i. e. sure all the dead , and yet more deictically by enumeration of all particulars concern'd in it : the sea gave up its dead , and death and hades delivered up the dead which were in them , and they were judged every man according to their workes . here 't is evident that death and hades are properly spoken in reference to all that were to be judged according to works , and not only to them whose names were written in the book of life . and so that evacuates the first answer . the second answer is , that they that are not written in that book , shall never suffer such a death as brings to hades , but shall fall into a worse , the second death . but to this i reply , that this distinction hath no ground in the text , but contrary wise both death and hades are equally there said to be destroy'd to all that were under them , both whose names are , and are not written in the book of life . as therefore to the godly , that death that leads to hades is destroy'd , so equally to the wicked ; and then they are both rendred eternall ; and then the wickeds being cast into this lake , is not , cannot be to be destroy'd there ; but being a lake of fire , to be tormented there eternally , as is most apparent v. 10. where the divell was cast into this lake , and the beast and the false prophet said to be there already , yet were not annihilated by being cast thither , but as it follows , shall be tormented day and night for ever and ever . that they fall into a worse death , i willingly grant , and think it usefull to the cause i defend : for suppose a wicked man , whose impiety costs him dear here , ( one of the divels saddest martyrs ) cruciated with the diseases his sins have brought on him in an exquisite manner many years , and at last either seiz'd on by the hand of justice , and delivered to a wittily tormenting death , or exercised many years with the rack of stone and strangury , or the like , and at last by these horrid miseries his soul rent from his body , and he continue in hades many hundred years , and certainly partake of no good in that estate , at the utmost , but rest from the labours of his former life . can it in this case be said that the second death is worse then this , and yet this second death defin'd by a swift annihilation ? certainly it cannot . nothing but long continued if not endless torments can be said worse then those so long continued torments . but whereas it is added that the second death is absolute and eternall destruction , as the scripture elsewhere speaks , i reply , that the scripture no where speaks so ; never uses second death of any such thing as annihilation , nor ever seems in any other words to say of any wicked man , that he shall be annihilated . as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i grant it parallel to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but can see no argument producible thence that either of them denotes annihilation , being both so much more proper to denote torments , and those eternall . for the valley of hinnom , 't is known that children were not burnt to ashes there , but put into hollow brazen vessels , and there fryed and scorched ( a most lingering pain , ) and therefore call'd tophet from the timbrels that there us'd to sound to drown the noise of their dismal cryes . and for the lake the text is expresse , they that be tormented ( without intermission ) day and night ( & without cessation ) for ever and ever . and though the valley of hinnom being on earth was not a state of of eternall but temporary punishments ; yet that is no prejudice : for being to take a resemblance from earth and humane punishments where nothing was eternall , the most that could be was to take the sharpest and most lingering torments thereby to expresse those which , being most sharp , were eternall also . thus much for the texts of scripture and phrases therein , which seem favourable to the affirmation , but duly weighed have not so prov'd . now for the consideration taken from god's attributes of justice , and especially of mercy p. 4. there seem to me to be three weak parts in the arguing . first that to those sins which are committed under temptations and infirmities of ours , not generally releiv'd by a sufficiency of auxiliary grace , god's eternal punishments are suppos'd to be affix'd by them , that maintain such punishments of eternal torments . certainly they that thus doe , doe amiss ; and by so doing give great occasion to those that believe them to find other measures for justice in god , then those which he hath prescrib'd to men : ( whereas in matters of this nature god is content to be judg'd by our tribunal and measures , judge i pray you betwixt me and my vineyard , and are not my wayes equal ? ) but they that maintain god's requirings mic. 6. to be proportion'd to his shewings , and the sufficiency of the divine grace , ready for all that will make use of it , and therein found the justice of punishing those that do despise or neglect those meanes so liberally and abundantly provided for them by god , have given no cause for that exception . it is by them ( on the contrary ) marked out as an act of superabundant mercy , that god forsakes not upon the first refusals and not making use of his grace ; he is long-suffering , and most willing , and most ardently labours that all should come to repentance , even such as have long resisted his evangelical methods of rich grace . secondly , that weight is laid upon the temporalness of the sins committed in this world , intimating i suppose the unproportionableness of temporal to eternal , and therein founding an objection against the justice of those punishments . this i suppose is believ'd to have force against those that are wont to answer it by compensating the want of weight in the temporariness of the sin and sinner , partly by the eternity of god against whom the sin is committed , partly by the preparedness and inclination of the man to sin eternally , in case he should live eternally . and i shall confess that i have alwaies look'd on those as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( such as the schools have many ) not able fully to satisfy humane understanding , and have therefore been careful in several writings to offer surer grounds of satisfaction in this matter ; by laying the weight on the option , which is by god given us , of eternal blisse on one side , as the reward of our evangelical obedience , as on the other of eternal woe on our wilful denying , and this finally and obstinately persever'd in : which makes it most just , that they that resolutely and inexorably make this choice of never so much ill to themselves , should have none but themselves to blame for the unhappinesse of their portion . thirdly , that god in inflicting punishment is compar'd with man in respect of the compassion supposeable in him to see any the worst man thus afflicted . whereas i conceive god is to be look'd on here only as the rector of the universe , whose office it is to proceed in the work of judicature without passion on either side . you may see it in a judge on earth , which if he be a well-natur'd man never willingly pronounces sentence , dolet quoties cogitur esse ferox : but yet must utterly disclaim his office , if he do not secundùm allegata & probata pronounce that sentence , which the law prescribes against such or such a fact , and resist all temptations of his compassion in so doing . such a severity is that of god's , which the office which belongs to him in the world exacts of him , even when he swears that he is far from delighting in the death of him that dies , and most passionately exhorts to repent and live , and imputes it to absolute wilfulnesse , for which no reasonable account can be given by any man , that he will thus suffer . should he never make such lawes to represse sin by assur'd expectation of eternal punishment , we might easily judg what a world or rather wildernesse of savage creatures this universe would be , by what it now is , even after all this severity of menace and interdict . t was therefore most just and most necessary , that he should thus have ordein'd and enacted these sad lawes ; and therefore in great justice and wisdome , and without any resistance from his infinite goodnesse and mercy , he thus enacted . and having done so , should he as oft as any one came to suffer according to those lawes , retract or dispence with ; set his compassion to evacuate the processe , and frustrate all the wise designes of this his justice ? certainly no man would ever expect this of an all-wise lawgiver ; or ( after he hath set his seal to this grand indenture , so solemnly as by his son's promulgating and signing it with his blood ) imagine that his compassion should thus tempore non suo interpose , when there are so many more proper seasons , wherein he hath effectually demonstrated himself to have as much of that to every the wickedst man that perisheth , as any the tender'st father , even david ever own'd to the most desperate rebel son absolon , that finally refuseth all returning to mercy , 'till at length he perisheth in the midst of his sin to the wounding his fathers heart . these are three competent exceptions to that part of the arguing taken from gods attributes . and therefore to the additional considerations for the strengthening thereof the reply will be easy , that if they are the greatest part of the world that falls under this severity : this is but necessarily consequent to that greatest part being such as that sentence most justly and indispensably belongs to , and consequently not such whose guilts are truly suggested to be thus more venial , and of an ordinary degree ; but only such as proceed from malice and obstinacy , grosse negligence or groundlesse presumption . for for all other sins of infirmity , ignonorance , and even wilfull , timely retracted by repentance , there is remedy prepar'd under the gospell . only whereas to the two heads of infirmity and ignorance , as proofs of the more ordinary degree of guilt , the objecter addes negligence , strength of temptation , corruption of nature , affection , evil education and example ; and then in grosse farther addes many other circumstances , both positive and privative , abating the hainousnesse of the guilt . this will deserve to be better consider'd , both because the most of these ( as the case truely stands ) yield no matter of just excuse to any , ( for so 't is sure of examples of men , when in evident opposition to the commands and intermination of god : so of affection or sensitive passion , when in contradiction to reason and humane nature , the upper soule which ought to exercise its dominion given it by god over those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bestial part of the man ; and not be corrupted and led captive and blindfold by it : so again evill education , when contrary to the light of naturall conscience ; corruption of nature , when repair'd by grace ; temptations of the flesh or world or devill , when infinitely outweigh'd by contrary motives to obedience and good living ) and because some of them have much of malignity in them , which may well enhance not lessen the guilt . of this sort i chiefly instance in negligence , such as it may be supine and wretchlesse , which in a creature and servant containes all degrees of enhancing any sin : 't is wilfull , for he might be more careful : 't is obstinate , for he is oft warn'd of it by the noxious effects ( which he cannot but discerne ) of it , and the master 's continual precepts to the contrary : 't is presumptuous , still imagining he shall find mercy , when god assures him he shall not in this way , and upon that groundlesse confidence still presuming to offend : 't is most ungrateful scorning and contemning to make any use of the greatest treasures of grace , all ready for him that would use tolerable diligence : 't is an act of horrible pride , in despising god himself , his precepts , threats , promises ; of infidelity both active and passive , not believing god , not being faithful to his service ; and it self being nothing in effect but height of idlenesse , and that doing or admitting much more ill , omitting much more good ( meerly to gratify that one swinish vile pleasure of sloth ) then any covetous voluptuous man doth for his greatest treasures , or tast fullest sensualities ; it hath as it were all the aggravations of all other sins collected into one sink or kennel . in this place the description assign'd the worst of men , [ viz. men of flagitious and contumacious lives ] may perhaps deserve some animadversion . for if this be the one measure , to which eternal punishments are thought commensurable , 't is possible there may be great and dangerous mistake in it . for 1. there are many principles of godless living all meeting in the effect , casting off the yoke of god's obedience , and so equally deserving to fall under the severity of those lawes by which the world was created and manag'd . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the two comprehensive names of them , but there are several under each . under the first pride and rage and revenge &c. under the second voluptuousnesse of all sorts , covetousnesse , desire of praise &c. and every of these have a foundation in our corrupt nature , and temptations from without also : and as one soyle is more unhappily qualify'd for the one ; so another is for another . and if all the restreints , commands , preventions , excitations , invitations , engagements , mercies , punishments of god ; all his methods of armature and fortifying each man against these domestick enemies and traitours of his , may not be permitted to have any force toward his rescue out of this slavery to any of these sins , there is little reason of excuse that will hold the pleading for any of these . the contumacy is in effect the same in each ; in him that askes god forgivenesse for his intemperance every day , and every night wallowes in it ; as to him that goes on sullenly and demurely , and hath no regret to it . the aggravations are several ; but the difference of the degrees of malignity hardly discernible : or if the disadvantage be on the side of the stout flagitious offender , this is no more then is necessary to be suppos'd to the defining several degrees of torments in hell , that the mighty sinners might be mightily punished ; it doth not at all concern the justice of that sentence , that decrees every unreform'd impenitent to those flames . for repentance , as it signifies some degree of sincere renovation , being the minimum quod sic , without which all shall perish even under the gospel , ( that utmost dispensation of strict law that god will permit any to hope for , that doth not give the lie to his message in the mouth of his son ) they that come short of this have no more to plead from any other circumstance imaginable , because that god which gave space for repentance , hath also provided such counterballances either of aids or pardon to such circumstances , as shall utterly frustrate and prevent all plea that can from thence be drawn either against his justice or his mercy . 2. it must be remembred that there be other states , to which those titles of flagitious and contumacious lives are not competible , which yet have no lesse of malignity in them by that consideration , such are that of the intricate disguis'd painted hypocrite , that hath god alwaies in his mouth , and his glory the design of his foulest actions , and yet his damnation as just as any man's : that of the wicked christian , carnal gospeller , that under the vow of baptisme , i. e. christs banner , equals the sinnes of jew , turk or heathen worshipper : that of recidivation into forsaken sins , apostacy , temporary adherence to christ , ( but in time of temptation presently they are offended , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or cowardly gnosticks , that christ in the revelation ranks with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unbelievers ) each of these upon other as just accounts , as those under which the flagitious and contumacious is acknowledged to fall , and perish , may as reasonably be resolv'd to have their portion : the richest talents being rather more then less accountable for , then the meanest ; and the utter darkness , where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth , peculiarly assign'd to the unprofitable servant , that being apt to object severity and austerity against god , did not yet endeavour by improving his talent to approve himself unto him . by the way , that parable forewarns us how possible it is for a man negligently to loose all his opportunities of graces and advantages toward heaven , and engulfe himself in endless woe , whilst his heart is secretly objecting against the reconcileableness of god's judgments with those attributes which he thinks fit to be vindicated in all his inflictions . in this section ( after the middle of the 4th . p. ) it is resolv'd , that the opinion of eternal torments , properly so call'd , is not to be accepted upon less termes then of plain demonstration from scripture : but what that signifies , i cannot guess ; god's affirmation when once reveal'd , as there is no just cause to doubt the testimony to be divine , will bear down all difficulties , which any improbability of the matter will suggest to us . reason it self thus judgeth , that god is to be believed rather then any humane reasoning . if therefore christ ( who sufficiently testify'd himself to come from god , and to have the signature of his authority on all his affirmations ) did teach eternity of torments properly so call'd , and express that doctrine in such plain words , as all that heard him and his commissioners preach , were firmly resolv'd to signifie the real everlastingness of those torments , then i suppose here is as plain demonstration , as the weightiness of the matter or the objecter's exceptions can exact . and that thus it is , it may not be amiss briefly to shew in this place . besides those testimonies which are by the objecter produc'd ( and as they are enervated by him , have and shall be vindicated and clear'd to have force in them , and so are not to be mention'd here ) i insist on these three . 1. the parable of dives and lazarus , which being yielded to be but a parable , hath yet from christs using it these grounds of assuring our faith , that there is as certainly after this life a state of torments as of bliss , and those torments executed by scorching , but not devouring and consuming , much less annihilating flames . he that is in them hath nothing to beg but a present cooling of his tongue , and that may not be had , because dives hath had all his portion of good things in this life , and so must have no more such , though it be but the least allay of his pains for one minute , which sure excludes annihilation , which is the perfect superseding of them . again , there is a gulf fixed , which interscinds all entercourse between heaven and hell , whereby any aid or relief should come to them . these circumstances put together must conclude , that the fire being not such as of it self consum'd those that were tormented in it , and abraham , that was now a comprehensor , knowing that there was now no place left for the least degree of release to the sufferer , and no relief being to be hop'd for from heaven , from whence only it was possible to come , the fire and so the continuance in the torments must be eternal . i foresee but one objection to this , viz : that this was before the day of judgment , and then , this non obstante , the fire after the day of doom may annihilate . to this i answer , that the parable is not bound to refer to the time wherein it was delivered . other parables of the king and the bridegroom referr'd to after times , and this here by the seeing dives bodily in hell , and the scorching of the tongue and the mention of dipping the finger &c must refer to the state of conjunction of souls and bodies in heaven and hell , and that must be after the resurrection ; and so that supersedes that one objection , and i foresee no other . secondly , i mention christs words of judas , that it were better for him never to have been born , and of him that should offend a tender disciple , and avert him from christ , that it were better a milstone were hanged about his neck , and he cast into the midst of the sea. here i shall suppose annihilation as fully express'd by these two phrases , as by any it could be , and yet that somewhat worse then that expects wicked men , which must needs be founded in eternal miserable being : for eternal being , if not miserable , is much better ; and miserable being , if not eternal , but immediately determin'd by a swift destruction , as christ supposeth , is not certainly and unquestionably worse then never having had a being . thirdly , i resume again ( though i now perceive they are after mention'd ) the express words of christ revel . 20.10 . that the beast and the false prophets , i. e. some wicked men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall be tormented in a lake of fire and brimestone day and night for ever and ever . nothing could have been more expresse : and to these i adde , that there is no one seeming dissent of contrary testimony producible from the whole scripture , but innumerable that bear full consent with these , which consequently have establisht the faith of this article , that it was by the apostles of christ enter'd into that depositum which they left in every church where they preach'd , as appears by the last words of the apostles creed , the life everlasting ; which as it is expresly contrary to annihilation , which is excision and determination of life in respect of duration or lasting , so being subjoyn'd to the resurrection of the body , must be indefinitely coextended to that , and so belong to all bodies that are rais'd . and that it is thus comprehensive , appears more manifestly by the athanasian creed , which to the rising and coming again of all men with their bodies , and giving account for their own works , which is parallel to the resurrection of the body , subjoyns as the explication of everlasting life this express dogma , and they that have done good shall go into life everlasting , and they that have done evil into everlasting fire . and this was no doubt the concordant sence of the churches , that had this depositum of christian faith , both from the scriptures and the preaching of the apostles , and their successors , committed to them . and so there remains no cause of doubt of the validity or plainness of demonstration , as far as any matter of doctrine is capable of it from the testimony of christ and of god. what followes of the incredibility of this doctrine , making some men desperately doubt of the truth of the whole body of religion , can have no force against the truth of it . all christ's duri sermones had that effect of his teaching them , they were offended at him : and the meaning of that is , they forsook the whole religion . having gone thus far in particular reply to all that have been propos'd in favour of the affirmative of the question , i need not accommodate any answer to the remaining ( fifth ) page of the first part . the three postulata's , if all granted , ( as they may in some limited sence ) will gain him nothing . not the first , for the letter of scripture favours not him , as hath been shew'd ; death and destruction no way signify or conclude annihilation . not the second , for there is no one text clear in phrase and signification yet produc'd for the affirmative , nor any that by any age or orthodox father hath been so interpreted . not the third , because in our doctrine , set upon its due basis , there is nothing so much as of a seeming disagreeableness to piety , or the nature or attributes of god , as hath been shew'd also . then for the scandal of those disputes about predestination &c. which is thought to be allay'd by the opinion of annihilation , i answer , that they which deny all irrespective decree of reprobation or praeterition against supralapsarians and sublapsarians , that affirm universality of redemption , and of the gift of sufficient grace ( all which are maintain'd by bishop overall , to whom the disputer professeth to encline , and are known to have been maintained by concordant votes of all the fathers of the greek and latin church before st augustin , and since him by a considerable part of the church through all ages , and the contrary never universally receiv'd as a doctrine , and so remaines to have been but a disputable question at the most ) cannot be imagin'd to be under any part of this scandall , or consequently to receive benefit by the allay that is spoken of . and if the doctrine of reprobation &c. have need of this antidote , to avert the ill and dangerous consequences of it , and to reconcile their dictates with piety and reverence to god almighty , then it is more then time that the favourers of that doctrine should rather change their poysons for wholsome dyet , then like the mountebank on the stage presume to swallow the poyson in confidence of this only antidote , which i have not yet heard that he believes to have any force in it . in a word , let us all renounce the irrespective decree of reprobation , as i professe to do , and there is no more pretence for the denying of eternall torments of the reprobates upon that account . as for the punishment of personall sins , and their circumstantiall abatements , that hath been accounted for already . the second part. in the second part the view of the places producible for eternall pains , begins with a prejudice , viz. that it is no where plainly and directly denyed that the reprobates shall be destroy'd . but that negative argument as it is simply invalid , so it is most unseasonably prefixt to the setting down of testimonies for the perpetuity of their torments : for if one such text be produc'd that shall really conclude their torments perpetual , ( as certainly do the words of christ revel . 20.10 . of their being tormented day and night for ever and ever ) it is then most certainly consequent that the reprobate shall not be destroy'd immediately after the day of judgment : and what is that but the plain and direct denial of it . and to adde that it is no where said that they shall live for ever but that incorruption seems to be the priviledge of the elect , is sure but another branch of the same paralogisme , for they that are tormented for ever have sence and life for ever , but that being a life of misery eternal hath no semblance of the priviledge of the elect , whose crown it is to live and reign , not to live and be punisht for ever . and so this yields not the least mite of advantage to the former opinion . now for the phrases 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mat. 18.8 . & 25.41.48 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mat. 25.46 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mar. 3.29 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mar. 9.43.44 . & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . v. 45.46.48 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. pet. 2.17 . jud. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ revel . 14 ▪ 11. and the lake of fire and brimstone , where the beast and the prophet shall be tormented day and night for ever and ever . revel . 20.10 . all these are endeavour'd to be evacuated first by a general answer ; then by particulars accommodated to each particular phrase . the general is , that the phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] do not alwaies signify an absolute eternity , but either a long time , or an irreparable estate of things , or during unto the cessation of the subject . and without disputing the truth of this answer , it will be sufficient to my turn , if either some of these phrases do sometimes signify an absolute eternity , for then i shall have no reason to except against the interpretation of the universal church of god for so many centuries , which thus understand all , unquestionably most , of these places ; or if they here denote an irreparable state of those things that are spoken of ; for then the wicked being cast into fire , are in that state irreparably , math. 18 . 8.25.4● . being in eternal punishment , math. 25.41 . are irreparably there , and so in the rest ; which notion of eternal would never mind any man of the annihilation of those that are enter'd on such eternal flames or punishments . as for the testimonies from deut. 15.17 . ps . 37.29 . and 14.6 . they are all necessarily interpreted by the matter of them to refer to certain finite periods , either of the man's life and capacity , either of serving , or enjoying the earthly canaan in the two former places , or to the end of this world , as the last of them , but no way prejudices the proper use of the words for absolute eternity , when the matter so requires , as i suppose it doth , whensoever it speaketh of a duration which is to commence at the end of this life or world of ours , as when eternal life is mention'd , the disputer will acknowledg ; and yet with no more reason then i can render for interpreting eternal punishment to this sence . but because the objecter depends not on this his general answer , let us descend to the particulars : and first that of everlasting fire . mat. 18.8 . and 25.41.48 . jud. 7. here jud. 7. is added over and above those places which were even now produced for this phrase , and on purpose , it seems , as a decoy to draw all the rest into the net . for herein is the answer founded , that the last of those iud. 7. is by most divines not understood to speak of the fire of hell , but of that fire whereby their cities were destroy'd , which was only a deigma of hell fire , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall not signify eternal burning , but utter destruction , to which is added the consideration of a question , which may be made from mat. 8.29 whither the devils themselves , for whom eternal fire was prepar'd , be yet cast into it , who are said iud. 6. and 2. pet. 2.4 . to be but prisoners , and so not yet under the execution of their doom . to all this i answer , first , that if the suggestion be true , that such is the judgment of most divines ( which i acknowledg to have been mine own formerly , but have changed it since ) concerning that place iud. 7. and their authority deem'd by him that urgeth it worth the heeding ▪ then is the more united consent of all catholick interpreters , none excepted , for the notion of the same phrase in all other places of far greater authority for the admitting the eternity of that fire which is asserted in them : and if by those other places the article be establish'd , i shall not need contend for ( nor should ever have produc'd ) that one place of iude , because some interpreters , and even mine owne former doubting of that one , can be no prejudice to their consent with me for the many other , any one of which if it truly conclude the eternity of hell fire , is as good as a thousand . but then , secondly , as i do not consent this to have been the judgment of most divines , which is said to be ; so i now upon better consideration of the context , see no reason that could induce me or any to make that , so as to reject the more literal interpretation . that sodom and gomorrah , and the cities about them signify the inhabitants of those cities , is apparent there by their being affirm'd to have given themselves over to fornication , which sure not the walls but the inhabitants did : and then sure those that suffer'd the vengeance of eternal fire , and therein are set forth for an example or essay , what we christians following the like sins are to expect , are not the wals but the inhabitants also . by the way , it is not the praeter tense or sence , or in the aorist , ( as when of the angels v. 6. it is said they kept not but left , and of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having given themselves over to fornication ) but in the present 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suffering , either as not at all looking back in this part of the period to their destruction on earth by fire and brimstone , or else as to a lasting judgment then began , but still continuing upon them without any release ; they still suffer that vengeance of fire which withall is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also , never likely to have an end . so no good firm ground is there in this interpretation , which i remember i had long since out of socinus , but is not , that i know of , the resolution of most divines . as for the question whither the devils are yet cast into eternal hell , there will be no need of discussing it here , because if for god's wise and just ends they are not so confin'd thither , as after the judgment , when there is no farther place for those ends , they shall be , yet still the soules of the men of sodom may now suffer in that fire , and the devils that are ty'd to their dark prison ( which appears not to be any other place but that hell , where the spirits of wicked men are ) be ready at hand to torment them . having clear'd this place , it followes , that as yet no least probability is produc'd how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in other places should signify any thing else but eternal torments of them that are cast into it , and the section that follows at the top of p. 8. hath nothing in it that exacts return , for if the fire of hell be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then it burns everlastingly , and if they that are in it suffer the judgment of eternal fire , then they must be eternal also , and that is here affirm'd and rev. 20.10 . as for the four considerations that next follow to evacuate the belief of eternal torments being signify'd by eternal fire , 't is certain they have no shew of force in them severally ; and then joyntly they will have as little . for 1. if the word fire ( in that phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) be a metaphor , as indeed it is not deem'd to be the same with our culinary fire , and it differs from it in that it enlightens not , but leaves the place dark where 't is , yet still it may be really fire to all other the punitive effects , and no doubt it is so in respect of burning and scorching and tormenting , or else the scripture would not so oft affirm it of it . 2ly , if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do not primarily or perpetually signify everlasting , yet 't is not once found in the new testament to signify otherwise : the place jude . 7. is the only place pretended , and that hath bin competently vindicated . 3. though fire be a destructive thing , yet it is not able to annihilate by any its natural force , and besides it is a cruciating thing , and thus was it in the valley of hinnom , from which the fire of hell takes its denomination , and thus the beast and the false prophet are said to be tormented day and night for ever and ever in it , and then sure 't is neither expression nor instrument of annihilating destruction . 4. if everlasting fire be oppos'd to life mat. 18.8 . yet this ingages it not , no nor inclines it to signify utter destruction ▪ but the most unhappy cruciating state which is more contrary to happy life then absolute annihilation would be , as hath formerly been shew'd ; and therefore though everlasting fire should be granted to signify everlasting destruction , ( as with any propriety it cannot , fire being the instrument of destruction , not destruction it self ) yet in that case everlasting destruction would reasonably signify as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eternall perdition doth 2. thes . 1.9 . and of that we have already given account , that it signifies notorious judgments here concluding in the flames of hell , and that it no way signifies or infers annihilation , but the contrary to the joyes of a blissful life , i. e. the paines of hell. for the rendring this phrase more applicable to the desir'd notion , 't is thought fit to compare it with another like phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mar. 9.43 , 44 , 45. as that is rendred , that shall not nor never shall be quenched ; of which 't is suggested , that it necessarily signifies no more , then that that fire shall not go out , till the matter or fewel of it be consumed or destroyed , and thus 't is used isay 66.24 . and that this appears to be the importance of our saviours meaning , from other places mat. 3.12 . luk. 3.17 . where t is applied to the chaff and tares which admit no everlasting duration in the fire , but are very capable of utter destruction . to all this i answer , 1. that there is no such affinity between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that one should regulate the notion of the other ; when they are applyed to divers matters , one to the burning of chaff , tother to the punishing of wicked men . or if there be , it may as reasonably hold , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be interpreted by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and in order to that , the chaff and tares interpreted of wicked men , which are know'n to be figuratively expressed by them , as that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be regulated by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so wicked men thought in the same manner to be consum'd by the fire , as the chaff and tares are . 2ly , that for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if it be granted that it necessarily signifies no more then that the fire shall not go out , till the fewel of it be destroyed , yet 1. it as fairly followes , then it may ( when the context requires ) very conveniently signify more ; and that 2ly there will be no ground of doubt , whither when 't is applyed to those who are affirm'd to be tormented in a lake of fire day and night for ever and ever i. e. to wicked men it shall not signify this more , viz. eternal burning . 3. for the place of isaiah , i shall appeal to antient interpreters ; not only whither it may , but whither it do not , signify eternal fire , or that which is not extinguished for ever . procopius , i suppose , hath on this prophesie as great a reputation among learned men as any ; i shall give you his sence , that the prophet in the conclusion of the prophesy speaks of the saints of god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. shall pass into the most eminent heavenly city , the mansion set apart for the kingdome of god , where they shall be for ever serving god , placed under the great high priest , and they shall all see the destruction of the wicked , and think what good things they have lost by despising god. is. 1. whom they shall behold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placed far off from them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you see his sence of the words , which undoubtedly they will bear , as the description of the final reward of the pious believing jewes and heathens on one side , and of the impious obdurate on the other . and if , as he tells us , some will have it understood as a prediction of the jewes destruction by the romans , which were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet still this interpretation is founded in the supposition , that the worme that dyeth not , and the fire that is not quenched , signifyed an undying punishment , and as such is us'd to signify in prophetick stile that which is next degree to absolute eternal ; pursuing the jewes wheresoever they are to be met with , without any the least mitigation or mercy . 4ly , for the use of the same words matth. 3. and luk. 3. of the chaff and tares , 't is sufficient to say that , those parabolical expressions being undoubtedly set to denote the wicked , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which properly signifies that which never is or shall be quenched , being applyed to the tares in the parable , but to the wicked in the application of the parable , must be allotted such a notion in either , as the matter requires ; and so though spoken of tares , it be not taken in its full amplitude of signification , but in that inferior degree which is competible to the burning of tares or chaff to ashes ; yet being applyed to the wicked , the thing signifyed by those tares , it may still abide in its full amplitude , and signify the tormenting and not consuming , and so the everlastingnesse of that fire . and indeed if it be argumentative in the disputer , that chaff admits no everlasting duration in the fire , from which it may be deem'd conclusible that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 applyed to that , is not unquenchable fire , then it will be as well worth observing that wicked men are capable of everlasting duration in fire , and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 applyed to them ( as it is mar. 9.43 , 44 , 45. signifies everlasting fire . next for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that that may be reconciled with the objecters notion , he notes first , the opposition of it to everlasting life , matth. 25.45 . which may incline it to signify everlasting death . 2. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not by absolute necessity signify everlasting . 3. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not necessarily signify tormenting punishment but may be understood of a privative punishment , and then death being a punishment , ever lasting death may be truly cald everlasting punishment . to these i answer , to the first , that the opposition to everlasting availes nothing ; everlasting life being undoubtedly everlasting bliss , and then everlasting misery is most directly opposite to that . to the second , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spoken of that which begins after the day of judgment must denote such a duration as is proportionable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 following that , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spoken in relation to any other age , whither to the year of jubilee , or the age of the jewish state , or the age of this world simply or the christian age , must be commensurate to that age to which it refers , and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there , being consequent to the judgment of the great day described in that chapter , must in all reason be of the same duration as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same place . to the third that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 generally signifies positive punishment , not mulct , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth ; however the reason cannot hold , that if death be a punishment then eternal death may be truly cald everlasting punishment , because though death should inferre annihilation wherein there is nothing , ergò no punishment , yet death it self is something , and is joyned with real paines as well as privations : but of those or any other reality the state of annihilation is not capable ; and then to say everlasting punishment , though that were supposed to signify no more then everlasting poena damni , yet must it be founded in everlasting being , for no man can be punished everlastingly by deprivation of bliss that hath not a being at all , to be thus capable of devesting or deprivation : for non entis nulla est affectio . but to this it is replied , that the text saith not the wicked shall be everlastingly punished , but they shall go into a punishment , and that punishment shall be everlasting ; and such is everlasting death . to this i answer ; that there is no ground of this distinction in the text , which saith together , they shall depart into everlasting punishment which is certainly the very form that would be used , if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were designed to be never so positively punitive , if it were into the furnace of fire , where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth . secondly , 't is replyed , that a man may suffer or be punished by that which he doth not actually feel , and many attempts are made for the proof of this . but it is sufficient in a word to say , that none of the proofs come home to the state of annihilation whereof only our question is . a mad man or fool may suffer though they discern it not ; a dead man , who is not annihilated but lives in his better part , may suffer in his memory , children , friends here ; much more while he lives may he without folly desire to avert such sufferings , but he that is not , is not capable of any of these : and if i were sure , that to morrow i should be nothing , no real consideration of my self ( but either present care of others good , or perhaps irrational phansy ) would incite me to make any provision for after that morrow . so again privation of possible felicity is to any one that hath being a real punishment , because he is a looser , though not sensible of what he hath lost ; but to him that is not , 't is an absolute nullity , and were a man sure to be annihilate , the fear of this were unreasonable , for that time when he should be nothing , and the only thing that renders it reasonable now is because he hath a being , and hopes to continue it , or ( whatsoever he is seduced to believe to the contrary ) yet still he desires it , and as long as he hath life , may well desire , and cannot choose but wish all the accomplishments and even images of it : and at once fear the loss of life , and all felicities which either do or may accompany life . but still this man's being subject to this fear , because capable of the causes of it , is no proof of his being punished , who is supposed not to be : he that hath a being , and desires the continuance of it , suffers when he looseth it ; but he that hath no being , is not to be esteemed by these measures , any more then he that hath never yet been , is this day punished by not being created , or conceived till to morrow . nor to this is it any way consequent , as is objected , that the desire of everlasting life should not be a reasonable desire . for though it be reasonable to fear the privation of a reasonable desire , yet this fear is only incident to him that hath a being , and he that hath no being cannot have desire , how reasonable soever it is for him , that hath a being , to have it . the sadduces had a being when they desir'd praise , and though they believed no immortality of souls , yet they believed durability of memory , and memory was a kind of image of life ; and they that despaired of the body might take some content in the shadow ; but even that a meer shadow and phansy too , which also would be at an end , whensoever their being were supposed to be so . so again the same sadducee whilst he lived might fear death , because he enjoyed somewhat which he was unwilling to loose , and because death it self though it were thought to enter him on a state of nothingness , yet was it self something , both respectu sensus & damni . and beside the sadducee could hardly be sadducee enough in the point , so as not to have some fear of the contrary : however he still had a being , and was to be unwilling to loose it . but that having no being should be real punishment to him that is not , is above my comprehension . as to what is said in the objecter's person p. 10. at the beginning , that if he believed annihilation , he would yet as much fear the punishment , as he desires everlasting life , i shall grant it on this presumption ; that he now believes he shall enjoy everlasting life : but then he that thus desires and fears , is supposed to exist , and to him 't is granted that deprivations are penal ; and again , though he would fear that , yet sure he would never fear 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the notion of eternal sensible punishments and scorchings of fire . i know not whether all that i have said of the nature of the privative punishments be maturely said or no , as non entis non est affectio , so i have alwaies found it hard to satisfy my self concerning any thing of that which is not . only i rest my self in this , that my mistake , if it be such , is sure of so nice a making , that i cannot my self discern it , and therefore it is not to be imagined that the truth of christ's speech should hang on so weak a string as it must , if by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 christ meant no more then eternal deprivation of being . for if that which is not , cannot be eternally punished , how can the wicked be said to depart to eternal punishment when they are annihilated ? for everlasting judgment i acknowledg it signifies no more then the former imported ; and so is to be concluded by the discourse on that . 't is the adjudging to a state which shall last to all eternity , or a sentence , wherein the eternity of him that is judged , is concern'd . next for their worme never dying , i have three things to add , first , that the worm in dead bodies devoureth very slowly and leasurely , and so is as fit as any thing could have been to express lingring torments . secondly , that the worm devoureth not the whole body , the bones and firmer pars are not liable to her malice ; and so 't is most unfit to express utter annihilation of the whole . thirdly , that the worm being peculiar to dead and putrified bodies , is a most lively representation of gnawings and miseries after death ; and then when instead of mortal worms , which are the only instruments of gnawing on dead bodies , there is somewhat else threatned by christ , which is fit to be expressed by the style of an immortal worm , nothing could have been more adaequate for the expressing the eternity of torments in hell ; those especially of a gnawing tormenting conscience , which , if it be but the conjecture of divines , is , as appears , a very probable conjecture . of the meaning of the place in the prophet is . 66.24 . i have formerly spoken , and acknowledg'd it the fountain from which our saviour mar. 9. derived it , but have shewed how little is gain'd from thence toward prooving it a present , because a visible , destruction . abraham is supposed to behold dives in hell , but that proves not that dives his punishmens were present of this world . procopius hath shewed , how the pious in heaven might behold the punishments of the wicked in another world , and in what sence to be said to come forth to worship before the lord , and go forth , and look &c. and indeed if it be unquestionable , that in christ's speech the future miseries of the wicked are thus express'd ( as the disputer himself yields ) there can be no difficulty to understand the words so in isaiah also . if therefore the place in isaiah , so referred to the future torments of the wicked after the day of judgment ; if the expression of future punishment by fire and worms , proportionable to the several customs of disposing dead bodies by interring and burning , was frequent among the jews ( as the disputer grants to the force of the other texts which grotius quotes ) if the addition of the never quench't fire take away all ambiguities imaginable in the worm , and incline it more strongly to those punishments which are elsewhere express'd by eternal fire : and if they , to whom christ spake , the jews which generally agreed to the pharisees opinion of the eternity of another life , so understood the phrase , and christ speaking agreeable to their opinion and interpretations of isaiah , gave no least cause of conjecture or imagination , that he meant the words in any other sence , then it was sure they would understand him ; what cause of doubting can remain in this matter ? none certainly from the subsequent words , v. 49. for adhering to that interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for consumption of the sacrifice , as in the holocausts , to which the wicked are fitly compared , there follows no more , then that the whole of the wicked , bodies and souls shall like the holocaust be cast into the fire , and burnt , or destroyed there ; but in what sence of destruction , whither in that of annihilation , ( which is not competible to the holocausts , and wherein 't is never found to be taken in the sacred dialect when the heavens are said to vanish or melt , as salt is . 51.6 . this is not for the heavens to be annihilated , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used for vestimenta detrita seu evanida , jer. 38.11 . were not annihilated ) or in the other , having lost all the advantageous parts and effects of life , and being engaged in a most sad estate far worse then not being , is not so much as intimated in the phrase , any farther then by the conjunction thereof with the eternal never dying worme and fire , it is reasonably to be interpreted ; and that is quite contrary to the disputers interests . next then for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jude 13. 2 pet. 2.17 . there is no pretence that it should in these places be meant for death any more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 2 pet. 2.4 . it signifies the sad uncomfortablenesse of that state , which , being in respect of the torments expres'd by fire in other places , hath not yet the one comfort of ordinary fire belonging to it , viz. lightsomnesse , but contrariwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as durable as the flames . the texts produced job . 10.21 , 22. 1 sam. 2.9 . eccl. 11.8 . ps . 88.7 , 11 , 12. job . 17.13 . eccl. 6.14 . are pertinent to prove what they designed , that darknesse denotes the state after this life : but that no way prejudices the use of it for a positive state and not that of annihilation : for for that 't is not used in any of those places . yet that it shall not here be taken in that sence which in those places belongs to it there are these reasons , 1. because the new testament most explicitely affirming a resurrection from that old testaments darknesse ; doth yet threaten this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which therefore must commence after the resurrection , and so cannot be that death from whence men rise in the resurrection , of which those old testament places were understood . 2ly , because in the same chapter 2 pet. 2.4 . 't is said of angels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being applied to angels , it cannot signifie that death , as if 't were applied to living men , it might . 2. being joyn'd with chaines , it thereby seems to signifie some positive state , but especially 3. being joyn'd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it must denote that state , which all sorts of men , heathens , as well as jewes and christians , understood by tartarus , that sure is a place of suffering after death . 3ly . because though there be no further mention then of the privative part of hell , in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet in the other places of the n. t. where the same is mentioned under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the utter or utmost darkness , the farthest recession from lightsome or blisfull life imaginable , there is joyned with it weeping and gnashing of teeth , matt. 8.12 . and 22.13 . and 25.30 . which sufficiently differenceth it from the notion for death . as for the places in the revelation , it is granted to be reasonable to interpret them according to prophetick style , and not exact them to strict literal interpretation ; accordingly as jer. 7.20 . and is . 34. 4.10 . signifie utter final vastations , ( as appeares by their smoak going up for ever and ever , lying wast and none passing through it , from generation to generation , for ever and ever , and the not quenching of gods wrath , but burning upon man and upon beast ) so where the like circumstances either inforce , or but incline , the interpretation of passages in the revelation , i shall make no scruple to yield , as revel . 18.18 . speaking there of the ruine of babylon 't is most reasonable to interpret to that sence the smoak of her burning , by her meaning that great city in the end of the verse , and so again chap. 19.3 . her smoak rose up for ever and ever , heathen rome was destroyed , so as never to be rebuilt again ; there is nothing in the context's that inclines to any more then this . but then for rev. 14.9 , 10 , 11. i cannot thus yield . there , to deter all from yielding to idolatry in the least degree , worshipping the beast and his image &c. the intermination goes out thus , if any man shall do thus vers . 9. the same shall drink &c. vers . 10. where the bitter wine of god mixt , unmixt in the cup of his wrath , is properly such a vengeance as hath 1. no mixture or allay of mercy . 2. all the embittering spices added to it , and so fitly signifies deprivation of life and all that is precious here , and very much more of bitterness after it . and this is further inforced by their being ( not consumed ) but tormented with fire and brimstone ( not here as sodom was in the presence of men , but ) in the presence of the holy angels , and in the presence of the lamb. i. e. by the sentence of christ with his assembly of angels in judgment , and so vers . 11. the smoak ( not simply as rev. 19.3 . nor of their burning or consuming as in isay it was , but ) of their torment ascendeth up for ever and ever ; and they have no rest day nor night ( quite contrary to death whereby men rest from their labours , and to annihilation much more , which is a perfect cessation and that eternal , as opposite as was possible to having no rest day nor night ) so chap. 19.20 . where 't is said of the beast and the false prophet , the roman idolatry and magick &c. ( i. e. ) the eminent supporters of the former by magick and auguries , the principal factors for the holding up the heathen worship , apollonius tyanaeus &c. ( see note on rev. 13. g.h.i.k. ) that they were cast alive into a lake burning with fire and brimstone , the meaning in all reason must be , that they were from this life sentenced to be cast into exquisite torments , not that they were utterly destroy'd or consumed , but as infallibly removed to that place of torments , as if they had gon down quick bodies and soules together into hell. here indeed is nothing said of the perpetuity of those torments , but that is expresly set down chap. 20.10 . not only as far as concernes the divel that was to bear them company , and was cast into the lake where they are ( which by the way must either inferre that the divels who are not deemed to enter on their full punishment till the day of doom , shall then also be annihilated , or that the wicked who are then in the same condition with the divels shall not be consumed or annihilated ) but particularly as to them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the beast and the prophet shall be tormented for ever and ever . and if you shall demand , why i said not this thus particularly in the paraphrase and annotations on the places of the revelation ? i answer that it was not agreeable to my design on that book , which was only to set down the grand lines and branches of that obscure prophetick writing , and not more nicely to descend to every minute expression in it . where it is said pag. 12. l. 8. that to apply any passages in the revel . to that which is to follow after the last judgment , is not so prophetical and therefore not so probable a sence ; i answer that all that is future ( as surely all that followes the last judgment is ) may well be ingredient in a prophecy and so in this probably enough , if either speaking of vengeance on wicked men this be added over and above their visible portion ( for that sure is very fit in a christian prophecy , when wicked men oft thrive very prosperously here , 'till the day of full iniquity and their accounts comes , and then they die oft but as other men , and would not deterr any man from following their steps , if we were not admonisht that after death they must meet with a dismal portion ) or speaking of the end of the world and the day of doom , the several allotments of men be there seasonably mention'd also , as we see it is in rev. 20.12 , 13 , 14 , 15. as for the last reserve , that if the punishment here described be to be understood of that which followes the last judgment , yet no expression used in any of those texts doth necessarily signifie an absolute eternity of positive torments ; i answer that undoubtedly some do . i instance in rev. 20.10 : as it hath been formerly inlarged on , ( day and night for ever and ever expresseth an absolute eternity , as much as any words of man can do ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) doth plainly denote positive torments , and referring peculiarly to a rack , doth thereby denote the kind of positive torments to be such , as are not designed to ending the life , but to continuing it in great paines , for so we know the rack is among men . now for the exceptions to rev. 20.10 . i must adde somewhat . 1. 't is suggested that that seems not to be spoken of the last final judgment . i grant it is not , but of the houre of death , whereon i suppose those wicked mens soules cast into the fire of hell , and never rescued from thence , till body and soul together at the day of doom being joyned in those torments , they are shut up thither to all eternity . secondly , 't is suggested that it seems not to be meant of hell ( i. e. ) gehenna , into which none were ever cast alive i. e. before the first death . to this i answer , that to be cast alive into hell is a phrase like to that of going down quick into hell , used of them whom the earth swallowed up . wherein 't is more then possible that such notorious sinners might go , bodies and soules together , to hell , without any previous separation by death ; by the same analogy whereby we believe that enoch and elias went up , bodies and souls , into heaven without seeing death ; and whereby we believe the same of those that shall be found alive at christ's coming , both wicked and godly . but then , secondly , if this be not certain enough to be adhered to , then the phrase will signify as suddenly and really to be cast into those flames , and there to be tormented , as they could be imagin'd to be , if bodies and souls together , they should be cast alive thither ; and so this is a direct prejudice to the sleeping of their souls , or receiving any interval of rest from their passing out of this life , and their entring into the torments of hell . of the places in the apocalypse some things are added , to the taking off from their force . first , a desperation of any certain understanding of that book . to which i answer , that 't is but a panick and popular fear , which is the author of that desperation , and keeping men from the study of it , makes it necessarily unintelligible ; whereas first , there be many repeted passages of christ in it , designed on purpose to excite men to the studying of it . secondly , there are evident characters , which serve as keyes to the understanding of it , and nothing but the seeking and fancying depths and mysteries in it , hath made it so mysterious : the meaning nearest to literal , and such , as by comparing it with other prophecies , appears to be the one prophetical signification of each passage , will be found to be the truest ; and they that strein higher , and seek farther off , to find what was never intended by the inspirer , or the amanuensis , are the men that have made this prophecy obscure , which would otherwise be as perspicuous as any one of the greater prophets of the old testament . secondly , when 't is suggested , that the places for interminable paines are but two or three , and those opposed to as many hundreds , which are to be alleaged against this sence ; i answer , that as few or as many as they are , ( it matters not for number , one affirmation of god's will establish a truth ) first , they accord with many others in writings not obscure or prophetick . secondly , there is no one ( much less many hundreds ) producible to the contrary sence , as hath hitherto appeared by examining all such as were pretended to be opposite , but were found very reconcileable with the sence . thirdly , when the obscurity of the writer is again mentioned , that hath been already spoken to on the first place . concerning the reasons which are used to secure the places for eternal life for to signify that , though eternal torments be not allowed to be properly eternal , i have little to say , because i fully acknowledg that importance of the word eternal , whether to blisse or wo. and i think it hath already appeared , that there are not these reasons of difference between them as now are mentioned . for , first , as there are no texts in the gospel which seem to oppose the absolute sence of eternity in the promises , so those that were thought to seem to oppose the absolute eternity of the threats , having been brought to tryal have been found very light ; and , secondly , the doctrine of eternal torments truly stated and vindicated from the mistakes by men introduced into the doctrine , hath appeared most credible also to those that believe the gospel ; and as necessary to god's justice as he is rector of the universe , and as agreeable to his goodness , who earnestly averts their dying that will needs dy , as the eternal promises are reconcileable to all the attributes of god. thirdly , that as there are negatives that irrefragably confirme the truth of the article concerning eternal life , so there are affirmatives and negatives both ( each is therefore is not quenched ) that as irrefragably establish the truth of the doctrine of eternal torments . as for the philosophical doctrine of the immortality of the soul , i yield it can import no more , then either it s not being corruptible from any outward principles , nor destructible from any created power ; i yield it ( for all that ) destructible by god , but have formerly answered how that place mat. 10.28 . hath nothing to do with his will or purpose to annihilate it . lastly , as for tradition , as that signifies the suffrages of all the men in the world , heathens of all sorts , jews of all sects , mahometans , christians heretical as well as orthodox , it matters not though this doctrine be not deduced by such absolutely universal tradition . i yield that many heathens there were that believed it not , that the sadduces denyed it , that the jews now adaies care for none but themselves , and so make no provision for other men , that there have been origenist hereticks , and some such as augustine mentions enchir : c. 12● de civit : dei. l. 21. cap. 17.18 . ( 't is no newes that there should have been false teachers and believers in the world . ) but that augustine , who is confest frequently to assert the doctrine , and frequently to defend it against adversaries , should yet be believed to doubt , lib. de serm . dom. in mont . tom . 4 super mat. 5.25.26 . i am not apt to give heed to it . because , first , if the same augustine should be so uncertain and unconstant , he were little worth heeding on either side . secondly , there would be reason to resolve , that the place , where the doubting is found , was either not written by him , who wrot elsewhere so contrarily , or were written by him before he had competently considered the grounds , whereon afterwards he establisheth his acknowledgments of the truth . but the truth is , i discern not how those words [ neque ita hoc dixerim , ut diligentiorem tractationem videar ademisse , de poenis peccatorum quomodo in sacris dicantur aeternae ] should be interpreted , so as to express him a doubter in this matter . in other circumstances he might well give men liberty of expression , yet himself never have the least suspicion or doubt of the truth of the main article . it remains therefore that the scripture , as that hath been found consonant and agreeable to all other places of its self , and as it hath been interpreted by all learned orthodox men of all ages , and as from the apostles time to this day their doctrine hath been delivered down in the creed of the apostles , and other occasional explications thereof , doth as evidently affirm the eternity of the torments of the wicked on the one side , as the eternity of the joyes and bliss of the godly on the other side ; and that as far as the catholick church in all ages hath extended , in opposition to the heterodox and haeretical , so far the tradition of this article for eternal pains is universal , and therefore in no reason to be doubted of by a meek son of this persecuted church , which professeth readily and uniformly to receive all catholick tradition , truly so call'd , as that includes the writings and preachings of the apostles . having gone thus far , and at last arrived to the conclusion , in the same posture ( with some intermissions ) of the chair , wherein the gout had fastned me ; i now find the use of my foot return'd again , and so take my leave of this paper and my chair together , and by the length of it suppose i have your full leave so to do . when you have survey'd it as deliberately as you desire , i desire that you will return mine own to me , not weighing too severely what was written thus hastily . but remember , if any one text of scripture , or testification of the churches sence of all times ( including the apostles ) be producible , it is sufficient for the establishing this truth , though many passages produced , or defences made for the farther confirming of it , should not be found rigorously concludent or demonstrative . the god of heaven , author of all grace and truth be now and ever with you . sir in your account of the eternity of infernal punishments you make them consist in the persevering appetition and aversation of those things ( then impossible to be obteined or avoided ) which formerly in via men have desired and averted . to this stating of this matter much what the like with sr ken : digbies and mr whites , i have more to object then is fit for a letter . some few heads of exceptions i shall briefly note to you . first , i see not how this agrees with the nature of the judgment to come : the giving and executing a sentence upon wicked men . this we are every where taught in scripture and our creed : but your stating , which only leaves men with those desires and aversions wherein they lived here , and so die , without sentencing them to any other punishment but what they thus bring with them , and so is already inflicted on them , and needs no devils to execute it , seems not reconcileable herewith . secondly , the matter of this sentence is express'd in scripture to be a lake of fire and brimstone , into which they are cast , which must be a very strange figurative expression , if it signify no more then their own voluntary acts , appetitions , and aversations . thirdly , it is manifest , that those diseases which precede many men's deaths , do change their appetitions and aversations . the luxurious man on his sick bed hath not those vehement desires of weomen , delicate meats , &c. which he had in his health : why then should i think that after death his appetites , of what he desir'd in via , viz. in his life and health , should continue to him ? nay , 4. when souls are divested of those bodies which were the necessary instruments , and also the fomenters of those carnall sins ; and again when the body before its re-union is so chang'd as not to be sustein'd , as in via it is by eating and drinking , 't is not imaginable it should retain those natural desires which in via it had : and when they no more marry in hell then heaven , and are as equal to evill angels , as the saints in heaven are to good ones , and the natural end of all carnal desires ceasing ; it is not imaginable god should continue those desires to them for ever . or if any should so conceive , many strange wild consequences unfit to name , would be equally probable & equally unimaginable . 5. by this stating , the losse of heaven will from hence only be penal , that men desir'd heaven in via , or judg'd it fit to be desired . and if so , it will be no punishment to them that never thought of it at all , as infidels , or despised it ( as they did all spirituall joyes , and thought it not worth desiring ) as they that placed all their appetites on carnall and material pleasures ; which are the worst sort of men , who in consequence hereunto must be least punisht in hell poena damni . having said thus much against your scheme , i owe my self the pains of adding a word or too for the defence of the way that i have us'd in the practical catechisme , viz. by considering the option given to us by god , wherein you seem to me not to have observ'd that , on which the chiefe weight of my account was design'd to lie . that god propos'd to men life and death , blessing and cursing , eternal joyes and eternall paines , as the rector of the universe ; i take for granted ; and so do you , as an article of our faith : so that of the an sit the question is not , but considering the transitory short pleasures of sin , the onely question is , how eternal paines are with any justice proportion'd to them : and to that the answer is , not that they are proportion'd to them , but that there is no need they should be , because god having propos'd the joyes of heaven , and ( much more ) immunity from these paines upon termes put absolutely in our power , it is meerly our own fault , not imputable to the decree of god , if we fall under those hardest paines . the extremity of which was primarily design'd , as by all prudent lawgivers punishments are , to deter men from those sins which are fenced with so thorny an hedge ; not that they may be inflicted on any , but that all may be kept innocent : and in this sence 't is ordinarily observ'd , that the everlasting fire which is threatned men , was prepar'd for the devil and his angels . yet when such threats are entred into those lawes , whereby the universe is governed ; it is just and reasonable that they should be also actually perform'd on the disobedient : else it were as good , nay better to all political ends , that they had never been made or promulgate . and if still , when they come to be inflicted , they appear to be hard , or above the proportion of the offence , there are yet other wayes of superseding that exception beside the evacuating the decree : viz. the several branches , of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all which the gospel hath provided in this matter . first , that those which wee could not ( either by physical or moral possibility ) avoid , should not be charg'd upon us to this condemnation , as original sinne ; sinnes of weaknesse , ignorance , sudden surprise , indeliberation , &c. secondly , that know deliberate voluntary sinnes , if timely retracted by repentance , humiliation , confession , change of mind shall not fall under it . thirdly , that god gives sufficient grace to avoid all willful sin , and again sufficient grace to repent , when it hath been committed ; and inflicts it not till he sees men go on obstinately , and that they will not repent . fourthly , that he calls , and warns , and importunes them to consult their own safety , to make use of his grace timely , and not obstinately to harden their hearts against their own mercy , and so to perish in despight of mercy . fiftly , that he offers not only deliverance from these torments , but over and above , eternal joyes upon so easy termes of so moderate nay desireable performances , that they which will neglect so great salvation propos'd to them , with so many advantages and concurrence of all rationall motives ; and finally make so mad a choice as to take hell as it were by violence , cannot but be thought worthy to take their portion in that lake be it never so punitive and endless : because though in respect of that one sinne ( the short pleasure that comes in to them by sin compar'd with intensive endlesse flames ) there is no proportion , yet 1. in respect of their obstinacy and unexcusablenesse . 2. in respect of god's tendernesse , using all wise means of moderating the rigour of his law by the gospel ( though not by utter abrogating his lawes , which becomes not either a just or wise lawgiver , or rector of the universe ) all shew of injustice is remov'd : particularly by the second taken alone , ( much more in union with the first and third ) the rule being owned by all rationall men volenti non fit injuria , be the evill never so great , 't is just they should have it , that finally make it their choice , ( so doth the persevering impenitent ) and that not only an hasty passionate choice as nero's mother's , occidat modò imperet , ( which yet historians observe to have brought her death justly upon her ) but a deliberate , stanch , obstinate constant choice , when their creator , and redeemer , and sanctifyer have us'd all prudent probable meanes to gaine them to better counsels and choices , but all in vain , they die because they will die : when yet they are oft warn'd ( and expostulated with ) of the irrationalnesse of that will or choice . 't is true , when they come to suffer their own choices , they are far from liking them ( as xiphilin observ'd of neroe's mother in the foremention'd case ) and then 't is likely would fly from them , call to the mountaines to cover them from the wrath of the lamb : but their choices being primarily terminated in the pleasant sinnes , and but consequentially in the paines annexed to them by god's law , 't will be as unreasonable that they which have chosen the former should be freed from the latter , as that he that hath bought a commodity at a price , and bound himself to a day of payment , should , after he hath enjoy'd and spent the commodity , be excus'd from paying the price of it by pretending it was not really worth so much , when it appears by his bargaine that he himself thus valued it , and willingly took it at this price , and hath now chang'd his mind on no other consideration , but because the enjoyment , for which alone he valued it , is past , and none but the payment behind , which consider'd by it self , every man acknowledges to be the ungrateful part ; and so he did when yet on intuition of the more pleasant he made choice of it . i have thus far enlarg'd to give you a clearer view of the force of the option in this matter , then i can discerne you to have had of it ; and consequently to shew you the insufficiency of the reason on which you reject it , when you say , that upon this hypothesis it should seem to be concluded , that eternal life is owing to piety ex justitia . but to this i reply : 1. that it were no newes from st paul's words [ that god the righteous judge shall give the crown of righteousnesse to all that keep the faith &c. ] to conclude that that crown is some way due to piety ex justitia . but then secondly , my argument from the option hath no least need of so affirming , but becomes much the stronger the lesse that be affirm'd ; for the lesse rewardable in it selfe our piety is , the more mercy and superabundant goodnesse it is in god thus to decree the rewarding it ; and the more undeserv'd that mercy , and the easier the condition of it , the more criminous is the guilt of those that despise and contemne it , and prefer sin , and impenitence , and eternal death before it . an accordance of st paul with st iames , in the great point of faith and works . by the most learned , reverend , and pious dr henry hammond . oxford , printed by h. hall printer to the university , for ric : royston , and ri : davis . 1665. of faith and works . he that saith with st paul , a man is justified by faith and not by works , and to reconcile st james with st paul , affirms , that good works are the effect of true faith , means either that true faith , where e're it is , is able to produce good works , though it do not alwaies actually produce them ; or else , that it actually and necessarily produceth them . if the former be his meaning , then i conceive it true in some degree , but not pertinent to his purpose of reconciling st. james with st. paul , because faith may be able to produce them , and yet never actually produceth them ; and so the man that is supposed to be justiffied by faith , never be able to shew his works , which st. james requires of him , and consequently his faith be a dead faith , i. e. not able to justify . but if the latter be his meaning ; that true faith , wheresoever it is , actually and necessarily produceth good workes , i conceive it false ; yet can i not dispute against him in those termes , by instancing in any particular to the contrary . because he hath a guard or hold for himself to fortify him against any assault , by affirming to any such instance of mine , where good workes were not produced , that that faith was not true faith ; which yet if he should be put to prove , he would have no other reason to confirm it , but only because it produceth not good works ; being ready , if it did produce good works , to acknowledg it true faith ; which how guilty it is of those two faults in disputing , circulus and petitio principii , i think is manifest to any . yet being by this sophism of his interdicted this way or proceed●ng , i have but one way of arguing left me ; first , to demand his definition of true faith , and whatsoever definition he gives , to prove that faith , in that notion of his , is the cause of good works , at the most , but as a man is the cause of a child , a true perfect , univocal cause of the effect , when the effect is produced ; but yet such a one , as might have suspended that action , by which it was produced , and so might have been as truly a man without the actual producing of that effect , as he is now , he hath produced it : that is , that faith is a rational or moral , not natural agent , working freely , not necessarily . to bring this operation to practise , i will suppose this definition of faith to be given me ( which by them that affirm good works to be an effect of faith is ordinarily given ) that it is a fiducial assent to the promises of christ . where that i may not mistake him , i must first demand , whether he conceives these promises , which are the object of his faith , to be absolute , or conditional . if he affirm them absolute , made to mens persons , or individual entityes , without respect to their qualifications or demeanors , then surely that faith , which supposeth all kind of qualifications of the subject so unnecessary , will never so much as move me to produce good works , because i may as well be saved without them , the promises being supposed without condition ; and therefore he that affirms good works to avail nothing in the business of attaining to salvation , cannot , without contradicting himself , say , that his faith must necessarily produce good works , if it be a saving faith : for sure all that necessity proceeds from a believing , that without good works there is no salvation to be had ; which if it be not believed , that necessity ceaseth . but if he affirm the promises , which are the object of his faith , to be conditional , then i must ask , what he takes this condition to be , either faith alone , or good works alone , or faith and good works together : if faith alone , then ( beside the ridiculousness of that , in making the believing that i shall be saved , the only ground of my believing i shall be saved ) the former inconvenience recurrs again , that that faith which supposeth faith only to be a condition of the promises , will find good works as unnecessary , as that faith which suppos'd the promises to be absolute , and so will never incline me to them neither . if he affirm the condition of the promises to be good works alone ( i mean by good works all other graces besides faith , contrition , amendment of life , charity ▪ holynesse &c. ) then he acknowledgeth , that these good works are of themselves simply requir'd of a man that is , or will be a believer ; and so that they are no necessary effect of faith , for if they were , it would be enough to require faith alone , and they would undoubtedly follow without requiring . for i conceive it ridiculous to make the condition of an indenture something that is necessarily annext to the possession of the demise . if he affirm faith and good works neither single , but both together to be the total adaequate condition of the promises , which st. paul calls faith consummate by charity , st. james , faith made perfect by works , st. paul again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which certainly is the truth ) then first i must admonish him , that his fiducial assent , by which he defines faith , must not signify a believing with reliance , that he is one of them that shall be partakers of what is promised , which they are wont to call special faith , or particular application ; for that must either suppose them to have performed the condition , and so good works in them ( yea and faith ) must be before faith ; or else it is the believing confidently of a lye , it being absolutely false , that the thing promised belongs to any that hath not performed the condition . but his fiducial assent , if it be a tolerable definition of faith , must be ( answerable to the promises ) only this , a believing and relying conditional ; that he shall be partaker of what is promised , that is , a believing ( and depending on it ) that god will not fail him , if he fail not god ; that god will give him heaven , if he perform sincere obedience , and rely upon the gift of christ , not on any merit of his obedience for the attaining of it . now to say the truth , this fiducial assent thus express'd ( and none but this ) may truly be affirm'd to be a most powerful motive to me to produce good works ; but then it is as true , that it is as powerful a motive to me to rely on the gift of christ , and so in that respect faith may be said to produce good works , faith may also be said to produce that which they call faith , i. e. the believing , that if i obey and rely , i shall be saved , is a motive thus to produce actual relying ; and in this sence i will acknowledg both ( if he , with whom i dispute , will thank me for it . ) but then , secondly , it follows not that that which is a powerful motive , is a cause necessarily producing , because that motive is but a moral motive , perswading not enforcing , and man by corruption , or by some prevailing temptation may resist that motive , and i think 't would be no paradox to say , that some men have made no doubt of the truth of god's conditional promises , i. e. have verily perswaded themselves , that if they served god sincerely , they shall be saved , and yet quite neglected god's service : and if it be objected , that they want the fiduciall , though they have the assent , and that if they had the affiance , they would assuredly produce good works ; i answer , that by that affiance they mean either absolute assurance that they shall be saved , ( and that , if it be not an error , supposeth good works , if it be , produceth them not ) or else a conditional affiance ; and then again i affirm of that , that it is no more then what i exprest by making no manner of doubt , but if they serve god sincerely , they shall be saved ; which though i believe to be a most powerful motive to obedience , yet i conceive not a necessary irresistible cause , ( because 't is only a moral motive ) nay nor that that alwaies produceth the effect . first , because the foolish virgins had as much of this as the wise , for ought we see ; and after the door is shut come as confidently , lord lord open to us , & yet it seems did not watch and make ready their lamps , which was the act of obedience requir'd of them ; and the want of it forfeited their hopes . 2. because the unprofitable servant that professeth he knew that god reaped where he sowed not , yet hid the talent in a napkin , put it not out to the exchangers . 3. because the exhortations of christ and the apostles are generally to good works , as well as to faith , nay much more frequently , which argues to me that faith doth not necessarily produce good works , and they that are supposed to have faith are exhorted to adde to their faith virtue , 2. pet. 1.5 . which ( if faith were a necessary cause of works ) were all one as to exhort the fire to burne , the water to moysten &c. 4. because there is a difference observed in scripture between a working and a non working faith , and the priviledges are bestowed only on the first , by which it is plain , that it is possible for it not to worke . 5. because faith is said to be made perfect by works jam. 2.22 . which sure an agent cannot be said to be by producing an effect , which it cannot but produce ; as the act of humectation adds no degree of perfection to the water . nay 't is a general rule , that the producing of what effect soever adds no perfection to the cause , save only relative ; as the begetting of a sonne adds only the relation of a father , but nothing else more then he was before ; it rather supposeth him perfect before , which is the importance of the logick axiom , effectus est extra naturam causae . all that can truly and in propriety of speech be said of faith in this matter , is this ; that faith is so strong a motive to obedience , that if it be drawn as a weapon to the purpose , and used as it should , it would in reason out-ballance all the contrary temptations to disobedience : & if the will , which hath the casting voice , give its suffrage , as in reason it ought , it shall then infallibly produce obedience ▪ but yet not irresistibly , because that will being still a free faculty at least to evill , may after all the proposal of motives either suspend its action , or else do that which it should not . for sure it is an error of socinus to affirme cognitionem rerum pulchrarum aut turpium , quales praeter alias sunt res honestae & vitiosae ; harum odium , illarum amorem necessariò gignere ; and that socrate's speech ( praesente scientia fieri non posse ut quis incontinens sit ) was true , with this caution , ut quis sciat res honestas , eas facienti magnum commodum allaturas def . disp . de loco c. 7. ad rom. & in 1 joh. 4.8 . if by amor and odium he mean prosecutio and aversatio , as 't is plaine he doth by that which followes . for sure medea was not deceived in her self when she said , video meliora proboque , deteriora sequor . and so many , who make no doubt of an heaven to belong to all penitent reformed servants of christs , and that that heaven conteines joyes above all that the world can afford , do yet choose the pleasures of sin for the present season ; like ephraim that is likened to an heifer that loved to tread out the corn , betook her self to that course which for the present yielded some profit ( as the heifer being by the law then unmusselled , might eat as she troad it out ) that had its reward at that minute , that she did the work. whence is all this ? but from hence , that the carnal pleasures of sin for the present obtaine the consent of the will against all the future pleasures and joyes of heaven , joyn'd with the sowernesse of present obedience ; which could never be , if believing the promises allwaies either necessarily , or infallibly produced good works . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45396-e280 the socinians opinion of the future state of souls . mr hobbs . mr white ▪ resolution concerning origen . charis kai eirēnē, or, a pacifick discourse of gods grace and decrees in a letter of full accordance / written to the reverend and most learned dr. robert sanderson by henry hammond ... ; to which are annexed the extracts of three letters concerning gods prescience reconciled with liberty and contingency ; together with two sermons preached before these evil times, the one to the clergy, the other to the citizens of london. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1660 approx. 340 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 88 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45400 wing h519 estc r35983 15585262 ocm 15585262 103954 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45400) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103954) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1150:2) charis kai eirēnē, or, a pacifick discourse of gods grace and decrees in a letter of full accordance / written to the reverend and most learned dr. robert sanderson by henry hammond ... ; to which are annexed the extracts of three letters concerning gods prescience reconciled with liberty and contingency ; together with two sermons preached before these evil times, the one to the clergy, the other to the citizens of london. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [8], 160, 7 p. printed for r. royston ..., london : 1660. first three words of title in greek characters. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grace (theology) providence and government of god. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a pacifick discourse of gods grace and decrees : in a letter , of full accordance written to the reverend , and most learned , dr. robert sanderson . by henry hammond . d. d. to which are annexed the extracts of three letters concerning gods prescience reconciled with liberty and contingency . together with two sermons preached before these evil times , the one to the clergy , the other to the citizens of london . london . printed for r. royston , at the angel in ivy-lane , 1660. to all our brethren of the church of england . § . 1. in relation to the controversies concerning gods grace and decrees , nothing was ever superior , in my thoughts , to the feare that the great interests of religion , christian practise , and particularly that of charity , might be obstructed by them . § . 2. it hath long been the complaint of pious and learned men , ( of the justice whereof , if formerly we had , we cannot now reasonably retain any doubt , ) that the crude and unwary treating of these , and ( from thence derived , ) an hasty premature perswasion of their being in christ , ( assisted by a beliefe of irrespective decrees , and grace irresistible , and no possibility of interrupting their justified estate , ) was apt to contribute to the presumtions , and securities , and finall impenitences of some men , who having most loudly renounced the power , choose yet not to quit the forme of godliness . § . 3. and for the heares , and uncharitable distempers , which the managing of these controversies particularly have been guilty of , we need not look abroad among the dominicans and jesuites , jansenists and molinists , for proofes . our own region hath not of a long time failed of evidences . the old weapon of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , crying down for carnall men and herericks , pelagians and semipelagians , papists , socinians , and what not ? ( even rifling the poets hell to fetch out titles for their adversaryes , ) hath never been more nimbly taken up , and vigorously handled , then in these dayes . § . 4. and as if fewell to dissentions were still wanting , it hath been the endeavour of some to suggest this jealousy , and clancularly to infuse it into the minds of men , that they which oppose unconditionate decrees , &c. ( and pretend to think they effectually serve the ends of christianity thereby , ) have entertained such vehement dislikes , and aversations to all that scheme of doctrines , that they retain no charity to the maintainers of them , though they be in other things as constant , obedient sonns of the church of england , as any ; and when opportunity shall assist their designe , will take care rigorously to fence their communion from them , and whatever the accord be in other doctrines , ( wherein our church is eminently concerned against the common adversaries , ) will proceed finally to exterminate and exclude them . § . 5. the consequences of this perswasion , once imbibed , be it never so causelesse and unprovoked , how noxious and inauspicious they may prove to all that are on either side concerned in them , what leven of bitter zele and animosityes it may cause to ferment in the minds of some , what blasts and improsperityes it may bring on the endeavours of others ; and , betwixt both , what detriment to the true and solid ends , whether of religion , or reformation , ( the squaring of our lives according to that other , more sublime , patterne in the mount , mat. v. the inhaunsed , transcendent , indispensable lawes of purity and peaceableness , ) i shall not here need to set forth , every man's sagacity serving him competently to make this discovery . § . 6. yet was it not a rationall hope , that the bare disclaiming and renouncing so great a guilt , would be admitted to the purgation of those , against whom it had been suggested and believed . it therefore seemed to me more seasonable to tender an ocular demonstration of the contrary , by bringing my lamb , or turtle , ( my offering to the temple of peace , ) and really exemplifying the charity and accordance , that may readily be attained between dissenters , when minds prepared with meekness , and love of the truth , wheresoever they meet with it , can take courage to deny themselves , and so to deposit prejudices , and instead of names and shadowes , to give themselves up to the entire guidance of that light which shines in scripture . § . 7. in order to this end , it seemed not improper , to offer at this time to publick view the present sentiments of the judicious dr. sanderson , the regius professor of the university of oxford , ( and the rather , because some manuscript tables of his former thoughts , and some passages from his sermons , long since preached , and now republished , have been made use of , to gain authority to those doctrines which he is now far from owning , ) and briefely and perspicuously to annex unto , and compare with them , those amicable and pacifick reflexions , which may hope to gain the unanimous consent of all true sons of our venerable mother , the church of england , whose chiefe aime it hath alwayes been to discountenance divisions and fractions , and occasions and fomenters of those , especially singular doctrines and novell articles of faith , and in a catholick harmonious charity , to plant primitive belief , and zele of good workes , and so instead of the empty forme , the full power of godlinesse . § . 8. what is so largely added on that one head of prescience , had some appearance of necessity , to repell a shaft borrowed of late from the socinian's quiver , who having resolved it impossible for god himself to for esee future contingents , have given disputers their choice , whether they like best , bluntly to deny god's prescience , and so , at his cost , maintain their own liberty , or more piously to maintain prescience , and then give it the same force of evacuating all liberty and contingency , which predetermination of all events was justly accused to draw after it ; the mistake very dangerous on either side , and the temtation equally fitted for both , if it were not timely obviated . § . 9. that these ensuing discourses may be effectually successfull to the designed end , of advancing the threefold interest of truth , and peace , and uniforme christian obedience , that it may supplant the vineger by the oyle , the nitre by the balsome , and procure , by consent of litigants , a solemne supersedeas , if not conclusion to debates , ( an aversion to these heathen agones , which afford nothing , but to the combatant blowes , and leaves to the conquerour , ) above all , that it may provide us , by this truce , a greater vacancy for the continued exercises of reall piety , and engage us to make diligent use of it , ( to adde , as to our faith vertue , ( or courage , ) so to our godlinesse brotherly-kindnesse , and to that the yet higher ascent and accomplishment of charity , ) that it may compact us all into that union that most succesfully contributes to our growth , and so possess us of that qualification , to which immarcessible joyes are awarded by our righteous judge , shall be continually the prayer , as in the following sheetes it hath been the sincere single endeavour , of festo omnium sanctorum . your-fellow labourer h. hammond . a letter of full accordance , written to d. robert sanderson , concerning gods grace and decrees . dear sir , § . 1. having had a sight of the letter which you sent m. — about the antiremonstrant controversies dated mar. 26. and observing one of the reasons , which you render of your having avoided to appear on that theme , [ a loathness to engage in a quarrell whereof you should never hope to see an end ] i thought my self in some degree qualified to answer this reason of yours , and thereby to do acceptable service to many , who do not think fit that any considerations , which have not real and weighty truth in them , should obstruct that which may be so much to the common good , i mean , your writing and declaring your mind on any profitable subject . § . 2. that which qualifies me more then some others , to evacuate the force of this one reason of yours , and makes me willing to attempt it , though not to appear in opposition to any other passage , that ever you have written , is the true friendship that hath passed between us , and the sweet conversation that for sometime we enjoyed , without any allay or unequableness , sharp word , or unkind , or jealous thought . the remembrance whereof assures me unquestionably , that you and i may engage in this question , as far as either of us shall think profitable , without any the least beginning of a quarrel , and then that will competently be removed from such , as of which you cannot hope to see an end . § . 3. and before i go any farther , i appeal to your own judgement , whether herein i do not at least speak probably , and then whether it were not a misprision , which you are in all reason to deposite , to apprehend such insuperable difficulties or impossibilities at a distance , which when they are prudently approached , and examined , so presently vanish before you . if this one reflection do not convince you , it remains , that the speculation be brought to practice , and exemplified to your senses . § 4. you set out with a mention of some positions , wherein , you say , divines , though of contrary judgements , do yet all agree . and then it is not credible that you and i should be so singular , as to differ in them endlesly ; of this number you propose five , 1. that the will of man is free in all his actions . 2. that very many things in the world happen contingently . 3. that god from all eternity foreseeth all , even the most free and contingent events . 4. that whatsoever god foreseeth shall infallibly come to pass . 5 , that sinners are converted by the effectual working of gods grace . of each of these you say we have from scripture , reason and experience , as good and ful assurance , as can be desired for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or truth of them , that they are so . ] and i who fully subscribe to the undoubted truth of each of the propositions , and do it also upon the very same three grounds ( of scripture , reason , and experience ) which you mention , need not the intercession of our friendship to render it impossible to give you any the least trouble of so much as explaining your sence in any of these . § . 5. next , when you resolve , that all the difficulty is about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( referring that to no more then three heads ) 1. how to reconcile the certain futurition of what god foreseeth , with the liberty of the rational creature , and the contingency of casual effects , as they proceed from inferiour causes . 2. in what manner or measure the effectual grace of god cooperateth and concurreth with the free will of man , in the conversion of a sinner . 3. how to cut so even a thread , as to take the whole of what we do amiss to our selves , and leave the whole glory of what we do well to his grace . ] you are again as secure as any amulet can make you , that this resolution of abbreviating the controversies , and confining them to these few heads , shall never engage you in the least degree of debate : and then i shall challenge you to feign , how it can remain possible , without contradicting ones self ( which still is not quarrelling with you ) to engage you in any uneasie contention , unless it be on one of these three heads , , and when i have by promise obliged my self , which now i do , not to raise any dispute , or attempt to ensnare or intangle you in any of these three , you have then nothing to retract but your fears , to which if i tell you , you cannot adhere , discerning a sure and near period to that which you apprehended endless , this is all the victory i shall project , or be capable of in this matter . § . 6. of the first of these three difficulties , the reconciling the certain futurition of what god foresees , with the liberty of the rational creature , and the contingency and casual effects , it falls out , that you have in your shorter letter , dated ap. 8. given that account , which evidenceth it to be , in your opinion , no invincible difficulty , your words are these , [ that gods praescience layeth no necessity at all upon any event , but that yet all events , as they are foreseen of god , so shall they certainly and infallibly come to pass , in such sort as they are foreseen , else the knowledge of god should be fallible , which certainty of the event may in some sort be called necessity , to wit , consequentis or ex hypothesi , according as all the most contingent things are necessary , when they actually exist , which is a necessity infinitely distant from that which praedetermination importeth . ] this i take to be so clear an explication of that difficulty , and so solid a determining of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the manner of reconciling praescience with contingency , that as i fully consent to it in every part of your period , so i doubt not but the last part alone hath made it as intelligible to any ordinary understanding , as whole books of philosophers have attempted to do . § . 7. for gods praescience from all eternity being but the seeing every thing that ever exists , as it is , contingents , as contingents , necessary , as necessary , can neither work any change in the object , by thus seeing it , ( convert a contingent into a necessary ) nor it self be deceived in what it sees , which it must be , if any thing in process of time should be otherwise , then from all eternity god saw it to be . § . 8. i was lately advised with by a divine , to me unknown , but one that seems to be a man of good learning , about the distinction frequently made in this matter , betwixt inevitably and infallibly , and my answer and replyes to his severall objections , ( because i would demonstrate the perfect accordance betwixt you and me in this , which , within this year or two is put into a very grave attire , and revered as a great difficulty ) i will give you at large by way of appendage at the end of this letter , having by hap a copy retained by me , and though it cost you some minutes to survey them , yet i know your patience of all such exercises so well , that i doubt not of your willingness to be thus detained by me , which yet here you shall not , loco non suo . § . 9. then for the second , in what manner and measure the effectuall grace of god cooperateth , or concurreth with the free will of man in his conversion ] you seem to me to have given a punctuall account of each part of that also , in the said second letter , in these words , that god worketh not by his grace irresistibly , but yet so effectually on those whom he hath ex beneplacito appointed to salvation , in ordering the means , occasions and opportunities with such congruity to that end , as that de facto it is not finally resisted ] here it is evident your resolution comes home to each terme in the difficulty ; for if effectuall grace worke not irresistibly , then we see in what manner it cooperates with the free will of man , viz. so as it still remains possible for him to resist it . and if the effectualness of his working consist in ordering the means , occasions , and opportunities with such congruity , &c. then as that stateth the measure of the cooperation ( the onely second part of the difficulty ) and doth it expresly in bishop overals way , so this supposeth grace sufficient to conversion and salvation to be given to those , who are not converted , and saved , quite contrary to the three grand praetensions of doctor twisse , the supralapsarians , and sublapsarians , and whether it be true or no , is presently freed from all the odious consequences charged on the several schemes of the antiremonstrants , and so may safely be granted , or not opposed by them , who yet want evidence of scripture to establish it , and so this is not likely to bring any uneasie engagement upon you . § . 10. and then as there remains no more difficulties , but the third , so , if you mark it , the grounds are already laid , whereby that is unquestionably resolved , for having granted that god gives sufficient grace , and yet , when he cooperates most effectually , he doth it not irresistibly , this is the very thred you seek to cut by , so as to devolve the whole blame of all our miscarriages on our selves , and the entire glory and praise of all our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , good performances , or good successes on his grace . were any of us so left or past by , as to be denyed sufficient grace , and yet destined to perish , meerly through want of necessaries ; the whole blame could not rationally fall on our selves , it could not be said of christs yoke , that it were * easie , or his † commandment not far from us , the fault that was found with the mosaical oeconomy , heb. viii . 8. and which made another ( the evangelical ) necessary , would still lye against this , viz. that men were not enabled to perform what was required , and yet the non-performance eternally revenged on many of them . but sufficient grace being tendred by god , and by no default , but their own , proving ineffectuall , the entire blame falls unavoidably on those , who do not thus open to him that knocks , so receive , as to make use of it , but resist , or grieve , or quench what was so mercifully designed , and might have been improved by the humble and diligent receivers unto their greatest advantages . § . 11. on the other side , if our nature being universally corrupted by adam's fall , all possibility of rising out of that grave of sin be the effect and benefit of the grace , as that is of the death of christ , if it be god that worketh in us both to will and to do , of his good pleasure , the first by his preventing , the second by his assisting grace , and both those bottom'd meerly in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 good pleasure , nothing in us any way meriting the first act , or purpose of giving grace , any farther then our wants and miseries rendered us the proper objects of his compassions and reliefs ; and the subsequent aids in like manner challengeable , onely from his promise , and the purport of the parable of the talents , of giving to him that hath , rewarding the use of the lower , with the gift of an higher degree of grace , then still is this , the attributing nothing to our selves , but demerits , and provocations , and giving the whole glory to god. § . 12. having gone thus far without any considerable disagreement , about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how to reconcile these three seeming repugnancies , wherein you apprehended the greatest difficulty to lye , and being hereby , as by so many postulata accorded between us , competently provided and furnished of a standard , and umpire , ( in case any light difference should arise ) what objection can s. pauls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rom. xi . 33. ( belonging expresly to another matter , the cutting off the obdurate , and gathering all perswasible believing jews and gentiles , and no way applicable to this ) interpose , why we should not proceed together to the consideration of the doctrine of decrees , as it hath been variously debated by others , and by you perspicuously recapitulated in the process of your papers ? § . 13. to this therefore i presume of your good leave that we now proceed , and whereas you have prudently chosen to begin with an history of your own thoughts on this subject , which you have laid down with great particularity , i shall set out with a bare transcript of that , which will need no comment of mine , to render it usefull to the reader , in discovering to him the true and sole originall of the thriving ( for some time ) of those doctrines among us , and how so many of our church came to be seasoned with them , and in giving him a but necessary caution for the laying the grounds of the study of divinity in the writings of the antient church , rather then in our modern systemes and institutions . your words are these , § . 14. when i began to set my self to the study of divinity as my proper business , ( which was after i had the degree of master of arts , being then newly xxi . years of age ) the first thing i thought fit for me to do , was to consider well of the articles of the church of england , which i had formerly read over twice , or thrice , and whereunto i had subscribed . and because i had then met with some puritanicall pamphlets written against the liturgie , and ceremonies ; although most of the arguments therein were such as needed no great skill to give satisfactory answers unto , yet for my fuller satisfaction ( the questions being de rebus agendis , and so the more suitable to my proper inclination ) i read over with great diligence and no less delight that excellent piece of learned hooker's ecclesiasticall politie . and i have great cause to bless god for it that so i did , not onely for that it much both cleared and setled my judgement for ever after in very many weighty points ( as of scandall , christian liberty , obligation of laws , obedience , &c. ) but that it also proved ( by his good providence ) a good preparative to me ( that i say not , antidote ) for the reading of calvin's institutions with more caution then perhaps ( otherwise ) i should have done . for that book was commended to me , as it was generally to all young scholars in those times , as the best and perfectest systeme of divinity , and fittest to be laid as a ground work in the study of that profession . and indeed being so prepared as is said , my expectation was not at all deceived , in the reading of those institutions . i found , so far as i was then able to judge , the method exact , the expressions clear , the style grave , equall and unaffected : his doctrine for the most part conform to s. augustines , in a word , the whole worke very elaborate , and usefull to the churches of god in a good measure ; and might have been ( i verily believe ) much more usefull , if the honour of his name had not given so much reputation to his very errours . i must acknowledge my self to have reaped great benefit by the reading thereof . but as for the questions of election , reprobation , effectuall grace , perseverance , &c. i took as little notice of the two first , as of any other thing contained in the book ; both because i was alwayes affraid to pry much into those secrets , and because i could not certainly inform my self from his own writings , whether he were a supralapsarian ( as most speak him , and he seemeth often to incline much that way ) or a sublapsarian , as sundry passages in the book seem to import . but giving my self mostly still to the study of moral divinity , ( and taking most other things upon trust , as they were in a manner generally taught both in the schools and pulpits in both vniversities ) i did for many years together acquiesce without troubling my self any farther about them , in the more commonly received opinions concerning both these two , and the other points depending thereupon . yet in the sublapsarian way ever , which seemed to me of the two , the more moderate , rationally and agreeable to the goodness , and justice of god : for the rigid supralapsarian doctrine could never find any entertainment in my thoughts from first to last . but mdcxxv . a parliament being called , wherein i was chosen one of the clerks of the convocation for the diocesse of lincoln , during the continuance of that parliament ( which was about four moneths , as i remember ) there was some expectation that those arminian points ( the onely questions almost in agitation at that time ) should have been debated by the clergy , in that convocation . which occasioned me ( as it did sundry others ) being then at some leasure , to endeavour by study and conference to inform my self , as throughly and exactly in the state of those controversies , as i could have opportunity , and as my wit would serve me for it . in order whereunto , i made it my first business to take a survey of the severall different opinions concerning the ordering of gods decrees , as to the salvation or damnation of men ; not as they are supposed to be really in mente divina ( for all his decrees are eternall and therefore coeternall , and so no priority or posteriority among them : ) but quoad nostrum intelligendi modum , because we cannot conceive or speak of the things of god , but in a way suitable to our own finite condition , and understanding : even as god himself hath been pleased to reveal himself to us in the holy scriptures by the like suitable condescensions and accommodations . which opinions , the better to represent their differences to the eye , uno quasi intuitu , for their more easie conveying to the understanding by that means , and the avoiding of confusion and tedious discoursings , i reduced into five schemes or tables , much after the manner as i had used to draw pedigrees ( a thing which i think you know i have very much fancied , as to me of all others the most delightfull recreation ) of which schemes , some speciall friends , to whom i shewed them , desired copies : who , as it seemeth , valuing them more then i did ( for divers men have copies of them , as i hear , but i do not know that i have any such my self ) communicated them farther , and so they are come into many hands . those are they which doctor reynolds , in his epistle prefixed to master barlees correptory correction , had taken notice of . having all these schemes before my eyes at once , so as i might with ease compare them one with another , and having considered of the conveniences and inconveniences of each , as well as i could , i soon discerned a necessity of quitting the sublapsarian way of which i had a better liking before , as well as the supralapsarian , which i could never fancy . ] § . 15. thus far your history , which , i verily believe to have perfect truth in every step of it , without any disguise or varnish , and so i pass from it without any farther reflections . § . 16. next then follows your distincter view of the severall wayes , which have been embraced by those of the antiremonstrant perswasion , and the motives on which you were forced to dissent and depart from each of them , and to this i am obliged to attend you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the wayes being especially three , the method of greatest advantage will be to begin with a transient view of those , each of which you with great reason reject , and to set doctor twisses first ( though it came last into the world and adorn'd it self with the spoiles of the other two ) because that sets the object of election higher , then the other do , homo creabilis , man considered before he is created . his design and scheme you have perspicuously drawn , thus , [ that god making his own glory the only end of all other his decrees , all these decrees of creating man , of permitting sin , of sending christ , of preaching the gospel , of electing some , of reprobating others , and the rest , make up one entire coordinate medium , conducing to that one end , and so the whole subordinate to it , but not any one part , or joynt thereof subordinate to any other of the same . ] against this , your objection i profess to be very convincing , taken from his own beloved axiome , so oft repeated by him , ( and borrowed from him , and built upon by others ) that whatsoever is first in the intention , is last in the execution . for as it is most evident , that of these his supposed coordinate decrees some are after others in execution ( the fall after the creation , the coming of christ after both , and so of the rest ) so if he will stand to his principle , he must , as you say , grant , that those that were thus after any other in the execution , were in gods intention before them , which will necessarily bring in a subordination among them , and so quite overthrow this ( as you call it ) new crochet of coordination . § . 17. your other causes of dislike to his way are equally rational , 1. the falsness of that his logick maxime , which he builds so much upon , which yet hath no certain truth , or other then casuall , but when it is applyed to final causes , and the means used for the attaining any end . 2. the prodigiousness of his other doctrine , that there are more degrees of bonity in damnato quam annihilato , ( because the bonitas entis ) and so that it is better for the creature to be in eternall misery , then simply not to be ; when christ expresly pronounceth the contrary of wicked men , that it had been better for them never to have been born , to have a milstone about the neck , and to be cast into the sea , ( a figure to represent annihilation ) then to be involved in those dangers that attend their sins . 3. his resolving gods election of a man to life eternall to be * no act of his mercy , and likewise his † reprobating and ordaining to damnation to be no act of his justice , but of his pleasure . ] a few such propositions as these are competent to blast and defame any cause , which requires such aids , stands in need of such supporters , and therefore you will be confident i concurr with you in rejection of that , though i think neither of us likely to undertake the travel of refuting of his whole work . § . 18. next then for the supralapsarians , with whom the object of the decree is homo conditus , man created , not yet fallen , and the sublapsarians , with whom it is man fall'n , or the corrupt mass , your rejections and reasons thereof are twined together , and are especially two , which you justly call very weighty , and so i suppose they will be deem'd by any man , that shall consider the force of them , without prejudice , i shall therefore set them down from your letter in your own words . § . 19. the first reason is , because though it might perhaps be defensible , as to the justice of god , in regard of his absolute power over his own creature , yet it seems very hardly reconcileable with the goodness of god , and his exceeding great love to mankind , as they are plentifully and passionately set forth in his holy word , to decree the eternall damnation of the greater part of mankind , for that sin , and for that sin onely which was utterly and naturally impossible for him to avoid , for the decree of reprobation according to the sublapsarian doctrine , being nothing else but a meer preterition or non-election of some persons whom god left , as he found them , involved in the guilt of the first adams transgression , without any actuall personall sin of their own , when he withdrew some others , as guilty as they , without any respect to christ the second adam , it must needs follow that the persons so left are destin'd to eternall misery , for no other cause , but this onely , that adam some thousand years since did eat the forbidden fruit , and they being yet unborn could not help it . § . 20. the other reason was , because the scripture not onely saith expresly , that god hath chosen us in christ before the foundation of the world , eph. 1. 4 , 5. and consequently the decree of sending christ must be praecedaneous to that of election , but also doth every where , and upon all occasions hold forth the death of christ , as intended by god for the benefit of mankind , in the utmost extent , [ the world , the whole world , mankind , every man , &c. ] and not for the benefit of some few onely , the rest by an antecedent peremptory decree excluded . to which it would be consequent , that according to the tenure of ( the more moderate of these ) the sublapsarians doctrine , jesus christ the judge at the last day , when he should proceed to pronounce sentence upon the damned , should bespeak them to this effect , ite maledicti , voluit enim pater meus pro beneplacito , ut adam peccato suo vos perderet , noluit ut ego sanguine meo vos redimerem , go ye cursed , for my father of his meer pleasure will'd that adam by his sin should destroy you , will'd not that i by my blood should redeem you , the very thought whereof ( you say ) your soul so much abhorr'd , that you were forced to forsake that opinion of the sublapsarians , ( having , as you profess , never phansied the superlapsarians ) and conclude it unsafe to place the decree of election before that of sending christ . § . 21. these two reasons of changing your judgement , are , i confess , so worthy of a considering man , who makes gods revealed will his cynosure , and doth not first espouse doctrines of men , and then catch at some few obscure places of scripture , to countenance them , nor makes his retreat to the abyss of gods unfathomable counsels , as the reason of ( that which is its contradictory ) his attempting to fathome and define them , that i doubt not but the tendering of them to all dispassionate seekers of truth , that have not so me interests to serve by adhering peremptorily and obstinately to their prepossessions , will be of the same force to disabuse and extort from them the same confessions , which they have from you , causing them fairly to deposite these two schemes , and either not to desine at all , or to seek out other solider methods , and more catholick grounds of defining ; and if the wise heathen were in the right virtus est vitium fugere , & sapientia prima stultitia caruisse — this will be some degree of proficiency , which they that shall with unspeakable joy have transcribed from you , will also have temptation to accuse your fears , or waryness , that they received not this lesson sooner from you , especially when they are told , what here you express , that these have been your thoughts , ever since the year 1625. i. e. 34. years since , which is an age or generation in the scripture-use of the word . § . 22. that none may be any longer deprived of this means of their conviction , or permitted to think or teach securely and confidently , and as in accord with you , what you profess your soul thus long to have abhorred the very thought of , i desire you will at length communicate your thoughts your self , or else allow this letter of mine to be your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and do it for you , under some testimony of your full approbation of this your sence . § . 23. but all this , thus far advanced , is but the rejection of the severall erroneous wayes , and onely the negative part of your thoughts , which yet , by the way let me tell you , is fully sufficient both to the peace of churches , and of particular souls ; if the erroneous wayes be rejected , from whence all the misapprehensions of god , and ill consequences thereof flow , the church is competently secured from tares , and then what need express articles , and positive definitions come in to her rescue ? § . 24. this i suppose the reason both of our churches moderation in framing the article of predestination , and of our late kings declaration , in silencing the debate of the questions . for if by these methods the church could but have prevailed to have the definitions of the several pretenders forgotten , all men contenting themselves , as our article prescribes , with the promises of god , as they are declared in scripture , ( which sure are vniversal and conditionate , not absolute and particular ) the turmoil and heat , and impertinence of disputes had been prevented , which now goes for an engagement in gods cause , the bare fervour and zeal in which is taken in commutation for much other piety , by many the most eager contenders . the doctrines being deemed doctrines of god , are counted evidences of sanctified men , and affix the censure of carnality on opposers , and from hence come bitter envyings , railings , and at the least evil surmisings , and these are most contrary to the outward peace of a church or nation . § . 25. and for particular mens souls , if the rigid doctrines be found apt to cool all those mens love of god , who have not the confidence to believe themselves of the number of the few chosen vessels , and to beget security and presumption in others , who have conquered those difficulties , and resolved that they are of that number , and to obstruct industry and vigorous endeavours , and fear of falling , and so to have malignant influences on practise , yet seeing it is the believing the antiremonstrant schemes ( one or other of them ) to be the truth of god , which lyes under these ill consequences , the bare laying them aside , leaves every man indispensably under the force of christs commands to disciples , terrours to the unreformed , and conditional ( most expresly conditional ) promises to all ; and those being substantially backed with the firm belief of all the articles of the creed , particularly of the judgement to come , are by the grace of god abundantly sufficient to secure evangelical obedience , the true foundation of peace to every christian soul , and therefore i say , est aliquid prodire tenus , your negative part , if there were no more behind , will be of soveraign use to all that have been seduced into any liking of those errours , which are by a man of your moderation and judgement , in despight of contrary prepossessions , on reasons so convincing and perspicuous , rejected . § . 26. but in the space of thirty four years , though you have permitted your genius to lead you to other studies ( which if your rejections be granted , i shall willingly confess to be more universally profitable , then any minuter searches into the decrees ) those of moral or practical divinity , yet it seems you have not liv'd such an obstinate recluse from the disputes and transactions of men , but that occasions you have met with to excite your faculties , to wade a little farther into the positive part of these doctrines : and indeed it is hard to conceive how a man can have spent so many hours , as the survey of doctor twisses vindiciae gratiae , were it never so slight and desultory , must have cost you , without some other reflections , besides those of bare aversation to his hypotheses . § . 27. to these you at length proceed , proposing them with difference , owning some of them , as your present thoughts , and opinion , whilst in others you profess to be purely sceptick , and to propose them onely as conjectures , that seem to you in the mean time not improbable , untill you meet with some other more satisfactory . and in making this difference i fully accord with you , discerning that undeniable evidence of grounds in the former , which is not so readily discoverable in the latter . i shall therefore follow your direction herein , and rank these severally , setting down those which you own as your opinion first , and afterward , with that note of difference , proceed to your conjectures . § . 28. concerning the decrees of election and reprobation , your present opinion is contained in these three propositions ( prefaced with two more , which are but the disavowing the three wayes of massa nondum condita , condita ante lapsum , & corrupta . ) § . 29. i. that man being made upright , and so left in manu consilii sui ( god permitting him to act according to that freedome of will wherewith as a reasonable creature he had endowed him ) did by his own voluntary disobedience , through the cunning of satan , tempting him thereunto , fall away from god , cast himself into a state of sin and misery , under the bondage of satan , without any power , possibility , or so much as desire to recover himself out of that wretched condition ; all which god did decree not to hinder , as purposing to make use thereof , as a fit occasion for the greater manifestation of his power , wisdome , goodness , mercy , justice , &c. of this my opinion is , that it is , in every branch of it , so undeniably founded in the express affirmations of holy writ , that there can be no doubt of it to any christian . § . 30. ii. that man being thus falln , god out of his infinite compassion to his creature , made after his own image ( and that satan might not finally triumph in so rich a conquest , if the whole mass of mankind should perish ) decreed to send his onely begotten son jesus christ into the world , to undertake the great work of our redemption , and to satisfie his justice for sin , that so notwithstanding the same , the whole mass of mankind lost by the fall of the first adam , might be restored to a capability of salvation , through the mercy of god , and the merits of jesus christ , the second adam . in this , compared with what you before said , and afterwards add , i discern your full agreement to the words of our church-catechism , as those are exactly consonant to the manifold testimonies of sacred writ , that christ dyed for , and thereby redeemed all mankind ; your words being not ( to my apprehension ) capable of any of those evasions , that others are willing to reserve themselves in this business , as of his dying sufficiently , but not intentionally for all , for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is superseded by your words of gods sending christ &c. that so mankind &c. ] which must needs import his unfeigned intention , that mankind should be restored to a reall capability of salvation , which is not with truth affirmable , if any one individuall of that whole kind be absolutely passed by , or left , or excluded from his part in this restauration , and capability of salvation , which yet we must resolve many millions to be , if that which is perfectly necessary to the recovery of those which were so totally lost , as your former proposition truly supposed , be not really and effectively made up to them by christ . and as in this full latitude i am obliged to understand you , so i wish not any more pregnant words to expresse it , then those which you have chosen . § . 31. iii. that man having by his fall rendred himself uncapable of receiving any benefit from the covenant made with him in his first creation , god was graciously pleased to enter into a new covenant with mankind , founded in his son jesus christ , consisting of evangelical but conditional promises , of granting remission of sins , and everlasting life , upon the condition of faith in christ , repentance from dead works , and new obedience : and gave commandment that the said covenant by the preaching of the gospel should be published throughout the world . this , you say , you conceive to be that which the arminians call the generall decree of predestination , but is rejected by the calvinists , ] and that all these decrees are ( according to our weak manner of understanding the way of gods counsells , salva coexistentiâ & praesentialitate rerum omnium in mente divinâ ab aeterno ) antecedent to the decrees of election and reprobation . ] to this also i fully assent , both as to the truth , and fulness of the expression in every part , especially in that of gods entring with mankind ( without any restraint ) the new covenant , founded in christ : of the conditionateness of the promises of that new evangelical covenant : of repentance and new obedience , together with faith in christ , making up that compleat condition : of the antecedency of this covenant in christ ( and the command of publishing it throughout the world ) to the decrees of election and reprobation : which seems to me to be expresly set down from christs words mar. xvi . 15 , 16. and he said unto them , go ye into all the world , and preach the gospel to every creature , he that believeth and is baptized , shall be saved , he that believeth not , shal be damned . ] which evidently founds those two decrees in the precedaneous preaching , and mens receiving or rejecting of the gospel . § . 32. and when the gospels are all so express in setting down that command of christ to his apostles of preaching the gospel to all the world , to the whole creation , i. e , the whole gentile , as well as jewish world , ( and the travels of the apostles witness their obedience to it ) and when the command of christ is equivalent with a decree , and his giving of that in time an evidence of its being by him predestin'd from all eternity , it is very strange that this should be denyed or questioned by the calvinists , or the arminians rejected by them , when in effect they do but repeat christs own words , who if he gave command to publish the gospel to all , then must the publishing of the gospel be matter of a general decree , there being no other so sure a way of discerning what was ab aeterno predestined by god in his secret counsel , as the scriptures telling us what was by the father , or christ in time actually commanded . § . 33. thus far and no farther reach those which you own to be your present opinions , and pronounce of them , that you are so far convinced from the phrases and expressions frequent in scripture , that you cannot but own them as such , and then let me tell you , it were very happy that all men would agree in these , and yet more happy , it instead of more curious enquiries , they would sit down , and betake themselves uniformly and vigorously to that task , which the●e data bind indispensably upon them , and which is of that weight , that it may well imploy the remainder of their lives to perform it to purpose , i mean the work of evangelical obedience , the condition of the new covenant , without which the capability of pardon and salvation , which was purchased for mankind in general and for every man , shall never be actuated to any . § . 34. beyond these therefore what you add , you acknowledge to be but conjectures , which though to you they seem not improbable , yet you profess to maintain your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or scepticisme in them . and if in any of these i should , on the same terms of conjecture , or seeming probability , differ from you , this still were fully to accord with you in the general , viz. the suspension of belief , and proceeding no farther then conjectures in these things . what the issue will be , shall now be speedily experimented , by proceeding to a view of them , remembring still that you propose them but as conjectures . § . 35. the first is , that the object of the decrees of election and reprobation , as they are set forth in the scripture , seemeth to you to be man preached unto , those being elected to eternal life , who receive christ , as he is offer'd to them in the gospel , viz. as their lord and saviour , and those reprobated , who do not so receive him . ] herein i not onely perfectly agree with you , but more then so , i do think it an unquestionable truth , which carries it's evidence along with it , and so will be acknowledged by any that observes the limitation by you affixt to the subject of the proposition , the object of the decrees [ as they are set forth in the scripture ] for he that shall but consider , that the holy scripture is a donative afforded us by god , and designed for our eternal advantages , not to enable us to judge of others , but our selves , not to discover all the unsearchable recesses of his closet , or secret counsels ( abs condita domino deo nostro ) but to reveal to men those truths , which themselves are concern'd in , would make no difficulty to conclude , that the scripture speaks onely of those , to whom it speaks , and as the apostle saith , 1 cor. v. 12. what hath he to do to judge them that are without ? leaving them wholly to gods judgement , so doth the scripture declare gods dealing onely with those , to whom the scripture comes , to whom some way or other ( whether by writing or preaching it matters not ) the gospel of christ is revealed . § . 36. this as it appears by innumerable evidences in the scripture , so it is put beyond all dispute by that even now recited text , at christs farewell , mar. xvi . his commission to his apostles , and declaration of the fixed determin'd consequences of it , an express transcript of gods eternal destinations or decrees in that matter , go into all the world , and preach the gospel to every creature , he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved , and he that believeth not shall be damned ] in which words what can be the meaning of [ shall be saved , and shall be damned ] but this , that god hath decreed salvation and damnation to such ? those therefore are the object of those divine decrees , who are the subject of that proposition , and those are evidently men preached to , of which some believe , and are baptized , and those have their parts in the first decree , that of election to salvation , some reject the gospel , and believe not , and those fall under the second branch , that of rejection to damnation . § . 37. against the evidence of this , no opposition can be made , and to this it is undeniably consequent , that all the decrees whereof scripture treateth , are conditionate , receiving christ as the gospel offers him , as lord , and saviour , the former as well as the latter being the condition of scripture-election , and the rejecting or not receiving him thus , the condition of the scripture-reprobation . § . 38. as for any other which can be phansied distant from this ( and so all absolute election or inconditionate reprobation ) it must needs be resolved to be the meer invention and fabrick of mens brains , without the duct of gods spirit in scripture , which if at least it hold not a strict analogy with that which the scripture hath thus revealed to us , will never be excused from great temerity , and the sin of dogmatizing , the rifling gods secrets , and setting up our own imaginations , if not prejudices , for the oracles of god. if this were well thought of , it would infallibly set a period to all further disputes , on this subject . and the proposition , which i have last set down from you , is so irrefragably convincing , that i hope it may be successful to so good an end , and all men that read it , resolve it their duty to preach no other decrees of god from scripture , but this , that all that receive the gospel preached , and live according to the praescript rule thereof , ( for that is to receive christ as there he is offered to them , as a lord and saviour ) shall be saved , and all they that reject it , when it is thus revealed , or live in contradiction to the terms whereon it is established , shall be damned . this would probably change curiosity into industry , unprofitable disquisitions into the search and trying of our own wayes , and working out our own salvation . § . 39. to this proposition , if it shall be granted , you annex two corollaries , and i that have not onely yielded but challenged the undoubted truth of the proposition , can make no question of the corollaries , the first is this , § . 40. that it will be impossible to maintain the doctrine of vniversal grace in that manner as the remonstrants are said to assert it , against the objection which is usually made by their adversaries , how evangelical grace can be offer'd to such nations or persons , as never had the gospel preached unto them . ] § . 41. the truth of this corollary ( as of all other ) must be judged of by the dependence from the principle , the connexion it hath with the former proposition ; that spake of the decrees , as they are set forth in scripture , and of the condition required of them that are elected to salvation , receiving christ preached , as he is offered in the gospel , and accordingly it is most evident , that they that will found their doctrine on scripture , must find not onely difficulty , but impossibility to maintain the gift of evangelicall grace ( which i suppose to be a supernaturall power to believe and obey the gospel ) to those , to whom the gospel hath never been revealed . what the remonstrants are said to assert in this matter , i shall forbear to examine , because i design not to engage in any controversie at this time with any ; onely as on one side it is evident , that their adversaries can receive no benefit by the objection , the salvability of all to whom the gospel is preached , being as contrary to their doctrine of onely the elect , as it would be , if extended to the heathens also , all christians being not with them in the number of the elect ; so on the other side , i should think it strange , that in our present notion of evangelical grace , for a strength from god to receive and obey the gospel preached , it should , by the remonstrants , or any other , be affirmed from scripture , that it is given , or offered to those to whom the gospel hath not been revealed : s. paul stiles the gospel , the power of god unto salvation , and the preaching of it the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 administration of the spirit , and indeed the spirit is in scripture promised onely to them who believe in christ , and therefore speaking of what may be maintained by scripture , and confining the speech to evangelical grace , the universality of it can no farther be by that maintained to extend , then to those to whom the gospel is preached , for if faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the word , i. e. preaching the gospel , it must follow , they cannot believe , and so have not evangelical grace , or strength to believe , without a preacher . § . 42. and therefore i remember the learned bishop of sarisbury , doctor davenant in his lent sermon ( i think the last he preached before the king ) declared his opinion to be ( as for vniversal redemption , so ) for vniversal grace within the church ; and as for this he was , i think , by none accounted an arminian , so i never heard any that was of the remonstrant perswasions , unsatisfied with the scantness of that declaration , but thought it as much , as , speaking of grace in the scripture notion of it , evangelical grace , could with any reason be required of him . § . 43. as for the state and condition of heathens , to whom the gospel is not revealed , and yet it is no fault of theirs that it is not , as all those that lived before christ and many since , as it is evident the scripture was not delivered to them , nor consequently gave to us christians rules for the judging of them , so it is most reasonable which you add in your second corollary , which is this , § . 44. that into the consideration of gods decrees such nations or persons are not at all to be taken , as never heard of the gospel , but they are to be left wholly to the judgement of god , since he hath not thought fit to reveal to us any certainty concerning their condition , but reserved it to himself , amongst his other secret counsels , the reasons of his wonderful and unsearchable dispensations in that kind . ] to which i most willingly subscribe in every tittle , and challenge it as the just debt to the force of that reason , that shines in it , that no man pass fatall decretory sentences on so great a part of mankind , by force of those rules , which they never heard of , nor without hearing could possibly know that they were to be sentenced by them . and this the rather upon four considerations which scripture assures us of . first , that as all men were dead in adam , so christ died for all , that were thus dead , for every man , even for those that deny him , and finally perish : which as it must needs extend and be intended by him , that thus tasted death for them , to the benefit of those that knew him not ( for if he died for them that deny him , why not for them that are less guilty , as having never heard of him , especially when 't is not the revelation of christ , to which the redemption is affixt , but his death ) so the certain truth of this is most expresly revealed and frequently inculcated in the scripture ( though nothing be there found of gods decrees concerning them ) upon this ground especially , that no person of what nation soever should have any prejudice to christian religion , when it should be first revealed to him , when he finds his interest so expresly provided for by so gracious a redeemer , who if he had not dyed for every man , 't were impossible for any preacher to assure an infidel , that he dyed for him , or propose any constringent reason to him , why he should believe on him for salvation . to this it is consequent , that whatsoever gods unrevealed wayes are , to deal with any heathen , what degree of repentance from dead works , obedience , or performance soever he accept from them , this must needs be founded in the covenant made with mankind in christ , which you most truly have established , there being no other name under heaven , no salvation possible to lapsed man by any other covenant ; which , being set in opposition to the first covenant of perfect unsinning obedience , and therefore called a second and evangelical covenant , on condition onely of sincere obedience , of doing what by gods gift , purchased by christ , men are enabled to do , it follows still , that whatsoever acceptation or mercy they , who never heard of christ , can be imagined to have afforded them by god , must be conformable to the tenure of the evangelicall covenant , and so to the praise of the glory of that grace , whereby whosoever is accepted by god , is accepted in the beloved . § . 45. the second consideration is the analogy , which , in one respect , is observable between those to whom the gospel is not revealed , and all children and idiots within the pale of the church , for although believing in christ were supposed equally by the law of scripture to be exacted of all , and so of both those sorts ( nay by the intervention of the vow of baptism to be more expresly the obligation of those that are baptized , then those that are not ) yet there is no reason producible to free the christian children and idiots from the blame of not believing , which will not with equall force be producible for those heathens , to whom the gospel was never revealed , it being as impossible to see without the presence of the object , as without the faculty of sight , without the sun , as without eyes , without the revelation of christ , as without the intellective faculty ; which if it be not part of the importance of that decree of heaven , go and preach , and then he that believeth not shall be damned , yet it is fully accordant to it , and shews that that text was not designed to give suffrage to the damnation of all but christians , which is all that your corollary , or my observations have aspired unto ; to which it is yet farther necessarily consequent , that these scripture decrees which you speak of ( and whosoever speaks of any other must be resolved to speak from some other dictate , then that of scripture ) comprize not all men , no nor all baptized christians under them , being terminated onely in those to whom the gospel is revealed , and those certainly are not all that are brought into the world , or even to baptismal new birth . § . 46. the third consideration is , that seeing the scripture assures us , that they which have received more , of them more shall be required , and that he that knoweth and doeth not , shall be beaten with many stripes , this must needs advertise us , that whatever priviledges christians may have beyond heathens , this is not one , that a smaller degree of obedience and performances shall be accepted of them , then of heathens would be , but the contrary , that to whom less is given , less will be required , according to that of s. augustine , ex eo quod non accepit , nullus reus est , no man is guilty from that which he hath not received . § . 47. the fourth consideration is , that god rewards those that have made use of the single talent , that lowest proportion of grace , which he is pleased to give ; and the method of his rewarding is by giving them more grace , which as it is in some degree applicable to heathens , who have certainly the talent of naturall knowledge , and are strictly responsible for it , so if they use not that , but retain the truth in unrighteousness , rom. 1. 18. that makes their condition but the same with ours , ( who are finally lost also , and at the present have our talent taken away from us ) if we make not the due use of it . § . 48. this , 't is visible , hath befaln those nations who once had the gospel preacht to them , and after the knowledge of the truth , return'd to their heathen sins , and so had their candlestick taken from them ( to which and not to gods primary denying them evangelical grace , their present barbarity is to be imputed ) and the onely conclusion which we can hence duely make , is the acknowledgement of gods just judgements on them , and reasonable fear lest he deal in like manner with us , if we transcribe their copy , imitate them in their demerits . should god most justly thus punish this nation at this time , could it either now or in future ages be reasonable hence to argue against the doctrine of vniversal grace , in case there were a concurrence of all other evidences for the truth of the doctrine ? certainly it could not . in like manner then it cannot be reasonable to argue thus from the like fate , and effects on other nations . § . 49. to which i may add , that christ being , we know , in gods decree and promise , the lamb slain from the beginning of the world , if this argument be now of force against the heathens , it must equally hold against all that understood no more of the predictions of christ , then the pagans do now of the history . § . 50. and then it must , should it have force , follow , not onely that the sacrifice of christ was intended to be of avail to none but the jews , to whom onely the oracles of god were committed , ( which yet you acknowledge was intended to all ) but also that as far as we have wayes of judging , a very small part of those jews received the salvifick grace of christ , if it were confined and annext to the revelation and belief of him ; for if we may judge of other ages by that wherein christ appeared , the prophecies of the crucified messias were very little understood by that people . all this makes it more prudent , and rationall , and pious to search our own wayes , then to pass sentence on other men , which is the onely thing i have aimed at in these four considerations . § . 51. your second proposition , which you tender as a conjecture , i cannot but own under an higher style of an evident truth of scripture , it is this , that there is to the outward tender of grace in the ministry of the gospel annexed an inward offer also of the same to the heart , by the spirit of god going along with his word , which some of the schoolmen call auxilium gratiae generale , sufficient in it self to convert the soul of the hearer , if he do not resist the holy ghost , and reject the grace offerr'd : which as it is grounded upon these words , behold i stand at the door and knock , and upon very many other passages of scripture beside , so it standeth with reason , that the offer , if it were accepted , should be sufficient ex parte sui to do the work , which if not accepted , is sufficient to leave the person , not accepting the same , unexcusable . ] this i say i am obliged to assent to in the terms , and upon the double ground both of scripture and reason , whereon you induce it . if there were but one text of scripture so convincingly inferring it , that sure would advance it above a barely probable conjecture . but i think the whole tenure of the new testament inforceth the same , and though you name but one , you say there are many other passages of scripture , on which 't is founded . i shall mention but two , 1. that of the apostle who cals preaching the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the administration of the spirit , which the father expresses by verbum vehiculum spiritus , the word is the chariot in which the spirit descends to us , 2. that description of resisting the holy spirit , which s. stephen gives us , act. vii . 51. by their being like the jews , which persecuted the prophets which spake unto them , which concludes the holy spirit to be given with the preaching of the gospel , else how could the rejecting and persecuting the one be the resisting of the other ? so likewise though you mention but one reason , yet that is as constringent as many , nothing but sufficiency of supernaturall grace being competent to render him , that is acknowledged naturally impotent , unexcusable . and therefore deeming that abundantly confirmed to advance it above a disputable probleme , i proceed to the next proposition , the third , which you rank under the style of conjectures , it is this , § 52. that because the sufficiency of this general grace notwithstanding , through the strength of naturall corruption it might happen to prove uneffectuall to all persons , god vouchsafed out of the supereffluence of his goodness , yet ex mero beneplacito , without any thing on their part to deserve it , to confer upon such persons as it pleased him to fix upon , ( without inquiring into under what qualifications , preparations or dispositions considered , ) a more speciall measure of grace which should effectually work in them faith and perseverance unto salvation ] this ( you say ) you take to be the election especially spoken of in the scriptures , and if so , then the decree of reprobation must be nothing els but the dereliction or preterition of the rest , as to that special favour of conferring upon them this higher degree of effectuall grace . against this , you say , you know enough may be objected , and much more then you esteem your self able to answer , yet to your apprehension somewhat less then may be objected against either of the extreme opinions . ] § . 53. of this proposition , as being the first by you produced , to which your caution seems to be due , some things may in passing be fitly noted . first , that for the stating of that community which is here set down as the object of election and reprobation , and exprest by a generall style [ all persons ] this caution is necessarily to be taken in , that the proposition is not to be interpreted in the utmost latitude , that the style [ all persons ] is capable of , but as analogy with your former doctrine strictly requires , for the generality of men preach'd to : and so neither belongs to heathens , nor to the infants or idiots , or uninstructed among christians , but to those that having the gospel revealed to them , and sufficient grace to enable them to receive it , are yet left in the hand of their own counsell , whether they will actually receive it , or no. § . 54. now of these ( which is the second thing to be observed in your proposition ) it is manifest , that if ( as you suppose both in the former , and in this proposition , ) they have grace truly sufficient afforded them , then they want nothing necessary to a faln weak sinful creature , to conversion , perseverance and salvation , and if so , then by the strength of this grace , without addition of any more , they may effectually convert , persevere and be saved ; and then though what may be , may also not be , and so it be also possible that of all that are thus preach'd to , and made partakers of this grace , no one shall make use of it to these effects , yet this is but barely possible , and not rendred so much as probable , either upon any grounds of scripture or reason . in the scripture there is no word revealed to that sense , or , that i ever heard of , produced or applyed to it , but on the contrary , in the parable of the talents ( which seems to respect this matter particularly ) they that received the talents to negotiate with , did all of them , except one , make profit of them , and bring in that account to their master , which received a reward , which is utterly unreconcileable with the hypothesis of gods foreseeing that the talent of sufficient grace would be made use of by none that received no more then so . as for that one that made not use of it , all that is intimated concerning him , is , that if his share comparatively was mean , yet by the lord he is charged as guilty for not putting it into the bank , that at his coming he might receive his own with usury , which certainly evinces , that that lazy servant is there considered as one that might have managed his stock as well as the rest , and that that stock was improvable no less then the other , according to their severall proportions , and so herein there is no difference taken notice of in favour to your conjecture . and in reason it hath no sound of probability , that of so great a number of christians , sufficiently furnished by god , no one should make use of it to their souls health ; 't is evident in the apostles preaching at jerusalem and elswhere , that at the first proposal of the truth of christ to them , and the doctrine of repentance , whole multitudes received the faith , and came in , and no doubt many of them proved true , and constant christians , and it is not amiss to observe of the heads of doctrine , which the apostles agreed to publish in all their peregrinations , that they are of such force ( and were on that account pitcht on by them ) as might reasonably and probably , with the supposed concurrence of gods grace , beget repentance , and new life in all , to whom they were preach'd over the whole world , ( and then what the apostles deemed a rationall and probable means to that end , there is no reason or probability to think should never in any produce this effect ) according to that of athanasius , that the faith confest by the fathers of nice , according to holy writ , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sufficient for the averting of all impiety , and the establishment of all piety in christ . to which may be applyed that of s. augustine of the creed , quae pauca verba fidelibus nota sunt , ut credendo subjugentur deo , ut subjugati recte vivant , recte vivendo , cor mundent , corde mundo , quod credant , intelligant . these few words are known to believers , that by believing , they may be subjugated to god , that by being subjugated , they way live well , that by living well they may cleanse their hearts , that by cleansing their hearts they may understand what they believe . and herein the all-wise providence and infinite mercy of god seems to be engaged , who in the parable of his dealing with his vineyard , isa . v. not onely expostulates , what could i have done more to my vineyard which i have not done ] but also affirmeth that he looked it should bring forth grapes , and as a farther evidence of that , built a wine-press , in expectation of its bearing fruit by strength of what he had done to it , which could not well be affirmed by , or of god , if it were not probable and rational , that in some it should have the desired effect . § . 55. and if what , on account both of scripture and reason ( the onely wayes left us to judge by in this matter ) is thus far removed from improbable , may be supposed to have any truth in it , i. e. if the sufficient grace annexed to the authorized sufficient means , have without farther addition , ever converted any , it then follows necessarily in the third place , that the election and dereliction now proposed by you must have for its object not indefinitely ( as before you set it ) man preach'd unto , or all that part of mankind to whom the gospel is offered , and that grace annexed thereto , but onely that portion of such , as are not wrought upon , or who god in his infinite prescience discerns would not be wrought upon effectually , and converted by that measure of sufficient grace , which he hath annext to the word preach'd . for without enquiring what proportion of the number of men preach'd unto may probably be placed in that rank ( or without assuming any more , then that it is neither impossible nor improbable that there should be such a rank ) of men converted , and persevering by the strength of that foresaid sufficient grace , annexed to the word , the inference is undeniable , that all , whether few or many , that are of this rank ( it being no way probable there should be none ) shall certainly be saved by force of the second covenant , which decreed eternall life to all that should believe on him and receive him , as the gospel tenders him , as their lord and saviour , and so cannot be comprised in the number of them to whom this supereffluence of goodness is supposed to be vouchsafed , in the granting of which ex mero beneplacito your conjecture makes the scripture-election to consist , and in the dereliction and preterition of the rest ( in respect of that speciall favour ) the decree of reprobation . § . 56. the plain issue whereof is but this , that if this conjecture , thus explicated , be adhered to , then many not onely of children , idiots , heathen ( formerly reserved to gods secret judgements ) but of adult baptized christians also , either are or may be saved , who are not of the number of the scripture-elect . which whether it be reconcile able with the purport of those places , which in scripture seem to you to respect election , or to favour this opinion , i must leave to farther consideration , being as yet incompetent to interpose any judgement of it , because i know not what those places are which most seem to favour it . § . 57. as for the doctrine it self , of supereffluence of grace to some , ( abstracted from making it any account of gods decrees of election and reprobation ) it is such as i can no way question , for certainly god being granted to give sufficient grace to all , there is no objection imaginable against this superabounding to some ex mero beneplacito ; nothing more agreeable to an infinite abyss and unexhaustible fountain of goodness , then such supereffluence , and he that hath not his part in it , yet having his portion , and that supposed sufficient , ought not to have an evil eye , to complain and murmure at this partiality , and inequality of distribution of gods goodness , or if he do , the words of the parable of the labourers in the vineyard must here have place , friend , i do thee no wrong , did not i agree with thee for a penny , take that is thine , and go thy way , is it not lawful for me to do what i will with my own ? mat. xx . 13 , 14 , 15. and it is there observable , that all the occasion of murmuring arose from the order there observed in accounting with , and paying the labourers , beginning with them that came last into the vineyard , for by that means they being allowed a dayes wages for an hours labour , the others expectation was raised to an higher pitch , then probably it would , if they had been paid , and discharged first , for then not seeing the liberality that others tasted of , they would in all probability have expected no more , then the hire for which they agreed ; and then why should so casual a circumstance , as the being paid last or first , have any influence on their minds , or tempt them to murmure at gods goodness , who from the nature of the thing had no least temptation to it ? § . 58. onely by the way it must be yielded to the force of that parable , that that supereffluence of which some are there supposed to tast , was no part of the covenant of grace , ( his agreement with them being but in these words , go into the vineyard , and what is right you shall receive , v. 7. ) but , above what his bargain or covenant obligeth , of his good pleasure , though , on the other side , it be observable , 1. that an allowable account is there given by those men of their not coming sooner into the vineyard , and consequently of their not bearing the heat of the day , in which all the disproportion between them and others , all the seeming supereffluence is founded , viz. they were no sooner called , or hired by any man , and 2. that by the application of the parable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to those that came first , and those that came later into the apostleship , to peter , and paul , there might still be place for more abundant labouring in those that came last , and so for reward , in proportion ( though through mercy ) to that more abundant labouring , according to the way of setting down the same parable among the jews , in * gemara hierosol where the kings answer to the murmurers is , he in those two hours hath laboured as much as you have done all the day . § . 59. but without examining the acts of gods munificence , according to any rules but those of munificence , and again without insisting on the method which god himself seems to direct us to in this matter , in the parable of the talents , where the rule is generall , that to him that hath shall be given , and he shall have abundance , i. e. that the supereffluence of grace is ordinarily proportioned to the faithful discharge of former trusts , making use of the foregoing sufficient grace , there will be little reason to doubt , but that god out of his meer good pleasure , without any desert on our part , doth thus dispense his favours to one , more then to another , to one servant five talents , to another ten , but to all some , onely the difficulties will be , 1. whether it be not as possible , though not as probable , that the supereffluence of grace may be resisted , as the lower , but sufficient degree , and then , whether the condemnation be not the greater , there will be no doubt ; paul that is the most pregnant example of the supereffluence , is still , under a woe , obliged to preach the gospel , and whilest he preacheth to others , supposes it possible , that himself , if he do not bring his body in subjection , may become a castaway , and till he hath fought his good fight , and finish'd his course , and constantly kept the faith , we never find him confident of receiving his crown , which then he challenges from gods righteousness , or fidelity ; 2. whether the extraordinary favour of god , which some men receive , and by vertue of which , over and above the sufficient grace , they may be thought to be wrought on effectually , may not rather be imputed to gods special providence , then his special grace ? so in bishop overals way it seems affirmable , for in his scheme the effectualness seems to be attributed to the giving what is given , tempore congruo , at a time when ( whether by sickness , or by any other circumstance of their state ) they are foreseen by god to be so qualified and disposed , that they shall infallibly accept christ offered , on his own conditions , and so convert , and receive the seed into good ground , and so persevere and be saved , when the same man , out of those circumstances , would not have been wrought on by the same means . and if this be it which you mean ( as i doubt not but it is , and that herein you perfectly agree with bishop overall ) then i say the question is , whether the seasonable application or timeing be not rather to be imputed to speciall providence , the mercy of gods wise and gracious disposal to those men that are thus favoured , then to special grace , as that signifies an higher degree of gods grace , then is that sufficient measure , which is afforded to others ; it being possible that an equall , nay a lower degree of grace , being congruously timed and tendred , may prove effectual , when the like , nay an higher , at another time , proves uneffectual . and though all acts of gods good providence may in some sense be styled acts of his grace , and so extraordinary providences may be styled special graces , in which sense , the striking paul in his journey to damascus , and calling to him out of heaven with grace proportionable to that call , may fitly be called a work of gods special grace ; and so is every sickness or other judgement , that is sent to melt any , supposeable to have a proportionable , and that is an extraordinary and special grace annext to it ; and the providence , and so the grace is the greater , if it be applyed tempore congruo , when there is no potent obstacle or principle for resistance ; yet still the question is seasonable , whether this be all that is meant by this speciall measure of grace , which shall work effectually , or if more be meant , what ground there is for it in the scripture . § . 60. to this second question your advertisement by letter hath given the satisfaction i expected , that you were not curious to consider the distinction between the grace and the providence of god , there being no necessity for so doing , as to your purpose , which was onely to express your sense , that it must be the work of god ( whether of grace or providence it matters not ) that must do the deed , and make the sufficient grace effectuall . this answer i accept , and make no farther return to it , onely from the uncertainty of the former , as to any establishment from scripture-grounds , and so likewise of this latter , till it shall appear by any sure word of promise to have any reall influence on the mattèr in hand , there is way made for a third question , § . 61. whether granting the truth of all that is pretended for the supereffluence of gods goodness to some , this can fitly de defined the thing , whereto election is determined , and whether all that have not their part in this , are in scripture-style said to be reprobated . this i say , not to propose any new matter of dispute , or to require answer to all that may be objected against this notion of decrees , which you ( and other very learned and sober men ) have proposed by way of conjecture onely , but rather to demonstrate my concurrence with you , that this can amount no higher at most , then to a matter of conjecture . § . 62. and having said this , i shall propose it to your impartial consideration , i. whether the scripture ought not to be our guide in all even opining and conjecturing in such matters , which are so much above our reason ? ii. whether the scripture do not furnish us with these express grounds , 1. that there are some sort of auditors that come to christ , become his proselytes , embrace the gospel , when 't is preach'd unto them , that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fit , or prepared , or disposed for the kingdome of god , obedience to the gospel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disposed for eternall life , on file for it ( in opposition to others who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 46. not worthy of , meet , or qualified for the evangelical state ) 2. that probity of mind is specified to be this temper , a willingness to do gods will , that ( in the parable ) of the good ground , and the honest heart meant by it . 3. that the evangelical dispensations are governed by the maxime of habenti dabitur , to the humble he gives more grace , the poor are evangelized , the children , and poor in spirit , of such , and of them is the kingdome of heaven ; and lastly , that god hath chosen the foolish things of the world , the weak , the degenerous , the vilified , those that are not , in opposition to the mighty , powerful , noble and wise . iii. whether on these and many other the like fundamentall truths of the gospel , it be not more reasonable to fetch the ground of the effectualness of that sufficient grace to one , which is not effectuall to another , from the temper and disposition of the heart , to which the gospel is preached , then from any other circumstance ( especially when this doth not deny , or exclude the proper efficacy of those circumstances , whatsoever they or it shall any way appear to be ) god having made the baptist the forerunner to christ , repentance to faith , the * breaking up our fallow grounds , to his not sowing among thorns , and the very nature of the gospel being such , that all that are truly sensible of their sins , the odiousness and danger of them , and heartily desirous to get out of that state , the weary and heavy laden , the humble , docile , tractable , honest heart , willing to take christs yoke upon them , are constantly wrought on , and converted , when the promulgate mercies , or promises of the gospel , and the grace annext to it , are addrest to them , whereas the very same , nay perhaps a greater degree of light and grace , meeting with a proud , refractary , pleasurable , or any way hypocritical , and deceitful heart , either is not at all heeded and received , or takes no firm root in it . § . 63. and if now ( the onely objection i can foresee ) it be demanded , whether this of probity , humility , &c. the subactum solum , soyl mellow'd , and prepared for this effectuall work of grace , be not some natural quality , of the man , for if so , then the efficacy of grace will be imputed to these natural , or moral preparations , which is grosly prejudicial to the grace of god , and to the owing of all our good to his supernatural operations , the answer is obvious and unquestionable , that this ( i shall call it evangelical ) temper is far from being natural to any corrupt child of adam , where ever 't is met with , 't is a special plant of gods planting , a work of his preparing , softning , preventing grace , and as much imputable to the operation of his holy spirit , as any effect of his subsequent or cooperating grace is , which i challenge to be the meaning of those words of christ , joh. vi . 37. all that my father giveth me , shall come to me ; where such as these , are first fitted by god , and then by him are said to be given to christ , works of his finger , his spirit , and then by the authour of them presented to christ , as the persons rightly disposed for his discipleship , and his kingdome in mens hearts , and this work of gods in fitting them , is there called his drawing of them to christ , v. 44. and as there it is said that none but such can come to christ , so vers . 37. all such shall come to him , which is an evidence that the coming , wherein the effectualness of the grace consists , is imputable to this temper wrought in them by god. and if still it be demanded why this is not wrought in all christians hearts , i answer finally , that the onely reason the scripture teaches us is , because some resist that spirit , that is graciously given by god , and purposely designed to work it in them . § . 64. and if it still be suggested , that some are naturally more proud and refractary , and voluptuously disposed then others , ( an effect of their temper , owing oft to their immediate parents , who may transfuse their depravations and corruptions immediately to their children , as well as adam hath done to us all mediately ) and so a greater degree of grace will be necessary to the humbling and mollifying them , and a lower , which might be sufficient for meeker tempers , will be unsufficient for them , and so still these are as infallibly excluded , and barred out , as if it were by a fatal decree passing them by in massa , this will be also satisfied , by resolving , that god in his wise disposals and abundant mercies , proportioned according to mens wants , gives a greater degree of preventing grace to such as he sees to be naturally in greatest need of it , or els applies it so advantageously by congruous timing , as he knows is sufficient even to them , to remove these naturall obstacles , but all this ( to them , as to others ) resistibly still , and so , as though it succeed sometimes , yet is frequently resisted . § . 65. by this means he that is proud and obstinate , and continues , and holds out such against all the softning preparations of heaven , ( sufficient to have wrought a kindlier temper in him ) being so ill qualified for the holy spirit of discipline , is not converted , but hardened by the same or equall means of the word and grace , by which the humble is converted , and then replenished with higher degrees ; and when the scripture is so favourable to this notion , saying expresly that god chooses one and not the other , gives more grace to one , and from the other takes away that which he hath , resists the proud ( when they refuse discipline ) * speaks to them onely in parables , because seeing they see not , i. e. resist and frustrate gods preventing graces , and infinite the like , why may not this rather be the scripture-election , then that other which seems not to have any , at least not so visible grounds in it ? § . 66. should this be but a conjecture too , it is not the less fit for this place , where our discourse hath been of such , and the onely seasonable inquiry is , either 1. which is of probables the most , or of improbables the least such , ( and that i suppose is competently shew'd already ) or 2. which may be most safe , and least noxious , in case it should fail of exact truth . § . 67. on which occasion i shall add but this , that the onely consequence naturally arising from this scheme is , that we make our elections after the pattern of god , choose humility and probity , and avert pride and hypocrisie , that before all things in the world , every man think himself highly concerned 1. not to resist or frustrate gods preventing graces , but chearfully to receive , cooperate , and improve them , to pray , and labour , and attend and watch all opportunities of grace and providence , to work humility and probity in his heart , impatience of sin , and hungring and thirsting after righteousness , as the onely soyle , wherein the gospel will ever thrive , to begin his discipleship with repentance from dead works , and not with assurance of his election and salvation , to set out early , and resolutely , without procrastinating , or * looking back , luk. ix . 62. and 2. if he hath overslipt such opportunities , to bewail and retrive them betimes , lest he be hardened by the deceitfulness of sin . and 3. whatsoever good he shal ever advance to , by the strength of gods sanctifying and assisting grace , to remember with the utmost gratitude , how nothing hath been imputable to himself in the whole work , but from the beginning to the end , all due to supernatural grace , the foundation particularly ( that which if it be the most imperfect , is yet the most necessary part of the building , and the sure laying of which tends extremely to the stability of the whole ) laid in gods preventions , cultivating our nature , and fitting us with capacities of his higher donatives ; and what can less prejudice , nay more tend to the glory of his grace , then this ? § . 68. whereas the other scheme , as it takes special care to attribute all the work of conversion to grace , and withall not so to limit that communicative spring , as to leave any destitute of a sufficient portion of it ( in which respect i have nothing really to object against it , if it could but approve it self by gods word to be the truth ) so when it bears not any such impress of divine character upon it , it may not be amiss to consider , whether he that is perswaded that the sufficient grace is such as may , and ( as some set it ) god sees will never do any man good , without the addition of his superesfluence , which he affords to few , ( and that if that come , it will infallibly do the work , if it come not , he is so past by , as to be reprobated by god ) may not have some temptations to despair on one side , and not do his utmost to cooperate with that sufficient grace , which is allowed him , and so with the fool in ecclesiastes * fold his hands together till he comes to eat his own flesh , or els to presume on the other side , and expect securely till the coming of the congruous good time of gods choice , which shall give the effectualness to his grace , and so be slothfull and perish by that presumption ? § . 69. whether the scheme , as it is set by learned men , ( abstracting now from the truth of it ) be in any considerable degree lyable to this danger , i leave those , that are favourable to it , to consider , presuming that if it be , it will not be thought fit to be pitcht upon , as the most commodious , without either the authority of scripture , or some other preponderating advantages tendred by it , which to me are yet invisible . and thus much may serve for the doctrine of gods decrees , which if i mistake not , leaves them in relation to man , in this posture , ( as far as the scripture-light leads us ) § . 70. 1. that god decreed to create man after his own image , a free and rationall agent , to give him a law of perfect unsinning obedience , and conferr on him grace and faculties to perform it , and to reward that obedience with eternal bliss , and proportionably to punish disobedience . 2. that foreseeing the willfull fall of the first man , with whom , and with all mankind , in him , this covenant was made , and consequent to that , the depravation of that image , and that grace , ( the image of satan , corruption of the will , and all the faculties , taking the place of it ) he decreed to give his son to seek and to save that which was lost , making in him , and sealing in his blood a new covenant , consisting of a promise of pardon and sufficient grace , and requiring of all the condition of uniform sincere obedience . 3. that he decreed to commissionate messengers to preach this covenant to all mankind , promised to accompany the preaching of it to all hearts with his inward sufficient grace , enabling men to perform it in such a degree , as he in this second covenant had promised to accept of . 4. that the method which he hath decreed to use in dispensing this sufficient grace , is , 1. to prevent and prepare mens hearts by giving them the grace of humility , repentance and probity of heart , i. e. by awaking and convincing men of sin , and giving them ( in answer to their diligent prayers ) grace sufficient to produce this in their hearts , and then upon their making use of this grace to the designed end to add more powerfull assistances and excitations , enabling them both to will and to do , and upon their constant right use of these , still to advance them to an higher degree of sanctification , and perseverance , till at length he accomplish and reward them with a crown of glory . § . 71. on the other side , to forsake them in justice , that obstinately resist and frustrate all these wise and gracious methods of his , and having most affectionately set life and death before them , and conjured them to choose one , and avoid the other , still to leave unto them , as to free and rationall agents , a liberty to refuse all his calls , to let his talents lye by them unprofitably ; which if out of their own perverse choices they continue to do , he decrees to punish the contumacy finally , by assigning them their own options , to take their talents from them , and cast them into outer darkness , where shall be weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth . § . 72. how clearly every part of this scheme is agreeable to the several parables , whereby christ was pleased to adumbrate the kingdome of heaven , and innumerable other passages in the gospel , and the whole purport of the new covenant , i leave to every man to consider , and then to judge for himself , whether it be not safer and more christian to content our selves with this portion , which christ hath thought fit to reveal to us , then to permit our curiosities to deeper and more pragmatick searches , especially if those shall either directly , or but consequentially undo , or but darken what is thus explicitly settled . § . 73. i proceed now to your second head of discourse , ( which also i suppose , is , by what hath been already considered , competently established ) concerning the efficacy of grace , &c. where your proposition is thus set down . § . 74. that in the conversion of a sinner , and the begetting of faith in the heart of man , the grace of god hath the main stroke , chiefest operation , yet so , that the free will of man doth in some sort cooperate therewith ( for no man is converted or believeth without his own consent ) all parties pretend to agree . the point of difference is , how to state the manner and degree of the cooperation , as well of the one , as of the other , so as neither the glory of gods grace be eclipsed , nor the freedome of mans will destroyed . in which difficult point , you say , you think it fitter to acquiesce in those aforesaid acknowledged truths , in which both sides agree , then to hold close to either opinion ] § . 75. in this proposition , it being by you in the conclusion most undeniably and christianly resolved , that the one care ought to be , that neither the glory of gods grace be eclipsed , nor the freedome of man's will destroyed , it would not be amiss a little to reflect on the former part , and demand whether your expression were not a little too cautious , in saying , the grace of god hath the main stroke and chiefest operation ] did i not discern the ground of that caution , because you were to express that whereunto all parties must be supposed to consent . this being abundantly sufficient to account for your caution , i shall not doubt of your concurrence with me , that it may with truth be said , and i suppose also by the agreement , if not of all christians , yet of both parties in this debate , particularly of the remonstrants , that the grace of god is in lapsed man the one sole principle of spirituall life , conversion , regeneration , repentance , faith and all other evangelical vertues , and that all that can justly be attributed to our will in any of these , is the obeying the motions , and making use of the powers , which are thus bestowed upon us , by that supernatural principle ; to work and work out our own salvation , upon the strength of gods giving us to will and to do ; by [ giving us to will and to do ] meaning his giving us power to each , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luke 1. is giving us power to serve him in holiness and righteousness all the dayes of our lives , every initiall and more perfect act of holiness , especially persevering in it all our dayes , being wholly imputable to that power , which is given by gods spirit . for indeed when it is considered , what the state of our corrupt will is , being naturally averted from god , and strongly inclined to evil , it seems to me scarce proper to call this , in relation to supernatural vertues , a free will , till god by his preventing grace hath in some degree manumitted it , till christ hath made it free ; being then what it is , i. e. in some degree emancipated by gods grace , and by grace onely , ( this act of christs love , and grace being reached out to enemies , to men in their corrupt state of aversion and opposition to god ) the will is then enabled ( still by the same principle of grace ) to choose life , when it is proposed , and the wayes and means to it , and though it be left free to act or not to act , to choose or not to choose , yet when it doth act and choose life , it doth it no otherwise ( to my understanding ) then the body doth perform all the actions of life , meerly by the strength of the soul , and that continuall animation it hath , it receives from it ; which makes the parallel compleat , and gave ground to the expression and comparison betwixt giving of natural life , and regeneration . § . 76. what freedome the will naturally ( under this corrupt state ) hath to other things , of all sorts , i do not now consider any farther , then that it is fully furnished with ability to sin , and so to refuse and contemn , and to receive in vain the grace of god , and grace it self doth not deprive it of that part of its corrupt patrimony : as for an uniform constant choice of those things that belong to our peace and spiritual end , for the beginning of that , and every step of motion through , and perseverance in it , its freedome , and strength , and every degree of life , or action , is wholly and entirely from grace , and then he that without him can do nothing , can do all things through christ that strengthens him . and so the onely remaining question is ( which to me , i confess , is a posing one ) what exception can possibly be started against this stating , and consequently what farther doubt there can be in this matter . § . 77. i have of my self by my natural generation , ( but this is also from god ) power for natural , nay sinful actings , for this i need no farther principle , and the supervenience of a supernatural takes it not from me ; our experience assures us , what the scripture so oft mentions , that we often resist the holy ghost , which we could not do , if at least it were not tendred to us : but for all degrees of good , from the first good motion toward conversion , to the enstating us in glory , it is wholly received from the spirit of god , and the glory of it cannot in any degree , without the utmost sacriledge , be arrogated or assumed to our selves , as the work of our free will ; and seeing it is one act of superabundant grace to enable us to do any thing , and another to reward us for doing it in so imperfect a manner , ( and with such mixtures of manifold pollutions ) and a third to exercise us in , and reward us for those things , which are so agreeable and gratefull to our reasonable nature , commandments far from grievous , a gracious yoke , as well as a light burthen , not unto us , o lord , not unto us , but to thy name , give we the praise . praise the lord , o my soul , and all that is within me , praise his holy name . § . 78. what you add on this theme , is by way of reflexion , on the inconvenient opinions of the opposite parties in this matter . 1. that on the calvinists part these two things , viz. the physical predetermination , and ( which must necessarily follow thereupon ) the irresistibility of the work of grace , seem to you to be so inconsistent with the natural liberty of the will , and so impossible to be reconciled therewith , that you can not yet by any means fully assent thereto ] the style wherein this concludes [ cannot yet fully ] signifies to me , that you have , with great impartiality ( if not with favour and prepossession of kindness to the antiremonstrant side ) endeavoured your utmost to reconcile these two doctrines of predetermination and irresistibility , with the common notions of morality and christianity , and you cannot find any means to do it ; and i fully consent to you in it , and cannot but add , that the very being of all future judgement , and so of heaven and hell , considered as rewards of what is here done in our bodies , whether good or bad , nay the whole oeconomy of the gospel , of giving , and giving more , and withholding and withdrawing grace , and the difference betwixt the grace of conversion and perseverance , and the force of exhortations , promises , threats , commands ( and what not ? ) depends immediately and unavoidably on the truth of the catholick doctrine of all ages , as in these points of predetermination and irresistibility , it stands in opposition to the calvinists . the shewing this diffusedly , according to the merit of the matter , through the severall steps , were the work of a volume , of which i shall hope there can be no need , after so many have been written on the subject . § . 79. your next reflexion is on the arminians , of whom you say , on the other side , me thinks , the arminians ascribe less to the grace of god , and more to the free will of man , then they ought , in this , that according to their doctrine , why of two persons ( as peter and judas ) supposed to have all outward means of conversion equally applyed , yet one should be effectually converted , the other not , the discriminating power is by them placed in the will of man , which ( you say ) you should rather ascribe to the work of grace ] if this be the right stating of the case between the arminians and their opposites , i am then without consulting the authors , assured by you that i am no arminian , for i deem it impossible ( i say not for any man , not knowing what miracles the magick of some mens passions may enable them to work , but ) for you that have written what i have now set down from you , to imagine you ascribe more to the grace of god , and less to the will of man , then i have thought my self obliged to do , making it my challenge and interest , and requiring it to be granted me ( and not my concession onely ) that all that any man is enabled to do , is by christs strengthening him , § . 80. but not to question what others do , or to accuse or apologize for any , let us consider the case you set , and allow the truth to be judged of , in this whole question , by what this particular case shall exact . § . 81. but 1. in the setting of it , i cannot but mark two things , 1. that the persons made use of to set the case in , are judas and peter . 2. that to the word [ converted ] is prefixed [ effectually . ] this would make it probable that you think a man may be converted , and yet not effectually converted , or however that judas was not effectually converted . that judas was converted , and , as far as concerned the present state , abstracted from perseverance , effectually converted , i offer but this one testimony , the words of christ to his father , * [ of those whom thou gavest me i have lost none , save onely the son of perdition ] that whosoever is by the father given to christ , is converted , and that effectually , is concluded from christs universal proposition , all that my father giveth me , shall come to me , joh. vi . 37. and here it is expresly said that judas ( though by his apostacy now become the son of perdition ) was by god given to christ , and therefore he came to christ , i. e. was converted , which also his being lost , his very apostacy testifies , for how could he apostatize from christ , that was never come to him ? from hence it seems to me necessary either to interpret your speech of final perseverance , as if none were effectually converted , but such who persevere , ( which as it belongs to another question , that of perseverance , to which you after proceed , and not to this of reconciling irresistibility and free will , so it would seem to state it otherwise , then i perceive you afterwards do ) or , to avoid that , to understand no more by judas and peter then any other two names , suppose robert and richard , john at noke and john at stile , ( as you since tell me your meaning was ) the one converted effectually , i. e. really , the other not , when both are supposed to have the same outward means of conversion equally applied to them . § . 82. now to the question thus set of any two , and supposing what hath been granted between you and me , that the outward means are accompanyed to both with a sufficient measure of inward grace , my answer you discern already , that the discrimination comes immediately from one mans resisting sufficient grace , which the other doth not resist , but makes use of : in this should i add no more , there could be no difficulty , because as it is from corruption , and liberty to do evil , ( that meeting with the resistibility of this sufficient grace ) that one resists it , so it is wholly from the work of grace upon an obedient heart , that the other is converted ; and so this stating ascribes all the good to the work of grace , i. e. to that power , which by supernatural grace is given him , and all the ill to man and his liberty , or ability to resist . § . 83. but from what hath been said , there is yet more to be added , viz. that the obedience of the one to the call of grace , when the other , supposed to have sufficient , if not an equal measure , obeyes not , may reasonably be imputed to the humble , malleable , melting temper , ( which the other wanted ) and that again owing to the preventing graces of god , and not to the naturall probity , or free will of man , whereas the other , having resisted those preparing graces , or not made use of them , lyeth under some degree of obduration , pride , sloth , voluptuousness , &c. and that makes the discrimination on his side , i. e. renders him unqualified and uncapable to be wrought on by sufficient grace , and so still , if it be attentively weighed , this attributes nothing to free will , considered by it self , but the power of resisting and frustrating gods methods ( which i should think , they that are such assertors of the corruption of our nature , should make no difficulty to yield him , but that they also assert the irresistibility of grace , and that is not reconcileable with it ) yielding the glory of all the work of conversion , and all the first preparations to it , to his sole grace , by which the will is first set free , then fitted and cultivated , and then the seed of eternal life successfully sowed in it . § . 84. if the remonstrants yield not this , you see my profession of dissent from them , if they do , as for ought i ever heard or read ( which indeed hath been but little in their works , that i might reserve my self to judge of these things , without prepossession ) they doubt not to do , you see you have had them misrepresented to you . but this either way is extrinsecall and unconcernant to the merit of the cause , which is not to be defended or patronized by names ( but arguments ) much less to be prejudged or blasted by them . § . 85. you now add , as a reason to inforce your last proposition , that although the grace of god work not by any physical determination of the will , but by way of moral suasion onely , and therefore in what degree soever supposed , must needs be granted ex natura rei possible to be resisted , yet god by his infinite wisdome can so sweetly order and attemper the outward means in such a congruous manner , and make such gracious inward applications and insinuations , by the secret imperceptible operation of his holy spirit , into the hearts of his chosen , as that de sacto the will shall not finally resist . that ( you say ) of the son of syrach , fortiter & suaviter , is an excellent motto , and fit to be affixed , as to all the wayes of gods providence in generall , so to this of the effectuall working of his grace in particular . ] § . 86. this for the substance falls in with the last of those which you so cautiously set down for meer conjectures , seeming to you not improbable . and so here you continue to propose it , 1 , as that , which god can do , ( and thus no christian can doubt of it ) 2. by the one testimony which you tender for the proof of it , the words of ecclesiasticus [ strongly but sweetly ; ] which though it be there most probably interpreted of the works of gods providence , not particularly of his grace , so if it were , most fully expresses their thoughts , who building on the promise of sufficient grace , and the way of the working of that by moral suasion , will apply the fortiter to the sufficiency , and the suaviter to the suasion , and yet resolve ( what frequent experience tells us ) that those that are thus wrought on , strongly and sweetly too , and as strongly and sweetly ( if not sometimes more so ) as they that are converted by it , are yet very ( very ) many times , not converted . § . 87. here therefore the point lyes , not whether god can thus effectually work upon all that he tenders sufficient grace unto , nor again , whether sometimes ( and whensoever he pleaseth ) he doth thus work , ( for as this is the most that you demand , so this is most evident , and readily granted ) but 1. whether all are effectually converted and persevere , and so are finally saved , on whom god doth work thus sweetly and powerfully , attempering the outward and inward means , applications and insinuations , by the secret imperceptible operations of his spirit , and that in a congruous manner ( i add time also ) 2. whether his doing thus is such an act of his election , as that all to whom this is not done , shall be said in scripture to be left , past by , and reprobated . § . 88. if thus it is , ( not onely can be ) and if it may be convincingly testified by any text of scripture , that this really is the scripture election , it shall be most willingly and gladly yielded to : but till this be done , 1. that other scheme , which i so lately set down , may be allowed to maintain it's competition against this , and 2. it is to be remembred from the premises , that the glory of gods grace in every one's conversion is abundantly taken care of , and secured , without the assistance of this : 3. that the ground of the anti-remonstrants exception to the arminian occurrs in this way of stating too , for since 't is here affirmed , that grace even thus applyed is possible to be resisted , why may not the accepting this higher degree be as imputable to mans wil , as of the other barely sufficient grace the objecter supposes it to be ? § . 89. lastly , the saying of our saviour mat. xi . 21. is of no small moment in the case , and yields a substantial prejudice to this way . for 1. it is expresly affirmed vers . 20. of those cities wherein were wrought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his most abundant powers or miracles , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they repented not ; his miracles i suppose had his grace annexed to them , and it is hard to believe that where his most numerous miracles were afforded , they should all want the advantage of the congruous timings to give them their due weight of efficacy : however there is no pretence of believing it here , where it is said , christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 began to reproach and upbraid them , that the miracles had been so successless among them , which he could with no propriety do , if any circumstance needfull to their efficacy had been wanting to them : and v. 22. the more intolerable measure of damnation , which is denounced against them , puts this beyond question , that these wanted not the more superabundant advantages of grace . secondly , it is also as explicitly pronounced by christ , that those miracles and that grace which were not effectuall to the conversion of those jewish cities , chorazin and bethsaida , would have been successful to the conversion of others , and made them proselytes and penitents of the severest kind , in sackcloth and ashes . whereupon i demand , had those means , those miracles ( the instruments and vehicles of grace , that were then used to chorazin and bethsaida ) the timings and other advantageous circumstances , which the opinion , now under consideration , pretends to be the infallible means of the salvation of the elect , or had they not ? if they had , then it seems these may fail of converting , and so have not that speciall efficacy , which is pretended , it being expresly affirmed , that here they succeeded not to conversion . but if they had not the timings &c. then it remains as undeniable , as the affirmation of christ can render it , that those means , that grace , which hath not those advantageous circumstances , may be , nay , if granted to tyre and sidon , heathen cities , would actually have been successfull to them . and what can be more effectuall to the prejudice of a conjecture , then this double force of the words of christ confronted expresly to both branches of it ? and then i hope i may with modesty conclude , that there remains no visible advantage of this way , to recommend it , in case the scripture be not found to own , and more then favour it in some other passages . § . 90. your last proposition on this theme is , that sith the consistence of grace and free will is a mystery so transcending our weak understandings , that it hath for many years exercised and puzzled the wits of the acutest schoolmen to find it out , insomuch as hundreds of volumes have been written and daily are de concursu gratiae & liberi arbitrii , and yet no accord hath hitherto followed , you say , you have ever held , and still do hold it the more pious and safe way , to place the grace of god in the throne , where we think it should stand , and so to leave the will of man to shift for the maintenance of its own freedome , as well as it can , then to establish the power and liberty of free will at the height , and then to be at a loss how to maintain the power and efficacy of gods grace , ] § . 91. but if what hath been clearly laid down , for the attributing all our spirituall good to the work of grace , and assuming nothing of this kind to the innate power of free will , but a liberty to resist grace , the rest being humbly acknowledged to be due to a supernaturally conferred freedome , or emancipation , whereby we are enabled to make use of grace , and by the power thereof to cooperate with it ; then 1. the consistence of grace and free will in this sense , is no such transcending mystery , and i think there is no text in scripture that sounds any thing towards the making it so . 2. 't is evident , that the difficulties that have exercised the schools in this matter arise from their endeavouring to state it otherwise , some by maintaining predetermination and irresistibility , which all the powers of nature cannot reconcile with man's free wil ad oppositum ; and some few that go another milder way , are yet afraid of departing too far from the former , and instead of irresistibility substitute efficacy , as that signifies infallibility of the event to the elect , and so find difficulty to extricate themselves ; whereas grace sufficient , but resistible , given together with the word to all , to whom christ is revealed , hath 1. it self nothing of difficulty in the conception , and 2. being understood , utterly removes all farther difficulty in this matter . for hereby we place the grace of god in the throne , to rule and reign in the whole work of conversion , perseverance , and salvation , ( and what can be more demanded , that we have not asserted ? certainly nothing by you , who in setting down the consent of all parties , exprest it by no more then its having the main stroke and chiefest operation ) and need not put the will of man to shift for the maintenance of its own freedome , as long as we can do it with much more safety and temper , then either by setting it at the height with the pelagians , or endangering to convert it into a meer trunk , or leaving men to the duct of their own humours , either to advance it above its due , and grow insolent , or depresse it below what is meet , and so give up themselves to sloth , and indifferency . § . 92. on the third or last head concerning grace and perseverance , your propositions are three , the two former i shall set down together , because the first is but a preparative to , or one way of proof of the second , which onely concerns our purpose . i. that faith and all holy graces inherent in us , love , patience , and humility , &c. are the gifts of god wrought in us by his grace and holy spirit , none will deny ; but that they are wrought in us by infusion and in instanti ( as philosophers teach forms to be introduced into the matter by naturall generation in instanti , ) at least that they are alwayes or ordinarily so infused , you see no necessity of believing , or why it may not be said of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( spirituall graces ) notwithstanding they be acknowledged the gifts of god , as well as of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( spirituall gifts , as we translate them ) which are certainly the gifts of god as well as the other , and so acknowledged ; that they are ( after the manner of other habits ) ordinarily acquirable by industry and frequented acts , and the blessing of god upon our prayers and endeavours . to what purpose els were it for ministers in their sermons usually to press motives to stir up men to labour to get faith , love , &c. and to propose means for their better direction , how to get them ? ii. whence ( you say ) it seemeth to you further probable , that faith and all other inherent graces , as they may be with gods blessing attain'd , may be also lost again by sloth , negligence , and carnall security , and therefore you cannot but doubt of the truth of that assertion which the contra-remonstrants do yet averre with great confidence , that faith once had , cannot be lost , and other the like . the distinction that they use , as a salvo in this question , of a true and temporary faith , signifieth ( say you ) little or nothing , for it at once both beggeth and yieldeth the whole question : it 1. beggeth the question , when it denyeth that faith that may be lost , to be true faith , and withall 2. yieldeth the question , when it granteth a temporary faith , which term is capable of no other construction , then of such a faith , as being once had is afterwards lost . it is one of the articles of our church , that after we have received the holy ghost , we may depart from grace given . ] § . 93. in these two there is nothing for me to question , and as little to add to them , unless i annex , what i suppose you did not think needfull , the express consent of scriptures and fathers , whereon our churches article must be resolved to have been founded . in the old testament the examples of the angels in heaven , of adam in paradise , and in a remarkable manner of two to whom god had given eminent testimony , 1. david , in the matter of vriah , an odious murther added to adultery , and continued in impenitently , till after the birth of the child , the blemish whereof still sticks to him , and remains upon record , as an allay to all his excellencies , now that he is in heaven . 2 , solomon , whose heart was by his multitude of wives and concubines taken off from god , and debauched to idols , no way being left us to discern whether ever he returned or no , unless his ecclesiastes be a declaration and fruit of his repentance ; and as these and many other examples , even of that whole old-testament-church , the jews , make this evident , so the words of ezekiel are express both for totall and finall falling away . if the righteous turn from his righteousness , in his unrighteousness shall he die . § . 94. the new also is parallel , in the example of peter , thrice , with time of deliberation between , and after express warning from christ , and his resolute promise to the contrary , denying and abjuring of christ , whose return from this fall with bitter tears , is called by christ conversion , and the sin upbraided to him thrice after his resurrection , simon , son of jonas lovest thou me more then these ? in reference to his confident undertaking , though all men should deny thee , or be offended , yet will not i. and if the argument from christs express words , formerly produced , be of force , then is judas ( one of those that was by god given to christ , and came unto , and believed on him ) an example of the blackest sort , testifying to this sad truth , that a believer and disciple of christ may betray him to his crucifixion , and die in desperation , § . 95. to these two instances , the former greatly aggravated with circumstances , the latter finall , and of the highest degree imaginable , it is not needfull to add more , els it is obvious to increase the catalogue with those that were polluted by the gnosticks , by name , hymenaeus and alexander , who putting away a good conscience , concerning faith made shipwrack , and again hymenaeus and philetus , who fell off so far , as to the denyall of any future resurrection , of whom the apostle there speaking , saith , if god peradventure will give them repentance , and they may recover themselves out of the snare of the devil ] looking on their estate as that of lapsed believers , and though not utterly hopeless , yet extremely dangerous , and this exemplified in whole churches , apoc. ii . and iii. which are therefore threatned present destruction , if they do not speedily return . § . 96. to which purpose the texts in the sixth and tenth to the hebrews are unanswerable , in the sixth , that it is impossible , i. e. extremely difficult , for those that were once enlightned , &c. if they fall away , to renew them again unto repentance , adding the similitude of the reprobate earth , whose end is to be burned . from which how distant is the doctrine of those , that either imagine it impossible for such to fall away totally , or if they are fallen away , not to be renewed again to repentance ? in the tenth also , t were vain to make so severe interminations against those who sin willfully after receiving the knowledge of the truth , ( as we read v. 26. ) if there were no possibility of so sinning , but especially the 38. verse is remarkable , the just shall live by faith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and if he ( the just ) shall draw back , my soul hath no pleasure in him ] explicating v. 39. what drawing back he speaks of , even drawing back unto perdition , and that is finall , as well as totall , and both , it seems , very possible , as every where appears by the exhortations to him that thinketh he standeth , to take heed lest he fall , when if he do , it had been better never to have known the way of righteousness , then after he hath known it , to turn from the holy commandment , and this in such a degree , as is exprest by returning to the vomit , and wallowing in the mire , the acts and habits of the foulest sins , in forsaking of which their conversion consisted . § . 97. the testimonies of the fathers are too long to be set down , and indeed unnecessary to the confirmation of that , to which the scripture hath testified so plentifully , especially since it is not ( it cannot be ) denyed by the contrary-minded , that saint augustine , the onely fautor of their cause , in the point of decrees , and effectuall grace , granteth possibility of falling , both totally and finally , from a justified estate , and useth it as a means to prove his absolute decrees . i now proceed to your third and last proposition in these words , § . 98. yet i believe wee may securely admit the doctrine of perseverance of gods elect , and the certainty thereof , so as it be understood . 1. of their finall perseverance onely , leaving roome for great ( perhaps totall ) interruptions and intercisions in the meane time . 2. of the certainty of the thing , ( certitudo objecti , ) in regard of the knowledge , and purpose of god , but , not of any undoubted assurance , that the elect themselves have thereof , ( certitudo subjecti , as wee use to distinguish them , ) there being a great deale of difference between these two propositions , it is certain that the elect shall not fall away finally , and the elect are certain that they shall not fall away finally . ] § . 99. in this proposition i can fully yeild my concurrence , if by rendering my reasons for my consent , i may be allowed to expresse what i mean by it . this i shall do through the severall branches of it . 1. i believe not onely that securely we may , but that of necessity ( and under the pain of contradiction in adjecto , ) we must admit the doctrine of perseverance of gods elect , and the certainty , ( most unquestionable certainty ) thereof , gods election of any person to the reward of the covenant , being undoubtedly founded in the perseverance of that person in the faith , this perseverance being the expresse condition of the covenant , he that endureth to the end , the same shall be saveá , he and none but he , but if he draw back , gods soule hath no pleasure in him . § . 100. which that it is nothing available toward concluding that they which can fall totally from their justified state , may not yet fall finally also , i infer to be your sence from your great dislike to the calvinists salvo , taken from the distinction of a true and temporary faith , which assures me , you take that faith for true , which yet is but temporary , then which nothing is more contrary to the establishing the perseverance of all the faithfull , unlesse there be some promise that all temporaries shall so recover again before their death , as finally to persevere , ( which as i think , 't will not be pretended , so if it be , they are no longer temporaries , ) or unlesse it cease to be in their power to continue in their sins , into which they are fallen , which sure it cannot , unlesse the grace of perseverance be irresistible , which if it were , there is no reason , why that of conversion , to all that are converted , should not be irresistible also . § . 101. 2. for their great , ( perhaps totall ) interruptions and intercisions in the meane time , i can no way doubt , but those are subject to them , who yet upon gods foresight of their returne , and persevering constancy at length , are elected to salvation . it is certain , which the article of our church saith , that as they which have received the holy ghost may depart from grace given and fall away , so by the same grace of god they may returne again , and then returning they may no doubt persevere , and then 't is certain they are elected to salvation , the mercy and pardon in christ extending not onely to the sins of an unregenerate state , and the infirmities and frailties of the regenerate ; but also to all the willfull sins and falls of those that do timely returne again by repentance , as david and peter did ( but judas certainly , solomon possibly did not , ) and then continue stedfast unto the end . and so 't is onely the finall perseverance that is required indispensably of the elect , which is reconcileable with their great , perhaps totall intercisions . § . 102. but 't is not amiss here to advert , that this doth no more suppose or include the reconciliation or favour of god , to those that have been once regenerate , when they are fallen into grosse sins , then to the unregenerate remaining in the same or greater sinns , it being as possible in respect of us , ( perhaps more probable in respect of god , ) that the unregenerate may convert and persevere , ( and then they are approved to be the elect , ) as that they that were once regenerate , but now fallen , may return again . it is as certain from before paul's birth , and from all eternity , that he was elected , as that david or peter was , and then either his blasphemous persecuting the name of christ must have been at the time when he was guilty of that , reconcileable with gods favour , viz. before his conversion , ( and then for the gaining of gods savour what needed his conversion ? ) or else peter's denying and abjuring of christ , davids adultery and murther must not be reconcileable , notwithstanding their supposed election . for as to the sonship of their former life , that will no more excuse their contrary wasting sins , then the future sonship of the other , nay it will set the advantage on the other side , the unconverted saul obtaines mercy , because he did it ignorantly , in unbelief , whilst their sins have the aggravation of being sins against grace , and forsaking , and departing from god , which respect makes the state of apostates as the most unexcusable , so the most desperately dangerous state . § . 103. 3. that there is a certitudo objecti to all the elect , cannot be doubted , for if they be elected to salvation , they will finally persevere , if they persevere not , they were not elected . again this certainty of the object , is a certainty in regard of the knowledge and purpose of god , 1. of his knowledge that either they will not fall , or if they do , that they will rise again , and then finally persevere . 2. of his purpose or decree of election , that every such , finally persevering , though formerly lapsed christian , shall be saved . § . 104. 4. for the certitudo subjecti ; as i consent to you fully in disclaiming any necessity of that , so i suppose it is wholly extrinsecall to this subject , devolving to this other question , not whether every one that is elect , be sure he shall not fall away , but whether every believer be or ought to be sure of his election ? of which if he were sure , i could not resist his being obliged to believe himself certain of his finall perseverance ; election and finall failing being incompetible . § . 105. having given you this interpretation of my sence , and so consent to each branch of your proposition , i have no more to add , but that if you mean it in a farther sence , proportionable to your former conjecture on the head of decrees , of bishop overall's opinion , i shall no otherwise debate or question it , then i did that , and so the fate of this and that , are folded up the one in the other , and if the scripture shall be found favourable to the one , it shall be yeilded , and then there will be no controversy of the other . § . 106. onely i desire to add , that it will deserve our speciall care and warinesse , so to deliver our thoughts in this matter , that we leave no man any ground of hope , that in case he depart from his duty , and so fall from grace , or into any willful act or habit of sin , he shall yet be so preserved , whether by gods grace , or by his power , and providence , that he shall not finally dye without repentance : for as there is no promise of god to found that hope , so in time of temptation to any pleasurable , transporting sin , &c. it will be in danger to betray and ruine him , that hath a good opinion of himself , especially if he hath been taught , that faith is a full assurance of his election . § . 107. the same i say of grace , as it signifies the paternall favour of god to his elect children , which is thought by some to be onely clouded , and , as to their sense and present experience and comfort , darkned by their most willfull sins , so as god may be highly displeased with them , as david with his son absolom , and yet continue his paternall love and favour to them , as david did his to that ungracious son , in the height of his rebellion . § . 108. 't is possible this example of david may have some rhetoricall energy in it , to perswade and deceive some . if it have , then 1. i may not unfitly ask this question , whether they think god had then that kindness to absolom that david had ? if he had not , how can it be drawn into example to god ? if he had , how then can it agree with it , to cut him off in the midst of his rebellion , which 't is manifest david would not have done . but omitting that , i answer 2. that 't is visible , that this in david was passionate indulgence , such as men ( as joab tells him ) disliked , and to this kind of humane passionate , i oppose that other kind of divine dispassionate love , producing in god bowels of pity , frequent admonitions and warnings , powerfull messages , strong and earnest calls , and proposition of all rationall motives to repentance . but if those prevail not , the just still continuing to draw back , gods soul hath no pleasure in him , and the greater obligations of love and grace they are , against which he hath sinn'd , the greater the provocations are in the sight of god , and nothing consequently but the greater degree of punishment to be expected . how god is affected toward rebellious sons is set down is . 1. 2 , 10 , 11 , 12 , &c. § . 109. and then to put any man in hope , that what is not ordinarily revealed in the gospel , may yet be laid up for him in the cabinet of gods secret counsels with this seal upon it , the lord knoweth those that are his , as if they might be his still in gods acceptation , which walk most contrarily to him , this may prove a most dangerous snare of souls , and it is strange it should seek shelter in that text 2. tim. 2. 19. which was most expresly designed to the contrary , as is evident both by the notation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the beginning of the verse , which in all probability signifies the covenant of god , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stability whereof , there prest , must assure us that there is no salvation to be expected , but according to the contents of that great indenture , once for all sealed in the blood of christ , of which as that indeed is one part , which is inscribed on one side of the seal [ the lord knoweth those that are his ] i. e. he will never fail to own those that continue faithfull to him ; so the other , on the other side , is most emphatical , [ let every man that nameth the name of christ , depart from iniquity ] which if he do not , he hath forfeited all the priviledges of his christianity . § . 110. the gnostick heresie , one branch of it especially , noted in marcus's scholars , in irenaeus , is a seasonable warning to all sober christians in this matter , he told them of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a redemption , or kind of baptism , which rendered them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , naturally and immutably spirituall , no more to be polluted by sin , then gold by lying in the mire , or the sun beams by lighting on a dunghill , and that whatever they did , they should ( as with the helmet of the mother of the gods ) be rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , invisible to the judge , the effects whereof , as to all carnality , &c. were so detestable , that it becomes every man most sollicitously to guard and secure his schemes of election and doctrine of perseverance of the elect , from all probability , if not possibility , of ministring to the like , and that cannot well be by any other method of resolution , but this , that those that persevere unto the end shall be saved , and none els ; our tenure in all the priviledges of election , 1. gods favour , 2. the continuall assistance of his grace , and 3. the inheritance of sons , being inseparably relative and annext to the constant filiall obedience , which he indispensably requires of us , under the gospel of conditionall promises . § . 111. thus have i past through all your letter and given my self the liberty of these strictures , by way of reflexion on all and every passage therein , which belonged to this subject of god's decrees and his grace ; and without the addition of any unnecessary recapitulation of the severalls , it is already evident , how perfect the agreement is between us in all that you in any degree positively assert , or own as your opinion : and if in one particular which you are so carefull to propose , as a bare conjecture , and not allow it your favour in any other quality , it should happen that we finally dissent ( though in propriety of speech conjectures are not sentiments ) yet it were strange the dispute betwixt us should be of any length . and so you discern the utmost of uneasiness , which is likely to be given you by this address of dear sir your most affectionate brother and servant h. hammond . a second letter , being a view of two emergent difficultyes . deare sir , the very freindly reception which my larger trouble found from you , is my full encouragement to proceed to the conclusion of my importunity and your exercise , which cannot now be far off , if i may judge by your letter . § . 2. two difficultyes , you say , you have sprung by farther entring into the consideration of this matter , the first occasioned by my distinction betwixt the worke of grace and of providence , the second arising from the concessions of scripture of gods withdrawing his grace from those that reject it . § . 3. to those i shall make these returnes , which i doubt not will prove satisfactory . the first seemeth to favour an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or suspence , and to avert all defining in these points : for , say you , since the efficacy of divine grace followeth the acts of his providence , so as it may seem in a manner to depend chiefly thereupon , and the wayes of his providence are abyssus multa , deep and unfathomable , it seemeth to you to conclude strongly that the manner how god effectually worketh by his grace to the conversion of a sinner is also to our understandings incomprehensible . ] to this you cannot but foresee my reply , that the proposall of that distinction was by me designed as a prejudice to bishop overal's way , which you had then mentioned as your conjecture . and if it shall have indeed that influence upon you or any man , as you speake of , to encrease the difficulty , and to conclude strongly , that the manner of gods working , &c. is incomprehensible ; yet you know this cannot in justice be applyed farther then to that particular scheme , against which peculiarly this disadvantage was proposed , and then the onely regular conclusion is , that this which you proposed but as a conjecture , should now grow lower in your esteem , and scarce be thought worthy to be own'd as such . § . 4. and the more force there is in this one consideration , thus to incline you , the lesse shall i despair , that two more considerations , which then encompassed this , and the superadded tender of another way , that the scripture-grounds , especially christ's parables in the gospel , suggested , will in some degree prevaile with you , to deposite this conjecture , which ( beside other prejudices against it , ) hath no grounds of scripture to pretend to , in exchange for that other , that hath , and pretends no further , then it shall approve it selfe to be thus founded . § . 5. this is all that i may say to an objection which i was to cherish and strengthen , ( rather then answer . ) but i shall not think that needfull , onely i leave it to have that force with you , which you shall see fit to give it , remembring onely that it ought not to have force with him , that accepts not that scheme , that alone is concerned in it . § . 6. which scheme having been proposed by you with perfect warinesse , and profession of allowing it to be no more then a conjecture , one such difficulty as this , is , i acknowledge , sufficient to remove you from it , and in that case it will not be unseasonable again to tender that which you may finde better qualified for your acceptance , having without question an advantage , from the parable of the sower , to recommend it . i shall endeavour to make this cleare to you . your supposed intricacy , or unfathomable question , is , what it is that makes sufficient grace to be effectuall to any ? i say the parable of the sower was intended by christ on purpose to answer that question , which it hath competently performed , for here wee see , the seed being the same , ( whether that were the word , or grace , it matters not , as long as 't is remembred that the word is the vehicle of grace , and the instrument of conveighing it to the heart , ) all the difference taken notice of , is onely in the soyle , viz : some troden down , and crusted ; some stony ; some thorny ; some good , and mellow . proportionably to this four-fold difference of the ground , the severall fates of the seed are described , and your one question divided into four , and answer exactly accommodated to each . § . 7. the first question is this , what is it that makes sufficient grace , uneffectuall , to some men , so that though it be on gods part freely afforded them , and as freely as to any other , yet it hath not the least effect upon them ? and the answer is evident in the explanation of that parable , mat. xiii . 19. because he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that heares the word , to which that grace is annexed , but either understands it not , or minds it not ; and so the divil comes and catcheth away that which was sown , ( and in that case there is no great need of that divil towards the obstructing effectuallness , let the seed ly there never so long , if it be not minded , it can signifie nothing toward an harvest . ) § . 8. the second question is , what is it that makes sufficient grace , after it is received , and that with joy , ( great forwardness and alacrity at the first ) to become so uneffectuall to the supporting a man in time of temptation , that rather then endure any smart for piety , he falls into any the grossest sins ? and the answer follows v. 21. because such a man is of a temper that yields not grace any depth to root in , he hath some stonyness at the bottome , some pleasure , or passion , or other remains of resistance rooted in him , which he hath not divested himself of , and when duty begins any way to check that , he is impatient , and throws off piety , of which he made very fair professions , and such as had , as far as his trialls formerly went , reality in them , till this last signall tryall was made of him , for which , it seems by the effect , he was not qualified . § . 9. the third question is , what is the reason that sufficient grace , once received and bringing forth fruits , though it come not to combat with any sharp tryalls , doth yet many times decay and perish after a while ? and the answer is v. 22. that there remained in the heart of such some piece of ill temper unreformed , which in time prolified , and sent out great and wasting sins ( though not so generally decryed in the world ) viz. worldly sollicitudes , and such as the wealth of the world is apt to beget in men that have or seek it , and these being permitted to thrive in the soul , 't is regular that grace , which cannot consist with such ( you cannot serve god and mammon ) should be overrun , and choaked , and at length destroyed by that means , which had it not been for this cause of abortion , as it was sufficient , and effectuall for a while , so it would have prosper'd to perseverance . § . 10. and this introduceth the fourth and last question , what then is it that renders sufficient grace effectuall both to conversion and perseverance ? and the answer is v. 23. the goodness of the soile , probity of the heart , wherein that sufficient grace is received , and what that is , is best discerned by the opposition to all the former three , 1. it is a sincerely pliable , ductile temper , that neglects not to make use of any grain of grace , 2. it hath an uniform courage to combat with difficulties , and is not enslaved to pleasures . 3. it utterly despises the world , the allurements and the terrors of it , and uses it , as if it used it not . the former part of this temper renders it effectuall to conversion , the two latter to perseverance also . and considering that parable is set down by christ to give account of the various successes of the word of the kingdome , i. e. of the gospel among all those to whom it is made known , who with you are the adaequate object of the scripture-election , and reprobation , what can be farther required to the clear satisfaction of your whole difficulty ? § . 11. and then remembring that the onely remaining question , viz. whence is this probity ? hath been fully answered in the former papers , i appeal to no other then your self , whether this be not both a perspicuous , and authorized stating , having so weighty a passage of gospel to found it , and therefore in all justice preferrable to your bare conjecture , which , besides that it is pressed with difficulties ( as your self acknowledge ) which to you seem unanswerable , is not provided of any pretense of a foundation , hath no authority from holy scripture to recommend it . § . 12. if it have any , it is most probably that other short parable in the same chapter , v. 44. where the kingdome of god is compared to a treasure hid in the field , the which when a man hath found , he hideth , &c. there the man , which found the treasure , is not supposed to seek it ( for that makes another parable v. 45. ) but by the meer providence of god ( which the heathen philosophers were wont to stile chance , and commonly give this very instance of it the treasure found in the field , ) happily to fall upon it , when he passeth by on some other errand ; and this indeed is matter of frequent observation , augustine is converted by s. ambrose's sermon , when he came to it on no such design , saul is called to from heaven , and converted to christianity , when he was going to damascus on the most distant design of persecuting it . and to omit the many more examples of those of whom it hath been litterally true , that they have found god , when they sought him not , asked not after him , one eminent story our books give us , of two young children brought to a city to be sold , at a time when a devout nun had vowed to take some young child , and bestow her whole life , and utmost industry to bring it up in strict piety , and accordingly came and bought one of them , and assoon as she had bought her , a bawd came in her presence and bought the other , by which means these two , which were so lately in the very same indifferent condition , by this act of divine providence ( to which this was to be attributed ) were strangely discriminated , the one brought up and early engaged , and so persevering to the lives end in all piety , and the other by the contrary discipline debauched , and educated to the trade of harlotry , wherein she lived and persevered . in which it is visible how signal an influence this one act of divine providence had on so distant eternall fates of these two , and how eminent an ingredient it was in the saving the one and damning the other . § . 13. but from all these and innumerable the like , ( which are freely granted , and allowed to be competent to confirm your main conclusion , that the providence of god is abyssus multa ) you will soon discern , that there comes in no least advantage to that learned bishops scheme , which is the matter of your conjecture , and our onely present enquiry . the whole weight of that ( as far as i , or any man questions it ) being laid , not on the superabundance afforded to one above the other , ( which is willingly granted ) but on the foreseen universall inefficaciousness of the barely sufficient grace , acknowledged to be given to all , till that superadded advantage administred by gods providence in the choice of the congruous timing , come in , as the work of gods election , to make the discrimination . § . 14. now seeing in all these examples , and in that parable , nothing like this is to be found , no evidence , or intimation of gods foreseeing , 1. that that man that found the treasure , would never have been wrought on by that measure of sufficient grace , which that opinion allows god formerly to have afforded him , unless by that seasonable act of providence he had thus faln on the treasure in the parable , or 2. that augustine would never have been converted , if he had not been surprized by s. ambrose's sermon , or 3. that saul would not have been converted at another time , without , or even with that vision , and voice from heaven , or lastly that that fortunate child , that fell into the nun's , instead of the bawd's hands , would never have been brought to heaven any other way , and could not have miscarried under this method : through all these instances , i say , it is still apparent , that nothing is gained toward the approving the conjecture , these advantageous turns of providence afforded one man and not another , and the signall efficacy of such , being most freely granted by those who deem the conjecture improbable . § . 15. and indeed , if it be well considered , all that these , and a myriad of the like instances infer , is no more then this , the great and admirable variety of gods providentiall acts , not as those are all one with , but as in his hands they are instrumentall and subservient to his grace , whereby in diverse manners grace is advantageously assisted by providence , to one in this wise , and admirable manner , to another in that ; no man , who is allowed the sufficient grace , being denyed some benefit or other of providence to assist grace , and make it more then probable to become effectuall to him , if he doth not betray and frustrate the opportunities of the one , as well as the power and efficacy of the other . § . 16. so that still acknowledging most willingly , and admiring the abyss of providence , this no way obstructs the comprehending the manner ( or perplexes the doctrine ) of the cooperation of the grace of god with the will of man , but leaves it where the parable of the sower set it , that the efficacy of grace , and successfulness , whether to conversion , or perseverance proceeds from the mellowness , and preparedness of the soile , from the advantages which it meets with in the honest heart , as that again is wholly due to gods preventing graces , which have thus fitted the soile for the kindly seeds-time , planted pliableness , humility in the heart , where grace may be deeply and durably rooted , but this still resistibly in both parts , as hath formerly been exprest . § . 17. one phansie i know there is , which hath pleased some men in this matter , that god gives sufficient grace to those who do not make use of it , but resist it , and yet more then so , the power of using , or accepting , or not resisting it , but gives to the elect and onely to the elect , ipsam non resistentiam , the very not resisting , and this they will have to be the signal discriminating grace . § . 18. of these i shall demand 1. whether in those which have not this ipsam non-resistentiam given them , this be an effect of god's decree , which hath determined the certain infallible giving it to some peculiar persons , and so the not giving it to all others ? if it be not , then this is no foundation of discriminating grace , or consequently fruit of election and reprobation , and so is still impertinent to the matter for which it is brought . § . 19. but if it be the effect of gods decree , determining the giving it to some , and denying it to others , i then 2. demand , whether all they to whom it is not given , do therefore infallibly receive the grace of god in vain , because they have not this ipsa non-resistentia ( which is more then the power of not resisting ) given them ? § . 20. if this be not affirmed , then , as before , this comes not home to discriminating grace , nor consequently to the business of election and reprobation , which it was meant to assist . but if it shall be said , that they therefore infallibly resist , or receive in vain , because this ipsa non-resistentia is not given them , then it seems this gift of ipsa non-resistentia is such , as that they who have it not , want somewhat which is necessary to their effectuall receiving , or not-resisting grace , and if this be the condition of the far greatest part of the world , then how can it with any sincerity be affirmed ( as by those that make use of this expedient , it is profest ) that god hath to all mankind given christ , and in him all things , and particularly grace sufficient , and the power of not-resisting grace , which according to this phansie , none can choose but resist , who have not the ipsam non-resistentiam given them , which yet they affirm to be given but to a few , i. e. to none but the elect ? § . 21. this were ( by interpretation , and in effect ) for god to give to all men a power to an act , which yet the greatest part of those which have it given them , can never make use of to that act , for want of somewhat else which is not given them , which to all them which have not that somewhat else given ( and those the far greatest number of men for whom christ dyed ) is not a power to that act , viz. of not-resisting ; which what is it other then a direct contradiction , a power and not a power to the same act ? and withall so far from being a favour to them , that it is in event infallibly and inevitably the greatest curse , that could have befaln them , viz. the heightening and extreamly aggravating of their guilt and punishment , proportionably to their sin of resisting such sufficient grace , of standing out against christ , which as it is the height of guilt , ( and awarded the dregs of gods wrath , ) now under the gospel , and makes their condition in the world to come , much worse , then it would have been , if christ had never been borne , or preached to them , so it had never been thus direfully charged upon them , if they had not had the power of not resisting given them by christ . § . 22. this is a competent prejudice and discouragement to this phansy , of founding discriminating grace and the doctrine of unconditionate decrees in this difference betwixt the power of resisting , and the ipsa non-resistentia , the latter given onely to the elect. § . 23. but it will farther be defeated , if we reflect on that place of scripture , wherein gods giving the ipsa non-resistentia chiefly seems to be mentioned , phil. ii. 13. under the style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , working in us to do , or work , which that it tends not to the support or advantage of this phansy may be evident by these three considerations . § . 24. first , by the importance of the phrase , [ working in us to do , as before to will , ] which ( as was formerly noted , in passing , ) will best be understood by other parallel phrases , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gods giving to serve , luke . 1. 72. which is evidently his giving grace , or power , or supernatural abilities to serve , not onely furnishing him with a remote , and fundamentall power , or faculty , but withall having a particular immediate influence on the effect , actuating that power , when it is actuated , and so properly causing , or making him actually to serve , yet so as to leave him power also to neglect , and receive that power in vain , as the scripture elsewhere saith ; thus revel . xi . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i will give , wee render , i will give power , viz. power to the subsequent act , prophecying there , as in luke , serving in holynesse . by which analogy it is evident , that gods working in us to do , or work , is not interpretable to any more , then his giving supernaturall power , or sufficient grace to do , or worke , and causing him actually , though not irresistibly to work , and then here is no pretense whereon to found the foresaid difference , between god's giving the power of not resisting , and the ipsa non-resistentia , these two being equivalent in this text. § . 25. secondly , the same appeareth by the apostles exhortation foregoing in this text , to worke and worke out our own salvation with feare and trembling , for the inforcing whereof this reason is given , for it is god that worketh , &c. here our own working is under apostolical exhortation and precept , wee are commanded to worke , as elsewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to cooperate , and worke together with god , which could not have place , if god alone , ( and not wee , ) did work in us the very working , whereas interpreting it of gods giving us the power of working , or doing , as well as of willing , and withall engaging us to make use of that power , and cooperating with us in the very act , and so causing us actually to work , yet so as to leave us a power of resisting , and frustrating , and receiving this power or grace in vain , this is a most proper and effectuall inforcement of the exhortation addrest to us , to work and work out our own salvation . § . 26. this farther and most irrefragably appeares by the persons , to whom both the exhortation , and this enforcement thereof is tendred , viz : the brethren indefinitely , or beloved , verse . 12. the whole church of professors at philippi to whom he writes , which being not made up wholly of the elect , sincere , and persevering christians , but like the net , in christ's parable , that caught both good and bad , and had no doubt some insincere persons , hypocrites , and temporaryes in it , the affirmation notwithstanding is indiscriminately of all , god worketh in them to work , which could not hold , if by this phrase were meant his giving the ipsa non-resistentia , and that as an evidence of discriminating grace , and an effect of his election , for this is not supposable to have belonged to that whole church , any more then it then did , or now is believed to do to all christians . § . 27. i have enlarged thus far , because i was not willing to omit , but rather to prevent whatsoever i could foresee might probably be objected in this businesse . and so this may suffice to have returned to your first difficulty . § . 28. the second difficulty you thus propose , whereas it is said , and that , ( as you conceive , ) most truly and agreably to plain evidence of scripture , that god withdraweth his grace from such as rejecting it when it is offered to them by the preaching of the gospel , do thereby frustrate the counsell of god against themselves , it seemeth hard to conceive how the grace of god should be so withdrawn from them , that so do , but that , so long as they are not deprived of the outward means , the same sufficient grace that was offered to them at the first hearing of the gospel , is offered to them still ; which if it was then sufficient on god's part , to do the work , is also still sufficient , and that in the same degree , and how then can it be said to be withdrawn ? it is true that the conversion of such a person , after so long obstinacy and refusall is more difficult then before , which may arise from the greater indisposition of the person to be wrought upon , but how it can be imputed in the least , to the withdrawing of the divine grace , ( to which yet undoubtedly it may and ought to be imputed , ) upon the former supposall on the like sufficiency remaining , i must professe my self not able to understand . ] § . 29. to this i shall not doubt to apply a satisfactory answer , and such as you will acknowledge to be such , by distinguishing of gods withdrawing his grace . for , 1. it being gods method to give more grace to those that walk worthy of it , the humble obedient children of grace , when he on our provocations stops that current , this may be called withdrawing . god's smitings are his admonitions , ( heare ye the rod , ) his admonitions , as any other dispensation of his word are vehicles of grace , and when these prevaile not , they are thus withdrawn , i. e. not farther encreased , ( why should yee be smitten any more , &c. is . 1. ) yet is this withdrawing consistent with gods affording sufficient grace , either by instruments of some other kinde , or even of the same kinde , the continuance of that proportion , which was formerly afforded ; as he that gives a competency , and would if he saw it well used , daily make additions to it , though he see cause to with-hold those additions , yet he may continue that competency . but in propriety of speech , ( the truth is , ) this is rather with-holding , then withdrawing , yet because the not giving what was promised to be given is tantamount to withdrawing , i therefore place this in the first ranke , supposing it cleare , that this doth not onely leave sufficient grace ; but is it self designed to awaken and quicken those that did not formerly make good use of it , lest a worse thing yet befall them . § . 30. secondly , then withdrawing being taken in the proper sense , for taking away from and diminishing the stock , before afforded , that may yet be but in part , not totall , and there being a latitude in sufficient grace , some degrees of that may be taken away , and yet that which remaines be sufficient , an image of which is that degree of church-censures , which cutting off from the participation of the eucharist , or suspending from it , allowes the hearing of the word , and partaking in the prayers of the faithfull , and this act of gods withdrawing , again is so far from denying sufficient grace , that it is purposely used and designed , as the most probable means to make that sufficient grace effectuall , which formerly had not been so . § . 31. there may yet be a third , and yet further degree of withdrawing , which at the present , and as to sufficient grace , may be said to be totall , i. e. such a withdrawing of grace at the present , that it shall truly be said such a man is not now allowed sufficient for his necessities , whether it be that his necessities are grown greater , and so the former competency will not suffice , or be it also , that some of that which he had is withdrawn , as when he that for some time had no violent temptations , and was furnished with strength proportionable to what he had , upon his betraying this strength , and sinning willfully against it , is by god called out to sharper combats , having been foiled with the weaker , and perhaps some part of his former strength withdrawn from him also , when he hath most need of succours , and should certainly have had them , had he not thus provoked the withholding them . in this case the aime of this punishment of gods is yet most wise and mercifull , thus to convince such a man of his guilts , and impotence , ( the effect of them , ) and so as by turning nebuchadnezzar into the field , thorowly to humble him , to excite ardency of prayers , both for pardon , and grace , which god in that case failes not to give , and so to restore such a man to a greater stability of his former state . § . 32. and so still this is neither finall , nor simply totall , as that signifies withdrawing all grace , but onely totall for a time in the sence declared , as it signified the withdrawing what was necessary to their present state . § . 33. and i need not shew you how far this is reconcileable with sufficient grace , any farther then thus , that such an one though severely mulcted hath yet time for repentance and grace to make some use of it , which if he failes not in , he hath assurance of more grace , and this demonstrated to be so , by his not being cut off in his sins , ( gods long-suffering leading him to repentance , ) and by the light of gods word , and articulation of his calls dayly continued to him , which are not void of that grace , which is sufficient to work conviction , and hath the promise of more , ( upon asking , ) made to him that is thus qualified for it . § . 34. fourthly , there is the removing the candlestick , the withdrawing all the outward ordinary means of grace , the preaching of the word and sacraments , which if it be done by the censures of the church , is called the delivering up to satan , or if it be done by gods judgements , invasion of barbarians , &c. it is yet to those persons that are thus punished , perfectly proportionable to that of the church-censures . and yet of those it is said expresly by the apostle , that the end of inflicting them is for edification , that they may be disciplined , taught not to blaspheme . this supposes continuance of grace to them that are thus punished , and that sufficient to make use of this punishment to their amendment , nay the punishment , though it be the withdrawing of one instrument of grace , is it self another , and therefore purposely chosen and allowed in exchange for the former , because it is looked on as the more probable to produce the effect . § . 35. they that see so great a benefit withdrawn from them for their unworthiness , will be thereby excited to reflect on their provocations , and bewail them , and contend by all regular means to regain what they have forfeited , and to repair their defects some other way , and this being the very end to which this punishment is by god designed , it is not imaginable , he doth yet ( till this method also be despised ) withold that degree of grace from such which is necessary for the producing of the effect . § . 36. all the ordinances of god , we know ( and such are the censures ) yea and all the wise dispensations of his providence , particularly his punishments of this life ( and therefore this , as the last , beside excision ) are instruments of grace in the hands of his wisdome , as well as the preaching of the word is , and therefore in all reason to be resolved to be the vehicles of grace also , and so neither is this any objection against gods giving sufficient grace to those , whom he thus punishes , in case they begin to make use of it . if they do not , but continue still obstinate , 't is just it should at length be withdrawn from them . § , 37. but this must be understood onely of those persons to whom the light of the gospel had formerly shined , not to their distant posterity , which never have had any gleames of it , though their ancestors had the fullest sunshine . these are to be reckon'd with the heathen , with whom you know we undertook not to meddle , treating onely of the scripture-election , terminated in those to whom the scripture is revealed . § . 38. fifthly there is a totall and finall withdrawing of all grace , as well as the means of it , which is visible in the cutting off such an one in his sins , and when this comes , our former supposall of sufficient grace , as of the preaching of the word , and god's calls , are utterly at an end , but this breeds no shew of difficulty , that man having enjoyed and mispent his time of sufficient grace , and now the store-houses are shut up . § . 39. but there is yet possibly a sixth state of with-drawing , when before either cutting off , or with-drawing gods outward calls , whilst life , and the preaching of the word is continued , the obdurate sinner , that hath long hardened his own heart against god , thereby provokes him totally to with-draw all inward grace from him , as much as if he were already in hell ; this seems to be pharaoh's case after the sixth judgement , and was designed by god to very excellent ends , to make him an example to all those that should be inclined to harden their hearts against god ; and though we know not that god thus deals with any others , yet it is sure he justly may with all whom he may justly cut off in their sins . and in this case i acknowledge the non-conversion of such a man is not onely imputable to the indisposition of the person to be wrought on , but also to the withdrawing of the divine grace , for then , as i said , the former supposal ( of the like sufficiency remaining ) ceaseth , and is out-dated . § . 40. what fresh difficulties can arise from this concession , i cannot divine , unless 1. it should be objected , that then , it seems , the word is not alwayes the vehicle of grace , and then 2. who knows when it is so , when not ? and how then is this reconcileable with the doctrine of sufficient grace alwayes accompanying the word ? and to these the answers are obvious , 1. that it is granted that the word is not the vehicle of grace to the divils who believe and tremble , to the damned who have received their sentence , nay nor to those that are thus arrived to the highest degree of obduration in this life , and have , as pharaoh , this exterminating sentence passed upon them . it is sufficient if it be so to them that are in a capacity to make use of it , and have not utterly hardened themselves against it , the scripture-expression being , that the gospel is the power of god to salvation to every one that believes it , and this is enough to establish our pretensions , the doctrine of sufficient grace . there is a competent time allowed every man , and 't is certain , death is the conclusion of it , 't is possible some space before death . § . 41. as for the second , if it were on the premised grounds granted , that sometimes it cannot be known whether or no the preaching of the word do then bring this grace with it , yet the one regular consequence would be that we should all be the more carefull to make use of grace , when it is afforded : but when to this is added , that this barren season is alwayes the reward of obstinate obduration ( and of nothing less then that ) as long as we have any softness left , that is our assurance that this sad time is not yet come upon us . they that go on in their obdurate course , have reason to expect this fatal period every hour , but they that have remorse , and any degree of sincere relenting , may know by this , that this state of spiritual death hath not yet seized them , and that is sufficient to guard this doctrine from all noxious consequences , having provided that none shall hereby think his state desperate , that is willing to reform it . § . 42. but then it is farther to be remembred , that there appears not in the word of god , any other example of this totall spirituall dereliction finally inflicted , before death , but onely that of pharaoh , after the time that god is said to have hardened his heart ; and the reason of this is set down , god keeps him alive , after the time due to his excision , that he might shew in him his power . and such singular examples ought no farther to be taken into consideration by us at this distance from them , then to warn us , that we keep as far as it is possible from the like provocations , and then there remains not , that i discern , any farther appearance of difficulty in this matter . § . 43. as for any others that shall be apt to occur , when men set themselves to consider of these points , not divining what they are , i may not pretend to speak to them , any farther then thus , that in all probability they may be measured by these , which you have chosen to mention , and by nearer approach to them be likewise found not to be so deep , as at the distance they are conceited to be . this then concludes your trouble ; it remains that according to my promise i now onely annex the letters of praescience , and hasten to subscribe my self your most affectionate brother and servant h. hammond . the extracts of three letters concerning gods praescience reconciled with liberty and contingency , referred to , and promised in the first letter to d. sanderson , §. 8. the first letter . § . 1. as to the distinction betwixt inevitably and infallibly , ( of which you desire my sence ) it is certain you must understand no more by the infallibility , then is vulgarly meant by necessitas ex hypothesi , which is no more then that whatsoever is , cannot not be , or , omne quod est , eo ipso quod est , necessariò est . for so whatsoever is seen , or ( which is all one in an infinite deity ) foreseen by god , is thereby supposed to have , in that science of his , an objective being ; if it were not , or did not come to pass , it should have no such objective being , if it have , it is thereby evidenced to be seen by him , who was , is , and is to come , and so ( being infinite ) is equally present to all , and equally sees , and knows all from all eternity . what therefore you conclude ( as it is most agreeable to this , so it ) is most true , that god knows all things as they are , such as come to pass contingently , he knows to come contingently , and from thence i undeniably conclude , therefore they are contingent ; as for socinus's resolution that he foresees onely what are foreseeable , and that contingents are not such , but onely those that come to pass by his decree , i conceive it as dangerous as m. calvins , that he predetermines all things , and it is visibly as false . for it is evident by the prophecies of judas &c. that god long ( before ) foresees sins , which are as certainly contingent , and not decreed or decreeable by god. if therefore any that writes against the remonstrants go about to retort their arguments , and conclude from their acknowledgements of gods praescience , what is charged on their adversaries doctrine of praedetermination , i conceive it is but a boast , that hath no least force in it , praedetermination having a visible influence and causality on the object , but eternal vision , or praevision being so far from imposing necessity on the thing to be , that it supposes it to be already , from the free choice of the agent , and that being of it is , in order of nature , before its being seen . gods seeing , or foreseeing hath no more operation or causality of any kind on the object , then my seeing your letter hath caused your letter . you wrote freely , and now i see it , and that being supposed , it is infallibly certain that you have written , and that you cannot not have written . and just so it is in respect of god. onely i am finite , and so is my sight , i see few things , and those onely which are present , but god being infinite sees all ab infinito , that are never so long hence future . — at cambridge they have lately printed origen contra celsum , and philocalia gr. & lat. ( which were rarely had and dear ) the latter of which hath good chapters on this subject . § . 2. this letter met with some prepossessions , so far advanced , as to cause a reply of some length , and that necessitated my larger endeavours to remove them , which i shall here add also ; his reply , to which this referres , is none of my goodes , and therefore i may not take that liberty in disposing of that , but you will discerne the force of it , in my returnes , which were as followes . the second letter . sir . § . 3. i received your letter , and in it your sence of that difficult point , which i cannot approve of , but on the contrary assure my self , that as omnipotence is not onely the power of doing all things that any or all creatures can do , but more then so , the doing all things that imply not a contradiction , ( as the same thing at once to be and not to be , the doing of those being as impossible to god , as it is to lye , ) so the omniscience of god is the knowing all things which any creature can know , and not onely so , but the knowing all things which implye not a contradiction to be known , and then that will be extensible to all things that are past , present , or to come , of what sort soever they are ; what is past , or present , or being future is decreed by him , or comes to passe by some necessary cause in nature , which he decrees not to hinder , gods knowledge of these will not , i suppose , be doubted of . all the question will be of future contingents , which before they are done , are possible to be , or not to be , but whensoever they come to passe , are as determinately in being ; as is any thing else , ( the most necessary , ) that is allready done . unlesse then , what by being future is out of my reach , is also by being future , out of gods reach , there can be no pretense that any such future contingent should not be objicible to gods all seeing knowledge . § . 4. and that nothing that ever shall be , or will come to passe , is thus out of gods reach , must sure be yeilded to gods immensity , which relating to time , as well as place , it will be equally derogatory to it to limit it to the present time , in opposition to the future , and to the present , ( be it whatsoever finite , ) place . this therefore i take to be the one thing fit to be considered in this matter , whether gods immensity comprehend not a commensuration to all time , and somewhat beyond that , as much as infinite is beyond finite . § . 5. this i suppose cannot be denyed to the notion which is due to a deity , and if so , then god was immense from all eternity , and cannot be imagined to advance or arrive to this by any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , proficiency , or improvement , by continuing or enduring from the beginning to this time , or to the end of the world , but in every imaginable point of time , even before time was , he was thus immense , and if so , his knowledge being as immense as himself , all that he was from eternity present to , ( i. e. all things that ever were or shall be , ) must needs be objected to his knowledge . § . 6. against this , your prime argument is , that it is no more derogatory to his omniscience not to know that which is in nature unintelligible , then to his omnipotence , not to do things impossible . ] this is expresly socinus's grand argument , and to it i answer . 1. that the phrase , ( in nature unintelligible , ) may be set to signifie no more then what no naturall , i. e. created power can know , and then there is no truth in the proposition , unlesse proportionably [ impossible ] signify what no finite naturall created power can do : and if both those phrases be meant so , there is nothing gain'd by it , because a deity may both do and know more , then any creature can . but then secondly , the phrase [ in nature unintelligible ] may also signifie that which in the nature of things , whether finite or infinite , created or uncreated , is not possible to be understood ; and thus i suppose you meane it , and then the interpretation of the phrase must be , that for such a thing to be objicible to any , though infinite , understanding , implyes a contradiction , ( for nothing else is simply impossible : ) and this being your meaning , i absolutely deny , that for god to be by his immensity present to all time , ( and all that he is present to , he may see , ) implyes a contradiction , or hath any appearance , ( to him that considers what infinite is , ) of so implying . and if you will make tryall and attempt to prove it doth , it must be by proceeding on the known definition of contradictoryes , a repugnance in terminis , as idem eodem respectu esse & non esse , and then you will soon discerne the unquestionable truth of my deniall . for gods seeing all future contingents , will neither imply god to be , and not to be , to see , and not to see , to see certainly , and not to see certainly , nor the future contingent to be , and not to be , or to be necessarily and not to be necessarily , or to be future , and not to be future . for the thing being future , and contingent now , and so continuing till it comes to passe , and when it comes to passe , coming to passe contingently , and so as it might not come to passe also , but when it actually is done , it implying a contradiction , ( and so being impossible , ) not to be done , and so being necessary necessitate hypotheticâ , i. e. supposing that it is , all this god sees and knowes by the severall acts of his intellect , answerable to the severall notions of the thing . § . 7. from all eternity , and so in every point of time , before it comes to passe , god sees it both as future , and as contingent , and so , as that , which till it is , may be or may not be ; and when it comes to passe , in ipso fieri , he sees the man that does it , act freely , having power to the contrary , and the thing never necessary , but as being done , and that onely by that necessity , whereof that proposition in logick is to be understood , omne quod est , eo quod est , necessariò est . all which is very obvious to be conceived , and there is not the least contradiction , or shew thereof in it . § . 8. this one would thinke you readily granted , when you say , god infallibly knowes all that is past , present , or possible to be , ( for no man demands any more , ) yet you deny it again in these words , [ meer contingents which with equall possibility may be , or may not be , have no being in act , and therefore can cast no reflection , or objective being into the mind of god. ] to which i reply , first , that you ought to advert . 1. that what may be , or may not be , may be . 2. what may be , is possible , and 3. you your self confesse that god knowes all that is possible . secondly that the having no being in act , ( which seemes to be your stumbling block , ) is a phrase proportioned to the thing , and to our finite understandings , to which the thing is future onely , and so hath no being yet : but when god is considered as infinite , then whatsoever shall ever be in act , that actuall being of it , is the object of gods sight , and hath been so from all eternity , and is no more removed from him , then that is removed from me , which is present with me ; and if you say , god sees before , what in after time shall hang in the ballance of humane indetermination , i e. what he may do , deliberates , and is free to do , or not to do , but hath not yet done , i demand , why may he not also foresee which end of the ballance doth at length overpoise ? ( is not one of these as truly future , as the other , when the man is not yet borne ? ) and so again , which end doth not overpoise , and never will , although he see it might , if the man should choose so , and that the man may so choose , but still that he doth not . this is it , wherein you say the contradiction is , and now it is visible there is none , nor the least approach towards any . § . 9. here you add , ( which is your second main objection , ) that it is a mistake to call that possible , which god foresees shall never be , for if god foresees the contrary , ( i. e. that it shall never be , ) it is indeed impossible . but , 1. i pray , is nothing possible to come to passe , but what actually comes to passe ? if so , nothing that is , is contingent . but if some things be possible to come to passe , which yet do not come to passe , why may not god see they will not come to passe ? and if he can , then that is no mistake , which you say is . 2. do but change the word foresight into ( which is the same , ) seeing from all eternity , and then it is plain , that god from all eternity may see that thing will never actually be , which yet is free for the agent to do , or not to do , ( and god sees that too , ) and so is possible every way , save onely ex hypothesi , on supposition that it will never be ; and as the bare hypotheticall necessity is no absolute necessity , so the bare hypotheticall impossibility is no absolute impossibility . 3. god sees every thing as it is , and it 's being or not being such , is in order of nature antecedent to gods seeing it ; therefore it infallibly followes , that if it be possible to be , though it shall never be , god sees it is possible to be , and if god sees it possible , it unavoidably followes that it is possible . § . 10. and it is not fit here to interpose , that though it seem to us possible , in respect of second causes , yet if god foresee the contrary , it is indeed impossible ; ] for what i am by god left free to do , or not to do , that , not onely seemes , but is indeed possible , and so it is , though in event i never do it , and being so in it self , god's seeing it will never be , hath no least influence upon it , so as to make the least change in it , ( for that is the work of his will , not of his knowledge , ) and so it cannot from possible convert it into impossible . § . 11. when therefore you say , no cause can effect that which god sees shall never be , this is onely true in sensu composito , that , in case it shall never be , and so god sees it shall never be , no cause shall effect it , but in sensu diviso it is most false , for i am truly able to write more lines to you then i shall ever write , or consequently then god foresees i shall write , and even this , that i am thus able , god equally foresees . § , 12. by this you see how far i am from being convinced , or by any reason forced to grant , that future determinations of free agents are not foreseeable , and what the inconvenience is of affirming they are not , even no less then derogating from gods immensity , and infinity , and judging the perceptions of an infinite creator by our finite , created measures , his more then unfathom'd ocean by my span , and feigning contradictions , where there are none . § . 13. now to the inconveniences which you enumerate , i shall reply also , as oft as i perceive i have not prevented , or answered them already . the first is , that the sight can be no more certain then the things are which are seen , and therefore there cannot be a certain knowledge of those things , which in their causes are uncertain , ] i answer that all the certainty of the knowledge of any thing depends upon its being first , and then of its being known to be , and not onely upon the certainty of its causes ; i do now as certainly know that i have written nine pages to you , as i know that the fire burns , therefore that may be known certainly , which is not certain in its causes . and as that which is present to me is certainly known by me , so are all things to come from all eternity , present to an immense creator , be they contingent , or not . and in this case there is not more in the effect then in the cause , for what is contingently come to pass , being done , is certain , and cannot be undone , and god sees it , as it is , therefore he sees it as done , and so certain , yet as done contingently , and so as that which might not have been , the being , certain , the manner of its coming to act , uncertain . the being then being the cause of the seeing , or in nature antecedent to it , and the seeing the effect or consequent of the being , the certainty of the effect is but proportionable to , and exceedeth not the cause . § . 14. the second inconvenience is , that of saying that every thing that happens was certain to be , before it happens ] but i say not so , unless by certain you mean ex hypothesi , certain to be , in case it be ; for in case it should not be , god should see it would not be , and then it should be as certainly otherwise . § . 15. the short is , all exhortations , industry , preaching , &c. are founded in the liberty of our actions , and if they be free till they be actually determined , and then are past freedome , and become necessary , so consequently must exhortations , &c. be all usefull , till the thing be done , ( and then indeed , as to the doing , or not doing that , they are not usefull , but their second season of usefulness comes in , in case it were a sin , exhortation to repentance , &c. ) and that is as much , as can be or need be pretended to , and this is fully competible with gods seeing certainly from all eternity , whatsoever shall come to pass in time ; his seeing it supposing it done , though for the manner of its being done , that were contingent , and if so , then is it not certain to be , before it happens , but it is certain to be , when it is , and it first is , in order of nature , before it is seen , and its being already seen , before it be done , depends onely on the immensity of gods presence , and sight , which reacheth out to all that ever shall be ; so that that which is future to us , he is present to it , and in that sence , though he sees it as future , t is yet present to him . § . 16. your third inconvenience is , that , by this , the damnation of such or such men is as fixed and unalterable , as though they were reprobated from all eternity , and it is as ill in respect of me , if i must inevitably be damned by my own free will , as if i had been sentenced to hell by gods decree , and in respect of god worse , for he must be deprived of the free exercise of his omnipotence , ( because he cannot make that not to be which he foresees will be ) and brought under a stoicall fatality , and so be an helpless spectatour of what anothers will is pleased to effect . ] i answer if by [ such and such men ] you mean such or such individuall entities , without respect to their qualifications or demeanures , then all your consequence , as it is inconvenient , so it is false , for from gods seeing ab aeterno , that judas will be reprobated , it follows not , that he sees he will be reprobated , but for his willfull treason . but if you mean by such or such men ] men so or so qualified , i. e. finally impenitent , then 't is true , but not inconvenient , that finall impenitents , should from all eternity be reprobated . and speaking of these in this sence , 't is true , which you add , that it is as ill in respect of the person , i. e. finall impenitents , meaning by [ as ill ] as sad and penal , nay 't is more sad , and penal to be reprobated for final impenitence , which i am guilty of by my own free-will , then it would be to be onely by gods decree involved in it , my willful culpable guilt being some addition to my misery , and ( as long as god is just ) it being expectable that those punishments will be sharper , which i bring on my self , by the exercise of my free will , then what comes on me by a decree grounded no way in my actions . and so still this is no inconvenience . but if you mean by [ as ill ] that which hath as little mixture of gods goodness towards me , then your consequence is false , for to gods seeing judas reprobated , and his seeing it ab aeterno , it is no way consequent , that he gives him no power to escape damnation , viz. grace to be able to stand and not fall , or grace to recover if he will make use of it , but the contrary rather follows ; for how can god see him damned for the betraying christ , and not repenting and returning , unless this were done wilfully by him ( sins of weakness and ignorance finding mercy , as in the case of saul , persecuting the church ) and unless he were first a disciple of christ , and so were illuminated , and assisted by christ , and if he were so , then he had this power and grace , or might have had it , if he were not wanting to himself , and if so , then this was not so ill to him ( in this sense , of which now i speak ) as to have been irrespectively reprobated , and never vouchsafed this grace . § . 17. so when you say it is worse in respect of god , and prove that because he must be deprived of the free exercise of his omnipotence ] there is no truth in that consequence , or the reason of it . for gods omnipotence consists not in being able to make both parts of a contradiction true , that were in the very attempt a departing from veracity , a falseness , a sin , and so the greatest impotence , and so most contrary to omnipotence . and such is that , which alone your consequence , and the reason of that supposes , making that not to be , which he foresees will be , for by the latter part of that expression you mean that which from eternity he sees to be done , and then to be done and not to be done , is in terminis contradictory . and this impotence or not being able to cause the same thing at once to be and not to be , is far from all notions of stoical fatality , that i ever heard of ( els sure all rationall creatures must be stoicks , for they all resolve that what is , cannot not be ) and as far from making god an idle helpless spectator of what anothers will is pleased to effect : for his providence , and assistence , and efficacy belong to other things , not to the making that not to be , when it is , but to the preventing it before it came , giving grace sufficient , preventing , restraining , exciting , &c. ordering it and disposing of it to his own wise ends , when it is done , and punishing the doer justly , if he repent not , to which he is also ready to give grace , if he humbly ask , and seek and knock for it : all this is supposed to be done by god , and so god is no helpless spectator , and all this is reconcileable with the effects being wrought by our free will , as long as gods grace works not irresistibly . § . 18. here i remember that of s. augustin . de civ . l. 5. c. 10. nullo modo cogimur , aut retenta praescientia dei , tollere voluntat is arbitrium , aut retento voluntatis arbitrio , deum , quod nefas est , negare praescium futurorum , ( this is expresly contrary both to the calvinists pretension on one side , and the socinians on the other . ) § . 19. your fourth inconvenience is , that then god never purposed to save all mankind . ] if by purposing you mean decreeing , and by saving , actually bestowing heaven upon them , then that consequence is true , but not in the least wise inconvenient , for god never decreed to save final impenitents , and such are many of mankind , after the giving of christ , but on the contrary , hath sworn such shall not enter into his rest . the saving of mankind which god decreed is the redeeming them , and giving them christ , and grace , and making them salvable , and being deficient in nothing toward that end to those , that will make use of it . as for the other notion of salvation , it is no where said that god purposed that in the notion of decreeing , but onely that he so will'd as to desire it , and to give sufficient means of effecting it , but those means proportioned to rational agents , and so not violent or irresistible , or such as should , by being contrary to freedome , exclude rewardableness . so when you say , christ could not have an intention to dye for them , who he foresees would be nothing advantaged by it ] if by dying for them ] you mean so dying , that they should actually be saved , so 't is true , he intended not to dye for those that are finally impenitent , and so are not advantaged by it , for sure it is no part of his covenant or intention in dying , to save such : but if by dying for them you mean purchasing pardon , upon supposition of repentance , then that he intended thus to dye for them , that make not this advantage of it , ( and so he sees make it not ) appears evidently by many texts , which tell us of his redeeming those that deny him , that perish , &c. and is intimated by the very style you use of their being nothing advantaged by it , for if he did not purchase those advantages for them , why is that phrase used ? § . 20. your fifth inconvenience is , that on this supposition , god could not seriously call upon such , whom his prescience points out for damnation , to repent , more then i could bid him take heed that he fall not , whom by tumbling down i saw mortally bruised already . ] i answer , 1. that if you mean any more by that phrase [ his praescience points out to damnation ] then [ he sees ab aeterno , that they will not repent , but dye in their sins , ] i reject the phrase , as not belonging to the question , my hypothesis being far from yielding , that praescience doth any other way , but this , or in any other sense , point out any to damnation . and therefore changing that obscurer for this other more perspicuous phrase , i say that gods praescience of mens not making use of his call , is very reconcileable with the seriousness of his call , which i inferr from gods own words , and oath , as i live , saith the lord , i desire not the death of him that dyes , turn you , turn you , for why will you dye ? what can be more serious then this speech , directed to those that dye , and he sees , obstinately will dye . but this differs widely from my warning him to take heed of falling , whom i see actually fall'n , because whensoever god thus calls not to fall , the man is not fall'n : when he calls him to arise again , being fall'n , he is not irreversibly fall'n , and therefore accordingly he calls him ( not , not to fall , but ) to rise again . and what god thus doth in time , god ab aeterno decreed to do , and his foreseeing it would not produce the desired effect , was in order of nature after the decree of doing it , and therefore is in no reason to have any influence on ( so as to change ) the decree , and if not so , then the decree standing still in force , it is most necessary that it should be performed , and so that god should in time call thus seriously to repentance . § . 21. and indeed , for god to foresee ( as he doth , or els would not punish for it , ) that his most serious call will be rejected , and yet not to suppose his call is most serious , is an absolute contradiction , and so cannot possibly be supposed or imagined . § . 22. to my argument of judas's sin being foreseen , and foretold by god , from whence i conclude that that is foreseen which is not caused by god , or to which the man is not determined by any act of gods will ) which you say is very pressing , you answer by referring to my judgement 1. whether the prophecies could not have been fullfilled , had judas never been born : 2. whether by listning to his master he could not have repented , &c. ] to the first i answer , that the prophecy , as it was terminated in him , could not possibly have been fullfilled , had he never been born , and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or utmost completion of the prophecy psal . 41. 9. was terminated in him , the holy ghost by s. peter tells us , act. 1. to the second , that i doubt not but by listning to christ , he might have repented , and then god foresaw that he might , yet foresaw he would not do what he might , and so foretold this ; whereas if he would have done otherwise , it is as undoubted , that god should have foreseen that , and might , if he had pleased , have foretold it also , as christ did not onely his treason , but also s. peters denyall , and repentance also . as for that which you suggest , that the prophecy of him might be like that of jonah , conditional ] 1 , there is little probability for it , when the event hath so much otherwise interpreted it , which if it had not done , i should not have resisted your suggestion , as far as concerned his perishing . but then 2. you know my argument was founded in gods foreseeing his sin ( and no his perishing ) and to that his conditional foresight , exemplified in jonas to nineveh , is not applyable , § . 23. that which you cite from chrysostome , who gives for a reason why christ admitted judas to the sacrament , that nothing might be omitted that might conduce to his amendment ] belongs not to your first , but second question , and so i allowed of it , as you see , and am not prejudiced by it . for to your concluding question i answer expresly , christ look'd on judas's not sinning , or repenting , as possible , till by his repudiating all the means of grace , and his measure of iniquity fill'd up , he withdrew his grace from him , which whether he did before , or not till his death , i have no means of desining . onely this i resolve , that christs foreseeing what he would do , had no least influence on the effect , any more then the effect hath on the cause , or the sense on the object , gods foresight being in nature consequent to , and caused by his doing it , not the cause of it . and when you say , that if it were possible , then the contrary was not certain , i grant it was not certain , till it was done , and when you inferr , then it could not be foreseen , i deny the consequence , for those things which are not certain , till they are done , may by an immense deity be ab aeterno seen to come to passe in time , and so that sight or foresight be as certain , as a foresight of what is most necessary in its causes : and the reason is clear , because of that which is done , it is as certain that it is done , as of that which is in causis , it is certain , that it is in causis , and being so , it may cast a reflexion on the understanding of him that is present to it , and so is god to futures , as well as to the present . § 24 , and when you say in your postscript , that it is a contradiction to say that things past or future are present , and therefore all things are not , nay cannot be present to god ; ] i answer , 1. that you use not the right definition of a contradiction , in saying thus , for future doth not contradict present , but present and not present is a contradiction , and so future and not future ; 2. although it be granted of any finite thing , that it cannot be both present and future , yet god being immense , may and must be present to that which is future , or els he is bounded and limited . yet this doth not inferr god to see what is future as present ( which you say is to be deceived ) but to see what is future as future , which though indeed it be future , yet he by his immensity may be present to it . and none of the inconveniences , which you add , follow on this ; onely let me tell you ( on strength of that proposition , quicquid est necessario est id quod est ) that as god cannot change what is past , so he cannot change that which is present , so as to make it , when it is present , not present , and then no more can he change that which is future , so as to make it not future . all that can be done is , either 1. to make that which is contingent ( and so may be or may not be ) to become necessary , by decreeing it ; or 2. to come to pass really , though but contingently , or els 3. not to come to pass , or finally to leave it still free , yet to foresee what will freely be done , as much as what will necessarily be done . § . 25. so that you see the maxime which you mislike , is not so much , that all things are present to god , i. e. represented to him sub ratione praesentis , as this , that god by his immensity is present to all things , and his sight being as infinite as his being , this is as easie to be understood , as the other , or as any infinite is comprehensible by our finite understandings , which you call duller apprehensions , for so sure are all ours , when we imploy them upon infinites . you see into what a length i am run , indeed much above mine own intentions , but shall not repent of it , if it contribute to the disabusing you , and shewing you the way out of this intricacy . § . 26. this second letter having some enforcements of the old , and addition of new scruples , returned to it , by the same hand , which i accounted it my duty to answer at large , by a third letter , ( which i suppose will conclude this controversy , ) i shall here also subjoin it . it was as followeth . the third letter . sir . § . 27. though yours of — made hast to me , yet i found no leasure to afford it any serious reflections , till this — and therefore being already guilty of two long delayes , i shall not now encrease them by prooeme , but fall immediately to the view of your reply . and in it , what you first lay down , partly by way of concession , partly by way of apology for your own notion , partly by way of opposition to mine , i must confesse i see not what propriety of application it hath to that which was the ground-work of my paper , viz : that whatsoever hath a being , or ever shall have a being , ( which though by being future 't is out of my reach , yet by being future , is not removed out of gods reach , ) is objicible to gods all-seeing eye of knowledge , and this upon the grounds of his infinite unlimited immensity , by you and by all christians acknowledged , and the no contradiction , ( which alone renders it impossible to god , ) which it implyes , for god thus to reach out immensly , and see all ab aeterno , which ( and in the manner as it ) in time comes to passe . § . 28. in stead of shewing this implicancy of a contradiction , ( which alone was to have been done , ) you have tendred a reason to prove , [ that god's knowledge is not properly said to be immense , in regard he knowes all things possible , ] viz : because they conjunctim are not absolutely infinite . but sure this hath no force against my position , which doth not prove gods immensity of knowledge , by this argument of his knowing all things possible , or by any other , but takes that for granted , and needing no proofe , and from thence inferres and concludes the other , viz : his knowing all things past , present or future , and against this concluding 't is visible your reason is of no kind of force , [ for that these conjunctim are not infinite , ] for an immense knowledge may and must see all finites , though it self be infinite . § . 29. so again , when you say his immensity cannot relate to time , and place , which are both finite , and you cannot see how any quantitative extension should be subjected in a purely spirituall essence , and press this with absurdityes , and strange consequences , ( as if it were maintained by them , against whom your debates lye , ) if you consider again , you will see , there was no cause for it , i am sure in my papers there was none , which when they proposed to your consideration , whether gods immensity comprehend not a commensitration to all time , immediately added , and somewhat beyond that , as much as infinite is beyond finite . by comprehending a commensuration to all time , if when it had that immediate addition to explaine it , it can be misunderstood , i must then farther expresse my self , that i meant , no quantitative extension , or indeed any more then this , that god is , was , and shall be , from , and to all eternity , and as his essence , so is his immensity , omnipresence , omniscience ; he sees and knowes all things , not onely that are or have been , but that ever shall , or will be , i. e. shall ever have an actuall being , objicible to knowledge , and even for possibles , that yet never come to passe , he sees and knowes both parts . 1. that they are possible to be . 2. that they will never be . § . 30. this i have added in relation to those words of yours , on which you seem to lay weight , [ the time to come is now no time , as the things which meerly be possible , are now no things , and therefore to apprehend that god is in such time , or that such things are present with him , is to conceive that that is not . ] § . 31. here , first , let me tell you , your comparison , or proportion holds not , being laid betwixt the time to come , which is really future , and the things meerly possible , which shall never be ; but passing that , 't is certain secondly , that though the time to come , according to our finite measures , is now to us no time , i. e. is not the present time , ( which holds equally of the time past , which being past is now to us not present , ) yet in respect of gods immensity this cannot be said , for that were to encumber him with our sinite rules , and measure infinity by our span of time , which with me you professe to avert , and abhor . § . 32. so though the things meerly possible are now no things , ( i shall add , nor ever shall be , ) yet even these are objicible to him as they are , i. e. as things meerly possible ; which yet never shall actually be , for he may and doth see that they are possible , and also that they shall not come to passe . § . 33. and when against this you argue , that this is to conceive that which is not , ] if you mean by it , that which is not actually , i grant it , but find no inconvenience in affirming , that god sees or conceives that to be possible , which he sees is not , nay shall never be ; but if you meane , that if so , then god conceives contrary to truth , there is then no shew of truth in that consequence , for his conceiving that to be meerly possible , which is meerly possible , is to see according , ( and that is not contrary , ) nazianzen's speech that god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , alwayes is , but neither properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall be , and that eternity is neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 time , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , part of time , is so far from having any unkind aspect on my notions , that it is the very thing that i contend , that we must not go about to fathom eternity by our finite lines of time , but lay all that is done in time , or ever shall be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , naked and bare before him , and still acknowledge that beyond this , there is an infinite abysse , which we cannot fathom . § . 34. on this what you build , and apply equally to that which is past , and future , [ that which is past vanishing , say you , into nothing , and before it was , being nothing , ] might ( me thinks ) by being reflected on , extricate you out of your labyrinth . for can you doubt that god knowes what is now past ? i presume you do not , can not ; and then why may he not as well know what is future ? when the onely objection to that , being [ because it is not , and he must then know that , that is not , ] you have equally resolved , that that which is past , is not , as that that is future ; and so that your objection , either holds against both , or neither , i pray consider this . § . 35. next when you insist , that the acts of his infinite understanding , in relation to the creature , must needs be finite , as the creatures are finite . ] i cannot apprehend , how you can reap any the least advantage by it , meaning , as the words import , that god sees things as they are , for this you know and acknowledge is my ground also , and to this it is consequent , ( and so not strange , ) that whatsoever he sees ab aeterno , he must see , as it is , i. e. as it is done in time , whether necessarily , or contingently , but no way consequent , that he can see nothing ab aeterno , because it is in time that it comes to passe , for that which comes to passe in time , he that is eternall , and immense , and omniscient , may ( seeing it implyes no contradiction , ) see ab aeterno , though i who am finite , and whose sight is limited , and finite , cannot . § . 36. when therefore you argue , that it is no more derogatory to his eternal wisdome , to say that he sees or knowes this or that in time , and not ab aeterno , then it is to his infinite power , to say that it workes in a finite manner , ] me thinks the fallacy should be to gross to impose on you , upon a second view : the former member of your comparison expressly denying his seeing or knowing ab aeterno , which is the greatest derogation to immensity , and omniscience and eternity , when the latter hath no such negation of his power of working , but affirmes onely that he workes in a finite manner , ( which he may do sometimes , when there is no need of interposing his infinite power , ) but not that he workes not ab aeterno , which the proportion , if it were observed , would exact , and then that would be as derogatory to his power also . § . 37. the observing of this will i hope cleare to you that which you say is so strange , it being but the same fallacy again in another dresse , ( which therefore i shall no farther pursue , ) or if the reason which you add , from the temporariness of the creature , which ab aeterno had no being , save onely in mere possibility , ] have still any force with you , i hope it will cease to have so , when 1. you consider that an objective being is sufficient to cause knowledge , and that it 's being in time is no hindrance to an immense deity to see it ab aeterno , for if he may see it a day before it comes to passe , why may he not equally ab aeterno ? 2. that futures , though contingent , differ from meer possibilityes , that which is meerly possible never coming to an actuall being , and so being not future , and of such i should erre indeed strangely , if i thought god did foresee them as future , or see them as having an actuall being . it suffices that he sees them as they are , i. e. as meerly possible , and why that which is possible , though it never be , god may not see ab aeterno to be possible , i neither see , nor am offered by you any shew of reason . how you come to conceive it said by your adversaryes that the acts of gods understanding are all necessarily eternall , ( you meane i suppose by your whole discourse ab aeterno , ) i guess not , when he that saith god sees ab aeterno , what now i do , must also grant that he now , i. e. in time sees me do it , or else could not believe him omniscient . 't is the part of immensity to do both , and of omniscience to know all things both future , and present , and the affirming one of these is very far from denying the other . § . 38. you say this is no convincing argument , gods understanding was infinite ab aeterno , therefore whatever he knowes , he knew ab aeterno , more then this , gods power , &c. was infinite ab aeterno , ergo : what he does now , he does ab aeterno . ] but 1. who urged that former argument in that forme ? not i surely . 2. if i now shall , your parallel bears no proportion with it , unless the antecedent and consequent be better suited then they are ; for in your antecedent you speak of power , in the consequent of doing , which belongs to gods will , not to his power , ( for sure god does onely what he wills , not whatsoever he hath power to do , or to will. ) but set both to the same , viz. to his power , and then it will follow inevitably thus , gods power and ability of doing whatsoever he pleased was infinite ab aeterno , ergo . whatsoever he now does he had power to do ab aeterno ; and this is the argument which alone is suitable to the former , gods understanding was infinite ab aeterno , ergo . whatsoever he knowes , ( or now sees , ) he knew or saw ab aeterno , i. e. whatsoever now is , or ever shall be done . both these are apparently true , though one of those which you had suited amiss , were false , the other remaining true . § . 39. having removed these rubs , which you say thus hinder your consent , i shall hope you will yeild to as much as i pretend , which is not , you see , that god coexists to things that neither are , nor ever will be , i. e. to things onely possible , but not future , but that gods immensity is such , as that he reacheth out and is present , ab aeterno , to all that is done in time , and so that all that ever shall be , is ab aeterno objected to his knowledge ; against this nothing that you have said in your five first pages hath any semblance of force , and therefore i hope this now will be granted by you , and then i have it under your hand at the bottom of your fift page , that most of your objections will be easily answered , which therefore i might leave your self to do ; but having a little more leasure then ordinary , i will a while accompany you in the view of every of them ; and begin with your defence of your first objection . § . 40. and there first , when to prove it to imply a contradiction that a thing that is not , ( as , say you , all mere possibles are , ) should be intelligible , you thus argue , it 's being intelligible implyes that it is , so it is , and it is not , ( which is a contradiction , ) the fallacy is two fold , 1. you confound futures that are , ( by being such , ) supposed to have an objective being , though not as yet an actuall , with meer possibles , which never shall be , and so are not future , but onely possible to be , and agreeably are seen and known onely to be possible , but not to be future , and 2. you confound an objective being which alone is implyed in being intelligible , with present , or actuall being ; and now take it out of these ambiguities , and set it as it is , that god ab aeterno did , or now doth see that which to day is not , but to morrow shall be , and then what is become of that , [ is and is not , ] i. e. of the contradiction ? or consequently of your whole cause ? nothing being impossible to god , but what implyes a contradiction ; which therefore again i presse ; shew the contradiction , or yeild the cause . § . 41. secondly , when to your saying that all things past , present , or possible , are known to the divine wisdom , i returned a parenthesis , [ no man demands any more , ] and you now reply , that i did not fully apprehend your meaning , which was that god knew all things possible , not as future , my rejoynder is , that i well discerned the difference betwixt possible and future , all things being not future , which are possible ; yet because all futures are possible , ( though all possibles are not future , ) i could not misapprehend your words , which spake of all things possible , ] in concluding that all futures were comprehended under that style of all things possible , for sure futures are in that number , and then if all futures were intelligible to god , and by you granted to be infallibly known by him , this as i said , was all i demanded . there is difference i conceive , betwixt possible and meerly possible , all futures are possible , but what is meerly possible excludes futurity . sometimes you speake of meer possibilityes , and then i never apprehend you to meane futures , as , when you speake of all that is possible , i am obliged to do . § . 42. now then if you spake , or speake of meer possibilityes , and say that god knew all things meerly possible , as meerly possible , and not as future , you say most truly , but then your example of b's future marriage is nothing to your purpose , for if it be considered as future , then though it be yet possible to be , or not to be , yet it is not meerly possible , for by being supposed future , it is consequent that it shall be , whereas what is meerly possible , shall never be . when therefore you say , both are known by god as possible , ( viz : that he shall marry , and that he shall not , ) neither as future , you deceive your self , for though he sees both as possible , yet he sees one as future , viz : as contingently future , future when it might be otherwise , and the other as meerly possible , i. e. not future , sees it , i say , as future , not by consequences , or per scientiam mediam onely , in the ordinary notion of that , viz , if this be , that will follow , ( for which science there is place sometimes in things meerly possible , and not future , as in the example of the oracle concerning the men of keilah , that if david trusted them , they would deliver him up , when yet he not trusting himself to them , they did not , could not deliver him , ) but by reaching out so far as to see it done , in that other notion of scientia media , whereby god sees what man will freely do , and not onely conditionally what he might or would do . § . 43. your following objections against this , that what is known as future , is certainly known will be , but a. b's marriage is altogether uncertaine , ] is of no more force then the answer of the double necessity , simplex , and ex hypothesi evacuates , for what is certainly known will be , may be also in respect of the agent uncertain , as being free for him to do , or not to do , which notwithstanding when he hath done , it is then certainly what it is , and as so , it is seen by god from all eternity . § . 44. thirdly , when i said that the having no being in act , is a phrase proportioned to the thing , and to our finite understandings , 't is visible . 1. that i spake of the phrase , and nothing else . 2. that my meaning is , that to our finite understandings that is not present , or in act , which is still future , but yet god by his immensity may reach out , and be present to it , or see it , as wee do that which is before our eyes . § . 45. and when against my words you argue thus , [ if it be proportionable to the thing , then it is also to gods understanding which depends thereon , ] 't is plain again , that you misapprehend mee , for i oppose gods infinite , to our finite understandings , and not gods understanding the thing , to the reality of it ; god understands it , as it is , and so sees that future , and contingent , which is truly so , ( as cicero saith , vt praeterita ea vera dicimus quorum superiori tempore vera fuerunt instantia , sic futura , quorum consequenti tempore vera erunt instantia , ea vera dicemus , ) but till it actually be , god sees it by his infinite science , which by our finite we cannot reach . § . 46. let it then be granted that gods understanding depends on the thing , what followes thence ? no more but this , that future contingents having yet no being in act , and therefore being not visible to our finite faculties , have yet a being objective , as being really , though contingently future , and gods knowledge being proportioned to the things , and depending on them as such , i. e. as future contingents , and not as actually being , these he knowes by his infinite knowledge . § . 47. but say you , his understanding can be no more actuall then the thing is from whence he derives that understanding , ] what truth is there in this ? i know what is past , my knowledge is actuall , but the thing past is not so ; i know if the course of nature be not altered , ( or , which as to this matter , is equivalent , i believe , ) the sun will rise to morrow , here my knowledge or belief , is actuall , but the object is future , not yet actuall , save onely that it is now actually true , that the sun will rise then . and then why may not gods knowledge be actuall either of what is past , or future , ( and so now actually is not , ) and yet he see it as it is , i. e. what is past as past , what future , as future ? § . 48. fourthly , when to my question , [ why , if god sees before , that which in after time hangs in the balance of humane indetermination , he may not also foresee which end of the balance will at length overpoise ? ] you answer , that the foresight of the former is the foresight of possibles , but the foresight of the other is the foresight of a contingent future , and that the one is not as truly future , as the other , ] you cannot but see , you do not render any answer to the question , i. e. any reason why he may not see what is really , though contingently future , as well as that which is meerly possible ? it is true , one is not as truly future , as the other , but what shew is there of reason , that what is lesse future , or not future at all , shall be seen , and that which is future , and shall really be , shall yet not be seen by him that is omniscient ? can it 's no kind of being , not so much as in futurition , set the advantage on that side , and make that most intelligible , which hath no being , and that least , which hath ? if it do , yet sure it shall be no ground of resolving that the really future is not at all , even to god foreseeable , or that there is any contradiction in this , which if you remember was incumbent on you to prove , by that of hanging in the balance , &c. but is not now attempted by you . § . 49. i proceed to your defense of your second objection . and first when you grant that many things are possible , which will never be brought to act , ] how could you say before , that it was a mistake to call that possible which god foresees shall never be ? is that a mistake which is perfectly true ? or is not gods foresight agreeable to what is ? § . 50. but say you now , god that sees all things as they are , sees them as possible , not the one side of a contradictory proposition as determinately true , and the other as assuredly false , for so he should see them as they will be hereafter , but not as they are now , ] i answer , 1. god that sees them as they are , sees them not onely as possible , but as future , for they are not onely possible , but future , 2. of contradictory propositions , as , that i shall kill my self to morrow , and i shall not kill my self tomorrow , ] one is determinately true , i mean not by determinately true , that god hath decreed it shall be , but it is true on the one side , and not on the other ; for if i kill my self tomorrow , then it is true to day , that i will kill my self tomorrow , and if so , then it is false , that i shall not kill my self tomorrow . what then is determinately true , god sees as determinately true , and so sees it as it is . 3. if he sees them as they will be hereafter , sure this is sufficient , who would desire any more ? nay this is to see them as they now are , for now they are future , i. e. things that now are not , but shall hereafter be . § . 51. in your reply to my second answer , it is no way pertinent which you say of a bare supposition proving nothing , yet being granted proving any thing that is necessarily deducible from it . for 1. when i speak of a bare hypotheticall necessity , you speak of a bare hypothesis or supposition , which is quite another thing , your bare supposition is a supposing , ( though no more then supposing ) that to be , which is not , but our bare hypotheticall necessity is a conditional , as that is opposed to an absolute necessity . how wide are these one from the other ? 2. then if you review that my second answer , to which you make this reply , you shall see how little propriety it hath to it . it was this , change the foresight into seeing from all eternity , and then it is plaine , that god from all eternity may see that will never actually be , which yet is free for the agent to do or not to do , ( and god sees that to , ) and so is possible every way , save onely ex hypothesi that it will never be , and as the bare hypotheticall necessity is no absolute necessity , so this bare hypothetical impossibility is no absolute impossibility . to this your reply is , that though a bare supposition prove nothing , yet it being granted , it infallibly proves any thing necessarily conclusible from it . ] you see now how little this is ad iphicli boves , and yet , 3. if it were pertinent , it would not be for your advantage , for supposing , ( as i also do , ) that god sees the thing as contingently future , free for the agent to do or not to do , it must by your rule necessarily follow , that the thing is contingent , and so not absolutely necessary , or any other wayes , then that when it is , it cannot not be , which was all i had to make good in that answer . § . 52. in my third answer you grant all i aske , onely you interpose , that to our purpose it is all one whether gods prescience render the object certain , or presuppose and find it certain ; and , as if this were , upon the meer saying it , presently granted , as a maxime cleare by it's own light , you add no word of proof to it . which how far from reasonable it is , you will now discover . and 1. to render , and to find , are as far from all one , as to cause and not to cause , for sure what i render certain , i cause to be so , what i find certain is caused by another and not by me . and being thus distant in themselves , it is strange they should to our purpose be all one . is it all one to our purpose , whether i commit sin freely , when i had grace to abstain from it , or god cause or work it in me ? what two things can be lesse all one then these ? and this the one purpose , for which the men , with whom you dispute , do insist on this subject , and distinguish betwixt gods foresight and his decree . and therefore as you are very sollicitous that your opinion should be freed from the imputation of derogating from the divine immensity , and omniscience , so at this time it concernes you to be as carefull , lest you offend against gods purity , and other attributes , when you make it all one for his prescience to find and to render the object certain ; i. e. to see all the sins that wee commit , and to cause them . i pray consider this , and it will force you either to acknowledge that god foresees certainly what we do freely and contingently , or to deny our sins , ( i. e. voluntary actions , ) to be free , or to deny that christ foresaw that peter would deny , or judas betray him , both which he foretold to his disciples . § . 53. i proceed to your defense of the objected inconveniences against my answers to them . and first , it breakes no square , whether [ in themselves , ] be inserted , or omitted , 1. because what is in it's causes utterly uncertain , is so in it self . 2. because you yeild to all i said on this head as rationall and convincing , and onely question the truth of my principle , which you know i was not again to prove in that place , when i was answering the objections , or inconveniences . § . 54. your second inconvenience i understood before in the very sence that your instance now sets it , and accordingly i rendered answer to it , and shewed wherein it was that exhortations , &c. were founded , viz. in the liberty of our actions , so long as till they be actually committed , and no longer . and to this you give no answer at all , nor to ought i say on that head , but onely say over in another scheme the same thing to which i answered . § . 55. in this your new scheme you say , that had it been known aforehand , that a. b. would obstinately have continued in his wickedness , it had been vain to have used exhortations , and so for god ( supposing his prescience , ) it were vain to enjoyne them . ] here the word [ vain ] in the obvious notion imports unprofitable , or uselesse , and then , 1. i pray consider , whether it be fit to speak thus of god. it is certain christ saw peter would fall , judas would betray him , yet he told them both of it before , and that telling them was a timely admonition , and equivalent to an exhortation , adding of judas a terrible threat , or denunciation , that it was better for him , that he had never been borne . would you think it tolerable for any christian to say hereupon , it was vain , for christ to do all this ? i trow you would not , and therefore will your self think fit to avoid it . § . 50. should you have any scruple in this , the story of pharaoh , and the passages , rom. ix . referring to it , would , à multò majori & fortiori , supersede or answer it . god had there foretold moses , that he pharaoh's heart , which i hope is much more toward inferring a necessity , then christ 's foretelling peter , or iudas of the fall of the one , and treason of the other . and yet god exhorts pharaoh after that , and he that objects against his doing so , rom. ix . that saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; why doth he yet , ( after that sixt judgement , when god himself hath sent his plagues on his heart , why doth he still , or yet ) find fault , is answered , nay but , o man , who art thou , that disputest against god ? § . 57. in the former part of that story , when it was not come to that height , yet it is most evident that from the beginning of moses's mission to pharaoh , god had foretold that pharaoh , would harden his own heart , and that ( alone ) is perfectly parallel to our case , which is of prescience of future contingent acts of mans will , yet are all gods messages and signes by moses purposely sent to melt , and perswade him to let the people go . doth any man now want a perspective to discerne that these messages of heaven were not vaine ? or that such acts of divine wisdom , ( his wayes , that are not like ours , ) are not to be submitted to our tribunall , but adored and reverenced , and no otherwise approached by us ? but then , § . 58. secondly , if by vain you meane no more , then that which doth not finally obtain the effect principally designed , so there will be no difficulty in affirming with s. paul , that gods grace and so his exhortations , &c. may be received in vain , for so god knowes it is too frequent for us to do , mean while what thorow our default becomes fruitless to us , doth not returne so to god , but serves gods subsequent , ( though it resists his , ) antecedent will , which is also gods will , viz : to punish the obdurate , as well as his antecedent is to save the humble and tractable , and the more frequent the exhortations are , supposing grace annext to enable to make use of them , ( as you know we suppose , ) the more culpable is the obstinacy against such meanes , and the more culpable , the more justly punished , and so gods justice vindicated from all aspersion , and mans freedome asserted : and the exhortations , that have contributed to all this , will not be deemed vain , though they attain not the fruit primarily intended , the salvifick effect or designe of them . § . 59. and whereas you compare this to a physician prescribing a medicine , which he foresees will do him no good . ] i must ask by what meanes it comes to passe that that medicine will do him no good ? by it 's own insufficiency or impropriety to the disease , or by the obstinacy of the patient , that he will not take it ? if by the former , i then acknowledge with you that physician were vain ; but that is no way applyable to god , whose medicaments are sufficient , being the power of god to salvation to all that believe . but if it be by the second onely , then the physician is far from vain , as doing all that the wit of man can do , or wish toward the recovering of his patient . for he that will not use his recipe's , seemes bent on his own death , and as guilty of it , as he that cuts his own throat , and 't is no disparagement to the physician , that when he is prescribing remedies for his feaver or consumption , he doth not cure his obstinacy , or that he prescribes to him , as to a wise man he would prescribe , ( though indeed the event be much other , then it would be in a wise man , but that is not the physicians fault , ) and as little can the vanity be imputed to gods operations , when by our defaults onely they prove uneffectuall ; god himself , isa . v. appealing to us in the like case , what could he have done more to his vineyard which he had not done , when yet pro uvis labruscas , instead of grapes it brought forth nothing but wild grapes . § . 60. in that place no doubt it was possible for god to have done somewhat which he did not , viz. to have forced the ground to bring forth good grapes , but to a vineyard interpreted there to be the house of israel , to a rational vineyard , and to that which was to be left in a state of rewardablenesse , of doing and not doing , of freedome , the dowry of the will of men and angels , with which they were created , this was not competible and therefore 't is truly said , god could do no more , then he did , or doth , ( whatsoever the event be and be foreseen by him , ) and that is as contrary as is possible to the objection of vainnesse . § . 61. for the enforcing the third inconvenience , you say it seemes hard that finall impenitents should from all eternity be reprobated , unlesse conditionally , ] never considering , what was most conspicuous in my answer , that final impenitence it self is that onely condition . when therefore you say , it were , as if a person should be sentenced to death for a fact before it be committed , you fall back into the two mistakes , which my answer , if adverted to , had prevented . 1. you speak of a person simply , and abstracted from guilt , when i speak of a final impenitent , i. e. a person so very ill qualified , and fouly guilty . 2. i suppose his sentence to be founded in his guilt , and his guilt , in order , before his sentence , but both of them in the mind of god , ( who seeing his guilt , awards that punishment , adapts his revenge to that fact , ) seen as past , before ever that sentence goes out against him . § . 62. here you say a. b's , salvation was ab aeterno possible , ( which i grant , ) and thence infer , that god did not ab aeterno see his damnation as certain , but onely as possible . but i deny the consequence , for he may see both his salvation and damnation as possible , and yet see one of them as onely possible , the other being also future , which is somewhat more , then onely or barely possible . meane while nothing hinders , but what is , ( and god sees , ) thus future , he might by his omnipotent power have prevented , ( which yet , you say , by my reason he could not , ) onely then , he had not seen it as future , but as that which would have been , if he had not prevented it . § . 63. again you say , that if god had infallibly foreseen that a. b. living longer would unavoidably have fallen into sin , and therein have persevered till death , you verily believe , in regard of his goodness and love to mankind , not onely in generall , 1 tim. ii. 4. 2 peter iii. 9. but to a. b. himself , ez. xviii . 32. that god would take him away in his infancy , assoon as baptized , when he was in the state of grace and salvation . ] in this processe of yours , i wonder whence the word unavoidably came . for i that according to your supposition , look on a. b. as one baptized , and in the state of grace , and salvation , can never grant that he unavoidably falls and finally perseveres in such sin , as brings damnation ; i grant he may fall , and that finally , but sure not unavoidably , for by that grace he was enabled to stand , and if he fall , he falls willfully , but that is not unavoidably . § . 64. and what if godsees from all eternity that he will thus fall , doth that render his fall unavoidable ? no , but gods foreseeing that he would fall willfully , when he had grace to stand , ( which circumstance he foresaw , as well as the fall it self , ) must infer the quite contrary , that when he falls he might have stood , and so fell not unavoidably . § . 65. but then leaving out that unseasonable word , [ unavoidably , ] which in all reason you might have done , when in relation to the certitude of gods prescience you had said , [ infallibly foresees , ] there will then be no ground of truth in that proposition , no shew of proof of it from the goodness and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of god to all , or to any particular , as those texts or any other express it , for from none of those it is rendred probable in any degree , that they which are baptized , and have sufficient grace given them , and promise of abundance , if they make use of it , shall have violent restraints , or be taken out of the world , rather then they shall fall into wilfull sin . consult the places again and you will soon find there is no propriety in them for the proofe of this . § . 66. and yet if even this also were true , it would no way incommodate our pretensions , for in that case of gods taking away such a man , in his infancy , it would follow by our doctrine , that god foresaw that from all eternity , and so that he foresaw not a. b. a finall impenitent , which is the destroying and voiding your whole supposition . § . 67. how then this seeming advantage could reasonably incline you , to profess it your thought , that the doctrine of prescience is very much inconsistent with the omnipotence and goodness of god , &c. and that 't is swallowed without examination , i now leave you candidly to consider , by your reflexions on the strength of that reed you laid this weight on . judge i pray , might not god , if he would , have created a world of men , taken them up into heaven , and crowned them , ( if crowning it could be called , ) with everlasting blisse , and so left none of them in the hazards of this world ? yet did not , ( it is evident by the fact , ) his love of mankind oblige him to this , but men are left to vast dangers , and multitudes fall under them . must all this now be imputed to gods ignorance how all things would frame in the world in this other course , which yet it appeares he hath chosen ? the consequences are too horrid to insist on . let us instance once for all in adam , 't is certain he fell , and in him all his posterity , did not god foresee or know this , till the effect told it him ? then how was christ given in decreto divino , before the creation of the world ? i hope you will not say he was not so given , when the scripture is in many places so expresse for it , especially , ephes . i. 4. and when gods decrees are ab aeterno , and so especially this , the foundation of all the rest , of those that concern our salvation , yet can i as little imagine what else you can say , unlesse you will forsake your hypothesis . § . 68. for if he decreed christ before the creation , then he foresaw there would be need of him , if so , then he foresaw adams fall , and then why may he not have foreseen all other mens sins , all contingent future events , of which he is no more the author , and of which there is no more necessity that the free agents should act them , then there was that adam should sin before he was created . i pray consider this , and it will do your whole businesse . § . 69. but let us examine your reasons , by which you will approve your affirmation , that prescience ab aeterno derogates from omnipotence . you instance in charls's death , and you might have done the like in the death of christ , whereof the sacred writ testifies , that it was by the determinate counsell and foreknowledge of god. now prescience being admitted , say you , it was as certain that king charles should die , jan. 30. as now it is that he did die that day , and to that it is consequent , that it could not have been prevented by omnipotence it self . ] your consequence i deny , sub hâc formâ , because he that saw it would be that day , equally saw , both that he might , and that he would not prevent it . by his omnipotence it is certain , he might , by his will and wisdom , ( now revealed , ) that he would not prevent it , by his omniscience , that from all eternity he knew he would not , by his very mercy to him , and for other most wise ends , that he would actually deliver him up to the wills of the malicious , able to destroy the body , but no more , which again is founded in his foresight of their malice , and must suppose it . all which makes it as infallible , that god might have prevented it , as that he would not , did not , therefore this is far from derogating from his omnipotence , in this of his not being able to prevent it , the contrary to which is by this our scheme expressly established . § . 70. this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for my positive answer , you cannot but know already , all the necessity consequent to prescience is the necessity ex hypothesi , it is necessary to be while it is , and because it will be , therefore god foresees it will be , and if men would have done otherwise , god would have foreseen otherwise . § . 71. when you take it for mine acknowledgment then , that god cannot change that which is future , so as to make it not future , i answer , that sensu diviso it is most false , for whatsoever is future , god can change , and make it not future , and then foresee it not future . but if you meant conjunctim , that remaining future , he could not make it not future , 1. that is a great impropriety of speech , and most unreasonable , that he that speakes of changing , should mean keeping it still as it is , unchanged , and 2. you see the fallacy , that most palpable one , of a benè divisis ad male conjuncta , which i hope will no longer impose upon you . the ill consequences you feare and exaggerate , should god be thought not to have been able to have prevented it , i shall not need insist on , detesting the thought , as much as is possible , and having so far secured our scheme from it , that if god foresees not that he could prevent any future whatsoever , i shall not think he foresees any thing . § . 72. so likewise for his goodness , you cannot doubt but i acknowledge that as fully as you , in relation to our salvation : let us see then how i am obliged to deny this again by admitting his prescience . why , say you , if god willingly suffer so many to be damned , whom he might have saved where is his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? &c. i answer , just where you your self will , and must place it , unlesse you believe many shall not be damned finally . for 't is most certain , god by his absolute power might have saved all them , that yet are now damned , and the shew of inconvenience is exactly the same , whether god be believed to foresee all things ab aeterno , or no. for suppose we , that god foresaw not , but saw in time as we do every thing that happens in our presence , and suppose we a wicked man filling up the measure of his iniquityes , or ready to die in his sins , i demand might not god , if he would , rescue him out of that state , convert him into a saint , and assume him , as he did elias in the sanctified state ? questionlesse he might , yet without all controversy he doth not thus to every wicked man , for if he did , none should be damned ; do you now reconcile this with gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his words and many vehement asseverations , ( as i doubt not but you are well able to do , ) and then review your own question , [ if god willingly suffer so many to be damned whom he might have saved , where is his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? ] 't is not possible you should need more words to disintangle this snarle , and in my former papers i shewd you in this place to what gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs , giving sufficient grace , &c. : to which you reply nothing , and therefore i suppose consent to the truth of it , though 't is sure both that god by his absolute power might do more then he doth , ( and therefore i like not your expression , that he does what omnipotence could performe , citing , isa . v. 4. in place of it , i should have said , what his covenant , promise , mercy , justice , equity , wisdom , obliged him to do , or what was reconcileable with all these , without interesting his absolute power , or omnipotence in it , ) and that obstinate sinners do actually resist , and frustrate all the methods that are used by him . § . 73. of the manner of s. austin's asserting prescience i need not farther insist , then that by the expresse words of that period i produced , he will have it reconciled with the free will of man , which if all would do , there were little more to be required of them . yet because you have endeavoured to take off the force of s. austin's words , and from vives's words on chapter , ix . ( quod si indignum , &c. dicamus à providentia voluntateque dei cognitionem ejus prosicisci , voluntatem statuere quod futurum sit , scientiam quod volunt as statuerit , nosse , ) to draw him to calvins sence , i shall read over that ix . chapter , both text , and comment , and give you some passages out of it ; in the text , 1. that they are much more tolerable that bring in syderea fata , a fatality depending on the starrs , then they which take away praescientiam futurorum , foreknowledg of futures : and that it is a most open madness , confiteri deum & negare praescium futurorum , to confess god , and to deny his prescience . 2. nos ut confitemur summum & verum deum , it a voluntatem summamque potestatem & praescientiam ejus consitemur , nec timemus ne ideò voluntate non faciamus quod voluntate facimus , quia id nos facturos esse praescivit cujus praescientia falli non potest , as we confess the supreme and true god , so we confess his will , and supreme power and prescience , neither do we scare least we should not do voluntarily , what we do voluntarily , because he foresaw it , whose prescience cannot be deceived , making it the heathen feare of cicero , which now is yours , lest the infallibility of the prescience should impose necessity , and frustrate lawes , exhortations , &c. 3. nos adversus sacrilegos ausus & deum dicimus omnia scire , antequam fiant ( marke omnia ) & voluntate nos facere , &c. contrary to the darings of sacrilegious men , we both affirm that god knowes all things before they are done , and that we do them voluntarily . 4. novit incommutabiliter omnia quae futura sunt , & quae ipse facturus est , he knowes unchangeably all things which are to come , and which he will do , not onely the latter , but the former , and all of one as well as the other . 5. he that foreknew all the causes of things , among them could not be ignorant of our wills , quas nostrorum operum causas esse praescivit . which he foresaw to be the causes of our workes . 6. qui non est praescius omnium futurorum non est utique deus , he that foresees not things to come , is not god. 7. of our liberty , voluntates nostrae tantum valent , quantum deus eas valere voluit , & praescivit , & ideò quicquid valent , certissime valent , & quod facturae sunt ipsae , omnino facturae sunt , quia valituras atque facturas esse praescivit cujus praescientia falli non potest , our wills can do as much as god will'd and foreknew they were able , and therefore whatsoever they can do , they most certainly can do , and what they will do , they altogether will do , because he foresaw they could and would do it , whose prescience cannot be deceived . next in vives's comments you have , non res futurae ex scientia dei manant , sed scientia potius dei ex illis , quae tamen futurae non sunt deo , ut est error multorum , sed praesentes . quocirca non recte dicitur praescire , nisi relatione ad actiones nostras , dicendus est scire , videre , cernere . quod si indignum videtur , &c. things future do not flow from gods science , but rather gods science from them , which yet are not future to god as the error of many is , but present , wherefore he is not rightly said to foresee unlesse it be in relation to our actions , he must be said to know , to see , to perceive , which if it appeare unworthy , &c. there come in the words by you recited , of gods science coming from his will , which you say is calvinism , but is not set by vives to interpret s. augustin's sence that way , no nor to assert it as his own , but to recite another opinion , that hath lesse impiety in it , then the denying of prescience would have . thus you see what that chapter in the father , or his commentator gaines you . mean while i take you at your word that you grant with s. augustin the prescience of god , and if you grant it with him , you must grant it not onely in things which come to passe necessarily , ( as all that god decrees do , ) but simply in all things , and particularly in those , wherein voluntatis arbitrium retentum , freedom of will retained is concerned , for to those you see he thorow out the ix . and x. chapters applyes it , and if you grant prescience in them , you grant as much as i desire , if not , you deny it , ( which yet you again say you do not , ) more then s. augustin . § . 74. what you here add as your conclusion from s. augustine in his confessions , lib. ii. c. 18. videri non possunt sed praedici possunt ex praesentibus quae jam sunt & videntur , they cannot be seen but they may be foretold from those things that are present , and are now seen , and from origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz : that gods knowledge of future contingents is meerly hypotheticall , this being supposed , that will follow , &c. ] i shall now proceed to examine , 1. by a view of your two testimonies , then of your conclusion from them . and first for s. augustin's words , they are not spoken of gods prescience or predictions , but of ours , and that of things coming from natural causes , intucor auroram , saith he , oriturum solem pronuncio , &c. i behold the morning , i pronounce the sun will rise . look and you will see it manifestly , so then it is nothing to gods prescience of future contingents , and you can conclude nothing from it . § . 75. and for the chapter in origen's philocalia , it cannot be , but you must have noted in it , the weight that he layes on the prediction of judas's treason , the general resolution , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every thing that is future , god sees it will come to passe , ( and yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the foreknower is not cause of all that are foreknown , ) citing from susanna , 42 , 43. that god is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the knower of secrets , that knowes all things before they are , then he proposes the question , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how god from all eternity foreknowing those things that are thought to be done by every man , our free will may be retained . which he treats against the heathen that say gods foreknowledge takes away all praise and dispraise , &c. and maintain it just as you do , as you will see , if you compare your , and their arguing . now to these his answer is , that god from the beginning of the creation of the world , nothing being without a cause , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the progresse of his mind thorow all things that are future , sees them , that if this be , that will follow , &c. and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , proceeding to the end of things , he knowes what shall be . which he doth expresse , to shew that he sees the dependence of all things , not from his own will , who by knowing them , as it followes , causes them not , but in a concatenation of humane acts and choises , as when by temerity one walkes inconsiderately , and meeting with a slippery place falls , which he that sees , is no way the cause of his fall , saith he , adding that god foreseeing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how qualified every one will be , sees also the causes that he will be so , mean while his foreseeing is not the cause of their being what they are , but though strange , saith he , yet 't is true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the thing future is the cause that such a foreknowledge is had of it , for it doth not because it was known come to passe , but because , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) it was to come to passe , it was known . then he comes to a distinction in what sence it is true , that what is foreseen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall altogether be , and states it just as we do all along . from all which , ( that i may now follow , you to your inferences , ) you can with no reason conclude , that it was his and the rest of the fathers doctrine , that gods foreknowledge of future contingents is meerly hypotheticall . you see most evidently from their sayings , every where scattered , ( competently by those which i have now set down , ) that this was not their doctrine . and this one passage , if it were favourable to your conceit , ( as it is not , ) yet could in no reason evacuate all others . § . 76. in your conclusion that which i mislike is not the word , [ hypothetical ] but [ meerly ] for that signifies god to have no other foreknowledge but that . i doubt not but of all things that are , god foresees , as origen's words were , that if this be , that will follow , and so i deny not hypothetical foreknowledge . but i cannot confine gods foreknowledge to this one head , for why may he not also see , ( and as easily , ) that this , and that will both be ? the principall use of hypothetical foreknowledge , is in things meerly possible , which come not to passe , ( as before i applyed the example of keilah , which you now mention . ) but what can that have to do with those things , which do actually come to passe , and that meerly by the free will of man , and by no necessity of consequences ? though , ( as i said , ) even in those , god that sees them as they are , both in their causes , and most casuall , or voluntary mutations , and progression , and all circumstances concomitant , sees one thing following , ( though but freely , not necessarily , ) out of another , first this , and then that , and because this , or upon this motive , therefore that ; which as it is far from asserting any necessary chain of causes , contrary to the freedome of mans will , which in that very place origen largely establishes , so it is far from a knowledge meerly hypothetical , for that is not the knowledge of what is , but what will be , if somewhat else make way for it , which being uncertain , whether it will be or not , there can be no determinate knowledge , that the other will be , which is quite contrary to his instances of judas's betraying christ , &c. which were as really and determinately foreseen and foretold , as they were really acted . and therefore i must desire you not to think this favourable to the socinian's opinion of gods foreknowledge of future contingents being onely or meerly hypothetical , ( though god foresee hypothetically , yet not onely so , ) or that this key will fit all places of scripture , which foretell things to come , because it fits the case of keilah , and jer. 38 , 17. and some few others . § . 77. i have the more largely insisted on this , because it seemed so likely to mislead you , there being some examples of foreknowledge meerly hypothetical , from whence yet to infer that gods foreknowledge indefinitely , is meerly such , i. e. that he hath no other , is the same errour as from particular premisses , or from one or two examples to make an universal conclusion . § . 78. on view of your fourth objected inconvenience , you grant all i said in answer to it , onely , say you , the former difficulty seemes to recurre , how a. b. may be truly salvable , when if absolute prescience be granted , his damnation was as certain before he was borne , as it will be when he is in hell. ] i answer . 1. that in answer to objected inconveniences all that can be required of any man is , to shew that that inconvenience doth not follow , not to establish the principal doctrine again , ( which before had been done by the no implicancy of contradiction , which left it possible for god to foresee future contingents , and then by consideration of his omniscience , which qualifies him to know every thing which is scibile , or the knowing of which implyes no contradiction , and then by the testimonies of the prophets , who from gods prescience foretold such futures , ) having therefore done all that was incumbent on me , i had hoped the difficulty would not still have remained , when all i said was granted . but seeing it doth , i answer , 2. that supposing gods eternal prescience , it cannot but as clearly appeare , that a. b. not onely may be , but is truly salvable , whilst he is in viâ , as that he is damned , or no longer salvable , when he is in hell. for supposing a. b. in viâ , to be one , for whom in gods decree christ dyed , and supposing gods eternall prescience of all that is , ( unquestionably of all that he himself will do , as he sure will all that is under his decree . ) it must thence necessarily follow , that god foresees him salvable , and supposing that at length he is damned , it doth but follow , that god foresees him damned ; these two things then by force of praescience are equally cleer , that he is one while salvable , another while damned , and so they are equally certain , and if his having been salvable do not hinder his being damned , then neither will his being damned hinder his having been salvable . he is truly salvable who god foresees will not be saved . how so ? because god truly bestows upon him all means necessary to salvation , and that being all that is required to make him salvable , this is as truly done , when the effect followes not , as when the meanes are most successfull . and gods prescience of the successlessness , makes no change , hath no influence either on the meanes , or the man , any more then my seeing a thing done hath causality in the doing it . now if he be salvable , ( though in event he never be saved , but damned , ) and gods praescience that he is salvable , be as efficacious to conclude him salvable , as his prescience that he is damned , to infer him damned , what a palpable partiality is it to infer from prescience , that his damnation is certain before he is borne , and yet not to infer from the same principle , that his salvability was certain before he was borne ? nothing can more irrefragably prove the weakness of your inference , then that it is so obvious to retort it . § . 79. the short is , that which is future onely contingently , it is certain that it is foreseen by god , yet till it is , it may be otherwise , and if it be otherwise , god sees it to be otherwise , and what may be otherwise , is not certain to be so , and therefore his damnation is not certain before he is born , which is the direct contradictory to your inference , and that method which will equally infer contradictories , of what force it is to establish truth , i leave you to judge who propounded the difficulty . § . 80. here then is the errour , because god cannot erre in his foresight , therefore you conclude from supposition of his prescience , that the thing , which you speake of , is certain , when yet it no way appeares to you or me , that god ever foresaw it , but by our supposing that it comes to pass . hence then comes all the supposed certainty , from supposing it to come to pass , which is the certitudo ex hypothesi , a certainty that it is , as long as it is supposed to be , and then gods prescience hath nothing to do with it , but it would be as certain without supposing gods prescience , as now it is by supposing it . and now would you have me shew you how a. b. is truly salvable whilst you retain your supposition that he is damned ? this , if you marke , is your difficulty , for you have no other ground to suppose that god foresees him damned , but because you suppose him damned , and seeing it is , you see what a taske you have set me , even to make two members of a contradiction true together . this i confesse i cannot do , and i grant god cannot , yet thus much i will do for you , i will mind you , that even when a. b. is in hell , the proposition is still true , that a. b. when he was on earth was salvable , and if it be true when he is in hell , i appeale to you whether it be not true , when god foresees he will be in hell , doth gods foreseeing him in hell impede more then his actuall being in it ? if not , then notwithstanding gods prescience , a. b. is salvable , and so now i hope you see both that , and how he is so . § . 81. in your fifth inconvenience , you still adhere that you think it scarcely reconcileable with that determinate prescience which i hold , for god seriously to call those whom he foresees ab aeterno that they will not repent . but you take no heed to the place of scripture , which i demonstrated it by , turne you , turne you , why will you dye ? and , as i live , i delight not in the death of him that dyes , where it is evident , god seriously , ( if an oath be a note of seriousnesse , ) calls those who dye and will dye . why do you not lay this to heart , when it is so cleare , and ( you yet give me your leave to say , ) unanswerable ? § . 82. i said , when god calls to a man not to fall , he is not fallen , and , you say true , but he is fallen in gods prescience . ] i now ask you , how you know he is ? your onely possible answer is , that if he be fallen , then by the doctrine of prescience , god must foresee him fallen , and you now by way of supposition , ( which 't is lawfull for disputations sake to make , ) take it for granted , i. e. suppose he is fallen . and then , ( as even now i said , ) to your voluntary supposition all is due , and with that i cannot reconcile the contradictory , and so still what is this to prescience ? § . 83. again you conclude , that god sees , a. b. will never rise again , how do you know , or imagine god sees it , but because you suppose it true , that he will never rise again ? and if it be true , then it is also infallibly true , whether god see it or no. and so still what have you gained , your supposing it true is it to which adheres the supposition of gods foreseeing , and infallibility consequent to that , but that addes no weight to that which was before supposed infallible . § . 84. again you aske , can god seriously call him , who [ he sees ] will never repent , seriously do that he sees useless , and absolutely ineffectuall ? ] i have oft told you , and proved to you , that he may , 't is certain he called pharaoh , when he had predicted he would not hearken , and he most seriously doth things to salvifick ends , which do not eventually attain those ends , and he foresees they do not . § . 85. i said that what god doth thus in time , he ab aeterno decreed to do , this ( as it is apparent by the antecedent , to which the relative [ thus ] belongs , ) i spake of gods calling men , some not to fall , others to rise again , and you reply , that it seemes to you utterly improbable that god should do whatsoever he doth , by an antecedent decree . ] i have no temptation to leave our present taske , which is sufficient for the day , to dispute that question with you in the latitude , as your , ( whatsoever he doth , ) importeth . it will suffice , if god doth any thing by an antecedent decree , or decree any thing before he do it , for if any thing , then sure his calls and warnings , which are parts of his covenant of grace , and that is sub decreto , decreed by him . and then what i said before , is still of full force , gods foreseeing mens disobediences to his calls , was in order of nature posteriour and subsequent to his decree of calling and giving them grace , and being so , cannot move him to change what went before , or presently to disannull it , and till it be disannulled , 't is certain , and exacted by veracity , that he act according to it , i. e. that he call those seriously , who yet he foresees resist him . why you should here farther inlarge , of the greater improbability , that god should without consideration decree what afterward he perceives would be uselesse , i guess not , being sure no words of mine gave you temptation to think that i affixt inconsiderate decrees to our god of all wisdome , or counted those calls uselesse , which through our obstinacy , ( onely ) faile of their designed good effect . § . 86. no more did i give you cause for that harsh-sounding phrase of gods necessarily pursuing it , because it was decreed . ] i should rather have suggested to you these words , instead of them , that god is faithfull , and just , and veracious , and so performes his part of the covenant of grace with men , howsoever they are , ( and he foresees them , ) wanting to their own part . § . 87. what you say you understand not in my last papers , i thus explaine ; those calls of god which the obdurate reject , are most seriously meant by god to their reformation , else he would not punish them for rejecting them , as he doth by withdrawing them , &c. this god decrees to do ab aeterno , which he could not , unlesse he soresaw their rejection of them , and yet neither could he foresee their so criminal rejecting them , unlesse he foresaw the seriousnesse of them , and if he foresaw that , then it is as certain as any thing , that god foresees that they are serious , and although god do not actually inflict punishment upon bare foresight of sin , yet sure he may decree to punish those whom he foresees to deserve it , and that is all that is necessary to my arguing . else i might tell you that god that accepts not a temporary faith , will never accept such a man as is answerable to the stony , or thorny ground , ( who in time of tryall would fall away , ) though he should be taken away before temptations approach . § . 88. in that of judas , you grant that the prophecy , as terminated in him , could not have been fulfilled , had he never been born , but then your quere remaines , say you , whether it might not have been fullfilled in another ? ] i answer , 1. it could not have been fullfilled in another , without some other disciples doing what he did , and 't is certain no other did so , and therefore what was foretold must have been fulfilled in him , or else , ( which may not be believed of a divine oracle , ) had not been fulfilled . but then , 2. christs words to john pointing out judas for the traitour , he that dippeth , &c. was a prediction of god perfectly terminated in judas's person , and could not be fulfilled in any other , and so your new quere is answered also . and that gives you a farther reason , ( if what was said before to your second quere were not sufficient , ) that our saviours prediction was not conditional , but categorically enunciative , verily i say unto you that one of you shall or will betray me , and he that dippeth , at that time when christ spake it , deictically , i. e. judas , is that person . § . 89. in your view of what i said to your second question , you first insist on my answer , that the event proved the denunciation against iudas was not like that against niniveh conditional , but i foresaw the small force of that , which i used onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therefore added a second , that the prediction of iudas was of his sin , as well as punishment , and the prediction of his sin , could not be conditional , nor the prediction of the ninivites punishment any way be applicable to it , leaving therefore the weaker , i adhered onely to this , which when you labour also to evacuate , by interpreting , [ one of you will betray me , ] by [ unlesse he repent , &c. he will betray me . ] you consider not , 1. that christs death , as it was from all eternity decreed by god , so it was oft predicted by christ , and his resurrection , and many other things depending on it , and among these still the treachery of one of his disciples is one , and that is not reconcileable with this interpretation . 2. that foreseeing that he would be so disposed , as unlesse he repented he would betray him , is the foretelling of a future contingent . 3. that one particular prediction , wherein iudas was deictically signified , was private to s. iohn , that lay in iesus his bosome , as appeares , ioh. xiii . 24 , 25 , 26. and though the words to iudas himself , mat. xxvi . 15. may better beare that sence you assigne , yet the words to iohn , which iudas heard not , could be no such admonition to iudas , and therefore were without question absolute , and so those other to peter verily i say to thee , before the cockcrow twice , thou shalt deny me thrice , when he had professed he would rather die , then deny him , are not easily healed with this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ unlesse thou repent thou wilt deny me , ] for assuredly peter meant not now to deny christ , but resolved the contrary , and therefore had nothing to repent of in this behalfe . and when you seeme to demonstrate it could not be absolute , because judas might confessedly have repented , and if he had , then it must have been interpreted conditionally , i answer according to my hypothesis , that if iudas had repented , christ had never foreseen , or declared of him , as he doth , i. e. that he should betray him . § . 90. but , say you , you see not why a conditional prediction may not be applyable as wel to the prevention of sin , as of punishment , ] i shall shew you why it may not , because the punishment is gods work , and for the averting of that there is force in the ninivites repentance , which is the condition required on their part , on the performance of which god hath generally promised to suspend his punishments , and therefore the threats are conditional , which in equity will not be inflicted , if the condition be performed . but the sin is man's work and to the commission of that no other party contributes but himself , and so neither is the prediction of it a threat , but a down-right enunciation , neither is there any condition imaginable to be performed on the other party , answerable to the other case , unlesse god should forcibly interpose to avert it , ( and that cannot be imagined to be the meaning , [ except i restrain judas he will betray me , ] or if it were , it were still an act of gods absolute foreknowledge , that he will do so , if not violently restrained ) all probable meanes to his amendment , and particularly the admitting him to the sacrament being , saith s. chrysostom , already used to him , and yet , saith christ , he will betray me . 91. now for defence of your postscript , and the contradiction which that charged on our hypothesis , i pray marke the issue of it . if you can prove that it implyes a contradiction for god to foresee future contingents , then you certainly prevaile , as on the other side if you succeed not in this attempt , you must resolve your opinion erroneous , because nothing being impossible to god but to lie , and so to make good both parts of a contradiction , if prescience bring not this consequence , it must be possible to god , how inexplicable or unintelligible soever it be to me , who for want of facultatem analogam , cannot judge of the actions of an eternal god , and if it be yeilded possible , then the predictions of scripture will be proofes beyond question of the truth of it . to this one test then let us come . the contradiction you assigned was , our saying , that things future are or may be present to god. i shewed you the definition of contradictoryes was not competible to these , of which est and non est is the known example , and present and future are neither present and not present nor future and not future . and again in contradictions both parts must be considered in the same respects , whereas future being enunciated in respect of us , and our finite sight , present is exprest to be in respect of god , whose science is immense , and infinite . § . 92. now to this you reply , 1. that present and future , though they are not formal contradictions , yet really and in sence they are , for future is that that is not present , but to come , and present and not present are formally contradictory . 2. that my concession that no finite thing can both be present and future is enough for you , for god cannot be present to that which is not present to him . ] i now answer to your first , that there is nothing so false , that i cannot make good by this your arguing . in particular , by this the doctrine of the trinity and vnity were equally confuted , for trinitas in the wonted notion is not one , but three , and one , and not one , are formally contradictory . this is the direct image and transcript of your arguing , mutatis mutandis , yet i know you deny not the tri-unus deus , how then can you on no better proofe deny prescience ? the socinian's conformably deny both , but you are partial , and deny but one of them . it is never safe to despise the ordinary rules of art , but seldome more dangerous then in this , whereas if logick were duely revered in it's dictates , and nothing thought contradictory in sence , but what is an affirmation , and negation of the same thing , this intricacy would be unfolded , and that which is future to me , be present to god , without the encumbrance or dread of a contradiction . § . 93. to the second i answer , that it cannot suffice to your pretensions , that no finite thing is both present and future , meaning , ( as it is plaine i did , ) in the same respect , present and future to me : when yet what is future to me , may be present to one that lives a year hence , and so much more to god who liveth for ever . when therefore in your proof you seeme to suppose me to hold , that what is future to me , is not present to god , you did mistake me , for as i said , that god being immense may and must be present to that which is future , or else he is bounded and limited , and so not immense , infinite , so i deemed that , which god is thus present to , to be objectively present to him , and so it was from all eternity , though to us it be not yet present , but future . so that the other part of the definition of contradictoryes , if it had been adverted to , had superseded this part of your answer also , viz. that it is the affirmation and negation of the same thing in the same respects , as here you see it was not , and so was not usefull to you . § . 94. but say you , if all future contingents are and ab aeterno were all present to god , then they are all eternall . ] i deny that consequence , what is finite , and in it self yet future , by it's objective presence to god , is not changed into eternall , nay even that which really is , and so is really , ( and not onely objectively , ) present to him , is yet as far from eternall , as christ's body , by being united to his infinite divinity is from becoming infinite . this then was but a sophisme that you will soon see thorow . § . 95. and so your other part of the same passage of s. augustin confess . l. ii. c. 18 , that again you resort to , was in effect formerly answered , by shewing that it belonged onely to what is future , and present to us , and so to our sight , not to gods. i have now gone thorow your papers and wearied you , and almost my self , yet if what is written prove usefull to you , to the depositing that which i cannot but deem an errour , although i lay no epithets upon it , it will be far from burthenous to your very affectionate friend and servant h. hammond . postscript . § . 96. to extricate you finally out of this difficulty , i shall desire you by way of recapitulation , to consider apart these two propositions , the first that gods science being as immense and infinite , as himself , is not limited to things past or present , or futures , by him decreed , but extends to all that ever shall be , or may be ; to what may be , so as to see it may be , though it be not , to what shall be , so as to see it come to passe , as in time it doth come to passe , contingent things , contingently , &c. of which proposition if there can be any doubt to any man , who stedfastly believes gods immensity , let the predictions recorded in the scripture be considered , those especially which are of sinnes , which it is as impossible for god to decree or predetermine , as to cause , and yet he foresees and foretells them , witnesse christs foretelling peter , that he should deny him thrice , when peter himself was so far from foreseeing , or purposing it , that he resolved the contrary . the second proposition , that there are future contingents , that all the sinnes ( at least ) of men are not decreed , and predetermined by god , or caused by any necessity . of which no man can doubt , which believes the scripture , and therein the procedure of the judgement to come , the difference in respect of guilt and punishment betwixt voluntary and involuntary actions , ( the motions of men and of stones , ) and again the exhortations and menaces of god in scripture , and the great seriousnesse , exprest , and protestations prefixt to them . § . 97. if taking these propositions apart , any christian can doubt of the truth of either of them , he sees the shelves he splits upon , and the shipwrack of a great part of the faith , whither on this , or that side . but if he cannot but assent to these truths severally , and onely wants the skill of reconciling the seeming difficulties which they beget , when he attempts to put them together , ( of which sort are all the inconveniences , or objections , produced in this matter , ) let him on that occasion consider , how ( more then ) credible it is , that he doth not understand all things , that are , having but finite facultyes , and finite measures , which are not proportioned to infinite powers , or objects ; which makes it most seasonable to supersede all farther enquiries , and to acquiesce in an assurance , that god can reconcile his own contradictions , such i meane , as though by the known rules of logick they appeare to be really no contradictions , yet by us are conceived to approach nere to such , through prejudice , or thinking ( not too little , but rather ) too much upon them . in which case to restrain our farther searches is the same necessary mortification , which it is to restrain inordinate appetites , and is a principall peice of duty owing to the apostles precept of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being wise to sobriety : god give the world of christian professors more of it , then is yet discernible among them . finis . the last vvords of the reverend , pious and learned dr. hammond : being two prayers for the peaceful re-settlement of this church and state. prayer i. o blessed lord , who in thine infinite mercy didst vouchsafe to plant a glorious church among us , and now in thy just judgment hast permitted our sins and follies to root it up , be pleased at last to resume thoughts of peace towards us , that we may do the like to one another . lord , look down from heaven , the habitation of thy holiness , and behold the ruines of a desolated church , and compassionate to see her in the dust . behold her , o lord , not onely broken , but crumbled , divided into so many sects and fractions , that she no longer represents the ark of the god of israel , where the covenant and the manna were conserved , but the ark of noah , filled with all various sorts of unclean beasts ; and to complete our misery and guilt , the spirit of division hath insinuated it self as well into our affections as our judgments ; that badge of discipleship which thou recommendedst to us , is cast off , and all the contrary wrath and bitterness , anger and clamor , called in to maintain and widen our breaches . o lord , how long shall we thus violate and defame that gospel of peace that we profess ? how long shall we thus madly defeat our selves , lose that christianity which we pretend to strive for ? o thou which makest men to be of one mind in an house , be pleased so to unite us , that we may be perfectly joyned together in the same mind , and in the same judgment . and now that in civil affairs there seems some aptness to a composure , o let not our spiritual differences be more unreconcilable . lord , let not the roughest winds blow out of the sanctuary ; let not those which should be thy embassadors for peace still sound a trumpet for war : but do thou reveal thy self to all our eliah's in that still small voice , which may teach them to eccho thee in the like meek treating with others . lord , let no unseasonable stiffness of those that are in the right , no perverse obstinacy of those that are in the wrong , hinder the closing of our wounds ; but let the one instruct in meekness , and be thou pleased to give the other repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth . to this end do thou , o lord , mollifie all exasperated minds , take off all animosities and prejudices , contempt and heart-burnings , and by uniting their hearts prepare for the reconciling their opinions : and that nothing may intercept the clear sight of thy truth , lord , let all private and secular designs be totally deposited , that gain may no longer be the measure of our godliness , but that the one great and common concernment of ruth and peace may be unanimously and vigorously pursued . lord , the hearts of all men are in thy hands , o be thou pleased to let thy spirit of peace overshadow the minds of all contending parties ; and , if it be thy will , restore this church to her pristine state , renew her dayes as of old , let her escape out of egypt , be so entire , that not an hoof may be left behind : but if thy wisdom see it not yet a season for so ful a deliverance , lord , defer not , we beseech thee , such a degree of it ; as may at least secure her a being ; if she cannot recover her beauty , yet , o lord , grant her health , such a soundness of constitution as may preserve her from dissolution . let thy providence find out some good samaritans to cure her present wounds : and to whomsoever thou shalt commit that important work , lord , give them skilful hands and compassionate hearts ; direct them to such applications as may most speedily , and yet most soundly , heal the hurt of the daughter of sion ; and make them so advert to the interests both of truth and peace , that no lawful condescension may be omitted , nor any unlawful made . and do thou , who art both the wonderful counsellor and prince of peace , so guide and prosper all pacifick endeavors , that all our distractions may be composed , and our jerusalem may again become a city at unity in it self ; that those happy primitive dayes may at length revert , wherein vice was the onely heresie ; that all our intestine contentions may be converted into a vigorous opposition of our common enemy , our unbrotherly feuds into a christian zeal against all that exalts it self against the obedience of christ . lord , hear us , and ordain peace for us , even for his sake whom thou hast ordained our peace-maker , jesus christ our lord. prayer ii. o most gracious lord , who doest not afflict willingly , nor grieve the children of men , who smitest not till the importunitie of our sins enforce thee , and then correctest in measure , we thy unworthy creatures humbly acknowledge that we have abundantly tasted of this patience and lenity of thine . to what an enormous height were our sins arriv'd ere thou beganst to visit them ! and when thou couldst no longer forbear , yet mastering thy power , thou hast not proportion'd thy vengeance to our crimes , but to thy own gracious design of reducing and reclaiming us . lord , had the first stroke of thy hand been exterminating , our guilts had justified the method ; but thou hast proceeded by such easy and gentle degrees , as witness how much thou desiredst to be interrupted , and shew us , that all that sad weight we have long groaned under , hath been accumulated onely by our own incorrigibleness . 't is now , o lord , these many years that this nation hath been in the furnace , and yet our drosse wasts not but increases ; and it is owing onely to thy unspeakable mercy , that we , who would not be purified , are not consumed ; that we remain a nation , who cease not to be a most sinfull , and provoking nation . o lord , let not this long-suffering of thine serve onely to upbraid our obstinacy , and enhanse our guilt ; but let it at last have the proper effect on us , melt our hearts , and lead us to repentance . and oh , that this may be the day for us thus to discern the things that belong to our peace ! that all who are ( yea , and all who are not ) cast down this day in an external humiliation , may by the operation of thy mighty spirit have their souls laid prostrate before thee in a sincere contrition ! o thou who canst out of the very stones raise up children unto abraham , work our stony flinty hearts into such a temper as may be malleable to the impressions of thy grace , that all the sinners in sion may tremble ; that we may not by a persevering obstinacy seal to our selves both temporal and eternal ruine , but instead of our mutinous complaining at the punishments of our sins , search and try our ways , and turn again to the lord. o be thou pleas'd to grant us this one grand fundamental mercy , that we who so impatiently thirst after a change without us , may render that possible and safe by this better and more necessary change within us ; that our sins may not , as they have so often done , interpose and eclipse that light which now begins to break out upon us . lord , thy dove seems to approach us with an olive-branch in her mouth , oh let not our silth and noysomness chace her away ; but grant us that true repentance which may at one thee , and that christian charity which may reconcile us with one another . lord , let not our breach either with thee or among our selves be incurable , but by making up the first prepare us for the healing of the latter . and because , o lord , the way to make us one fold is to have one shepheard , be pleas'd to put us all under the conduct of him to whom that charge belongs ; bow the hearts of this people as of one man , that the onely contention may be who shall be most forward in bringing back our david . o let none reflect on their past guilts as an argument to persevere , but repent , and to make their return so sincere as may qualify them not onely for his but thy mercy . and , lord , be pleas'd so to guide the hearts of all who shall be intrusted with that great concernment of setling this nation , that they may weigh all their deliberations in the ballance of the sanctuary , that conscience , not interest , may be the ruling principle , and that they may render to caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods ; that they may become healers of our breaches , and happy repairers of the sad ruines both in church and state : and grant , o lord , that as those sins which made them are become nationall , so the repentance may be nationall also , & that evidenc'd by the proper fruits of it , by zeal of restoring the rights both of thee and thine anointed . and doe thou , o lord , so dispose all hearts , and remove all obstacles , that none may have the will , much lesse the power , to hinder his peaceable restitution . and , lord , let him bring with him an heart so intirely devoted to thee , that he may wish his own honour onely as a means to advance thine . o let the precepts and example of his blessed father never depart from his mind ; and as thou wert pleas'd to perfect the one by suffering , so perfect the other by acting thy will ; that he may be a blessed instrument of replanting the power instead of the form of godliness among us , of restoring christian vertue in a prophane and almost barbarous nation . and if any wish him for any distant ends , if any desire his shadow as a shelter for their riots and licenciousnesse , o let him come a great but happy defeat to all such , not bring fewel , but cure , to their inordinate appetites ; and by his example as a christian , and his authority as a king , so invite to good , and restrain from evil , that he may not onely release our temporall , but our spiritual bondage , suppress those foul and scandalous vices which have so long captivated us , and by securing our inward , provide for the perpetuating our outward peace . lord , establish thou his throne in righteousnesse , make him a signall instrument of thy glory and our happinesse , and let him reap the fruits of it in comfort here , and in blisse hereafter ; that so his earthly crown may serve to enhanse and enrich his heavenly . grant this , o king of kings , for the sake and intercession of our blessed mediator , jesus christ . the end . london , printed for richard royston at the angel in ivie-lane , 1660. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45400-e220 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2. pet. 1. 5. notes for div a45400-e1240 five positions agreed on by all . three heads of difficulty . of reconciling praescience with liberty of contingency . of the manner and measure of the cooperation of effectuall grace with the free will of man. how to attribute all good to god , and evil to our selves . * matth xi . † rom. x. saint pauls o the depth . an history of doctor sandersons thoughts in these points . d. twiss his way . causes of rejecting it . * l. 1. digr . 9. † ibid. digr . 10. the supralapsarians way , the sublapsarians . reasons against both . the negative part sufficient to peace , &c , our churches moderation . the kings declaration in order to peace . good life . difference between opinions and conjectures . three propositions concerning gods decrees , mans fall. the giving of christ for mankind . the new covenant , the decree of publishing the gospel to all the world , evangelical obedience , matters of conjecture . the first . the object of scripture election . all scripture decrees conditionate , temerity of introducing absolute decrees . whether the heathens have evangelical grace . of the condition of those to whom the gospel is not revealed , four considerations concerning them . the first . the second , the third . de lib. a●bit . l. 3. c. 16 , the fourth . the second conjecture an undoubted truth . inward grace annexed to the ministry of the gospel . the third conjecture of effectual grace and scripture-election and reprobation . animadversions on this conjecture . the first . the second from scripture . and reason . in ep. ad epictes . in libel . de fide & symbolo , in tom. iii. and the unreconcile ableness of this conjecture with making man preach'd to , the object of the decrees . the doctrine of supereffluence of grace to some , acknowledged . but this of supereffluence no part of the covenant of grace . * ●●d . bera●●●th . difficulties concerning supereffluence . i. whether it be not resistible . ii. whether it belong not rather to providence then grace . iii. whether this be it to which election is determined . considerations from scripture opposed to the former conjecture . luk. ix , 62 act. xiii . 48. jo. vii . 17. mat. xiii . 8. luc , viii , 15 , mat , xiii , 1● , jam , iv , 6 , mat , xi , 5 , mat. xix . 14. and v. 3. luc. vi . 22. 1 cor. 1. 27. the ground of effectualness of grace more probably deduced from probity of heart . * ●er . iv . 3. this probity no natural preparation , but of gods planting by preventing grace . the one objection against this satisfied * mat. xiii . 13. the safeness of this stating . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tit. bostr . compared with the other . * cap. iv . 5. an anacephalaecsis of the doctrine of gods decreess of election . of reprobation . the conclusion . of the efficacy of grace . the power of grace in conversion , &c what the freedome of will now it . ability to sin . all good due to grace . predetermination and irresistibility , how unreconcileable with christian principles . of arminians attributing too little to grace . of judas whether he were not converted . * joh. xvii . 12 , whence discrimination comes . from mans liberty to resist . from gods preventions . nothing imputed to man but power of resisting . the whole work of conversion to grace . of the congruous manner &c. making grace effectuall . this a member of the former conjecture . fortiter & suaviter . what is the only question here . mat. xi . 21. a special prejudice to the conjecture . consistance of grace and free will. the difficulties in the schoolmens way whence . how easily superseded . of falling from grace . our article . grounds of it in scripture . in the old testament . ch. iii. 20. & xviii . 24. in the 〈◊〉 . luk. xxii . 32 joh. xxi . 25. mar. xiv . 29 , 31. joh. xvii . 12. & vi . 37. 1 tim. 1. 20. 2 tim. ii . 17. 1 cor. x. 12. 2 pet. ii . 21. s. augustin . of perseverance of the elect . mat. 24. 30. heb. 10. 30. temporary faith may be true . the elect subject to intercisions . the falls of those that have been once regenerate no more reconcileable with gods favour then of the unregenerate . nay the advantage is on the unregenerates part . 1 tim. 1. 13. certainty of the object . certatinty of the subject . 〈…〉 . of gods favour to rebellious children no comfort for such from 2 tim. ii . 19. the marcusians heresie in this point , a good warning . the conclusion . notes for div a45400-e12030 two difficultyes . an argument from the unfathomableness of gods providence . the distinction between providence and grace . the force thereof against the forementioned conjecture . other considerations to prejudice it . the other way confirmed from the parable of the sower . the question what makes sufficient grace effectuall . punctually answered by christ . the fourfold difference of soile . the one question divided into foure . the first . the second . the third . the fourth . the character of the honest heart . the conjecture compared with this other way . one pretension for the conjecture , from the finding the hidden treasure . the conversion of augustine . of saul . the distant fate of two children . answered . the point of the difficulty whether the barely sufficient grace be universally inefficacious . no pretense for this . providence allowed to assist grace . but is of no force to the question . a phansie of gods giving the elect ipsam non-resistentiam examined , and found weake . considered in relation to this phansie . phil. ii . 13. the second difficultye . concerning gods withdrawing sufficient grace . the severall wayes of gods withdrawing grace . the first rather with-holding . consists with his affording sufficient . the second . not totall . the third totall , but only for the time , and neither simply totall . rom. li. 4. the fourth total , yet it self designed as a grace , most effectuall of any . 2 cor. xiii . 10. 1 tim. i. 20. gods punishments instruments of his grace . the fifth totall and finall withdrawing of all grace by excision . the sixth before excision . the word is not accompanied with grace to the damned , or the highest degree of obdurate . rom. 1. 1● . where any softness , none of that . pharaoh the onely example of it in scripture . rom. ix . 17. notes for div a45400-e16090 necessitas ex hypothesi . objective being . socinus's doctrine . calvins . gods foresight of sins . difference betwixt praedetermination and praevision . omniscience proportionable to omnipotence . future contingents with in gods reach . proved by gods immensity . socinus's argument answered . of the contradiction . a second objection . inconveniences enumerated and answered . the first . the second . the third . the fourth . the fifth . the foreseeing of judas's sin . the argument from thence defended . hom. 83. ●● mat. the ground of our assertion gods immensity , and the no implicancy of a contradiction . gods immensity extends to the knowledge of all things possible . an objection against that answered . gods immensity supposed not proved . a second objection . what is meant by commensuration to all time . a third objection . answered . what is future is objicible to god. so what is meerly possible . a fourth objection answered . orat. 4● . no proportion between our finite and gods infinite . asist objection answered . god may know that which actually is not . a sixt objection answered . gods seeing every thing as it is . a seventh objection answered . an eigth objection answered . difference between possible and future . all gods acts are not ab aeterno . a ninth objection answered . gods knowledge suitable to his power , gods coexistence to all that ever is , not to what never shall be . the enforcements of the former objections answered . the first enforcement of the first . the second . possible and meerly possible differ . scientia media . the third de fato . the first nforcement of the second . the second . the third . great difference betwixt rendring and finding certain . the great consequence of this difference . the defence of the objected inconveniences , answered . the first . the second . prescience makes not exhortations vain . the example of pharoah . acts of gods wisdome not submitted to our censure . gods antecedent and consequent will. the uneffectuallness of gods acts not chargeable on him ; force not competible to a rational vineyard . the third . wilfull falls are not unavoidable . nor made so by gods prescience . gods love to mankind engages him not to prevent them by death , whose fall be foresees . if it did , it is nothing to the case of prescience here . adams sin foreseen by god , yet not prevented . evidence that it was foreseen , the same of all other sinnes . that prescience derogates not from omnipotence . gods prescience derogates not from his goodness . s. augustine and lud. vives their sense of prescience . philocal . c. 23. c. 11. origens testimony . p. 72. p. 73. ibid. ibid. ibid. hypothetical . foreknowledg . the fourth 's salvability of judas as conclusible from prescience , as damnation . the fifth . gods serious call to those who he sees will die . gods foresight of mans rejecting his calls and the criminousness thereof a proof of the seriousnes of them . the predictions of judas could not be fulfilled in another , not conditionall . so that of peters denyall . prediction of sin cannot be conditionall . the issue of the whole question whether prescience of contingents imply a contradiction . the lawes of contradictions . the argument , holds equally against the trinity , and unity . what is present to god , is not eternall . two propositions . the first of god immense science . the proof of it . the second of contingency and liberty . the proof of it . the conclusion . a copy of some papers past at oxford, betwixt the author of the practicall catechisme, and mr. ch. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1650 approx. 316 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 66 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45407) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96915) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 740:17) a copy of some papers past at oxford, betwixt the author of the practicall catechisme, and mr. ch. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. cheynell, francis, 1608-1665. the second edition. 130 p. printed by ja. flesher for r. royston ..., london : 1650. letters signed: h. hammond, fr. chesnell. also appears at reel 2312:12 as part of "a collection of such answers and discourses" (wing h524a). reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-05 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of some papers past at oxford , betwixt the author of the practicall catechisme , and mr. ch. the second edition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 st. basil. epist. 63. london , printed by ja. flesher for richard royston at the angel in ivie-lane , 1650. for mr cheynell . sir , at my returne from london late last night , i met with some scattered reports of your dealing with the author of the practicall catechisme , in a late sermon or sermons of yours in this city ; within a few dayes after , i met you at col. hammonds lodgings , and signified my intentions to goe out of towne the next day . now though the care i have of the reputation of that author be not so great or passionate , as to put me upon the least thought or designe of working any proportionable revenge on him , that endeavoured publiquely to defame him ; or to make you any return , save onely of my prayers to god for you , that he will forgive you all the trespasses that either this , or any other dealing of yours hath been guilty of , and that he will give you a right judgement in all things ; yet because i would not be in danger to beleeve any thing of you causlessly , i thought my selfe obliged in justice to you , to desire from you ( who know best what you said ) an exact account in writing ( as farre as your memory will serve ) of all that you said in publike , either at st. maries , or carfax , wherein the author of that catechisme was concerned . i do much abuse my selfe in the notion i have of christian justice , if that doe not oblige you to answer this request of octob. 10. 1646. your servant h. hammond . i shall re-inforce my request , that you will send me the summe of what you said , with as little alteration as is possible . sir , i returne you thanks , and am before-hand with you for prayers , the lord pardon , and lead you into all truth and holinesse . truly sir , i had said as much of the practicall catechisme as i did say , though you had beene in towne , nay , had beene ( where you might learne something of my brethren ) at church . what i said of the author of that catechisme , was ( your friends being judges ) as such as hee deserved : some thinke i spoke too highly in his commendations : but to the point ; first you say you are obliged in justice to mee to desire an exact account of my sermons : sure this is somewhat more then equall justice to mee , it is to exercise jurisdiction over mee . secondly , you doe much abuse your selfe in the notion of christian justice , if you conceive mee obliged in christian justice to give you an account this night ( being to preach to morrow ) of what i preached about ten dayes agoe . i will deale plainely with you , i have not said all that i intend to say of that catechisme , because it seemes to evacuate the morall law , under pretence of filling up its vacuities , and it doth in effect overthrow the sum and substance of the gospel . sir , this is more then i said in either sermon ; but you shall ( in due time , place , and manner , as soone as my weighty occasions will permit ) receive the reasons of this assertion . from your humble servant fr. cheynell . saturday , octob. 10. 1646. about 4 of the clock in the afternoone . sir , what i said of the practicall catechisme . sir , i am sorry i was so mistaken in you , as to make a request to which you doe not by your answer return mee one word , nor are so favourable as to promise me any at your greater leasure . having had this experience of you , i shall make no more new questions ( to which the former part of your letter might tempt one that were curious ) as who of my friends they were , which were so well satisfied with what you said of the author of that catechisme ; or , who againe , that envyed him the elogy which you affirme your selfe to have bestowed upon him . i shall rather take occasion from these two affirmations of yours , to inforce my one former petition , that you will commit to paper what you said , and give me leave to passe a judgment whether the author be obliged to thanke you for civilities , or ( as my present intelligence goes ) to clear himself from your accusations i am willing to flatter my self by the second leaf of your letter ( begun with a [ sir , what i said of the practicall catechism ] and so abruptly broke off ) that you were once in so good humour , as to design me the favour i petition'd for ; and if i am deceived , yet have i now more reason to importune it ; because , first , by your present mistaking of my few lines : and secondly , returning an answer very distant from the particular proposed by mee , i am enclined to beleeve it possible that your exceptions to the author of the catechisme might be mistakes also , ( and then i would hope i might rectifie , and you retract those mistakes ; ) or else , secondly , that your answers might be somewhat from the matter , and the shewing you that might to you be usefull also . and if neither of these should prove true , i shall farther invite you to that charity by a serious promise , that whatever you to my apprehension justly object against , or confute in that author , shall by gods grace tend to my edification . and having that preparation of mind , i hope your prayer will be heard , that god will pardon , and lead me into all truth and holinesse . that you may not thinke i have beene unjust in mentioning such blemishes in your letter ( and that i may performe to you , what i desire of you ) i shall first mention the mistakes in it . the first is , your interpreting my desire to you for an exercise of iurisdiction over you , which that it may appeare probable , you say , i desire an exact account of your sermons . where first , sir , to desire an account , is not to exercise jurisdiction : secondly , the account i desired , was not of your sermons , or of any part of them , saving onely of that wherein the author of the catechisme was concerned , and that i then told you i was obliged ( in justice to you ) to desire , and i still conceive i am so , it being but just , to use this obvious conducible meanes to keep me from beleeving you to have said any thing but what you did say , when perhaps the relations of others may bee unjust to you , ( and tempt mee to be so also ) and no body can well assure mee of either , but your selfe . what you meane by [ more then an equall justice to you ] i shall not demand , because i would make haste to conclude this paper : yet because i suppose you would intimate by that phrase , that it was not justice to you ( for if it were more then equall on your side , you would not complaine ; and besides you say , it is exercising jurisdiction over you , which for mee to doe over you , were i confesse injustice ) i must further evidence it were not , by naming you the particulars which are reported to mee from your sermon , which are such false suggestions , that nothing but your saying , and saying truly that you sayd them not , can cleare you from a great fault , of which that i may not charge you untruly , i had no sure way , but to make that request to you . the particulars are four : first , that you told your auditory that there was a catechisme , and never a word of the trinity in it . of this i desire you to informe mee whether you said it or no. for if you did , there was great injustice in it . for 1 ▪ if you had mentioned the full title of the book , not a catechisme ( to which it may seeme proper to treat of the trinity ) but a catechisme with a restriction to one kind of matter a practicall catechisme , there had then been no great matter of wonder or complaint , that that speculative mysterie had not been handled . but then 2 , the very first lines of that booke would farther have prevented that objection . for the scholar there professing himselfe to have attained in some measure to the understanding of the principles of religion proposed by our church catechisme ( and that by this very catechists care , who had often done it in his parish , and at this time chose to doe somewhat else ) and the beliefe of the trinity being part of that catechisme , and of those instructions , there is a cleare reason why in the subsequent discourse the doctrine of the trinity is not handled , because it is supposed as a praecognitum before it . 3 this speech if it were yours , would seeme to have some designe in it , and ( whether meant by you , or not ) be thought by others to affix on the author either denying of the trinity , or being guilty of some errour in that point , which he was willing to conceale : and that this author is guilty of neither , i beleeve any man will be convinced by that catechisme , viz. in the last lines of it , where there is expresse mention of , and prayer directed to the blessed trinity coaeternall , to which one infinite majesty , &c. in which few words are disclaimed ( though not confuted ) as many of the errors of the antitrinitarian and socinian as could be well expected in that matter , i mean the words trinity , and unity , eternity of each person , and coaeternity . the second thing that i heard of , was in the matter of oaths , that the catechisme had trained up youth very ill , in giving license to vaine oaths , which you are said to have concluded from these words in the catechisme , where in answer to this question , is the third commandement in exod. [ thou shalt not take the name of god in vaine ] no more then thou shalt not forsweare thy selfe ? it is answered , no more undoubtedly — for there , i am told , you stopt , and from thence fell into some expressions against the doctrine and booke . if this were so , then were you very unjust to your auditory , in with-holding from them the consequents , which would certainely have kept them in charity with the author . i beseech you , sir , read on , and you shall finde that there is there as severe an interdiction of all kinde of swearing in a christian ( and sure such are all to whom this catechisme was meant ) as can bee imagined : in plaine words , a totall universall prohibition of swearing it selfe , making that as unlawfull now , as perjury was before , and a great deale more , so extremely strict , that i have by learned men been asked whether that author were not too severe against all kinde of swearing , but ( i thanke god ) never heard it fancyed , that there was any ground or appearance of liberty to bee drawne thence . all that that author can differ from you in , is his opinion , that the words of the third commandement belong expresly to perjury onely ; and for that opinion hee brings the plaine words of christ , which reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thou shalt not forsweare , &c. secondly , the importance of the word in the originall , where to lift up ( or take ) the name of god , signifies to sweare , and [ vainely ] signifies [ falsely , ] and so the very word used in exod. and there rendred [ vaine ] is deut. 5. in the ninth commandement rendered [ false . ] to these arguments , if you can give a satisfactory answer , he may chance to change his opinion in that . but however , the insisting on christs direct punctuall prohibition will sure prove it a sufficient calumny in him that shall hence conclude the author to have given youth any liberty in this kind . i would no man were more guilty of vaine oaths , in himself or others , then that catechist is , and resolves to bee . having said thus much , i shall adde ex abundanti , that in kindnesse and submission to the meanest , the author thought fit to adde in a last edition ( intended above a yeare since , but sold in this towne above a month agoe ) after these words [ no more undoubtedly ] these words , by way of explication of what before hee meant [ in the primary intention of the phrase ] for to that only hee professes to have designed that speech , never thinking to deny or doubt , but that vaine oaths ( though not swearing simply taken i. e. all kinde of swearing ) would there bee forbidden also though not primarily , yet by way of reduction ; which you may guesse to have been his meaning , because hee adds ▪ that perhaps foolish , wanton using of gods name ( though not in oaths , for one may use gods name and not sweare ) surely profane using of it , is forbidden by that reduction . and ( i pray ) doe you guesse whether it be likely that hee which said , perhaps foolish using of gods name was in the law forbidden , and all kinde of voluntary swearing under the gospel , could justly bee charged as a friend to young men , in giving them any of that liberty . if you can thinke it possible , yet read on to the end of that matter , and i will be bound you shall think otherwise . your next exception ( i am told ) was , that in the matter of repentance , the author makes inclination to sinne an infelicity , not a sinne . this , if you said , you are much to blame . for in the place whereto that refers , 't is cleare that under the generall words , of [ all kinds and sorts of sinnes ] the first kinde named is weaknesses , frailties , pollutions of our natures , our pronenesse and inclination to sinne . which being positively said , would , in the judgement of any ingenuous man have helped to interpret that which follows [ as infelicities , if not as sinnes ] thus not to deny them to bee sinnes , within two lines after it had been affirmed they were , but that even in their opinion that tooke them to be onely infelicities , not sinnes , ( as sure some doe , when they are not consented to ) they were yet to bee to them matter of humiliation , true sorrow and griefe , as the words are cleare , no where so much as intimating that they are not sinnes , unlesse when hee saith they are no actuall sinnes , which i hope you wil not say they are , when not consented to . your next exception , ( i am told ) was about justification , but my relations differ in the particular . some say your quarrell was , that hee makes faith a condition , no instrument . if that were it , i pray tell me whether you thinke faith a physicall instrument of justification , ( as for a morall instrument , that he in termes acknowledges ) or when justification is onely an act of gods through christ pardoning of sin , and accounting just , you can imagine that faith hath any kinde of reall though instrumentall efficiency in that worke , i. e. whether faith in any such sense can pardon sin , or pronounce just , or whether it bee not sufficient to acknowledge it an instrument in receiving of christ , and all other acts of the man as christian , and onely a condition or capacity in the subject to make capable of gods act upon him in justification ? this is the sum of what the author saith in that point , and shal be farther cleared to you , if that were your exception . others tell mee it was concerning the priority of sanctification before justification . which point , as it is there stated , can bee no matter of quarrell to any that affirmes the receiving of christ to bee pre-required to justification . for as that is no more then that faith is pre-required ( in the true notion of faith , and that wherein dr. preston acknowledges it ) so is it by that author said , that onely that sanctification is precedent to justification , which is the cordiall assent to christs commands and promises , giving up the heart to him , resolution of obedience ; not the actuall performance and practice of those vowes , for that is acknowledged there to bee after justification . these are the particulars i have heard of , and have now reason to beleeve , that of all them you are not guilty , especially of the first , though 't was ( even at london ) positively told mee from you . and therefore i doe by these presents acquit you of that , but yet thinke it not amisse to have mentioned that report , that by it you may see ( what alone i have now in hand to prove ) how truly i told you , that to avoid the danger of beleeving any thing of you causlesly , i thought my self obliged in justice to you , to beg an exact account of what you said . i have been too long on the evidencing your first mistake , i would you had answered my request , and then you had taken away all excuse of that prolixity . your second mistake was , that you conceived mee to have said that 't was a piece of christian justice in you to have given mee an account this night , &c. wherein you were faine to adde to my words [ this night ] whereas i onely mentioned an answer , but assigned you no time for it , but punctually required the messenger to desire to know , when it would bee seasonable , and hee should call for it ; and accordingly , though i have this evening written this rejoynder , yet that i may not trouble you , i meane to respite the sending it till munday . and yet by the way , i conceive it had been as easie for you to have given mee what i desired , as that letter in stead of it , unlesse it be easier for you to write out of your invention then your memory . i am sure it had been the savingst way , for then you had escaped this importunity . the distance of your answer from my proposition i shall not need to put you in minde of . that which you meane to adde more of the catechisme , is not all , nor ( if my intelligence faile me not ) any part of what you have said already : and 't is but diversion to tell mee you will say more , and give mee reason of that more , when as yet much lesse is desired of you , and cannot bee obtained . i shall when you are at leisure , desire all your heape of exceptions against that poore creature , that ( i will bee deposed for it ) meant no man any greater malice , then to land him safe at heaven the nearest and surest way that the author could imagin . but i will not yet importune you for any more then you have yet delivered publikely in this city . by granting me this uprightly and candidly , you will make me really rejoyce to hear that you shall have taken any further notice of me ; but if you shall persist to deny me this first request , you will utterly discourage your servant h. hammond . octob. 20. 1646. postscript . you are pleased to mention your designe of further severity against that authour in the matter of the morall law , which ( say you ) it seemes to evacuate under pretence of filling up its vacuities ; and adde , that it doth in effect overthrow the summe and substance of the gospel . the latter of these ( i confesse ) would be a little strange to me , that he that labours to elevate the gospel-precepts ( as you think , too much ) above the law , should overthrow the summe or substance of the gospell . i must professe to beleeve that whatever charge can be affixt to that doctrine , that would not bee it , but rather that it labours to raise the gospell to a greater height then it would bear , or indeed to lessen the law , not to alter any thing in the gospell . in this particular i must professe my self posed , and utterly unable to conjecture what you mean , till you are so kind as to adde your reasons . one thing onely i meant to serve you in by this postscript ( because i see that , unlesse others have deceived mee , you may possibly bee deceived in passing judgement on that book ) and that is , to tell you , that you have a hard taske to prove that that authour doth at all evacuate the law morall ( unlesse you guard your selfe by that cautious word , that it seemes to evacuate it , and that it may , and not doe it really . ) for you may please to marke from mee , ( who know the sense and spirit of that author better then you ) that hee saith not positively that christ added to the law new precepts , but one of these two , either new precepts , or new light ; and concludes that either of these two will serve his turne , and enhance the christians obligation ; and addes , that hee that will acknowledge that christ requires more of his disciples or christians now , then the jewes by any cleare revelation had been convinced to be necessary before , did grant as much in effect as he desired to bee granted . and yet farther , in the close , that if any will contend , and shew as universall plain obliging precepts under the law , as there are in the fifth of st. matthew , he shall bee glad to see them , and not contend with him , so that hee will bring the jews up to us , and not us downe to the jewes ; professing that the onely danger which hee had used all his diligence to prevent . now i have told you this , use your discretion , and let mee heare the worst you can say in this particular also . for dr. hammond . sir , i was not the first , no nor the last , that endevoured to confute the dangerous errors of your much admired catechisme , yet i doe not hear that you have fallen foule upon any but on my selfe . i acknowledge my selfe the weakest , and yet am confident that gods power will bee manifested in my weaknesse , that god may have all the glory . i received your rejoynder upon munday : that day i was forced to goe out of town to speake with a gentleman ; i was to preach yesterday morning , and to performe some exercise in the afternoon for the satisfaction of some that are much seduced , this friday morning i return you what i can , and hope it will give you some satisfaction . sir , your messenger forgot your charge , and never told mee that you expected an answer when i was at leasure , and therefore i scribled somewhat in haste , as now i doe , for i have not one houre in a day free from disturbance . your errors were more solidly refuted by two of my reverend brethren , that are both of them seniors to you : they would have been able to have given you better satisfaction . you desire to know what i said at carfax . i tooke notice of that passage page 243. of your last edition , where you speake to this effect [ that the holy ghost was our advocate in setling a ministery to pray and intercede for their severall congregations ( and enabling them in the very apostles time to forme a liturgy to continue in the church to that end ) and thereby helping our infirmities , and teaching us to pray as wee ought . ] i said , i should bee glad to see that liturgy which you say was then formed ; and 2 was to bee continued in the church . 3 to know whether the holy ghost doth help our infirmities by any other liturgy or not . 4 whether they doe not pray as they ought , who know not where to procure that very liturgy , which you say was formed in the apostles times , and to bee continued in the church . 5 whether the common-prayer-book be that very liturgy . sir , mr. reynolds told mee you wanted direction about your first fruits , if your brother will procure l. gen. cromwell to speak to sir h. vane junior , it is in his power to relieve you . forgive the abruptnesse of your faithfull servant francis cheynell . in this outer paper was inclosed as follows . sir , i was not much taken with your notion of justice , but i shall gratifie your desire , being now invited to charity by your serious promise and preparation of minde to entertaine the truth , if god be pleased to discover it to you by so weake an instrument as i confesse my selfe to bee . you have changed and mollified your phrase , you did not stoope so low in your letter , as you doe in your rejoynder ( as you are pleased to terme it ) to beg an account : truly sir , i did stumble at those hard words , exact account , considering that you have exercised jurisdiction heretofore in a countrey , where i am now seated by the parliament . you complaine of false suggestions , i pray god forgive them that suggested so many false accusations against mee to you , who have ( as i perceive ) more worth in you , then to beleeve them . 1. it is reported that i complained of you to my auditory , because you did not handle the trinity in your catechisme , nay , that there was not a word of the trinity in that catechisme : i beleeve mr. digle will bee so candid , as to assure you that this is a false suggestion . but give me leave , doctor , to deale plainely with you , there is an accusation framed against you by your owne apology , for you speake in the language of you know whom , when you tell mee , that i need not wonder if the speculative mystery of the trinity bee not handled in a practicall catechisme . beleeve it , the doctrine of the trinity is a practicall mystery , the very foundation and ground-worke of the mystery of godlinesse . the blessed trinity is not onely the object of our faith , but of our worship too ; nay , the doctrine of the trinity hath by gods blessing a comfortable and quickning influence into the maine passages of the life and conversation of all orthodox and judicious christians . i hope , i need not remember you of your baptisme , or tell you that a sacramentall covenant is practicall . sir , rectifie that mistake , and i will forgive the suggester . your next reason concernes the church-catechisme , i suppose you meane that catechisme in the common-prayer-book : now truly sir , i must confesse that i like that catechisme farre better then your practicall catechisme : and your friends will tell you , that you might have contented your selfe with that catechisme , unlesse you could have made a better . to your third reason i answer , that i did once in london shew that passage , which you cite out of your prayer , to assure a friend of yours , that you did acknowledge the trinity , though you maintaine many errours , broached by them that deny the coeternall trinity in unity . i hasten to your second report . 2. concerning your exposition of the third commandement , i said , the youths , &c. had learnt the art of swearing as perfect as their catechisme ; and added , that i did not wonder at it , when i read such a passage in a practicall catechisme printed at oxford ; as you may also read , if you begin at the eighth section of the second booke ( i adde these words now , because i have sent home the oxford edition , and cite it according to the last edition , ) where the eloquent author ( to whom for parts , gifts , learning , i acknowledge my selfe farre inferiour ) being desired by his scholar to weed out the vice of swearing , lest it should take too deep root in young men , and get into fashion , doth assure his scholar that after this preface , ye have heard , &c. the first part of the precept , matth. 5. 33. [ thou shalt not forsweare thy selfe ] is clearely the third commandement : but the latter part [ but shalt performe , &c. ] is taken out of other places of the law to explaine the meaning of the former , and to expresse it to bee ( as literally it sounds ) against perjury or non-performance of promissory oaths : where note , there 's liberty enough for assertory oaths , for the third commandement is not meant of assertory oaths , as is plainly said afterwards . but lest the scholar should thinke that this was not the full meaning of the law sent by moses , hee is prompted to put the question home , whether there bee no more meant in the third commandement then [ thou shalt not forsweare thy selfe ? ] the catechist answers sadly and peremptorily [ no more undoubtedly . ] this is a flat deniall indeed , which requires full assurance of belief in the scholar , as it doth note confidence in the teacher , no more , and undoubtedly no more . i feare that the doubtfull [ perhaps ] and imaginary superaddition following ( of which i may have faire opportunity to speake more hereafter ) will not bee so effectuall to restraine the youths or doctors from swearing , as the unquestionable command of god. i hope , this exposition of the third commandement is not generally received in this university , and doubt not but some will be so ingenuous as to protest against it . sit , i have no more then this in my notes concerning that passage in your catechisme , though i was sufficiently prepared by meditation to have discoursed at large upon that argument : whether the clock struck , or what other diversion there was , i know not ; i beleeve i said not much more , but whether i delivered more or lesse at that time , i am not able to give you an exact account , it was not a businesse worth a designe to passe over such excuses as you alledge for your selfe . 1 a totall universall prohibition of swearing it selfe , and making it is as unlawfull now as perjury was before , is a doctrine which you cannot prove , unlesse you mince your totall and universall with so many qualifications , that at last you lose the totall in a cypher . you say , as smalcius and the rest doe , that i must not take an oath but for gods glory and the publike good ; now this is not to forbid swearing it selfe , but unnecessary swearing : what 's become of your totall now ? did the perfect law of god give men leave to to take vain oaths , so vain as that god should have no glory , nor men any good by them ? why , sure , it was by this argument lawfull to lift up the soule to vanity in a sense intolerably bad . 2 concerning our difference , it is this : you undertooke to prove that by the third commandement , there was no more meant , then that a man should not forsweare himselfe . can you conclude this out of all your premises in the catechisme ? your ingenuity would not permit you to frame such a conclusion , and therefore you conclude that answer of yours which begins c. no more undoubtedly , &c. thus , [ by all which it is cleare , that to take gods name in vaine is to forsweare ones selfe . ] you doe not adde , [ and no more ] which was the point in question , between the scholar and the catechist , and therefore that should have been proved , and in the conclusion inferred . 3 you appeale to christ the best judge . christ saith ; that whatsoever oath is unnecessarily taken ( so you must say , as i have proved before ) commeth of evill , matth. 5. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if you will , of the evill one , or of the devill . now sir , did not the third commandement forbid all evill ; or all devilish oaths ? 4 that the word is rendered [ false ] sometimes , i grant ; that it is as properly , if not more properly , rendred [ vaine ] you cannot deny ; and if you consult aben-ezra , r. selomo , &c. they will assure you that wee are not to lift up or take the name of god vainely : i need not goe about to prove that the jewes saw this truth as clearly as we doe , but i can prove that they saw and acknowledged it , and that is sufficient for mee to prove against your assertion . 5 consult the septuagint , and see how they render the word , exod. 20. 7. deut. 5. 11. 6 you know , that the primary and principall signification of the word is not [ false ] but [ vaine , ] and every man that hath looked into the hebrew , gives you instances enough . 7 you know , that others tell you , that if the primary intention had beene to forbid forswearing , divers other words or phrases would have been used in all probability , such as the holy ghost uses in other places ; learned men are bold to name divers , but i am not so bold . i might say a great deale more , if i had a mind to wrangle with you about the primary intention : but that is not the question between you and mee ; onely , you have acknowledged in a manner that the edition of your booke printed at oxford , had in the judgement of learned men somewhat questionable . you tell mee of the last edition of your book at london . i answer , 1 that i saw one edition printed at london , and compared it with the oxford edition ; what difference there is between them , it is your part to shew . 2 as for that edition you talke of , sold in oxford about a moneth agoe , that was a fortnight before i preached ; truly i bought that edition also . you see i was at some cost and paines to know your minde . 3 i read this last edition , and saw no difference between that and the other in this point about the meaning of the third commandement . 4 i asked others , and they told mee that there were some additions at the end of this last edition . i perused those additions , and then concluded that i might take it for granted that was your opinion which was to bee found in all three editions . 5 you now referre mee to that last edition , and tell mee that you have added somewhat to those words [ no more undoubtedly ] by way of explication ; good sir , say , retractation . 6. i have looked over those additions once againe , with the best eyes i have , and finde nothing about the primary intention of the phrase ; you say , you added it ; and where should i looke for an addition , but amongst your additions ? you see how hard it is to finde your explication . your printer and you may well make a confessing apology ; for the additions to the 120 page , concern nothing but perjury or sacriledge . 7 i looked on , to see whether it was not inserted afterwards , till i came to the end of your additions , and there i found some alterations , your last reserve , which ( i confesse ) i did not peruse , before i preached : my reason was , because you call them [ lesse remarkable alterations ] and therefore i thought very innocently , that you had onely corrected some literall mistakes ; but contrary to my conjecture , i there finde not onely some alteration , but ( what i blesse god for ) a direct recantation of sundry particulars , and i hope you will see cause to recant much more . i will continue my prayers for you , and doe what i can to help you to some new light to discerne old spirituall rules which were given by god in the time of moses . sir , seriously consider the carriage of this businesse , and tell me whether your patience or mine hath been more exercised ? take another commandement , the sixth if you please , will you say there is no more , undoubtedly no more meant by that , but the actuall taking away the life of a man ? no , you answer more fairely , pag. 99. and why then could you not have interpreted the third cōmandement as clearely ? 3 consider that there are three editions of your book abroad , every man will not bee at the same cost and pains that i have been ; doe you make the sad and wofull inference . 4 look into the treatises of learned men ; doe any say that there is no more , undoubtedly no more meant in a commandement but what is directly primâ facie presented ? is that which is to bee reduced to a command , not meant in that commandement , to which it is properly reduced ? 5 in these x words or commandements , words should not be too much restrained , but taken in their latitude . 6 is it proper for a man that hath said , no more undoubtedly no more is meant , to come in with a doubtful perhaps afterwards , and say perhaps there is more meant ? 7 your lesse remarkable addition is a plaine recantation . 8 it is more for gods honour and yours , to make a free , noble , solemn recantation , and ( now you have deceived the kingdom with three editions ) to doe all things like your selfe , ingenuously : a worthy action loses its grace , and our brethren lose their share of benefit by it , when done with so much reservednesse , that others cannot well take notice of it for their edification . pray sir , let your recantation bee as remarkable as your seduction ; doe not put it at the fag-end of some lesse remarkable alterations , acknowledge that you were seduced by — into this opinion , and recant with observation , lest others be seduced by so many hundred catechismes as are dispersed throughout the kingdome . but it may bee that you will deny that you have made a recantation . truly sir , first the addition of those words [ in the primary intention of the phrase . ] 2 the putting in of [ idle ] and blotting out of [ perhaps ] which did much affront your [ no more undoubtedly . ] 3 the change of these words [ the particular matter of moses his law was of promissory ( nor assertory ) oaths ] for these [ the matter was peculiarly of promissory , not onely of assertory oaths , ] all these three together will amount to a round recantation , considering that in three editions you had said , there was no more , and undoubtedly no more forbidden in the third commandement , then the breach of promissory oaths . ninthly , consider , that if this amendment had been before oxford had been taken , or if you would say that it ( as well as another edition of your book ) was intended , before you were in danger to bee called to an account for this and many things of worse consequence , your recantation would bee more satisfactory . i spake to you as a friend , and speake not out of my owne breast , for i doe but repeate the censures of other men . for my owne prart , you have made a solemne profession under your hand to give mee satisfaction , but how will you satisfie other men ? 10. yet i must professe , that i doe not like that expression of yours [ neverthinking to deny or doubt , but that vaine oaths would bee forbidden there also . ] doe you mean that they were forbidden by god when moses published the law , or would bee forbidden afterwards by a superaddition ? would bee is not so cleare an expression as is desired . 11. i doe not understand that expression of yours , when you say , [ that in kindnesse and submission to the meanest , the author thought fit to adde . ] if you meane it of mee , i take it kindly , for i did speake to your friends at london about you , and they promised to tell you positively of it , and i spoke for that end ; for i doe respect you more then you thinke i doe : and some worthy friends both of yours and mine know , that neare upon tenne yeares agoe wee did exchange some letters about your opinion concerning certaine vacuities in the morall law of god. 12. but sir , you should consider that learned men have told you of this errour , and therefore say , in submission to better judgements . 13. say , in submission to the greatest , even to iehovah , the god of glory , i will abase my selfe , recant my errors , and acknowledge the perfection of his morall spirituall law. surely it is meet to bee said to god , &c. iob 34. 31 , 32. i beseech , that you will weep over those two verses , and then read that passage , iohn 6. 38. christ came downe from heaven to doe the will of god , &c. oh , doe you come downe from your criticismes , come downe from your notions , your imaginary superadditions ; which you looke upon as a kind of heaven , and endeavour to doe the will of your father , revealed in his perfect and spirituall law , and i 'll warrant you you 'll finde it so perfect , without any superadditions , that your evangelicall obedience shall not excell or transcend that excellent rule ; nay , you will confesse that you cannot see an end of its perfection , and you will hate every false way . pardon mee , if i seem to preach to you ; the lord set it home upon your heart . 3. the next report is , that you made inclination to sinne an infelicity , not a sinne : i said , that the author of that catechisme did acknowledge that godly sorrow was to be conceived for all kinds and sorts of sinne : but when hee descends to particulars , hee speakes with so much irresolution , as if hee doubted whether our aptnesse to fall into all sinne , were an infelicity onely or a sinne . sir , your expression is inexcusable , and your apology doth no way satisfie . truly sir , you must fall downe at a throne of grace , and beg pardon of god , and you must speake more positively , or else you will not bee able to give satisfaction to impartiall men . 1 you speake of pollutions of nature : sure that expression is more proper to denote actuall sinnes , then originall sinne , which is one entire , universall , and naturall pollution . 2 every one that is of age to conceive godly sorrow , hath actually consented to the corruption of his nature , hee hath cherished it , and been pleased with it . 3 you seeme to imply , that there must needs bee some consent given to every actuall sinne ; sir , that is yet to bee proved on your part ; for you are too magisteriall , and so much given to dictates , that you may well stand to bee perpetuall dictator in divinity ; every point of a catechisme should bee exactly proved . 4 you seeme either to recant what you said before , or at least to doubt whether these pollutions bee infelicities onely , or sinne . 5 the danger is the greater , because you expresse such a grand point sceptically ; there are indeed too many that say , the corruption of our nature is rather an infelicity then a sinne ; doe you expresse your selfe thus doubtfully , that you may comply with them ? indeed if you were composing such a liturgy as some have wished for , that protestants , &c. might joyne together , i confesse you have sufficiently served that designe : but sure it was your duty , especially in a practicall catechisme , to have declared your selfe freely and fully against that dangerous error . 6 if you are of their mind who maintaine the corruption of our nature to bee onely an infelicity , not a sinne ; it was not fairly done to blind your reader with an orthodox expression in the beginning of your answer , that you might afterwards tempt him into a dangerous error . 7 it is absurd to say , that godly sorrow is to bee conceived for an infelicity quà sic , meerly as an infelicity . 8 there is no doubt but that every sinne should bee wailed quà sic , as a sinne : an inconformity to a spirituall law , and a pronenesse to actuall rebellion against god , and all the commands of god , ought to bee bewailed even with tears of bloud ; you need not speake timorously or doubtfully in so weighty and cleare a point . 9 i found the more fault with this doubtfull expression , because you write a practicall catechisme , and you know that the corruption of our nature hath great influence into our practise , and therefore you should have been most cleare and expresse in this point , that by gods grace this pronenesse to sinne might bee both bewailed and mortified . i need not tell you , how many dangerous consequences have been inferred from some doubtfull expressions in catechismes or confessions about originall sinne , but i hasten to your last report , which is about justification . 4 it seemes you are most to seek here , you desire mee to help you out . sir , i never said that faith was a physicall instrument of justification ; sure justification is no physicall thing . you doe grant ▪ at least in termes , that faith is a morall instrument of justification ; but if you deny it to bee a reall instrument in receiving christ , then sure what you grant in termes , you deny in deed . no man ever dreamt that faith doth pardon sinne , but a sinner doth by faith receive a pardon : 1 faith doth receive christ really , but spiritually , not corporally , or physically . 2 that which you call a sufficient acknowledgement , is not sufficiently cleare , bee pleased to explaine what you meane , when you say [ that faith is an instrument in receiving of christ , and all other acts of the man as christian , and onely a condition or capacity in the subject to make capable of gods act upon him in justification . ] 3 you should distinguish , as the apostle doth , between receiving of christ , and walking in him . 4 if you meane , that all other acts of a christian , namely acts of repentance , charity , and in a word , all acts of evangelicall or new obedience , are morall instruments of justification , i desire a proof of that . 5 doth my receiving of christ make mee capable of christ , or rather make mee possest of christ ? 6 i thinke you will not deny that gods act in giving christ , giving a pardon , &c. is in order of nature before my receiving of christ , and a pardon . 7 you have not yet clearely expressed , what is the true notion of faith in your opinion , and what dr. preston saith to confirme you in it , and where he saith it . 8. if you conceive that a cordiall assent to christs commands hath any influence into our justification , bee pleased to unfold that riddle : you know , it is confessed by all , that the true beleever doth give a cordiall assent to christs commands ; but is hee justified by that assent ? 9 how doe you prove , that any soule whilst it remaines un justified doth cordially and wholly give up it selfe to bee ruled by christ ? i confesse it to bee a good evidence of justification , but not an antecedent to ( much lesse a condition to make us capable of ) justification . 10 if a cordiall assent to christs commands , and a resolution of obedience , are morall instruments of justification , bee pleased to shew what efficiency these instruments have in justification ; whether the terminus of that efficiency bee a capacity in the soule , which doth formally make the soule capable of gods act in pardoning sinne , and pronouncing the person just and righteous ? 11 if a resolution or vow of obedience bee sufficient unto justification , without the actuall performance of the vow , why doe you winde in all other acts of a man as christian , into a discourse of the very first act of faith , in receiving christ , and forgivenesse of sinnes ? 12 if , on the other side , god justifies the ungodly , how doth a constellation of gospel-graces , and all the acts of grace put a capacity into the subject to make a man capable of justification ? sir , that which i tooke exception at , was your confounding of faith and workes in a discourse of justification . 2 that you doe frequently imply , that wee are justified by faithfull actions , acts of sincerity and obedience , that they are the condition of justification , and that god doth absolutely require them as the onely things by which a man is justified , p. 28. you say , the condition which makes us capable of pardon of sinnes , is positively the new creature , or renued , &c. obedience to the whole gospel , the performing , &c. — and constellation of gospel-graces , &c. i need not transcribe your words , in your last edition they are to bee found , in the 8 page . 3 you say , that faith without the addition of such workes , such obedience evangelicall would bee unsufficient to justification , &c. the words following are as bad or worse , page 35 , 36. and the like you have page 44 , 45 sir , i proved that faith was sufficient to bee an instrument of justification , without the addition of evangelicall workes unto that purpose , and in that act ; and that wee were not justified by a righteousnesse inherent in us , or any acts of repentance , charity , or new obedience performed by us . i am not ashamed , yet am not now at leisure to repeat my arguments to prove that wee are justified by the obedience of christ alone , freely imputed by god , applyed and rested on by faith onely . for mr. cheynell . sir , i received your returns , and the letter that enclosed them ; and shal ( as briefly as i can ) give you my sense of both . and first to your letter , i shall tell you truly that you are the onely man in the world that ever i knew to have endeavored the confuting one syllable of that catechisme ; and therefore the addresse i made to you , i acknowledge to have made to you onely . if by your reverend brethren you meane those which are here with you employed at this time , i suppose your periphrasis hath told mee who they are , and then i am confident they are persons which would have communicated to me any such advertisements , wherein i am so neerly concerned ( to discerne whether their dislikes were causlesse or no ) before they had publiquely accused me for them : which because they have not done , i must not yet beleeve that refutation was publique , or such as could bee capable of my notice ; though i must acknowledge to expect from either of them that which is , as you say , much more solid then yours , and heartily wish it were either of those to whom i am now writing : for then i should make no question , but the satisfaction ( mutually ) would bee much greater . but as it is , i must undergoe my fate , and cannot be deceived in the successe of this paper , more then i now finde my selfe to have been in the reception of my former , which when i had kept my selfe within those limits , which i suppose farre from all motion toward distemper , and onely asked ( and as you say beg'd ) an exact account of what you had said of that author , and given you the plaine reasons of my request , is yet charged by you to have fallen foully on you : to this reproach of yours i reply not one word ( being not so much in love with that part of your spirit as to imitate it ; which yet both here and hereafter i beseech you not to mistake for a no-sense of it ) but conceive it as true that i have done so , as that the errours , so styled by you , are either errors , or dangerous . i will not doubt of your employments or disturbances , nor thinke your returnes are too slow , i wish you had more leisure , and more perfect tranquillity of thoughts at all times , especially when i have the luck to discourse with you . in the mean , i beseech you to beleeve , that what question soever may depend concerning the messengers delivering his errand ( whom yet , upon his asseveration that he did it aright , i must beleeve ) there can be none of the words in my letter , or consequently of the addition in yours , viz. of the [ this night ] wherein i conceived you obliged to give me that account , when you have my paper by you to assure you , that i did not . the words which you affirme to have taken notice of in your carfax-sermon , i acknowledge to bee in the catechisme , and must set them downe againe in this paper , that you may judge , while i advise with you , whether you mistooke them , or no. [ the holy ghost was our advocate in setling a ministery to pray and intercede for their severall congregations ( and enabling them in the very apostles times to forme a liturgy to continue in the church to that end ) and thereby helping our infirmities , and teaching us to pray as wee ought . ] you see sir , and must acknowledge , the parenthesis in the midst of the sentence ; and ( i suppose ) know the meaning of that , that it is so set , that it may unite the words after to the words before it , not pretend to joyne them to it selfe ; so that the sentence without the parenthesis is this ( and not altered by it ) that the holy ghost was our advocate in setling a ministery to pray and intercede for their severall congregations , and thereby helping our infirmities , and teaching us to pray as we ought . onely 't is added by the by , that the holy ghost that thus setled that ministery , enabled them in the apostles times to forme a liturgy to continue in the church to that end , viz. of praying and interceding for their severall congregations . to either of these thus set ( as onely these words can bee set in construction ) your questions are wholly impertinent , i. e. doe no way ingage him that had said these words , to satisfie your severalls , ( and i am not over willing now to engage my selfe to answer any more then the matter requires of mee . ) for first , the saying that the holy ghost enabled the ministery in the very apostles times to forme a liturgy to continue in the church , doth not conclude that that very liturgy was to bee continued , as in the second and fourth question you change the words , which you needed not have done , unlesse you meant to get advantage by it , and from thence to conclude it my opinion , that there was some necessity , that that liturgy formed in the apostles times should bee continued in the church , as i am told you collected thence : but , you see , i said not , and professe not to have meant in those words [ to continue ] but onely that it might continue ( i. e. if the church thought good ) either so as it was , or with such additions or alterations as the church should thinke sit ; as hee that leaves lands to continue to his heires , obliges not them from ever alienating them , or exchanging . you see , the utmost that these words [ to continue ] on which all the weight of your exceptions lie , can bee extended . and that comes not home to your [ was to bee continued , ] nor to your questions , which are built upon it . i need say no more to your second quaere ; and yet if i thought you sought for any thing but exceptions in my papers , i would adde freely , as to a scholar , or friend , my whole sense of this matter , as a little conversation with ancient writers hath made it up to mee . for once , 't is this ; that the apostles , and those that were by the holy ghost consecrated to the planting of the church , had the gifts of miracles ; not every one all , but one one , another another , powred on them ; that , among these , in those first times , there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the gift of prayer , ( that gift a miracle , as the gift of healing , prophesying , &c. ) that this was bestowed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that did pray for the rest , and aske those things that were usefull for them , and teach others how to pray ; that some of the prayers thus conceived by them , which were fit for the common perpetuall uses of all christians , were received and kept by those whom they thus taught ; that those are they which the ancients meane by liturgies of st. iames , st. marke , &c. though i beleeve not , that either all these are in those liturgies which now wee have under their names , nor that all that are under their names are those , that in the celebration of the sacrament , which they daily used , some formes were constantly observed by them , no new occasion making it fit to alter them : of which sort i little doubt of the lords prayer , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anon mentioned , from [ lift up your hearts , ] to [ therefore with angels , &c. ] inclusivè ; after that a prayer , called * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; then the words of consecration , taken from the gospell : these , i suppose , i have good authority to thinke constantly used among them , and the blessing of god hath brought them downe to us . beside these , i make no question but variety of other prayers according to the exercise of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were powred out by him that was so endowed , and those i call not ( as i would doe the other , and whatever else there was of that nature ) set formes in the apostles times , but plainely exercises of that gift . but then as those formes were preserved and continued , so when those extraordinary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ceased , there was need of somewhat else to supply that place ; and that would not bee in any reason to permit every man to pray as hee would ( for that was the thing for the preventing of which , and the unhappinesses consequent to it , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had before been given , which but in that respect had not before been usefull ) but set prepared forms for the daily constant wants , and those provided by the governours of the church , apostolicall men , which had so benefitted under the prayers of those that had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or perhaps remembred some formes of theirs , at least the method and manner used by them , that their formes might well deserve to bee heeded by , and so continue in the church , at least were likely to bee fitter for the turne then the unpremeditated effusions of them that now had not the extraordinary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of all whom it cannot bee presumed that they have the ordinary wisdome to pray alwayes as they ought . i conceive , i can satisfie any reasonable man for the maine of what i have now said , upon those grounds that are fit for a matter of this kinde . i meane it not for a new ball of contention betweene us ; i shall satisfie your exceptions to the author without it ▪ and that is all my answer to your second quaere . and for your first , i say , that speech concludes mee no undertaker , nor obliges mee to shew you that liturgy , any more then my telling you , that as christ taught his disciples to pray ; so iohn baptist before him taught his , will oblige mee to tell you what the baptists forme was : the disciples tell mee , the baptist did teach his disciples to pray , and 't is possible they could not , i am sure they did not help you to the sight of that prayer : and the authors meannesse , or his being so farre lesse authenticall then those disciples , though it may make it more fit for you to dis-beleeve his report that they formed a liturgy ; yet will it not , to thinke him more obliged to give you a copy of it , or to acknowledge it temerarious to have said that they did forme one , because hee hath it not ready to shew . other reasons , beside that of cleare ocular demonstration , may bee thought worthy our heeding in matters of fact ; the testimony of men nearer those times then wee are : and under that head i conceive there are many things to be produced ; for whether the liturgies that goe now under the name of st. marke and st. iames are the very copies compiled by them or no , it is to mee no improbable argument that that age which first acknowledged them to bee theirs , had been taught by story that there were some written by them , upon which they thought fit to father those upon them . besides this , you have been shewed in another place from 1 cor. 14. 26. that in the apostles times some of the psalmes of david or asaph were used ordinarily in their devotions , and that st. paul found fault that they did not all joyne in the same psalme at the same time , which would , saith hee , bee best for edification : and if it were mended upon st. pauls admonition , the use of those very psalmes were ( at least a part of ) a publique divine service , which is the english of liturgy . secondly , that , if wee beleeve stories , st. iames made choice of some speciall prayers most frequently used by the apostles , shortned againe by st. basil and saint chrysostome ; all which the greeke church , which is fitter to judge ( in this matter done among them ) then wee , doe still retaine , and make no doubt of the authors of them . thirdly , that there is famous mention of a short forme of st. peter's , used alone , they say , for a great while in the roman church . fourthly , that 't is cleare , that st. augustine speaking of sursum corda , &c. saith , that they are verba ab ipsis apostolorum temporibus petita , and so the compiler of the apostles constitutions , which imitates that antiquity , and makes use of that forme , must be thought to have beleeved , or else he had been much mistaken in his imitation , and had put off his disguise , even by putting it on . 5 that the same words with those in out liturgy , are not only in the liturgy which is said to be st. iames's , and those other of st. basill , and st. chrysostome , but are recited by st. cyrill of ierusalem ( in his catechisme ) one of the ancientest authors we have . if it may be with your leasure ( though , as i said , i undertake not to demonstrate , yet ) to offer to your judgment ; not to breed you more controversies or disturbances , i shall not onely refer you to cassander to prove that to christs words in the lords supper , the apostles added the use of the lords prayer , ( which though it were not much , is more then nothing of set forme , or liturgy , and might doubtlesse have been accompanied with much more , though i am not able to shew it you ) but also goe a little farther with you , upon occasion of that last mentioned forme , and that father . the forme of doxology , following those versicles of sursum corda , &c. in our book , is , you may remember , this ; [ therefore with angels , &c. ] of which there is little question , but that it is the form which was called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the latines praeparatio ( viz. of the sacrament , as 't is stil in our church ) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which , saith iust. mar. precedeth the eucharist , or blessing of the elements , i. e. prayer of consecration ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by cyrill of ierusalem , which as it is there placed after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. ( not the sacrament , but ) the giving of thanks , ( as with us it is after the [ let us give thanks to our lord god ] ) so it is before the prayer of consecratiō ; ( which other where , as even now in iustin , is called by that title , and the sacrament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as with us also , and is the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which , saith that ancient author , under the apostolical disguise of dionysius , the whole church profest before the sacrament . all this i have said , to shew you ( if you delight in it ) some part of that liturgy ( & being in our book you may yet see it ) which was by those ancients used : and to bring it yet nearer home to the point in hand , 't is that ancient cyrills affirmation of this very form , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which words ; in the use of those ancients , most commonly note the thing they speak of to be delivered them from the apostles , or apostolicall men ; and being spoken by cyrill who was not long after those times , and s. august . saying expresly of sursum corda ( which may very probably extend to this whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after it ) that they were delivered down from the very apostles times : i conceive this , with the other precedent testimonies of it , may amount to a proof tolerably sufficient to perswade a prudent man that they were so . i will prevent a mistake in this matter of cyrills words , which i do not think probable you would fal into , but yet am willing to serve you by preventing it , that the greek [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] imports not , as i conceive , that it was delivered by the seraphim , ( for then it would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and though that were more then an apostolicall , even an angelical tradition ; yet it would rather look to the [ glory to god on high ] &c. ( but that it is an hymne taking in the angels to joyn in lauds with us , ( to which i conceive s. chrysostome referred in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the greekes that call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and amalarius , when hee stiles it hymnus refertus laudibus angelorum , ) and this hymne delivered downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by ( our i. e. ) that cyrills ancestors at least , which who they were likely to bee , i before gave you reason to conjecture . that this thus mentioned by st. cyrill , is that very part of our liturgy , which i noted it to bee , is cleare enough by the words that follow in him [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ] compared with our [ with all the the company of heaven wee laud and praise , &c. ] and that they are placed as wee place them , by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. noting this hymne to bee immediately before the * consecration ; and to prepare men for it , which the liturgick writers meane by calling it praefatio actionis , & hymnatio praecedens confirmationem sacramenti , and so with us it is continued . if i should proceed to give you any more arguments , to perswade you that the apostles did use set formes of publique divine service , and mention those formes to you , i should hope but for little thankes from you , and therefore shall abstaine from that profusion , remembring that all that i am this ▪ minute about to prove , is , that i am not bound to shew you that liturgy which was said to be formed in the apostles times . and having said this , i suppose you will discern what my answer would bee , ( if i were obliged by my former words , to give you any as you see i am not ) to your other questions ; or for feare you should mistake againe , i will , ex abundanti , return you my opinion ; to the third , that hee doth ; to the fourth , that they may ; ( i wish i could adde , they alwayes doe ; but i am not obliged to that ; ) to the fifth , that it is not , if you meane by [ that very ] the same without any change : but yet in the sense that theseus his ship came home the same that it went out , and is an instance in logick of one notion of idem numero , i conceive it , if possible , more then the very same , having some of the same ribs remaining in it ( as even now i instanced , and professe to bee perswaded by those authorities , ) when that is supposed to have never a one . i have no occasion to add any more in answer to the letter , but to thanke mr. reynolds and you for your willingnesse to give mee directions about my first fruits ; though the truth is , i am returned from london , and did speake to my brother to aske l. gen. cromwels assistance ; but sir henry vane junior is not of that committee . sir henry vane senior was in the chaire , and i delivered my case to him , and hee fully consented to the justice of my request : and then your saying , sir henry vane hath power to relieve me , shall be ground of hope to me that he will. now for the longer , and so sadder part of my taske , wherein you are not so curteous to me , as you were in that concluding line of your letter , i must proceed to that . in the entrance i must have leave to bee sorry , that i have to deale with a man that will professe himselfe not much taken with that notion of justice ( which i said obliged mee to desire an exact account in writing from you , of that wherein that author was nearly concerned , and could no otherwise bee sure not to thinke any thing of you causelesly . ) if this were not justice to you , or may not yet bee beleeved so by you , i despaire of ever doing any thing acceptable in your presence . our humours , or our principles , will be so contrary , that whatever i shall say , i shall have reason to suspect you will not bee much taken with it ; yet i shall farther adventure to give you one relation , which will not onely cleare my former notion of justice to you , but offer to your consideration whether there bee not somewhat due from you by that notion of justice ( or some other ) to that author , to others , yea and to your selfe . there fell out in some lay-company in this towne , since your sermon fore-mentioned , a discourse , whether it were not lawfull to sweare , so that that which was sworne were exactly true ; one of the company insisted rightly , that it was not , the other was confident it was , and produced for it the authority of that author ; and to prove that againe , said , that the preacher at st. maries read it out of that book . of the truth of this he was so confident , that he presently resolved to make use of that liberty , which he beleeved from your citation to bee the opinion of that author , more then his carnall heart did permit him to beleeve the truth of what you added ( if you did any thing besides the reproaching of that author ) in confutation of that doctrine , and thereupon he swore a great oath , that that which was before him was a candlestick , and perswaded himselfe that he had done no hurt in doing so . now sir , when i have againe told you , and all the world ; that that author hath written most strictly against swearing , ( and onely differs from you in that question concerning the primary intention of the words of the old commandement ) and said in plaine words , 1 that idle , foolish , wanton using of gods name , ( which if it be not in oaths , is lesse then swearing ) sure profane using of it , ( which in all the editions was in , and absolutely belonged to all kinde of unlawfull oaths ) might bee resolved to bee forbidden there by reduction : and 2 that under christ ( which againe i tell you , belonged to all to whom that catechisme could speake , ) there is a totall universall prohibition of swearing it selfe , making that as unlawfull now , as perjury was before . 3 that to sweare in ordinary conversation is utterly unlawfull . 4 that all voluntary , especially promissory oaths , are now utterly unlawfull for a christian. and 5 those voluntaries defined , to be those that have their impellent or principle from my selfe ; when i have , i say , told you all this , then for gods sake ponder sadly with your owne heart , in case that poore soule bee ever tormented in hell for that vaine oath , ( as , without gods mercy upon repentance , undoubtedly hee will ) how much you have to charge upon your selfe for giving him confidence that that author had said what hee learnt from you : especially seeing your sarcasme in that phrase of the much admired catechisme , might tell you that it was possible some poore , passionate , sinfull creature , might thus unhappily admire it . i conjure you , not to thinke there is any jest in this , but beleeve from mee , that i am able to produce the person that heard it , ( and that had that care and love of piety and of truth , and that particular knowledge of my detesting all oaths , as to come in some passion to mee for satisfaction , ) and that i have already seriously sent to disabuse the offender , lest that sinne should bee laid to his charge , which you have made that book bee the occasion of ; and when you have laid this to your heart , the god of all grace direct you to doe your duty in this particular . i will not confute your opinion , that i have stooped lower in my rejoynder then i was in my letter , by begging what i did before but desire , ( i will bee very willing to do so alwayes , and shall yet bee more vile then so , if that may perswade you to doe mee justice ; ) and yet it may bee observed , that in your judgment to desire and request ( which i did before ) is so much lower then to beg , ( which is but a nicety , ) that untill i did beg , as well as desire and request , and againe re-inforce my request , you did not thinke fit to grant me the least crumbe of that justice which i desired from you . at the phrase [ exact account ] you affirme your selfe to have stumbled , and call it [ those hard words . ] if this bee so , i cannot tell how to behave my selfe so cautiously , as either to speak plainely enough to you , or to keep you from stumbling . for [ axact account ] is so plaine to bee understood , and so unlike jurisdiction , unlesse you mistooke it for exacting an account , ( which you are too subtle to doe , when the word desire went before it , ) that if ever i had exercised jurisdiction over you , or any other , ( which i never was in place to doe the office for which my first fruits are required , being without a jurisdiction annext to it ; ) yet you could not have been tempted by that to this mistake . i suppose you were pleased to be merry , when you imply you were ; and therefore must friendly admonish you , that there is a shrewd disease , in which irenaeus had so much skill as to pronounce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therefore i shall briefly desire you , that hereafter you speak , 1 so properly as not to say desiring , is exercising jurisdiction . and 2 seriously , ( for truly i am not in jest , when i write to you , ) and that would have kept you safe from stumbling . yet because you are at such leisure as to remember i had an office in your now countrey , i shall tell you that there is a seale belonging to that office , from which , if you had induction to that living , you may read in your wax , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then you will soone discerne how many men , as well as mee , you have helpt to make happy . i blesse god , ( and will never curse you , ) that i am one of that number . in your next section , you pray for them that suggested so many false accusations against you to mee . but first , you affirme not above one to have been false ; and that i confesse to bee so , and need not to bee told so back againe . as for your new accusation , which you are resolved to pay mee in stead of that former , i desire you to know that i defie it , and know no danger or ill sound in the language of speculative mysterie , nor acknowledge any author of it whom you can suspect ; particularly , not him whose name you blotted out , so that i might read ; i meane , neither smalcius nor socinus , whose doctrines in the businesse of the trinity i doe heartily disclaime ; and am so farre from being tainted or tempted by them , that i cannot say i ever permitted my selfe to read any tract in them , or any other of that set , ( unlesse in the racovian catechisme ) on that subject . and you will never repaire the injury , if you use arts to fasten it on mee , or to perswade any man , that i was ever inclined towards it . for your nicety by which you except against my calling the doctrine of the trinity a speculative mystery , saying that it is practicall , and giving your reason , [ because the blessed trinity is the object of our worship , as well as of our faith ; ] i shall make no scruple to acknowledge the trinity to bee the object of our worship , ( and to that end i directed that concluding act of my worship to that blessed object ) and every point of that which in the catechisme is made due to god , i supposed there , and now professe to bee perfectly due to the trinity . but then you might remember , that you acknowledge it the object of our faith ; and of that there be many parts which will not be disparaged by being stiled mysteries and depths of speculation , and in that sense , or as they are so , i then spake , and onely so , and need not acknowledge any impropriety in that speech ; because though a speculative doctrine may be also practicall in another respect , as the knowledge of the causes of diseases is a practicall knowledge in respect of the cures it will help to worke , yet as that is ordinarily called the theory of physick , and is presumed before students ascend to the practicall ; so i told you the author supposed the speculative understanding of that mystery in the church-catechisme , before hee came to the doctrines in this booke , which are the practicall . you remember mee , that a sacramentall covenant is practicall ; and i may as well remember you that there are credenda proposed to the vower in that sacrament , as well as facienda . on occasion of mention of the church-catechisme , you say , you like that better then my practicall , and i confesse my selfe to doe so too ; so vehemently , that i beleeve 't will bee long ere wee see a better in its stead . but yet i conceive , that hee that hath learnt that , may bee capable of more , at least of directions to make use of that knowledge imbibed to the amendment of his life : else , most of our preaching were in vaine ; nay else , both that catechisme ought never to have been expounded , and every one that hath written any thing else for the benefitting of youth or men , must lye under the prejudice of that insolence of thinking himselfe able to make a better , as well as this author . for your justice in that answer to the third reason , i am not to thanke you , nor can i thinke that any man that was in any measure my friend , needed to bee told by you or any , that i acknowledged the trinity . if hee did , examine your owne heart , whether you know not some body , who had helped to defame mee in that particular , by saying i was a socinian or the like , or by saying i maintaine many errours broached by such ; if you doe not , i will thank you for the good office you mention ; and so hasten also , ( and wish heartily i could make more haste to get into some more delightfull imployment ) to the second report . in that , i see , i met with no false accusation of you , but in you enough of injury to that author , by picking out what might make him odious , and present him an eloquent learned disciple of yours , to bee taught , that swearing is a sinne ; or rather a profane designer and corrupter of the nation , that hath given boyes a liberty of swearing in their catechisme . i have sufficiently told you , and all men , that that author is most guiltlesse of that charge , and if you will not yet acknowledge it , i must leave it to god to judge betwixt us ; as also , whether hee produce not the unquestionable command of god against all swearing , assertory or promissory ; and whether you doe not imply , that hee doth so , in saying against him that [ the perhaps imaginary superaddition ] ( which you know are no other then the words of christ ) will not bee so effectuall to restraine , as the unquestionable command of god. sir , doth hee question the command of god to bee against swearing ? doth hee not say that all profane use of gods name is sure forbidden under the third commandement of the law by reduction ? ( or is not all unlawfull swearing , assertory as well as promissory , a profane using of his name ? ) that i may not adde that hee produces , and earnestly insists on the direct clear command of christ against all voluntary oaths , which is unquestionably a command of god to any that is not worse then a socinian , and denies christ to bee god at all . and whereas you observe by the way , that there is liberty given by this author for assertory oaths , doe you thinke there was not that liberty for some sort of them ? or doth the author say there was for all sorts of them ? or for any that were voluntary ? hee supposes the primary intention of the third commandement ( and of these words , thou shalt performe , &c. against non-performance of promissory oaths ) to bee against perjury ; under that , by reduction , to bee forbidden ( not swearing simply taken , and so not all assertory oaths , but ) all profane using of gods name , which sure containes assertory oaths , though not them onely , or all of that sort , because some others doe profane gods name ; and of these , all doe not , but onely those that use it unnecessarily . this is sufficient indeed to conclude all kinde of assertory oaths , not to bee the particular matter of moses law , and indeed no sort of them to be so much as reducible thither , but onely those where his name is unnecessarily used ; but sure those that are such , it doth not give any liberty to , nor can you think it did , without pronouncing at the same time , that 't was contradicted in the next page , which i must suppose you were able to see , because you lookt so narrowly here to finde this hole , which i am perswaded never any the most carnall man ever took notice of , to encourage himself in his sinne , till you directed him to it . by which you may see , that some men are more industrious in finding faults to accuse their brethren , then others in seeking pretences to excuse themselves . to your arguments i shall endeavour to say little , partly as not apprehending the force of them , partly supposing that we now talke of a matter of fact , which may be tryed by evidence ; the booke being ready to prove the truth of what i affirme from it ; and then t is not in the power of a 1000 probable arguments ( much lesse of a few dis-joynted ) to wrest any man out of such a certainty . i should willingly venture them to any reader to doe their worst on him , especially your first , whereby you would shew that hee cannot prove the doctrine of a totall universall prohibition of swearing it selfe , and making it as unlawfull now , as perjury was before , unlesse hee lose the totall in cypher . where sure , sir , 1 if a man would bind you to your words , you are now much lesse an enemy to swearing in universum , then the author was : for otherwise that would not bee objected , that hee prohibits more of that kinde then hee can prove . and 2 for mincing the totall into a cypher , you will have no reason to feare , for though hee should mince the totall somewhat , and say with ( i assure you not from ) smalcius ( for who doth not say so too ? ) that i must not sweare , but for gods glory , and the publique good ; yet is not that all cypher , i hope , for it prohibits all swearing in communication , as utterly unlawfull ; all voluntary , especially promissory oaths . but then , sir , you must know that a totall prohibition of swearing it selfe , containes all swearing by any creature , as well as by god , and that is no cypher neither . as for your question , whether the perfect law of god did give men leave to take vaine oaths ? hee is willing most clearly to satisfie that , and assure you of his opinion , that it did not ; and because by the whole period i cannot possibly conclude any thing but onely this , that you know not why i used the word totall , ( a totall universall prohibition of swearing ) i will tell you that too ; because christ had said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , swear not at all ; which what it signifies , is here sufficiently explained ; thus , not onely not by god , but not by any creature of god neither . 2 in the difference , as you state it , betwixt us , you are very unjust , in saying i undertooke to prove , that by the third commandement there was no more meant , then that a man should not forsweare himselfe . this is false ; i never undertooke it , but professe that what is forbidden by reduction , is meant as truly , though not so evidently proposed , as what is exprest , and therefore you must bee content to open your eyes , and see what is the question between the scholar and the catechist , ( and the same also is the conclusion ) viz. not what is meant , i.e. what is the full adequate importance of that commandement , or what it containes under it ; but what that is , i.e. what the words strictly signifie , or , as 't is now exprest , what is the primary intention of the phrase ; and to that question the answer is made [ no more undoubtedly but forswearing ; ] as if the question were askt of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is that no more then that thou shalt not commit adultery ? i should answer , no more undoubtedly ; yet never feare that any man would thinke that i affirmed , that fornication , and all other villany was not there forbidden , especially when i had also added , that it were by reduction ; and so in like manner , to take the question that you after set , whether i will say there is no more meant by the commandement then taking away the life of a man ; i answer , that the word killing is no more , and that was all the author said of the third commandement , viz. that the commandement in exod. ( that is , the words of the commandement ( which are there set down ) thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vaine ) is no more then forswearing ; that the words were the subject spoken of , 't is plaine by the proofes produced of it , from the use of those words in other places . this is so probable a truth , that i could not have thought it needfull to have given it illustration to any man else . 3. when i appeal'd to christ as judge , and thought i had made good may appeale by producing his words whereby hee renders that commandement , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ thou shalt not forswear ; ] you attempt to argue and prove against mee , but never take notice of my proofe , which is absolutely against law of pleading or disputing . and for the argument you confront to it , i assure you it perswades mee nothing , but that you thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to bee writen with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for though i shall tell you that all oaths , that come from the evill or from the devill , are not from thence concluded to bee evill or devillish , because the oath that i take lawfully in judicature may come originally from evill or from the devill in another , and must not needs bee from evill in the taker , so i have no need to answer you with that , but plainly confesse , that all evill and devillish oaths are forbidden in the third commandement . 4 i need not deny but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may sometimes be rendred vaine , and so sometimes 't is , even when it signifies a lye , ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the bible hath a peculiarity sometimes to denote idols , those greatest lyes in the world . ) all that i was to conclude was , that christ having exprest it by a word which st. matthew here reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there was nothing in that hebrew phrase , but what was agreeable to this , and that is true , though it should bee granted to signifie vanum , because it doth falsum also . but you say , you need not goe about to prove that the iewes saw this truth as clearely as wee doe , but you can prove that they saw and acknowledged it , and that that is sufficient for you , and then let mee tell you , you have fought blind all this while , and now you may see , if you will , that forasmuch as concerns this author ( unlesse you will fight on , when you say you need not ) your great quarrell is at an end , for hee that said in generall of all this sermon in the mount , that christ added either new precepts , or new light , promised to bee satisfied with either of them : and though hee conceives the * greek fathers to have generally affirmed the former , and the latin also , for the first 400 yeares , ( particularly in this matter of swearing , theophylact , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : expressing his opinion to bee , that some swearing was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under christ , which had not been so before ) yet hee hath obliged himselfe to bee content with the latter , which now , you say , you need not deny , ( i would you had never needed to oppose one so violently , that asserted no more , then what you need not to deny ; ) and therefore i will now adde onely thus much , that . 1 this is the meaning and effect of affirming it [ forbidden there , not by the primary intention of the word ] for from thence it is that the clearnesse arises ; that which is forbidden by reduction only , being not so cleare , nor consequently so deeply obliging those to whom it is not ( supposing still that it is not their fault , that it is not ) so cleare . 2 that if it were granted , that christ gave a new precept here , it would not yet follow , that all unlawfull swearing by gods name was not forbidden before : because there is another thing which he may have added to the third commandement , the not swearing by any thing else , as well as not by god. but , you see , i need not now affirme this ; i will give you leave to thinke that i am so awed by you , that i am not willing to spring you any new game of controversies . i confesse i like not the sport so well , as to sollicite your company any further . for the septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i gave you an hint by the way , that that will gaine you but little . for my knowledge of the primary signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you must not judge , for hee that shall but looke into schindler ( as venerable an author sure as pagnin ) will finde that hee saith 't is used de re falsâ ; vanâ ; first falsâ ; but if you had pleased , my argument of the use of the word in the ninth commandement ( as fit to expound the second as any ) might have been thought as fit to bee considered , as what you have insisted on in stead of it . you doe well to abstaine from the negative argument of [ hee might but did not . ] but then it is not true that the question betwixt you and mee is not about the primary intention of the phrase : for whosoever reads that catechisme , these letters , or even many of your arguments , will know it is ; or if not , i make no scruple to pronounce , what i have done so oft , that i have no other quarrell to you in this matter , save onely the injuries you did mee at st. maries , and every one that beleeved ought of it from you . but sure , sir , i have not acknowledged in any manner , that the first edition of that booke had any thing in it questionable in the judgement of learned men ; i told you it was [ in kindnesse and submission to the meanest , ] and that kindenesse and submission intimates no more acknowledgement of questionablenesse , then the word meanest intimates the learnedst . i would now adde , that i might have done it to prevent causelesse quarrelling , but that i now see that it will not doe that neither . as for your long deduction and magnifying of your cost and travaile through the additions , &c. of that catechism , you might have been lesse playsome in re seriâ . if you doe not already know that you have prevaricated herein , you may read and remember the printers postscript ( which i think you cite also , and so have read , i shall now but advise you to remember it ) and you cannot chuse but see , ( and , i hope , acknowledge ) that all your fable vanishes , and your history ends in this plaine briefe , that will bring no scorne on the authour , viz. that he prepared a new edition of the catechisme ; added a third part more ; and , to serve the meanest , explained every thing that by any advice or hint hee observed to need explaining ; call it altering , if you will , for to alter from worse to better hee professes himselfe to thinke an amiable , imitable quality , and will never bee ashamed of it : yet must not now assume it to himselfe , having , i assure you , no right to it , any further then it signifies explaining . this edition had long since been printed in oxford , could the printer have gotten downe so much paper . when the city was rendred t was carryed to london to that end , where against the authors will or knowledge three editions had been made by the first copy , one of which was just then ended ; and by that meanes the printer had been at greater losse then i was willing to bee cause of to an enemy , if another new impression had been then made of it . this , god knows , was the cause it is now set out so troubledly ( the printer being willing to put out the additions thus , rather then not at all ; and to put this inconvenience on the reader , then losse upon himselfe ) for which , though i was very sorry , yet i never foresaw that i should bee thus chid and reproacht , and triumpht over for it . i hope some of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in christs sermon may bee the portion of them that suffer without a cause , though it bee not upon that excellent stile [ for righteousnesse sake : ] i am sure , this of mine is not for unrighteousnesse . and now as seriously you shall judge of the thing called exercising of patience , and never expect to be thankt for your charges , unlesse it had brought in to mee more justice ( i need not say charity ) from you . and if after this , nothing will satisfie you but recantation , so oft repeated recantation ( o that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might bee changed into that of the apostles , of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) get mee but some expedient that lying shall bee no sinne , and that no other sinne in you or others shall bee consequent to it in this , and for the other part of it , if it can delight you more then the calling for it hath done already , you shall have my most willing consent towards it . for the latter end of the sheet , of deceiving the kingdome , of seduction , &c. and what followes in the next , to the end of the report , i am sensible of it , and i thanke god i have received grace from him to pray that i may make the same use of it , that david doth in the story of shimei's reviling , 2 sam. 16. 10. i pray also , and desire the prayers of all good men , that god would shew me the sin which hath now brought this portion of calumny upon mee , and that is all i would say to it . and yet , after this resolved silence to that part , i shall againe answer to you some few things . 1 that when in your fourth consideration you say [ meant in a commandement ] you should say , signified by the words of a commandement . 2 that which you call , taking in a latitude , i call reduction . 3 that my explications were designed by mee to bee as remarkable , nay much more then the first edition was : for i designed a full impression , and many other things to make them so . 4 i never had any thing to doe ( not so much as the knowledge , at that time ) with the setting out any edition of that book , save onely of those additions , and of printing the first few copies at oxford , for the use of those that were more willing to bee at that charge , then at a greater in transcribing it . 5 i say most distinctly , that every emendation in that booke , that to my utmost remembrance i can speak of , was intended long before ever the towne was neare taking : and for danger of being called to an account of any thing said in it , god knows my simplicity , i was never neare dreaming or thinking of it , and am now in courage enough to feare neither men nor angels in that particular . 6 that i know not , that ever i have made you a solemne poofession under my hand to give you satisfaction ; and my most carefull recollecting what i have wrote , cannot bring it to my remembrance : certainly you dreamt of that together with the round recantation . if it were any thing above endeavouring it , certainly it was a very rash promise ; and if so , i beseech you remit it to mee , for i would not willingly take any more paines about it . for other men , i am more secure : and if you once be satisfied , i shall suppose all men , that know it , will thinke it time for them to give over quarrelling . 7 that by [ would ] i did in effect meane , were forbidden also by god , when moses published the law ; and have oft told you how i meant so . 8 i have already told you , that you came not into my heart , when i thought or spake of submission to the meanest : and wonder as much , that you should thinke the alterations were made in submission to you , as that you should now rank your selfe with the meanest , who have not supererogated in humility since i met with you . truly , sir , i doe not thinke , meannesse is the cause of your mis-understandings , nor did i ever from any friend at london heare of any particular you disliked in it : or if i had , by any such message , i would have found out some way to have offered you or any man living a friendly debate about it . for your respects , i finde little signes of them now , and by the subjects doe beleeve that there were little exprest in those letters of yours ten yeares agoe about mee , i can , and doe freely forgive you all : but know not that i am bound to thanke you , till some body else tell mee so . 9 if any learned men ever told me of that opinion about christ improving the law , and exprest themselves to thinke it were an error , i am confident i have given them such a state of my opinion in that matter , that no good christian can finde fault with , or lay any charge on it of hurt or danger to any mans manners , if it were supposed false . and besides , you may know , that as learned as any this age now hath , both of ancients and others , are fully of my opinion : and let me tell you , that ten yeares agoe i had no objection against my opinion , but that it was by some men fathered on socinus : but knowing , that i beleeved it long before i ever saw one word ( i thinke , had heard the name ) of socinus ; and that the scripture and fathers , and other the like means , which taught me all my other divinity , taught me that too ; and saw , that if it were a mistake , it could make no man live worse , ( as the contrary opinion might doe , if it were so ) i resolved to deny my selfe in that phantasie rather then objection ; and speak what i thought might edifie what diminution of credit soever it brought after it . i shall adde my thanks for your counsell , which i would faine thinke to bee in great earnest , but that i suppose you cannot beleeve that i looke upon criticismes as a kinde of heaven , nor that you would thinke fit to send out in the same breath true christian earnest , ( for , above all things , i account admonitions so ) and sarcasmes . i shall only desire , that i may study the morall law , as i finde it delivered from that second mount : and i will obey you in all other motions , and ( as you desire ) not censure you for this part of your sermon , how bitter soever it is , but thank you for all the good you meant by it . but whatever you say of the morall lawes perfection , i hope it must not so bee understood as to deny that christ ( as hee gave more grace then was ever allowed in the state of nature , or by the law , so ) might , if he pleased , improve the obligations which either the naturall law , or that given by god through moses had laid on men ; and whether by new precepts , or new lights call us to a higher degree of perfection ( and oblige us to it ) then others had by any particular precept thought themselves obliged to . as for the imaginary super additions you talk of , you will i hope consider , that 't is as dangerous to detract from the world of god , as to adde to it ; and to deny christ to have added , if he have , as to affirme him , if he have not , i am sure , the consequences may be more dangerous . as for your stile of perfect and spirituall law , i shall in the plain word acknowledge it , that it was both perfect ( in respect of the state of men to whom it was given , whether by moses to the jewes , or by the god of nature to all men ) and spirituall also , extending to the spirit or soule of man , and not onely to the outward actions . but this , i am perswaded , hinders not but that christ that gives more grace then was brought into the world by the law of moses or nature , and that disburdned all men of that sad yoke that lay on the jews , and that is content to accept of sincere without not-sinning obedience , may have leave to advance his disciples to an higher pitch of spirituall perfection ( whether by new laws , or new light ) then the law in the former delivery of it had advanced them : and to set up this pitch , whatever it is , as a precept , ( not only a counsell of perfection ) to us christians , was the utmost of my designe and endeavours in that sermon you speake of 10 yeares agoe , and is of this author now ; and i never imagined it possible that this doctrine could give any man liberty to thinke worse of the law of god , or practise lesse of it ; but have reason to think ( and could give an experimentall account of what i say ) that the not teaching it , might flatter men ignorantly to beleeve that there was lesse required of them then i conceive ( and desire , they should conceive ) there is . and doe you consider also , that hee which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and most cunningly resists all the restraints that obstruct or undermine his temptations , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also ; can plead against , accuse , and calumniate any man or doctrines that are contrary to him . and so i humbly take leave of the second report , the lord forgive you for it . in the third report it seemes i was not mistaken neither , nor in my expectation , that plaine positive affirming the things you would have affirmed , would not satisfie you . i told you , that the author under the generall phrase of all kinds and sorts of sinne , sets in the front the weaknesse , frailties , and pollutions of our nature , our pronenesse and inclination to sinne . this your sermon said was speaking with irresolution , as if he doubted &c. i tell you once againe this is no irresolution ; and he doth not doubt but that this aptnesse to fall into all sinne is a sinne , to wit , an aversion of our faculties from god , which ought wholly to be converted to him ; will this satisfie you ? i have reason from your former carriage not to bee over confident that yet it will ; for if it doth , you ought in all reason to have beene satisfied before , where it was set downe as a first species of sinne . you say , my expression is inexcusable of [ as infelicities , if not as sinnes , ] you , it seemes , are resolv'd it shall not bee excused to you , and therefore will not interpret it by the words that went next before it , or so as it may bee reconciled with them , but will force it to a sense directly contradictory to what went just before it , and so must suppose mee mad ( for so is hee that can affirme contradictions at once ) onely because you will not be just ; any thing that is most irrationall must bee beleeved of another man ▪ rather then an expression bee excused by you . but , sir , i doe not yet thinke it inexcusable , if i desired to bring all those men on their knees ( in humiliation and godly sorrow for their inclinations to evill ) which doe not beleeve them when they are not consented to , to bee other then infelicities . men that will not bee of my opinion in all things , i can bee content to serve and minister unto , and labour to doe them good upon their owne ( if they will not permit mee upon my ) principles . but then 1 it seemes i must not say , pollutions of nature ( i said , of our nature , and you seldome leave out the least word by chance , or but when you have some designe in it , ) or if i doe , that expression is more proper to denote actuall sinnes ▪ then originall sinne , which is one entire , &c. i shall put it to the question , whether pollutions of our nature bee at all proper to denote actuall sinnes , which are pollutions of our persons ; whether not most proper to our naturall aversions from god , or inclinations to evill : if the wisest or meanest would have that better exprest , i desire to heare from them , and it shall bee considered against another edition , which will againe ( after all your triumph on that occasion ) stoop to serve the meanest in explaining . 2 for him that ( as you say ) hath consented to the corruption of his nature , that hath cherished and been pleased with it , i shall suppose him to have committed an actuall sinne , and then sure his evill inclination was not the thing which could bee capable of the title of infelicity in any mans sense , for that title supposes positively that they are not consented to . and though every man that is of age hath sometimes so consented , yet sometimes , and in some one act , i shall by gods grace suppose it possible that he hath not ; and then , that his act of non-consenting will bee a peece of christian victory over that sinfull inclination ; and the sinfull inclination , though it shall still continue a sinne , and bee matter of humiliation , yet sure will not passe with you for a sinne cherished at that time , and consented to . your third quarrell grounded on the conceit that i seeme to imply , that there must needs bee some consent given to every actuall sinne , did make a very hard shift to bee a quarrell ; and in stead of being managed with blowes , stands still , and falls out into contumelies ; and concludes that i should prove , but it selfe ventures not to disprove any thing : otherwise ( if i saw your grounds of scruple ) it may possibly bee beleeved , that this divinity might bee cleared to you , without pretending , as you say , to dictatorships . 4 i doe neither recant what was said before , nor doubt whether inclinations to sinne bee sinnes , i. e. aversions from god , and then it matters not what you say i seeme to doe : i said this before , and so i say still , and ( how humble soever the dislike of your behaviours towards mee may by gods grace helpe mee to bee ) this is not recanting . 5 for the danger , i shall acknowledg it , when i acknowledge the thing , but to set downe inclinations to sinne in the front of the species of the generall phrase [ all sorts of sinne ] is not to speak sceptically . how many soever there be that teach otherwise , you see i am not one of them ; and why that author used the word [ if not , ] you have been told so oft already , that you could have no excuse to aske the reason of it againe , but your desire to lay a new accusation on mee of complying with the socinians . which sir is , as your accusation , so your calumnie againe , if you meant any other thing by compliance then the desiring more to bring all to humble themselves before god for their inclinations to sinne ( on what principles soever they went ) then at that time , in the midst of a practicall catechisme , in the matter of repentance , to fall a disputing with all commers about originall sin . for the liturgie you speake of , if you know not my minde , let mee tell you , 1 that i would have the letany continued in the church , the first part of which is sufficiently contrary to your [ &c. ] and this you may guesse by a book which i professe to subscribe to in that particular , viz. the view of the dir. page 25 , and 26. then secondly , that i would have the doxologies continued , and how that would become such a liturgie you may see , view of the dir. page 32 , and 33. yet farther , that i would have the creed continued , yea , and kneeling at the sacrament , among other reasons for this , ( on which the protestants in poland forbad sitting , ) because i would not comply with the ancient or moderne arians , or any other that make our saviour a meere creature . for which i shall direct you also to that view of the dir. page 28. i shall not now aske you which is more complyant to your [ &c. ] the new directory , or old liturgie ; nor whether a socinian may not more conveniently officiate now ( and so , in that case , those of his opinions joyne with him ) then they could six yeares agoe , when the whole church service was appointed to bee read constantly in every church . i am not willing to trouble you with any new questions , but onely to bee satisfied by you in matter of fact what wrong you have done that author in your sermons , and to shew you that it is wrong . as for reparations from you , i now know you better then vehemently to expect any , and by your carriage in this particular , and your [ if i were composing such a liturgie , ] i am for the future arm'd to bee content with what now i finde , and to expect that when you want even words in the author to cavill at ( as it will bee long before those will bee wanting , and i remember to have seen an art of cavilling that turn'd every word of the creed into heresie , or blasphemy , or atheisme , and then what shall become of this poore mortall fraile catechisme , when such an artificer is resolved to triumph over it ? ) possibilities , and jealousies , such as the [ if you were composing , &c. ] shall bee sufficient to rob that author of his little reputation . that that [ if ] could have no ground but in your designe quocunque modo to defame him for a socinian , you will guesse , when againe i tel you that the placing inclinations in the front of sins , was a declaration free and full against that errour . 6. i am , you see , neither of their minde that thinke inclination to ill no sinne , nor therefore did i blinde , but instruct my reader with that orthodox expression , as you call it ; and 't is hard that a man cannot use orthodox expressions , but he must be accused for doing it , upon supposition that he did it to this end that he might afterwards tempt others to an error . god knowes our hearts , and must onely judge that of me : and till hee have done so , and revealed it to you , 't is want of charity in you to say i have not done fairely . 7. if it were never so absurd , to say that godly sorrow were to bee conceived for an infelicity quà sic , meerely as an infelicity , yet it might bee conceived for it [ as an infelicity if not a sinne ; ] i. e. by them who doubt whether it bee a sinne or no , or who , though they are not certainly perswaded that it is a sinne , when unconsented to , yet acknowledge it so , when it is consented to , and then grieve for it as for a sinne ; and when it is not , acknowledge it to bee an infelicity , and grieve for that also . besides , an infelicity may bee such an infelicity , that it may be matter of godly sorrow , though not quà sic , meerly as an infelicity : as , in this point , i may have sorrow that i have a vitious impure nature about mee , which is justly thought by me an infelicity , especially in comparison with that pure state of them that are with christ ; and this sorrow is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sorrow according to god ; and the interpretation of desiring or loving the appearance of christ , and so a godly sorrow : and hee that doth not positively resolve that this having a vitious nature is more then a pollution and an infelicity , taking neither of them for a sin , may yet mourne for it quà a pollution , not quà an infelicity ; and make good that he doth so , by professing sincerely , that hee would undergoe any infelicity , on condition to get rid of this pollution . and yet lastly , ( which is the onely answer necessary for you to consider to this point ) if that which you say is absurd , were so indeed , it would rather prove , that what is called [ an infelicity , if not a sinne ] were indeed a sinne , when 't is said of if in that very place , that it must be matter of contrition or godly sorrow , then that it is taken to bee no sinne , when 't is both affirmed to be one , and to bee matter of contrition . if i should say , that i may have sorrow for somewhat that is an infelicity , and call that a godly sorrow , an errour this might bee , but i hope not a dangerous one ; or if it were , not such an infectious one as to turne every other affirmation of mine into a non-affirmation , or make mee guilty of other errours , of which i professe ( and 't is cleare at that time by other evidences ) that i am not guilty . thus hard is it for flesh and blood to lay downe a quarrell or a jealousie , when 't is once engaged . otherwise , plaine words might deserve to bee heeded to prove a man orthodox , as well as supposed consequences to arraigne publiquely , and condemn him for errours . in how much more quietnesse have poore creatures possest their soules , that have learnt from those words ( and ever since dayly practised ) the humbling of themselves for their very inclinations to sinne , then you that have thus used your skill unhappily to limbeck , extract , and force poyson out of them ? 8. i acknowledge , that every sin ought to bee bewailed as a sin , and that inclinations to sin ought to bee so bewailed ; and i meant by contrition , or breaking of the heart to pieces , as much as your teares of blood amount to : and of this i neither doubt , nor feare to professe my sense . yet sure they that doe not agree with mee in that particular , may be advised to have true griefe and sorrow for them and their own principles . 9. that the corruption of our nature hath speciall influence on our practice , i am as confident , and have considered as ponderingly as you : and this whole catechisme was designed to obstruct those fountaines , as much as was possible , and to helpe to purifie unto christ a peculiar people zealous of good works ; and according to my best understanding , i designed a scheme that might bee instrumentall to that end : and whatever your method would have been , and what your commands for the particulars that might bee more expresly cleared , i could not divine , and had liberty to use my own method . this onely i know , that inclinations to sin are there exprest to bee sins , and that clearely enough , that hee may discerne it who hath so much leisure from quarrelling as to bewaile them . and indeed you need not tell me what dangerous consequences have been inferred from doubtfull expressions in catechismes , &c. for i have an example before mine eyes of one that will inferre those consequences from one word in such a booke , that the whole sense of the place contradicts directly , as much as sin and no sin are contradictories , and then 't is but reason a man were allow'd pardon ( and not triumph'd over presently ) for being willing ( when 't is by anothers fault become so necessary ) to explaine . and so much for the third report . the fourth ( that about faiths being , whether a condition , or instrument of iustification : ) i cannot observe by your words that you have at all insisted on in either assembly ; for though you deny it not , yet also you affirme nothing , as in the two former , which you owne ; and as in the last you are pleased to doe . either then you spake to this particular , and then although it bee a fault in you not to acknowledge it , yet till i am sure of it , and that my reputation is concerned in it , i have no reason farther to importune you ; or else you did not speake to it , and consequently did mee no injury in that particular , and then i truly cannot accuse you , having no authority that you did , worth my depending on , and that which i had , contradicted by others , as the other of the trinity which proved untrue , and so the rather inclines mee to beleeve that this is so also : on these grounds i have no temptation to adde more to this matter , because the whole businesse which brought us now together , was to vindicate my selfe from ( and that made it necessary for me to know what had been ) your accusations , and not to render you at this time ( which i can spend much more profitably to my selfe and others ) an account of my faith , save onely where you have calumniated it . yet because it is possible that the questions here proposed by you , may through some mistake or ignorance of the grounds that i goe on , bee matter of some scruple to you , and it may bee my duty to prevent those mistakings , i have now thought fit to tell you , what is the generall ground that i build on in this matter , by analogy to which you may forme an answer to those questions , and reconcile those seeming differences which you may have taken notice of . my grounds are these , 1 that justification is divine acceptation , and pardon of sin . 2 that the mercy of god , through the satisfaction and merits of christ , is the sole cause of this justification . 3 this worke of justification is of such a nature , consisting meerly in gods pronouncing us just , accepting and pardoning , a worke of god without us , upon us , concerning us , but not within us , that consequently nothing within us can have any reall proper efficiency in this worke : for then that , whatever it is , must bee said to justifie , i. e. to accept , and pardon , which nothing in us can be said to doe , though but minus principaliter , secundario , or realiter instrumentaliter ; for if it had any such efficiency , there might in strict speaking be some reall vertue or force in that thing , and that proportionable to the effect in some measure , at least it must act virtute primae causae , and by the impulsion of that might immediately produce the effect ; which any even grace , as it is in us , hath not force enough to doe . for either it must doe it as an inferiour meritorious cause , subordinate to christs merits , or as an inferiour efficient cause , subordinate to gods pardoning and accepting ; and then , as i said , that must pardon and accept also immediately , though not principally ; as the knife cuts immediately , though the hand or the man principally . 4 this work of grace in god through christ thus justifying , is not every mans portion , some qualification or condition there is required in the subject , in the person whose sinnes god will thus pardon in christ , or without which god that justifies the sinner , will not yet justifie the impenitent infidell : the promises of god , though generall , being yet conditionall promises , and the promise of pardon being one of them , as shall be proved at large if you thinke fit . 5 this condition is set downe in severall phrases in the scripture , conversion , repentance , regeneration , but especially receiving of christ , faith in the heart , an embracing of christ , the whole christ , taking him as our priest , whose sacrifice , and whose intercession to depend on ; as our king , whose throne to bee set up in our hearts ; as our prophet , to submit our understandings to his doctrines , and captivate them to the obedience of faith . 6 this grace of faith hath mauy excellent offices and efficiencies ; one principall one , laying hold on the promises , laying hold on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; others also of subduing the passions , mortifying lusts , overcomming the world . in all these , being workes wrought in us , by god principally , instrumentally by this grace , faith is an efficient . but all this doth not at all conclude it to bee in any propriety of speech an efficient , or any kinde of logicall proper cause in the act of justification : because there is no need of any such , god being ready to doe his worke , to performe his promise , i. e. to justifie the penitent beleever ; and whensoever by his grace that qualification is wrought in the heart , or there but truly rooted , god pronounces that man just . i have out of my heart set downe my sense , which i suppose , you will finde every where scattered in the booke . i desire not that it may prove a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 between us , ( in case there bee any word hastily let fall , which though to mee , that understood my owne meaning , it bee plaine , to you , especially if you delight to bee captious , may want explication ; ) but yet i would bee glad to heare , if there bee any poyson in any of these propositions ; and whether , and wherein i am mistaken : if not , i suppose you will be able to answer all your twelve quaeries out of these premises , or discerne that it was impertinent to aske them , these grounds being thus supposed . i shall i think , onely need to adde , that as soone as ever this new creature hath life in him , at the first cordiall receiving the whole christ in vow , or resolution sincere , i. e. at the first minute of conversion thus to god , the person is justified ; not one of those in time after the other , but in order of nature , as naturally the condition must be undertaken , before the covenant belongs to mee : but at what minute soever this is done , god puts away his wickednesse , &c. i have sinned , saith david , and the lord hath put away thy sinne , saith nathan ; i said i have sinned unto the lord , and thou puttest away the iniquity of my sinne . this thus pre-required i call sanctification in semine , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( the direct greeke for that word ) without which no man shall see god ; and consequently , without which no man is justified ; for whosoever is so , is in that condition at that minute , that , if hee dye in it , hee cannot misse of glory . beside this notion of sanctification : there is another for the acts , and fruits , and state of sanctification : and that i acknowledge a consequent of justification , and an effect of that grace that justifieth the ungodly . and having added this , i conceive i have clear'd the way to your last particular . in which , it seemes , you tooke some exceptions , which , by what hath been said , will appeare to bee your fault , not the authors of the catechisme . for 1 faith and workes are not confounded in the discourse of justification , any otherwise then st. iames and st. paul confound them ; st. paul saying , abraham was justified by faith , and st. iames by workes , aud the way of the reconciling them punctually set downe there . 2 what hee doth say of being justified by faithfull actions , as it is after the very stile of st. iames [ abraham was justified by workes ; ] so doth the word [ by ] signifie onely a condition , not an efficient . and whereas you mention obedience to the whole gospel , constellation of gospel-graces , &c. and thinke strange that they should bee affirmed the condition of justification , you must remember that those phrases denote them onely in the seed , or first life of all these proportionably to the first notion of sanctification , and then i suppose you can make no scruple of that affirmation . 3 you scruple that faith without the addition of such workes , such obedience evangelicall , would bee affirmed unsufficient to justification . wherein perhaps you thinke [ workes ] signifies actuall performances : but that is not the meaning of it in that place , but the word is taken in another scripture-acception of it , for such obedience as the gospel now requires , and for that which the story of abraham once makes the thing on which hee was justified , i. e. resolution to obey god in the sacrificing his son , not the actuall sacrificing of him : this is there called in the catech. page 35. evangelicall obedience , and is set as the explication of workes ; and without this , i acknowledge to beleeve that faith would bee unsufficient to justifie ; meaning faith in any other notion but that which doth containe this receiving him as a king , and giving up the obedience of the heart to him . and you must give mee leave a little to wonder why you should add , that the words following ( in that place ) are as bad or worse then the former , ( and yet 't was but civility and prudence not to name them ) when they are but a direct citation of a place of scripture . thus [ the same is called in a parallel place , faith consummate by love , gal. 5. 6. ] ( for so the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred by the syriack . ) the truth is , the last thing by you excepted against , was in effect a place of scripture also . iam. 2. 22. [ faith made perfect by workes , ] set downe in some words of paraphrase ; and then this in the galatians might be as bad or worse then that , ( i shall mollifie the harsh phrase for you , and adde ) more contrary to the antinomians and fiduciaries . as for your disproving that doctrine , i shall not need consider that , because the doctrine is new set when it comes to bee disproved , and in those termes which you see i acknowledge not : for i doe not suppose the necessity of adding evangelicall works unto that purpose , and in that act , to make faith the instrument of justification . for 1 i acknowledge not faith an instrument of that , any other then a morall instrument , by which i expresse my selfe to meane a condition accepted by god to justification ; and a logicall or proper instrument of receiving christ , ( which christ , not which faith , justifies . ) 2 evangelicall workes , in the notion wherein i surpose you now take them , for fruits of faith , performances of obedience , i affirme not to bee either instrument or condition in the act of justification , or to that purpose ; but i require them afterwards when occasions and opportunities of exercising that faith , of performing those resolutions , doe call for them . and therefore 3 i make no scruple to acknowledge that wee are not justified by any righteousnesse inherent in us , as i oft have said , but onely by the righteousnesse of christ imputed : only that infusion of new righteousnesse ( which when 't is infus'd and rooted , is inherent in us ) is the condition without which we shall not bee justified ; not taking it againe for the actuall performances , or acts of righteousnesse . yet in the three last lines you have now againe changed your question , and made it such an one , that i cannot blame you not to bee ashamed to repeat your arguments , or to maintain ; for i shall most joyfully conclude with you in the very words , the truth of that you say you used those arguments to prove , viz. that wee are justified by the obedience of christ alone , freely imputed by god , applyed and rested on by faith onely . for whatever other qualifications be required as conditions in the subject , 't is the worke onely of faith to apply in that sense , i. e. to rest on christ. and having so well agreed in the conclusion , one would wonder how wee should so differ in the premises . certainely there was some fault some where . was not it a willingnesse to find faults in that book that made it appeare so full of errours , and a heat ( that might have been spared ) which turned the pulpit into a pasquin , or morforius , on which that author was to be defamed ? that which i have now affirmed , i am confident is the summe of what is said on that point in more words , and with more proofes and clearings in that catechisme ; and not now minced or drest anew by your directions , or for your palate . yet if it may now please you , and you will ask god forgivenesse for your slandering of me , and consider me so much , as to think that that reputation was valuable to the author which you unjustly laboured to rob him of , i shall most heartily ( as i do already forgive you the injury , so ) conclude this paper , and take leave of you , and continue munday night , oct. 19. 1646. your servant h. hammond . i desire to heare what opinion you have of this large trouble , thus unexpectedly multiplyed upon my hands . sir , i am sent for away from hence in great haste to my deare mother , who is very sicke , and so am forced to dictate to an ill amanuensis ; if greater letters then an e bee mistaken i must crave your pardon . if you thinke fit to reply , be pleased to seale up your notes , and mr. wilkinson ( who lodges at merton colledge ) will convey them to your servant fr. cheynell . octob. 30. 1646. sir , i conceive your letters are meant , ( as they are by the superscription directed ) to mee onely : yet i thought it my duty to direct you to some that are equally ingaged , and able to give you better satisfaction . you will not beleeve mee , and i have done . as for your discourse about desiring an exact account , truly sir , i doe seriously beleeve , that when you were at highest , you would shew as much civility towards any minister of christ , as you did towards mee . it may stand with the state of an arch-deacon to desire an account , if hee adde , exact account . the greatest generall will give orders to his officers in as homble a stile ; these are to desire . but enough , if not too much of that . if your challenge made mee smile gravely , yet sure you are too angry when you say , i have reproached and slandered you ; you endeavour to make mee as happy , as you conceive your selfe to bee . sir , i never thought that there had been so much advantage to bee made of a parenthesis ; i doe not desire to mistake your meaning , and am sorry to read your uncharitablenesse . your judgement is , that i seeke for nothing in your papers but exceptions ; you intimate that i am no scholar , and to your selfe no friend ; yet you are so curteous as to communicate some part of your mind to your unlearned enemy : but you professe , that you doe not cast up a ball of new contention between us , onely you are pleased to referre mee to another book called the view of the new directory . i acknowledge that i have heard , what i now begin to beleeve , that that book is yours , because you smile upon it , as fathers use to do upon their pretty babes . the author of that view of the new directory layes downe this rule , page 2. [ nothing is necessary in the worship of god , but what god hath prescribed ; ] pray , sir , let us know how many severalls of the common-prayer-book that are purposely left out in the directory , are prescribed by god. 2 the said author abuses both presbyterians and independents ; but whether hee doth answer the severall arguments propounded by either , i leave to you to consider . sir , if you have any thing to say against our learned and reverend brethren of scotland , they are of age to answer you , try their strength . 3 if you please to undertake the answer of mr. cottons arguments against set formes , you may have liberty to speake your minde ; but truly sir , till you have performed this taske ( i mean , till you have shewen how many things are prescribed by god , and rejected by us in this directory : 2 till you have answered our brethren of scotland , and mr. cotton , ( to say nothing of others ) you have no temptation to triumph , unlesse you meane to triumph before the victory , as that author doth . you should not refer us to mr. hooker , now the state of the question is so much varied . 4 if it bee granted to you , that some set forme may , by some persons , at least for some time , bee lawfully used ; how will you prove it necessary that any whole entire set platforme of liturgie should bee rigorously imposed upon all the ministers of these three kingdomes of england , & c ? is not that the thing which you doe so passionately long after , and earnestly contend for ? if it be not , i confesse i am much mistaken ; and if it be , let it be clearly and undeniably proved . 5 in this last returne , i doe not finde you willing to owne what your words seemed to import , [ that there is some necessity , that the liturgy formed in the apostles times should bee continued in the church . ] for you give the present church leave to judge of the liturgy composed in the time of the apostles ( as you pretend ) and to make what alterations or additions , alienation or exchange shall seeme fit to the present church . but sir , if those apostolicall men were extraordinarily assisted by the spirit in composing that liturgy , shall men of ordinary gifts take upon them to passe a peremptory sentence for altering , alienating , exchanging what was ( as you conceive ) composed by the extraordinary assistance of the spirit , and is by a more then ordinary blessing and providence preserved and transmitted to posterity ? sir , take your words according to your owne interpretation , that the holy ghost who setled a ministery , enabled them in the apostles time to forme a liturgy to continue in the church , to the end that the ministers might pray and intercede for their severall congregations ; and you doe certainely decline , if not studiously , the maintaining of what you are engaged to maintaine by your view of the directory ; if a minister may pray as hee ought in a congregation , without the use of the liturgy , which you say was formed in the apostles time to continue in the church , then sure a minister may pray as hee ought in the congregation , without the helpe of the late common-prayer-book . 6 you name severall liturgies ; which will you stand to , and avouch that it is without any interpolation or corruption ? 7 not to spend time about the miraculous gift of prayer , you say there were some exercises of that gift , and confesse those exercises to bee different from the set formes you contend for . sir , is there no ordinary gift of prayer vouchsafed to the ministers of christ ? should not this ordinary gift be stirred up by meditation , and exercised in prayer ? should not ministers of christ give themselves to pray , and study how to pray seasonably , according to the severall occasions administred by the various turnes of god providence ? how doe you prove , that a man that hath not ordinary wisdome to pray as hee ought , is called by christ to bee a minister of the gospel ? surely sir , i thinke a minister should study to pray seasonably , as well as preach seasonably , and if the primitive method and manner of prayer bee to bee observed , it doth not follow that the liturgies , which goe under the name of st. iames and marke , and have constantly been suspected by learned men , should be rigorously imposed upon the ministers of the new testament , who have an ordinary gift of prayer , nay , are indued with the spirit of prayer . 8 you mention the use of psalmes , and the lords prayer . why sure sir , you did view the directory very slightly , if you tooke no notice of the order about the publique reading of the holy scriptures , and the frequent reading of the book of psalmes . wee acknowledge the prayer which christ taught his disciples to bee of it selfe a most comprehensive prayer , and not onely a patterne of prayer ; and it is specially recommended to bee used in the prayers of the church ; if you please to call this a liturgy ( and , it seemes , you can demonstrate no more ) doe not complaine that you are deprived of all manner of liturgy ; for now you have told me that publique divine service is the english of liturgy . sure i am , the parliament desires that our publique service of god should be most divine and orderly ; for their care hath been to hold forth such things as are of divine institution in every ordinance , and to set forth other things according to the rules of christian prudence , agreeable to the generall rules of the word of god : and for the consent and harmony of the churches , there are generall heads propounded , and if you observe the generall heads , the sense and scope of the prayers , and other parts of publique worship , you will have no cause to complaine of disorder and confusion in our publique worship . but you tell mee that wee may pray as we ought , without the helpe of that liturgy , which you conceive was formed in the apostles time ; and therefore i thinke i may proceed to the sadder part of your task . 1 concerning your sad story , i need say no more , but that i am glad you have disabused one offender , i could wish that you would disabuse all those whom you have abused with three or foure editions of your booke , by a remarkable recantation of your error . sir , venture my arguments to any reader , i feare none ; let your book bee witnesse whether i charge you justly or no : i meane your book printed at oxford , and all printed after that copy ; i except nothing , but your lesse remarkable alteration , which was not remarkable enough for mee to take notice of in so short a time ; and therefore you must blame your selfe , that your recantation was no more remarkable ; for when you told mee that you added these words [ in the primary intention of the phrase . ] i looked over your additions more heedfully , and could not finde it : and i did at last read even your lesse remarkable alterations , and the printers postscript , or yours , for the excuse of your selfe and him . sir , your first answer in the eighth section of your catechisme , explains the meaning of the third commandement to be according to the literall sound , against perjury or non-performance of promisory oaths ; mark that [ promissory oaths . ] whereupon your scholar is immediately prompted to aske whether the third commandement , [ thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vaine , ] bee no more ( marke that , no more ) then [ thou shalt not forsweare thy selfe ? ) your answer is , no more undoubtedly . the god of heaven judge between us ; nay , your severall editions do judge ; there being not a syllable of the primary intention to be found in three or four editions . 2 i say , the question is , what is meant in the third commandement ? your first answer being an explication of the meaning of the commandement : the second question is , whether the third commandement bee no more ? that is , whether the meaning of it be no more , then that thou shalt not forswear thy self ? this is most cleare to mee . 3 the question is not of the intention of a phrase ; that 's but a harsh expression , which must bee explained to bee meant of the intention of the law-giver ; and it was gods intention to forbid foolish and wanton swearing , as well as forswearing . 4 wee had not best dispute what is primary and secundary in gods intention ; one intention is sufficient , and that is to forbid both . 5 you are not able to make it good that that 's the primary intention of the phrase : and therefore i glanced at that by the way . 6 your doubtfull perhaps was that which troubled mee : and surely sir , you doe see what reason you have to blot out perhaps . 7 why doe you say , perhaps foolish and wanton , sure prophane using of gods name is forbidden ? is it not as sure that foolish and wanton using of gods name is forbidden as prophane using of it ? or is not all foolish and wanton using of gods name prophane ? 8 your remarkable alterations assure mee , that you are convinced that you had not said enough against vaine assertory oaths , in any of your editions : for the words run thus in them all , the particular matter of moses his law , [ was of promissory ( not assertory ) oaths , ] which you alter thus , [ peculiarly of promissory , not only of assertory oaths : ] and if that be not a recantation , i doe not know what a recantation means . 9 i said truly that a doubtfull perhaps would not restraine youths from foolish and wanton using of the name of god ; if preachers bee so timerous to cry , perhaps it is forbidden , and that but by reduction neither , swearers will grow bold . i doe not like your instance in this last paper , when you say , that fornication is forbidden in the seventh commandement by reduction ; surely sir , there needs no reduction to evince that fornication is forbidden . 10 you talke of the words of the commandement ; the question is , of the meaning of god in the commandement . gods mind is to forbid foolish swearing in the third commandement , and fornication in the seventh . 11 i did not take notice of your argument to prove that forswearing is forbidden in the third commandement , because you prove what i never denyed . 12 you say , the oath which you take lawfully in judicature , may come from the devill in another . you are mistaken ; it is not the oath , but the vanity of the oath which comes from the devill . 13 you come not off with honour , when you say , first , that the superaddition ( which i call imaginary ) is a command of christ , and afterwards say , if it was not a superaddition by a new precept , yet there is a superaddition of new light . your catechisme is , it seemes , like the tridentine canons , capable not onely of severall but contrary interpretations . i appeale to your booke againe , lib. 2. sect. 3. page 93. first , your interpretation that christ came to fill up the law , as a vessell that had some water in it before , but now is filled up to the brim ; and that which is worse , of a picture , &c. sir , was there but a rude draught of morall perfection in the perfect law of god ? was it drawne in colors to the life , or as it were with a coale ? take heed , bee not too busie in imitating any father in a dangerous expression , or in excusing the great evacuators of the law. secondly , though you pretend often to bee very carelesse whether you prove a superaddition or improvement of the law to have been made by christ , yet you confesse that it is the foundation of a weighty superstructure , page 94. pray sir , declare what that superstructure is . is it that you may be justified by obedience to these new superadded precepts , and yet say that you are justified by a righteousnesse without the law ? say honestly , is that the superstructure , or is it not ? 3 doe you not tell us , that light is the state and doctrine of christianity , darknesse of sinne and imperfection ? observe how untowardly that comparison runs ; though you do not bring it round , yet you goe too farre ; you say , that before christ , there was some mixture of imperfection , and some vacuities in the commandements of god ; you are speaking of the morall law ; you say , these vacuities are filled by christ , page 94. these expressions sure have reference to new precepts , and not onely to new light ; if not , read page 96. to shew that christ came to fill up the law , say you ; first hee rehearses the old law , and thereby confirmes it , and then annexes his new law to it . what say you , who is blindfold now ? is not this undeniable ? 4 you speak too doubtfully , page 95. when you say , that christ under the gospel gives higher or plainer promises : you should speak with more resolution in a practicall catechisme . 1 there was gospel under the law , and the spirit was ministred to all the elect then , during the time of legall administrations ; divers jewes were penitent beleevers , and therefore under the second covenant before christ came in the flesh . 2 the promises were plaine enough to them that were endued with the spirit , as is evident by the apostles discourse in the 11 chap. to the hebrewes , they were so plaine that they saw them , were perswaded of them , and embraced them ; though the thing promised , the incarnation of christ , was farre off , yet their light was so cleare , and eye of faith so strong , that they beheld christ afarre off . 3 wee have no higher promise then that of being heires and co-heires with christ in glory , and they had the promise of eternall life , the promise of being blessed for ever in jesus christ. 4 the ceremonies which you say had nothing good in them , did direct to christ , and therefore there was this good in them , that they did by gods ordinance and blessing direct the elect of god under that dispensation unto christ , in whom they were to enjoy all-sufficient and everlasting good things in glory . 5 no sinne was able actually to damne penitent beleevers during the time of legall administrations . and therefore i wonder at your discourse in the 95 page . pray sir , is there any veniall sinne ? 6 you speake too faintly , when you call the evangelicall discoveries before christ , glimmerings of light , and insert the scepticall perhaps , page 95. of your pract. catech. sir , there is no perhaps , no hap-hazard in this businesse ; jesus christ was sufficiently discovered during the time of leviticall administrations to all the elect for their everlasting salvation . 7 when you speake of the glimmerings of the gospel , you say these things were not universally commanded to all under threat of eternall punishment , but onely recommended to them that will doe that which is best , and so see good dayes , &c. observe 1 that you doe here by consequence assert , that there were counsells of perfection under the law : i will not say workes of supererogation , but the jewes were ( it seems ) encouraged to doe somewhat more then was commanded . 2 will you say , that to beleeve in the promised seed , to circumcise their hearts , mortifie their lusts , reforme their lives , walke in new obedience , was more then was commanded in the time of the leviticall dispensation ? 3 will you say , that the jewes were not obliged to beleeve in the promised seed , circumcise their hearts , and the like , under threat of eternall punishment ? i might enlarge , but by your answer to these few proposalls , i shall be able to understand your obscure catechisme ; doe not say , that there is a sarcasme in the epithet . i hope , you will now confesse that you did contend for new precepts ; and therefore you recant once more , if you will bee satisfied with new light . sir , counsells give new light , but you say the superadditions in the fifth of matthew are all commands , and not counsells onely ; and you endeavour to prove it ex professe , page 96. surely the same things were commanded of old ; then these are but imaginary superadditions , as i called them : but if they bee superadditions , and not onely counsells but commands , they are new precepts , and therefore you did not contend for new light onely , but for new precepts . by this little that hath been said , it is cleare that you had some weighty superstructure to lay upon this ample foundation of new precepts , or else you did but sweat and toyle in laying the foundation that you might have your labour for your paines , which you are too wise to doe . sicnotus vlysses ? all that i desire is , that you would alter from worse to better ; for i joyne with you in professing that such an alteration doth declare amiable and imitable qualities . finally , if you contend not for new precepts , then acknowledge that the super-additions you dreamt of were , as i said , imaginary ; and i must remember you that the third commandement , which is out of question the command of god , and christ , and the holy ghost , will by gods blessing bee most prevalent to restraine men from foolish or wanton using of the name of god in assertory oaths , or any other idle using of gods name when they doe not sweare . what i said of criticismes was no sarcasme : i did but remember you that critiques are apt to thinke themselves so farre above other men , that they doe usually contemne the serious admonitions of poore countrey preachers . but as high as the critiques thinke themselves , i hoped that you would not thinke them mounted to the highest heaven , and therefore called it a lower heaven . you tell mee , [ that you doe onely desire to study the morall law , as you finde it delivered from the second mount ] in your last return , page 14. so say the men whom you cry out upon , the antinomians ; and they give this for a reason , because the law of god published on mount sinai doth not in their opinion oblige beleevers . but you goe beyond them in the next page , pag. 15. and imply , that no unbeleever is obliged under paine of damnation , to observe the morall law. your words are to this effect , [ that christ , who gives more grace then was brought into the world by the law of moses or nature , hath disburdened all men of that sad yoke that lay on the iewes , and is content to accept of sincere , without not-sinning obedience . ] 1 i desire to know what grace was brought into the world by the law of moses ? doth not the apostle say that grace came not by moses , but by christ onely ? 2 how doe you prove that all men , i meane , every one of mankinde , is put under the second covenant ? i suppose that is your meaning , because in your pract. catech. page 5. you affirme [ that christ did satisfie for all the sinnes of all mankinde , and that all other parts of the second covenant are consequent and dependent on that ] and therefore i conceive that in your opinion there is a revelation of the law of faith made , a pardon granted , and sufficient grace given to every one of mankinde to performe what is necessary now under the second covenant ; because you acknowledge that these are mercies made over in christ by the second covenant , in the selfe same page ; and to whom are the mercies made over , but to them for whose sinnes christ hath satisfied ? 3 i desire to know how christ could disburthen any man , or satisfie for the sinnes of any one , according to your opinion , if he did onely exercise the office of an aaronicall priest by his sacrifice ? for it is certain that no aaronicall priest did ever make any more then a typicall satisfaction by the exercise of his office ; and you adde , that when the scripture speaketh indefinitely of christs priesthood , or his eternall priesthood , or of his blessing us and turning of us from our iniquities , these expressions have no reference to his [ single , finite , unrepeated sacrifice upon the crosse , which belongs to his aaronicall priesthood , ] but they must be understood of his melchisedechian priesthood , to which hee was consecrated by his death , which you terme an aaronicall sacrifice , and looke upon it as a rite and ceremony for the consecrating of christ to be our eternall high-priest , page 17 , 18 , 19. you think you have gone farre beyond the socinians in this point ; but heare what smalcius saith , non est autem dissimulandum nos non negare christimortem ad ejus sacrificium pertinere , refutat . smiglec . de erroribus nov . arianorum , lib. 2. pag. 282. a word is enough to a wise man. our case stands thus then , 1 your doubtfull perhaps will not restraine men from foolish wanton swearing ; you did well to blot out that . 2 your new precepts will not doe it , and you doe well to rest satisfied without them . 3 your totall prohibition of swearing it selfe will not doe the deed ; because christ doth onely prohibit false swearing and vaine swearing , he doth not prohibit swearing it self ; for if swearing it selfe were prohibited , it would never be lawfull to sweare in any case ; even as adultery it selfe is prohibited , and therefore it is not lawfull to commit adultery in any case . i hope you will distinguish between vaine swearing , and swearing it selfe ; if swearing it selfe bee prohibited , i must not sweare for the publique good , because i must not doe any thing that is prohibited , though it tend to the publique good . you wonder to heare me speake of smalcius , and demand who is not of that opinion ? sir , remember that you say , [ christ hath superadded to the old commandement a totall universall prohibition of swearing it self , making that as unlawfull now , as perjury was before , ] pag. 120. now for a man that maintaines this , to say likewise that it is lawfull to swear for the publique good , is to speak like smalcius , &c. examine well whether you be not guilty of the sinne of dogmatizing : for i know if you did not condescend too passively to take up both opinions , you have reason enough to discerne that these opinions do fight with one another . sir , i have proved it already ; take one argument more . if swearing it selfe be as unlawfull now , as perjury was before christ came in the flesh , then it is as unlawfull to sweare for the publique good , as for a man to forsweare himselfe for the publique good , which i hope you will not affirme . a man may be lawfully called to sweare , but no man can be lawfully called to forsweare himselfe ; ergo swearing it selfe is not as unlawfull as perjury . if you wonder that rationall men should contradict themselves , i answer they seldome doe it but upon a designe ; and i could easily guesse at the designe , but you have taught me to be more reserved . in the 12 page of your last answer , you say , that what is forbidden by reduction is not so deeply obliging ; and therefore i stumble at your notion of reduction , considering that you say , fornication is forbidden by reduction in the seventh commandement . sir , i thinke my selfe as deeply obliged to abstaine from fornication as from adultery , i meane , by the same authority . moreover you plead there , that christ may bee said to have added to the third commandement , because he forbids swearing by any thing else as well as by god. 1 were men at liberty before christ came to sweare by any creature ? 2 wee may now in some cases sweare by god , but in no case by the creature ; and therefore swearing by god is not totally and universally forbidden , as swearing by the creature is . you tell mee that schindler is as venerable an author as pagnine ; truly sir , i am not ashamed to professe that i have profited by that edition of pagnine which mercer put forth . if you conceive grotius more venerable then mercer , hee will assure you that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proprie significat vanum . r. isaac abarbinel on the 20 of exod. saith , the word is taken so largely in the third commandement as to comprehend both vaine and false oaths . if i had said , false oathes had not been prohibited in the third commandement , i would have considered your argument drawne from the signification of the word in the ninth commandement . if you please to consult r. david kimchi in libro radicum , hee will prove by the talmud ierusal ▪ and onkelos , that the word signifies frustra , & sine causâ ; and that hee who sweareth that figs are figs , is to bee punished for swearing in vaine ; hee cites the 1 sam. 25. 21. to prove that the word signifies vaine , [ surely in vaine have i kept . ] david doth not say hee kept nabals cattle falsely , but in vaine ; nay , you will finde , that they tell you that a false oath is forbidden , because what is false is vanity , and tohu , and nothing . i cited r. abraham aben-ezra on the the third commandement ; and he will tell you , that one that hath accustomed himselfe to sweare vainly , will sweare in one day oaths without number ; and if you reprove him for swearing , hee will sweare that hee did not sweare , and much more to this purpose . see r. solomon iarchi , if you please ; you will finde , they all come to this , non assumes nomen domini gratis , frustra , in vanum ; and therefore you need not reject , what was humbly tendered to you , with so much scorne and indignation . you say , by [ would be forbidden ] you did in effect meane were forbidden . i doe not understand what you meane , when you say you did in effect meane it : but let that passe . i understand you better when you talke of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i forgive you : and if that be part of your rhetorique , i doe not envie you , and will not imitate you . i passe on to your scanning of the third report . 1 sir , if you did not doubt , you did ill to speake doubtfully ; for your doubtfull expressions may helpe to make or keepe others doubtfull . 2 you acknowledge something worse then that i charged you with , namely , that you used that expression to serve them , [ who thinke our naturall aversion from god , and inclination to all sinne , to bee no sinne , but an infelicity , unlesse actually consented to , ] by labouring to doe them good upon their owne principles . sir , men cannot bee brought to true repentance upon false principles ; if mens principles are corrupt , refute their principles , and instruct them better , that they may bee better principled ; otherwise if you build upon a false foundation , your building cannot stand , and they will be hardened in their impenitence by your connivence . be pleased to take notice , that this corrupt opinion is not a fouleabasing principle , but rather a selfe-exalting error ; and therefore the pressing of such a principle upon them , wil never humble them . if you had told them , that we are all by nature spiritually dead , in a polluted and cursed condition , this might humble them ; but if you serve men upon their owne proud principles , they will take it for granted that their principles are good , and grow the prouder . no man can conceive true godly sorrow for his actuall sinnes , who doth deny the very root and fountaine of all his sinnes to be a sin . 3 you suppose , that corruption is not cherished in some act , and conclude , ergo , in that act it is not cherished ; just idem per idem . 4 you are desired to prove what you take for granted : is not that equall ? i say , that originall sinne is truly and properly a sinne in them that are not of age to consent to it ; and that every actuall sin in men of ripe yeares , is not actually and formally consented to ; corruption is so strong in us , that it doth many times breake forth without our consent ; and i am ready to prove both propositions , if you doubt of them . 5 you were ill advised to passe a complement in a practicall catechisme , with men of corrupt opinions , contrary to your owne principles . 6 you mention the socinians very often ; but let me intreat you to be wiser : do not provoke me to make a parallel between your expressions and theirs . i take not upon me to know any mans opinion , or his heart , any further then his words declare both . 7 when i spake of a liturgy that was in designe , you know i did not meane the common-prayer-book . 8 for your view of the directory , doe not magnifie it till you have finished your taske ; never talke of the suffrages of the jewes , heathens , or mahometans , but speake to the point ; i have shewen you the point in question . 9 you would have doxologies and creeds : is this worth answering ? doth not the directory take in the whole scripture for a liturgy ? and are there not doxologies enough , and creed enough ( even all things necessary to salvation ) in the holy scripture ? when the confession of faith is published to the world , you will finde this reverend assembly ( so much scorn'd in that booke you subscribe to ) bee no enemies to any orthodox creed : and you may , amongst the rules and directions about the sacrament , in the ordinance of octob. 20. 1645. see that wee have not forgot our creed . 10 i am not at leisure to dispute with you about sitting at sacrament ; the parliament is not guilty of your illogicall conclusions , though you would faine expose them to contempt in your view of the dirictory , view dir. ca. 1. p. 1. if it please you , we will put it to the question , whether the directory ( in which there is the wisdome of two parliaments , two assemblies , which i oppose to your wisdome ) or your pract. catechisme give more countenance to socinian errours and practises ? i will dispute this question with you where you please , and when you please . 1 shew mee where the directory doth enjoyne all communicants to sit in the act of receiving . 2 tell mee whether all familiarity with jesus christ doth inferre an equality . 3 doth any socinian thinke himselfe equall with christ , or conceive that there is no more honour due to christ , then to a meere man ? pray , doe the socinians no wrong , they will say as you say , that christ did not blesse us till after his resurrection , till hee became an everlasting priest ; and ever since he was such a priest , hee hath all power in heaven and earth , a power equall to gods power , and therefore divine honour is due to him . sed tum cultum qui nunc christo debetur postquam in coelis esse coepit , qui est , ut ipsi tanquam deo confidamus , & omnia ab illo speremus , & petamus quae ad salutem aeternam pertinent , adeoque ipsam aeternam salutem dicimus ei deberi , non propter qualemcunque , sed talem & tantam potestatem quae par sit dei potestati , smalcius refutat . prim . lib. smig . de erroribus arianorum , cap. 11. p. 109. sir , i will give you a better argument against the directory , and for the common-prayer-booke ; you may read it , view of the directory , page 27 [ it is not necessary to exchange the pleasant easie course of our liturgy , for the tedious , toylsome , lesse-profitable course in the directory . ] tell prelates and courtiers of ease and pleasure , and you winne their hearts . this was a good argument for an university orator to urge , but this same word ergo spoiles all such rhetoricall arguments . i hasten to your discourse about godly sorrow : this is your first assertion . 1 godly sorrow may be conceived for the pollutions of our nature , as infelicities , if not as sinnes . be pleased to prove this proposition ; and i will abide by it , and maintaine the negative . 2 hee which doubts whether originall sinne bee a sinne , may conceive godly sorrow for it , this is the second dictate . but your third dictate is admirable . 3 he that thinks inclination to sinne no sinne , but when he actually consents to it , may when hee doth not consent to it , grieve for it as an infelicity . sir , the question is of godly sorrow : is it godly sorrow , or is it not , for a man , to grieve for an infelicity , which , as he conceives , is no way sinfull ? 4 you say , if a man look upon originall sin as a pollution , though not as a sinne , hee may grieve for it with a godly sorrow . i had thought that all pollution of the soule of man had been by sinne onely , mar. 7. 23. you are much mistaken , when you say , that they who thinke originall sinne no sinne , may bee advised to true griefe and sorrow for it on their owne principles . if by true griefe you meane a godly sorrow , no man mournes for sinne after a godly manners but he that grieves for it as a sin against god. sir , in a practicall catechisme , you should have laid undeniable grounds of repentance ; and therefore either plainely proved , or at least resolutely asserted originall sinne to be a sinne , without any ifs or ands : for where shall a man begin in his repentance , if he bee not convinced that originall sinne is a sinne ? should hee not lay the axe to the root of corruption , and bewaile the fountaine of pollution ? will not hee be apt to doubt whether actuall sinnes be sinnes , who doubts whether an inclination to all sinne be a sinne ? surely such an acute wretch will say , my inclination to such and such an act is naturall , and not evill . ergo this and the like acts , to which i am naturally inclined , are not evill . you know that i could adde ; let mee beseech you to consider what hath been said , and i will passe on to your fourth report . your fourth report concernes justification . sir , i did not desire you to give an account of your faith , but i should have been glad that you would have vouchsafed an answer to my quaeres . i thanke you for your second acknowledgement that you were mis-informed , and i thanke you for your endeavour to prevent mistakes . truly sir , i doe not wilfully mistake your sense , nor doe i desire to take any advantage of an hasty expression . your first proposition is , that justification is divine acceptation and pardon of sinne . i will not stand to aske you why you put acceptation before pardon ; it is likely that was not done de industrià ; but i would know why you speake of remission and acceptation , and leave out imputation ? i observe , that in your second proposition you doe affirme that [ the mercy of god , through the satisfaction and merits of christ , is the sole cause of this justification . ] doe not thinke mee too curious , since you desire mee to give my opinion of these propositions ; you know , there are some that distinguish between a first and second justification ; and they doe expresse themselves warily , and they will grant what you say , so you will give them leave to chuse which they meane , this , or that justification . but i will judge charitably of you , hoping that by this justification you intend not to imply that there is another justification ; and so , as they say , a first and second justification . give me leave to aske you a question or two about the second proposition , compared with the fourth , and with some passages in your practicall catechisme , that by a cleare answer to a few quaeres , many mistakes may be prevented . in your second proposition you say , the mercy of god , through the satisfaction and merits of christ , is the sole cause of justification . in your catechisme you say , that christ did sacrifice himselfe for all the sin of all mankinde ; and yet in your fourth proposition in this last return you say [ that this worke of grace in god through christ , is not every mans portion . ] sir , if christs satisfaction bee the sole cause , and hee hath made satisfaction for every man , the grace of god ( which extends as farre as christs satisfaction ) must be the portion of every man for his justification by the obedience of christ alone . my first quaere then is , 1 why the grace of god in justifying those for whom christ hath satisfied , doth not extend to every man for whom he hath satisfied ? 2 whether the qualification and condition , which you require in the subject bee bestowed upon the elect absolutely or conditionally ? regeneration you say is a condition which doth dispose the subject for justification , that is , for acceptance and pardon , as i conceive , and you expresse . pray sir , shew mee what condition god requires unregenerate persons to perform , that they may attaine unto regeneration , which you take to be the condition of justification . i acknowledge , that god doth never justifie an impenitent infidell in sensu composito , that is , the infidell doth not remaine an impenitent infidell ; but then you must grant on the other side , that god doth justifie the ungodly . 3 whether there be any condition which doth so qualifie the subject , as that you can say , by these habits , acts , vowes , and these onely i am justified ? pract. catech. page 28. sir , learned men say that there is no condition required to dispose the subject for justification ; but there is a condition , namely faith , bestowed upon none but the elect , to receive the object of justification , christ , and his compleate obedience , perfect righteousnesse ; and hence ( as i conceive ) some men ( that meant well ) say , there is a condition required , that is , to receive the object ; and others say , there is no condition required , that is , to dispose or qualifie the subject , so as that the subject shall bee constituted righteous by that disposition or qualification . i speake as plainely as i can devise , that there may bee no mistake . god doth by his free and effectuall grace worke the hearts of his elect to receive christ , that they may bee justified ; not by their own obedience , or vow of obedience , but by the obedience of christ alone , freely imputed by god , and rested on by faith onely . moreover , learned men doe distinguish betweene disposing of the subject to salvation ( which is the last part of the excution of gods decree of election ) and disposing the subject unto justification : though they grant that there is a condition to enable the subject to receive the object jesus christ , who is iehovah our righteousnesse . and therefore protestants do maintaine , that all the habits and acts of grace which are in the best of men concurring together , are not sufficient to justifie a man before god , and therefore faith concurring with a vow of obedience , or any faithfull actions , cannot justifie us : though faith alone bee said to justifie us relatively , that is , in regard of the object received by faith . i acknowledge with you , that justification is gods act , wee cannot pardon out selves , and god sitting as a fatherly judg upon a throne of grace , doth justifie us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as chrysostome upon the 8. of rom. 33. vers . sir , let me intreat you not to wonder , that i find fault with some passages in your book , which you say are in effect places of scripture . sir , to abuse the scripture for the maintenance of any error , is to my apprehension a great deale worse then to deliver any erroneous conceits in our own language . the papists say as you doe ▪ that they say no more then st. iames himselfe saith . i did not dreame that you thought abraham was justified by the actuall sacrificing of his sonne : socinus saith , abraham was justified by offering up of isaac . i doe not think he means it in any other sense then that which you repeat ; namely , that abraham was justified by a resolution to obey god in the sacrificing of his sonne , not by the actuall sacrificing of him . sir , i am heartily glad to heare you acknowledg that you agree with mee in the conclusion : bee pleased to retract all that is contrary to that conclusion in your pract. catechisme , and then i am sure you must retract what i complained of . pray sir , doe you not thinke that we are justified by a sincere vow of obedience , as truly as wee are by faith ? that is , that our vow of obedience is a condition of justification ; i doe not say an instrument , for you deny faith to bee an instrument of justification . and therefore if a sincere vow of obedience be the condition of justification , wee are justified as truly by that , as by faith . 2 consider that you say in this last returne , p. 20. [ the condition must bee undertaken before the covenant belongs to me . ] this vow or resolution of obedience is , as i conceive , that which you call the undertaking of the condition ; why then surely obedience is the condition of the covenant of justification , for obedience is that which is undertaken in a vow of obedience . 3 if by covenant you meane the whole covenant of grace , you must make some condition goe before our regeneration also . 4 you know the papists speake as fully as you doe any where for the meritorious satisfaction of christ : but you know what they say of the praevious dispositions , to dispose and qualifie the subject for justification ; and you know what others say of the vow of obedience . 5 though to give a pardon bee gods act , yet to receive forgivenesse is an act of faith . acts. 26. 18. wee doe not receive a pardon by an act of charity , or by a vow of obedience , or receiving of christ as king , and giving up the obedience of the heart to him ; i beleeve you have not forgotten these expressions which are scattered up and downe in your catechisme and papers . if faithfull actions bee the onely thing whereby a man is justified , as you affirme page 28. then are wee not justified onely by a vow of obedience . if faith bee unsufficient to our justification , unlesse it bee consummate by love , that is , by acts of christian charity , or keeping the commandements of god , as you expound that phrase , page 35. then sure you cannot say you plead onely for justification by a vow of obedience . unlesse you will make a first and second justification , i doe not see how you can come off . on the other side , if wee are justified by a vow of personall obedience , then wee are not justified by the obedience of christ alone , or by faith onely ; i meane , by the obedience of christ , as that obedience whereby wee are constituted righteous ; nor by faith onely , as that whereby wee receive a pardon ; receive christ as iehovah our righteousnesse ; and therefore truly sir , i doe not yet see how you can agree with mee in my conclusion ; namely , that we are justified by the obedience of christ alone , freely imputed by god , applyed and rested on by faith onely , unlesse you will retract those passages in your booke , which were justly complained of , for the good of you , and this whole university . i speake plainely and freely , as it becommeth octob. 30. 1646. your friend to serve you fr. cheynell . sir , on saturday , october 31. i received your papers ( dated the day before ) by way of return to mine of october 20. that night i got a liberty from other avocations to read them over , and am now on munday at the beginning of the weeke following on preparation to give you some account of them . your letter which conducted them was but briefe , yet was willing to take notice of one particular , that of your having written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which though it bee onely a grammaticall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and very extrinsecal to the matter in hand , yet seeing you are pleased to make it the onely subject of those few lines , i must in civility tell you somewhat of your manner of excusing it . 1 that literall mistake you know you were guilty of , and i onely told you that you were so , and added not one word more . instead of excusing or confessing it , you now desire mee onely to pardon the mistakes of an ill amanuensis , and adde your reasons that forced you to make use of him . sir , i will doe more then you desire . first , i will pardon that former mistake in your selfe also ; and tell you , that in one that undertakes to bee a scholar , ( and to be very severe to those writings of other men , which many pious persons have beene willing to receive with some kindnesse , and now professe to see no kinde of ground for your quarrells in them , ) the not spelling so plaine a word of greeke , would by very many men bee hardly excused ; i meane , it would take off from their opinion of your learning , as much as if you had written impius with a [ y , ] that is , more then many faults of a higher nature could bee fit to doe . secondly , i will beleeve ( or excuse ) your saying , that your haste forced you to dictate to an ill amanuensis , when i have some reasons to thinke it did not . 1 because you had had my last returne in your hands ten dayes , and i suppose the occasion that caused your haste , was not knowne to you all that time , or more dayes then one or two of them : for i professe to think your avocation so very urgent , and should bee sorry to heare that i was the occasion of detaining you one minute ; but then before you knew of it , i suppose that did not force you to choose this shorter way . this was my first reason . 2 because the amanuensis was so farre from being an ill one , that in the whole paper i know but of one failing in the kinde forementioned : and that is in the word sacrifice , where in stead of the letter c. there is s , which is in effect to write facio with s. but then upon the first sight this plainely appeares to be your owne hand , interposing this word in stead of another blotted out , as you know i can discerne both by your former letters , and by the like alterations in other places of these papers . this againe inclines mee to beleeve , that the dictating you mention , might bee designed a little to conceale such slips which might possibly fall from you , and that it was not forced by your haste onely . my third reason is ; because i conceive it farre more speedy way to write from my own phansie or understanding , ( which may be done without any stay but that of inventing and writing , ) then to dictate to another , wherein much longer time is required for mee to dictate articulately , and for him after that to write , then againe to recite to mee what he hath written , before i can proceed to dictate . in this i can speake but mine owne , and some others sense , and the common notion that i have of it ; but considering how farre my notions are wont to bee from pleasing you , and that 't is possible you might mean dictating out of your note-booke , where you may have throwne together all your exceptions against that author ( for that your amanuensis transcribed what you had formerly writ , i suppose you doe not meane that by dictating , ) on these grounds , i say , it is possible here may bee some difference in judgement between us also . and therefore if againe you tell mee , that you have spoken your full sense in this particular , i shall make all haste to beleeve you , and aske you pardon for this importunity : yet in the meane time i will tell you my reasons also for my being so free with you in materiâ non gravi . 1 because i discerned so little in your future discourse which would bee more pertinent to the matter of my last returne ; having found , that after my having answered or laid grounds of answering neare twenty questions in your last paper , more then the matter in hand , or my leisure engaged mee to , you have thought fit to spring new matters of controversie , and to that purpose ( that you may never faile of the like matter ) to catechise mee in a strange number of questions more ; when the whole intention of my paper was , that it might bee considered , whether you had not wronged that author in your first quarrells at that booke ; and not to engage my selfe in discourse for ever with him that had so little pleasure in any thing of mine . 2 because by some such infirmities as these being represented to you , you might thinke it possible for you to mistake in greater matters . for truly , i thinke it farre more possible for a scholar ( that reads hastily , and is intent to note and number faults ) to impose causelessely upon his author , then to commit such slips , ( and not mend them at the review ) when hee writes as hastily . and truly if i did not beleeve that this which i have written were fit to perswade you that this were possible ; and did i not hope , that being calmely mentioned to you , it would perswade you , i would not venture it to your eyes ; and if i am mistaken in my beliefe or hope , doe but tell mee so , and i promise you to retract my errour , to aske you pardon in my next , and ( to repaire all the injury that can bee possibly consequent to the errour ) to throw thus much of the paper into the fire , and not to permit it to the eyes of any other judge or witnesse , when you have thus signified your pleasure to mee . i shall now proceed to your enclosed ; and for your first period , [ where you repeate onely , and say you have done ; ] i answer , that i have done also . in the repetition of the discourse of exact account , &c. there is a great mistake , viz. that , because when i was at highest i would have shewed as much civility towards any minister of christ , as i did toward you , therefore my present desiring an exact account of your speeches concerning the author of the catechisme was the exercising jurisdiction over you . i must needs tell you that in my opinion height and dignity in the church , is not a proper ground of lessening civility , but an obligation to encrease it to all ministers of christ , from that example of our saviour , who when he acknowledges the title of lord from the disciples to bee well bestowed on him , ioh. 13. 13. doth yet wash their feet , and give them an example of doing the like , ( v. 14. ) when they are at the highest also , and so matth. 20. 27. and in the parallel places , hee requires them to expresse their greatnesse in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and sets them his owne copie of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and you shall have my opinion ( and i should bee glad to be told of it , if my practise hath not been agreeable to it ) that ( as he that is not the more liberall and extensively charitable for having received the benefit of ecclesiasticall preferments , so ) hee that is not the more civill and truly humble for having received any dignity in the church , hath somewhat of the gentiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in him , and hath no countenance from christ , or apostolicall institution or practise , for that misbehaviour in his dignity . from hence sir , i will leave ( and not helpe ) you to conclude , that how civill soever i would have beene to any minister in any degree of greatnesse , or how civill soever any generall may bee , if hee please , to his souldiers , my being thus civill now , ( and no more ) is not exercising jurisdiction over you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the onely thing which i had then to demonstrate ; and so i have said enough ( and shall consent to the truth of your [ too much ] ) of that also . next for your grave smile , i shall not question it , or deny you those delights , so the ridentem dicere verum may go along with it , but sure the graver the smile was , the more it became you not to impose on mee the exercising jurisdiction over you then , or challenging you now , while i onely desired and begged , requested and re-inforced my request , ( that you would give mee an exact account of what you had publiquely said of that author ) on purpose that i might think no ill of you causelesly ; certainely sir , such a carriage as this , thus grounded and designed , will neither provoke a grave smile , nor passe either for act of jurisdiction or for challenge ; or if it must , no man shall ever bee admonished for having trespassed against a brother , and so be brought to repentance for it , matth. 18. 15. nor shall he that heares ( or hath matter of suspition ) that any injury hath beene done him by another , have meanes of knowing surely whether hee heares or suspects with cause , or no. as for your affirmation , that sure i am too angry when i say you have reproached and slandered mee , from whence you conceive , i endeavour to make you happy . sir , it is a heap of mistakes . for , 1 by the grace which i meekly acknowledge to have received from god , i have beene enabled ( and i conceive , in some measure made use of the ability , by the helpe of the same grace ) to heare that i have beene reproacht by you , and to tell you so , without being too angry , and therefore you are not sure . 2 i did not say you had reproacht and slandered mee ( your additions are alwaies to some advantage of your owne ; ) i onely said [ to this reproach of yours ] which i conceive was not said without cause ; for [ to say , that my desiring an exact account of you , and not of others , ( when i knew not of any other ) was to fall foule on you , ] cannot be lesse then a reproach ; nay , your addition was true , ( though then i did not say it , and now i transcribe it from your paper , without any passion , ) it was a slander also . 3 hee that is too angry , doth not at all ( by that act ) endeavour to make him happy with whom hee is too angry ; at least , not by the importance of that text , matth. 5. 11. unlesse the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bee added to it ; and that you doe not in this pretend i was guilty of : of which yet i confesse to have been as guilty in those words , as of the too much anger . 4 it ought to bee proved , that my calling your words a reproach was without a cause also ( which you doe not attempt to doe , ) or else from thence your conclusion had no right to he induced . in the next businesse , concerning my returne to the passage read out of the catechisme in your carfax-sermon , you are in great haste , passing through all the many pages which i had sent you to satisfie you about that matter , till you meet with a citation of the view of the directory : and then you thinke you have an occasion to leape into a new field , and presently tell mee of my fatherly smile upon that pretty babe ; ( i beseech you , bee more solemne , and impose not on mee either smiles or fondnesse to any creature of mine ; or however , doe not first faine smiles , and then build conclusions upon them ) and without more adoe you spend foure sections in asking mee questions , and setting mee taskes about that view of the directory , and severall passages in that author . i cannot thinke this is the way of replying ; it is certainely at the best , diverting to another matter . but sir , in your speedy passage to this other field you scattered something which i shall not despise so farre as not to take up after you ; and tell you , 1 that ( whatever you did ) you ought to have beleeved , from the very nature and importance of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the advantage which i made of it was very proper to bee made : and why you tell mee you never thought it , and neither answer my reason , nor give mee any to the contrary , i cannot imagine ; in your haste , that unimportant speech of yours might have beene omitted as well as any other . 2 for those speeches of mine ( whereon you judge my uncharitablenesse , and are pleased to expresse your sorrow for it , ) i must professe you have wholly mistaken them ; and i think that is done by you very unseasonably , at the very minute when you had said you desire not to mistake my meaning , and are so kinde as to bee sorry for mee . for let mee tell you , that such mistakings are least incident to them that are such lovers of truth , and so sorry to see others uncharitable . now for your mistakes , i conceive they will be cleare to any man that reads the words ; i am sure they are to mee , that know my sense : i said , that if i thought you sought for any thing but exceptions , i would adde as to a scholar and a friend , &c. this no way intimates my looking on you as no scholar , or no friend to mee , much lesse as on my unlearned enemy ( which againe you adde supra computum ; ) i beseech you , doe so no more , for there is difference betwixt no friend and an enemy , as betwixt positive hating and negative not-loving ) but rather that i did looke on you ( and meant to deale with you ) as both a scholar and a friend , if that onely third thing , my thought that you did not seeke for any thing but exceptions ] did not interpose and hinder mee . from this 't is cleare , that the utmost that could bee charged upon that speech , was my thought that you sought not for any thing but exceptions ; which if i had been guilty of , i doe not yet discerne it had beene uncharitable , because in all the passages betweene you and mee at this time , exceptions at that author , and at my words , have been the whole affaire discernible by mee , and so there was no ground to oblige my charity to thinke ( whatsoever possibility might bee , on which to hope ) any other of you . but i shall not need grant you that my former speech intimated this neither ; for my words , taken and joyned with what follows , doe not so much as intimate that i did positively thinke , &c. ( for beside that suppositio non ponit , and [ if ] is but a marke of a supposition ) my doing the contrary to that which would have regularly beene superstructed on that thought , ( as it is apparent i doe , by my freely adding my whole sense in the words immediately following ) makes that [ if ] to bee farre from an intimation by which you might conclude that i did thinke what is there mentioned . hee that proposes hypothetically [ if a man were any better then a stone , then hee would learne something ] and then assume not that hee learnes nothing , but contrariwise within few lines affirmes that hee doth learne very aptly , doth certainely not so much as intimate by that [ if ] that hee is no better then a stone , but rather clearely affirmes the contrary . bee pleased to apply it to the case in hand , and you will finde you were too hasty to conclude me uncharitable , as before you were too willing to conclude mee angry . in the next place ; whereas you adde , that i professe , not to cast up a ball of new contention , but onely am pleased to referre you to another booke , the view of the direct . this , i suppose , was a product of your haste also , for the former part of that speech was by mee delivered of one thing , viz. of that account given you ex abundanti of my sense of that whole matter about liturgy , among the apostles , which therefore was not in any reason to become matter of new contention , for then there would bee no end . but the second thing ( my reference to the view of the direct . ) came in afterwards , in my answer to your first question , and that too with a [ besides ] a note of an ex abundanti also , when i had before sufficiently answered your question , at least so answered as that you reply not to it . what you meant by making this change , and mixing of things so distant , you will ( i hope ) upon examination of your selfe remember . and i beseech you , for my sake to doe it , that there may hereafter bee some few lesse materiall passages in your discourse , which may bee pas't over by mee without occasion of confuting : for as yet you see there hath been nothing of any deep consideration , and yet nothing that deserved not some animadversion . sir , i come now to the new field you desire to lead mee to , the severall passages which you now newly mention in the view of the directory , and the taskes and questions that you offer mee on that new occasion , without any the least temptation offered by mee to bring you to it ( for they are not those places which i had referr'd you to , to which you make these exceptions , ) and which is most unreasonable , before you had either said one word in answer to what i had now produced on that matter , or confesse your selfe satisfied with it : i must leave you againe to passe sentence on your selfe for this behaviour ; and to consider , that you have no way encouraged mee to undertake all your commands , or defend at this time every part of every booke which you shall have leisure to except against . yet sir , i am resolved to faile you in nothing that you can vouchsafe to thinke reasonable for you to expect , on condition that for the future you will weigh your scruples better before you throw them into your papers . first you say , the author of that view layes downe this rule , pag. 2. nothing is necessary in the worship of god , but what god hath prescribed . ] and from thence demand how many severalls of the common-prayer-booke , that are purposely left out in the directory , are prescribed by god ? this will be very admirable to him that lookes on that 2 page of that view . for first , that which you say , that layes downe for a rule , is there produced onely as a ground of the adversary with whom the author of the view , there disputes , in these plaine words [ i shall suppose it granted by them with whom i now dispute , that nothing is necessary , &c. ] if i shall labour at any time to confute or answer you by an argumant or answer ad hominem , by urging somewhat against you , that you take for a principle , and mention it as a thing which i suppose granted by you , would you ever thinke fit to impose this principle of yours as a rule laid downe by mee ? if you will offer to doe this , or now conceale that you doe it , and make advantage of it , there is no disputing with you . but then secondly , you must take notice what 't was that the author of the view was there a proving , not any necessitie of retaining all or any of the severalls of our liturgie , but that there was no necessity of abolishing the booke , &c. that was the easie taske hee had to prove against them that affirmed to thinke it necessary to abolish it : and you must not set that inanimate booke new tasks ( as you doe mee ; ) or if you doe , you must not thus expect to be obeyed . now i have gone thus farre ; i do remember to have heard that you objected some such thing to the author of that view ( under the title of the same person who was the author of the catechisme ) in your carfax-sermon , and challenged him to prove that our liturgie was necessary . if the having said it there , and having conceal'd it when you were pleased to give mee an account of that sermon , caused or occasioned your inserting it in this place , then though it bee now a kinde of restitution to give it mee here , which then you were willing to keepe from mee , ( of which nature i have heard of more , which i shall anon mention to you , ) yet shall i not thanke you for it , because you doe it under another species ; but shall onely complaine , that both there and here you were either very unkind in not observing the maine argument of that whole first part of that booke , or else very unjust , if you did discerne it , and were willing to impose so distant a theme upon that author . to your second accusation , i must as briefly say , that that author abuses neither presbyterian nor independent ; onely mentions the severall influences which hee professes himselfe forced to beleeve that they had , the one sort into the premisses , the other into the conclusion ; and renders his reasons for it , because the conclusion is very distant from what the premises would necessarily inferre ( viz. a necessity of abolishing our book , when none of the three premises ascended neare so high ) and that which the presbyterians , as hee conceives , would not affirm , ( for sure all of that perswasion doe not , or have not alwayes thought it necessary to abolish set formes : ) and i now demand of you , whether in this thought hee did abuse them ; or if not , what else hee did say of them that can deserve that phrase from you . for the arguments proposed by either ] as farre as the booke with which hee undertooke to deale did propose or intimate them , you know hee hath answered them ; and till those answers are disproved , they may passe for good ones . for your challenge in the name of your reverend brethren of scotland , i know not what occasioned it , unlesse some citations out of mr. knox's liturgie : and if those were not rightly cited , the pages are noted in the margent , and will presently inable you to disprove them . to your third of mr. cottons arguments against set formes , the businesse of that view tempted not that author , nor doth our present matter of debate incline mee to thinke them necessary to bee taken in . it is not every mans worke to doe every thing at every time : yet perhaps it might bee answer sufficient to you , to tell you that it appeares not to mee by any thing that here you say , that you beleeve set formes unlawfull ; and till you professe you doe , you are perhaps as much obliged to answer mr. cottons arguments , as that author ; i am sure , as much as hee is obliged to shew how many things are prescribed by god , and rejected by you in the directory , when hee looks not on the liturgie which hee defends , as any of gods prescribing , but onely presses the no-necessity ( from thence or from other grounds ) of abolishing it , and after proceeds to some other particulars about it ; but no where to the divine prescription of it . if by the answering your brethren of scotland , you meane any arguments of theirs against set formes ( as you seem to doe by joyning them with mr. cotton ) i am perswaded by some part of that view ( viz. by the authors producing the practise of the scots for set formes ) that hee never dreamt they had appeared against them , at least so far as to thinke abolishing necessary ( which was his only point in hand , ) and then you must excuse him that he did not know first , and then not answer them . yet after all this , what occasion you had to accuse him of triumphing , or of doing it before victory , ( when you bring no objection against that victory , but onely his not-answering mr. cotton , &c. ( which were things to which his present task obliged him not , nor so much as intimated that it did ; ) and when you object not one word against his answers to that which hee did undertake ) i can no more guesse , then at the reason why that author might not ( for some things which hee had so particularly defended , and was never confuted by any ) refer you to mr. hooker , or why the state of the question is so varyed , as you say it is . for the fourth charge and question [ how it will be proved necessary , that any whole set forme of liturgie should bee rigorously imposed , &c. ] all that i shall need to say in vindication of that author is , that hee is never forced by the taske before him to prove any such thing ; if it bee not necessary to bee abolished , it is enough for his turne against his adversary . and then for your opinion of the matter or object of my passionate longing , or earnest contention ( who , i thanke god , am at this time neither passionate , nor longing , nor earnest , nor contentious for any thing but that you would permit mee to to bee quiet ) i shall not need bee much concern'd , because all that you bring to prove all this against mee , is , that if it bee not true , you are much mistaken : in which you cannot blame mee , if i grant the conclusion , because 't is easier farre then the other member , which you have left mee , [ viz. to prove clearely and undeniably ▪ ] which sure is not every mans taske , especially when you are the person i must approve these proofes to . onely i must desire you to remember , that to make it unlawfull to use this set forme , is much more then to relaxate or forbid a rigorous imposing ; and the former of these had been possible to have been done , without the latter . 5 for my not owning a necessity , that the liturgy formed in the apostles times should be continued in the church , i. e. ( as i there expresse ) that that very liturgy should bee continued without any alteration or additions , i am content to joyne with you ; but wish you had not mangled my words ; 1 by putting in alienation and exchange ( which is there applyed to lands , not to liturgy ; and onely used as a resemblance to shew that he that saith , [ the holy ghost enabled a ministery to forme a liturgy to continue ] doth not affirme that it was necessary to continue , any more then hee that leaves land to continue to his heires , obliges them from ever alienating , &c. which similitude will enforce à majore , what i conclude from it , the no-necessity of not adding or altering that liturgie ; but ( whatsoever it might doe ) is not there brought home to that of alienating , &c. because it is not by him that brought it , applyed so farre , ( as you will see in the place . ) 2 by saying , that i give the present church leave to judge of the liturgy composed in the time of the apostles , and to make ( as what alterations and additions , which onely i did say , so ) what alienation or exchange shall seeme fit to the present church . wherein you have inserted and imposed on me almost every word recited particularly [ the present church , &c. ] in stead of [ the church ] ( which signified quite another matter , viz. the church either of those apostolicall men , or those next following them , ) and the church againe not onely in order to adding or altering as they should thinke fit , but ( which differs much from it ) of abolishing , as the affaire now stands ; or , as you there say , alienating and exchanging : ( not to mention , that i no where have yet given that church leave indefinitely to judge of the liturgie , much lesse the present church to judge so farre as to alienate . ) certainely a man may affirme , that the church next after the apostles times may have leave to alter somewhat , ( as occasions might alter , ) and to adde somewhat ( as they thought fit ) to the constant formes used by the apostles , and so to settle somewhat in the church ( by that adding ) which might supply the place of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the apostles had above the succeeding church , and yet not give the present church of england , or any persons in it , which are not the present church in any notion of it , leave to cast out all set forms , particularly those which without any alteration , those first ages of the church had delivered downe to us from the apostles . so againe afterwards , you much vary the state , when you talke of men of ordinary gifts taking upon them to passe a peremptory sentence for alienation or exchange . who would thinke that [ the primitive churches thinking fit to adde or alter , ] should be so improved under your hands ? ( i beseech you once more never to alter one word in the period with which you are displeased ; for other men that are in any degree credulous , or not very wary , may bee deceived by your doing so ; though you see i am not altogether so ignorant of my owne sense , or of your wont , as to depend on you without examining . ) you see now how little right your conclusion of that fifth sect. had to bee induced upon any words of mine : and yet let mee tell you , that if it were granted you possible , that a minister may pray as in a congregation without the use of the liturgy formed in the apostles times , &c. nay , without the helpe of the late common-prayer-booke , yet will it not follow from thence , that it is well done to abolish ( with this liturgie ) all set forms , much lesse that it was necessary to abolish this . to your sixth you already discerne my answer , that neither i nor the author of the view are obliged to shew you any liturgie , and avouch that it is ( i suppose you meane ) that formed in the apostles times without any interpolation , &c. in your seventh you will not spend time about the miraculous gift of prayer , ( which if you had done , and observed the use that i there made of that doctrine to the present purpose , it would have stood you in some stead , at least kept you from being ignorant of my sense , and ( the consequent of it ) your asking of more questions , ) and i will not spend any more time about your severall questions then to tell you , that all that i now , or the author of the view contend for , doth not prove us concern'd in those new quaeres : for were it granted , that there were an ordinary gift of prayer , and that to be stirred up and exercised , that ministers should study to pray seasonably , ( which i suppose is not to pray ex tempore because you say study ) that he that hath not ordinary wisdome to pray as hee ought , is not called by christ to bee a minister of the gospel , ( and yet sure hee that hath that ordinary wisdome to pray as he ought upon premeditation , may pray as hee ought not , upon sudden effusion ; and the liturgie would a litle prevent that , and perhaps enable him to pray more to the edification of the people , then hee is able to doe , who yet is able in some degree to pray as hee ought ) and that it doth not follow that the liturgies under the name of st. james and st. marke should be rigorously imposed , nay , that it were true that there are some endewed with the spirit of prayer , ( as that is by you set , for somewhat more then the ordinary gift , and which it will bee heard for any man to demonstrate to others that hee is truly possest of ) were , i say , all this granted to you , yet sure from all this heape of data ( if they were concessa too ) it would not follow that it was necessary , or so much as tolerably well done , to abolish all set formes in the publique service of god , which was the prime thing by that view insisted on . to your eight [ about psalmes and use of the lords prayer , ] i was not to be accused for too slight a view of the direct . but you for not observing to what purpose i now mentioned these . it was to shew the use of set formes in the apostles times , and then 1 you must marke , that the using of some set psalmes by all the people as a part of prayer or thanksgiving , differs somewhat from reading them as any other piece of scripture ; and let me tell you by the way , that either the singing of them , or the manner of reading them alternatim , is a mark ( though not inseparable ) of that difference . 2 that the recommending the lords prayer is not so much as the apostles constant using it in their service , ( especially of the eucharist ) nor proportionable to our saviours [ when you pray , say , our father , ] and yet i suppose you will not doubt to observe with me , that there are many that acknowledge it recommended in the directory , that constantly abstaine from using it in their pulpits . 3 that i conceive my selfe to have demonstrated more then the use of psalms and the lords prayer ( if by demonstrating you meane proving by the authority of witnesses fide digni , ( which is the highest way of demonstration , that matters of fact are capable of . ) 4 that [ for your rule of holding forth such things as are of divine institution in every ordinance , and setting forth other things according to the rules of christian prudence agreeable to the generall rules of the word of god ; this is not the first time you have been told , that it is an excellent rule , and that it is farre from concluding any necessity of abolishing all set formes ; or even all or any part of our present liturgy . as for the cause i have of complaining of discord and confusion in your publique worship , i am not engaged by any thing i have said to give you any answer ; having not ventured on such a degree of boldnesse , to speake so grossely either against the generall use of the directory , or against any of your particular exercises of your gifts . lastly , i acknowledge i did tell you , that wee may pray as wee ought without the very liturgie formed in the apostles times , and so nothing hinders but that i may goe on also to the next particular ; which you will give mee leave to have called the then sadder part of my taske , because it was then the longest , not because it had any thing else beside the length , and other things of that nature , ( supposing still that you meane not any solid exception , or any strength of argument to be repell'd ) which might make it either taske , or sad to mee . in that i shall not finde any fault that the businesse of the trinity is at length dismiss't , but suppose that you have received satisfaction in that point . onely it had not been any great matter if you had vouchsafed to tell mee you were so satisfied . but i must not expect those acts of grace from you . i shall therefore follow as you lead mee . and 1 sir , concerning the sad story , ( as you please to call it ) i am much tempted to wonder ( but that i have for some time a little resolved to give over that innocent quality , and learne with numicius that prope rem unam , nil admirari ) that it should produce but one thing in you , and that should be gladnesse . for though the gladnesse , as you have fastned it , i shall not thinke a fault in you , but bee also glad with you , that i have disabused one offender , ( whose sinne no man but you , and his owne soule was guilty of ; ) yet that it should not be matter of some sorrow or regret to you , to have been the occasion of that offence in him , ( which is certainely to scandalize your weake brother and leave it still possible for many other , through that scandall to stumble and fall in like manner ; ) this must bee matter of wonder and admiration to mee , but withall of advertisement what i am to expect from you by way of return to any act of christian admonition , and for that you shall give me leave to be heartily sorry , though you will not . for you command , [ that i should venture your arguments to any reader , &c. ] i professe my self ready to obey you : and therefore shall now take boldnesse to tell you , that i doe expect from you , according to the purport of this speech of yours , that you will give your consent that this whole matter be referred to others judgement ; and to that end , that all that hath thus past between us be straight-way printed ; and i will then desire no further satisfaction for the injury which i conceive my selfe to have received from you . as for the witnesse you desire the matter shall depend on , viz. that book as it was printed at oxford , i shall be as ready as you to stand to it , and by that to have it tryed , whether the author of that catechisme in that first edition gave any christian man any degree of liberty ( more then you your self confesse is his due ) of swearing . this way of tryall i shall never refuse , but professe to you ( what before i told you ) that the advertising you of the addition in the last edition was perfectly ex abundanti , and that the author was justified sufficiently from the main part of that charge ( viz. giving youth liberty to sweare ) without it . and therefore by the way let mee tell you , that when that author had in the simplicity of his heart put in those words of the primary intention to prevent all mistake in the most ignorant , ( not questioning but that all ordinarily learned or intelligent would understand without it , ) for you to fasten peculiarly upon that one supernumerary answer of mine , and to make such shewes of triumph , and impute clancular dealing to that author , and a great deale more , ( on so no manner of grounds or probabilities , when all is laid together ) is that , which you ought to lay to your heart , though you will not the sad story . what you adde againe to the same purpose , after so full an answer , is like all the rest ; and as i must not thinke that strange neither , so i despaire that my repeating my former answers will provoke or invite any better dealing from you . in your next section beginning with , [ sir , your first answer , &c. ] you have , i conceive , one new mistake . for by your [ mark that ] twice repeated , i suppose you would have it marked that that cat. affirmes no more to be forbidden by the third commandement , then the non-performance of promissory oaths . if you meane thus , you are much mistaken . all that is toward that sense is onely this , that the second part of the words cited by christ , [ thou shalt pay unto the lord thy vowes , ] explaines the meaning of the third commandement to be against perjury or non-performance of promissory oaths . do you now please to marke , [ against perjury ] not denying but that the falsenesse of assertory oaths , which is also perjury , is there meant by the words of the third commandement ; but giving the non-performance of promissory oaths , a speciall right to the negative part of that commandement , as it is there lookt on by christ. and i beseech you consider , & passe your conjecture , what did , or could move that author to adde that distinct mention of promissory oaths in that place , but those words which there christ recites , [ thou shalt pay , &c. ] and do you tell me , if they doe not peculiarly ( nay , onely belong to promissory , ( for sure assertory oaths are not capable of being thus paid ) and if the author thus strictly desired to follow christs method , ought this to bee imputed to him ? certainly not , when hee never made question but that assertory oaths were meant also by the third commandement , and distinctly affirmed that perjury ( which sure containes that ) was there forbidden . the considering of this might rather have suggested to you this truth , that that author was carefull to make it his first taske , or part of his method , to weigh the literall importance of each part of the text , and gaine as much from each part , against the sinne , as hee was sure it would necessarily import , and then to build upon it , what by reduction , ( i. e. by any thing but the primary literall importance ) what by christs superadditions , i. e. by the words induced with a [ but i say unto you ] whether they note new precepts , or onely new light ) would bee as firmely superstructed . and your want of observing this method , this designe of that author , is the likelist thing , that in charity i can pitch on for the occasion of your mistake in any part of this matter ; though for your affirming that this catechism gave any christian liberty of swearing , i cannot be just if i speake so favourably . to this , which i conceived a new mistake in you , i must adde another old one in that section , viz. that you will still talk of my severall editions , ( and not mean that last where the additions are set ; ) when you have been so oft assured of this truth ( of which i can produce the confirmation of severall oaths ) that i never had the least knowledge of , or gave consent to any other but the first oxford printing of those few copies , and those last additions . for the second thing , which is so cleare to you , 't will bee acknowledged farre from being so , if i againe tell you that the meaning of those words of the second question , [ whether the third commandement is no more , &c. ] is most precisely this , whether the literall importance , ( or if you will , the literall meaning ) of the third commandement bee no more , &c. and that will well agree with the first question , what is the meaning of the old commandement , ( viz. as 't is delivered by christ in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the consequents out of other places , thou shalt performe , &c. ) that is againe the literall meaning , or the necessary importance of the words produced by christ , agreeable to which is the answer , that 't is set to expresse it to be , as literally it sounds , against perjury , &c. 3 't is not very reasonable for you to over-rule all others , by saying the question is not , when i have as much reason to know as you , ( being so well knowne to him that set the question ) and affirm it is , or ( because with you the intention of a phrase is a hard expression ) to conclude from thence , that it must bee explained by the intention of the law-giver , whereas i againe tell you that the literall notation of the phrase is the thing that was meant by it , and not the intention ( i meane , the totall full intention ) of the law-giver . 4 for the question of what is primary and secondary in gods intention , [ which you would not have disputed , ] that you ought to have spared also : for againe i say , 't is about the primary or secondary notation of the phrase . but you by drawing in ( before ) the intention of the law-giver , found it an easie change into the intention of god ; but neither of those is the thing here spoken of . 5 i conceive , christs rendring the third commandement by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is , as i was then confident , ( beside others ) a sufficient proofe that that is the primary intention of the phrase : and i have reason to continue in that opinion , because you have not dropped any word of answer to it , in all your tale of rejoynders . 6 for the doubtfull [ perhaps , ] if i had reason to blot it out , you need not challenge me for doing what was rationall : the truth is , i was not confident that every body was perswaded or could bee convinced , that all foolish , wanton using of gods name ( if without any kinde of swearing ) was forbidden in that commandement , which onely speakes of taking , or lifting up gods name , which with the hebrewes signifies swearing , and ( if wisemen may bee beleeved ) nothing else : and therefore i was ( according to my judgement ) more willing to put in [ perhaps , ] then to venture a quarrell with any body in that matter ; but afterwards , conceiving ( reduction ) would beare it , and willing to be as strict in this matter as i could possibly any way justifie ( god knowes , farre from any thought of being accused for giving liberty of swearing ) i put in ( idle ) in stead of the word ( perhaps : ) and so you have , you see , the fate of shrifting me . i am not permitted to keepe any thing from you ; and yet desire not to burthen you with a secret , or to deliver this my confession under the restraint of any seale to you . 7 i have given you grounds to discerne that 't is not so sure that foolish and wanton using of gods name is forbidden by that commandement ( in case that foolish using it bee without oaths ) as profane or blasphemous using it ; the former of which you were told , i conceived to belong to oaths , and those unlawfull oaths , ( and when not to such oaths , then to something else which was equivalent to them ) as [ to profane , ] signifies to use that commonly or unworthily , which is onely to bee used in holy matters , and such are oaths resolved to bee , and therefore called sacramenta ; and the using them in common talke , or to any but that sacred use , is to profane them ; and so you see , that was a causelesse exception also . for though some foolish and wanton using of gods name may be profaning it , i.e. profaning gods name , or using it lesse solemnly , yet is it not the profaning of a sacramentum or oath , which sure is greater then the former . 8 your conclusion , truly , is not true ; all that can bee justly concluded of mee from those alterations , is this , that i began to conceive that what i had said against assertory oaths , might bee made more cleare to all ; though 't were to mee , that knew my owne sense , said clearely enough before ; and i ought to be thanked for this care , ( especially by you , if to you it was not clear ) and not so oft to bee reproacht for it . and i will once more professe , that to my best remembrance i made no one alteration in that booke , but onely on designe to explaine , not to alter or retract any thing ; or to alter the words that they might more fully speak my sense . i wish there were any thing would content you , but speaking against my conscience ; i would not much care then , if you still call'd it recantation . 9 you still mistake [ foolish and wanton using of gods name ] for swearing : ( and i will bee so charitable to you , as to thinke this is it makes you so hard to bee satisfied in this matter . ) but i have oft told yon , gods name may bee used without swearing , and that ( not using , but ) taking or lifting up his name signifies that . and then why should the [ perhaps ] which is not affixt to swearing , but to something else , contribute any thing toward the swearers boldnesse ? i beseech you discerne what is so manifest and so oft repeated to you . the words there are , profane &c. is surely there forbidden ] and that , i have oft shewed you , containes every unholy , unlawfull oath under it . for your dislike of my instance of fornication in the seventh commandement , there is no remedy ; you will not like any thing that comes from mee ; and yet 't is sure enough , adultery cannot signifie fornication in the primary sense , or save by reduction ; and besides , if to the particular of fornication you had a propriety of dislike , the other instance of killing would serve the turne , and that you might possibly have either lik'd or confuted also . your 10 is but a recitation of what was oft said before , particularly in the first , and second , and ninth , and there you will find it answered . your 11 is no faire passage , for though the proving perjury to bee forbidden in the third commandement , bee the proving a thing that you never denyed , yet the inference of the argument there used being this , that to take gods name in vaine is no more in the prime sense , or propriety of speech , then to forswear , that you know was the onely thing denyed by you , and therefore the argument in any reason ought to have beene taken notice of . in the 12 i pray bee not too confident that other men are mistaken ; 't is in this more possible that you may bee . for when the incredulity of another man is the onely thing that calls for my oath from me in a matter which is not materia legitima juramenti , there the devill having to do in the incredulousnesse , the oath may be said to come from the devill also . 13 my honour will sufficiently bee provided for in this particular also , after all your scoffes ; for which soever the superaddition is , of new precept , or of new light , the super-addition i. e. the thing thus inferred by christ [ but i say unto you ] or christ superadding these words , sweare not at all ( either of which is a frequent ordinary meaning of the word superaddition ) is a command of christ without question . and therefore your simile of the tridentine canons must lye upon your hands : for this is not a place for you to put it off upon your reader , or your servant ( that takes all this paines and drudgery for you , for no other pay but of reproachfull simile's ) the author of the catechisme . but , o , that this so slight an occasion should , in the midst of another engagement , give you hint or excuse to breake out from hence into that other large field concerning that whole matter of christs adding to the law ! i wish you could have satisfied your selfe with 13 degrees of confutation ( which sure you would have done , if any one of them had beene solid , and if number had not been necessary to supply for weight ) and not have thought it necessary thus to expatiate . but , sir , i must not neglect you , or let you passe unattended in any your most casuall notions ; but clearly tell you to that whole matter , that i do produce the authorities of , and reasons out of the fathers ( and confesse my selfe so weake as to be inclined , if not convinced by them ) to confirme christ to have improved the law ; and shall not count this to be imitating a father in a dangerous expression , but a full current of fathers for many yeares , in a cleare pronouncing . and whensoever i shall understand that those testimonies , or those reasons may bee likely to perswade with you , i shall ( out of a very ill topicall memory , being farre distant from my bookes ) be ready to produce you some of them . but then thongh in the catechisme this be done , yet 't is as clearely there said that no man shall bee contended with in this matter ( a little practise of piety with peace , being valuable above a great deale of this kinde of disputing ) so hee acknowledge that christ brought more light , and clearely convinced men of the unlawfulnesse of some things , which by nature or moses men had not been convinced to be unlawfull . thus much for the doctrine once againe . as for the superstructure that the author meant to lay upon it , i shall satisfie your importunity , if it bee but to get you into ordinary charity with him . 't is plainely and briefly this ; a serious and hearty desire that the utmost that christs words in that sermon can safely and properly extend to , may bee now thought by men the duty of every christian ; and that it may not either bee put off ( as a counsell of perfection , or a precept for clergy-men onely , under the stile of disciples ) or bee brought downe againe to the old law of moses , or the fundamentall of nature , ( and being then either not conceived , or not found to bee so severely prescribed there , bee thought fit to bee removed from the christians shoulders ) or else bee taken with some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which by reconciling it with the latitude thought to be allowed under moses , may take it off from all strictnesse , and so from that height which i conceive now to bee required , and which i desired very earnestly that all men would looke on as their necessary duty , and so try by gods helpe ( and the force of the old pythagorean hemistichium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) whether they might not possibly bee able to performe it . this was the utmost of the superstructure by that author designed or thought on , and that made mee so wonder ( from knowledg of my owne sense , and conscience of my innocent intentions ) that any man should say , that this doctrine could destroy the summe and substance of the gospel ; and yet i confesse , i have heard of one other man that hath said that , and perhaps from him you may remember it , and not have ponder'd the truth of it . and so by my honest saying , which you call for , you see what spirit of jealousie possest you , when you fancied such an aereall superstructure for me , which i professe never to have dreamt of , and to wonder at the sharpnesse of your invention , that could bee so prompt for mee , i plainely confesse , that christ and his merits is the onely cause on which i depend , and expect to bee justified , without the righteousnesse of the law ; and the most obedient submission to his most elevated precepts can no more contribute toward justifying mee then the like obedience to the law of nature of moses would have done , if christ were not conceived to have heightned that law. when we have done the highest that christ requires of us , wee are but unprofitable servants ; and by our new obedience have been farre from doing more then was required of us , or making expiation thereby for that which we have not done . in your third section of that matter , i grant that which you would inferre from page 94. that the author there produces arguments to confirme that part of the opinion for new precepts , and therefore i shall spare reviewing your proofes that hee doth so : but in stead of it , tell you , that after hee hath confirmed it both by a remarkable scripture , and the reasons given for it by the fathers , ( which concludes their opinion also ) yet hee confesses to be content with the acknowledgement of more light ; and that hee will not contend with any that is contrary minded , so hee will bring the jewes up to us , and not us downe to the jewes . which that it is the expresse doctrine of that book , you have oft enough been admonished , and can never perswade any man to the contrary , that shall after the places cited by you , have patience to proceed to the rest of that matter . but now sir , you begin againe , and would seem to say somewhat against that doctrine ; as 1 that there was gospel under the law , and the spirit , &c. and divers iewes penitent beleevers , and therefore under the second covenant . sir , all this is granted most willingly , and yet christs comming in the flesh did bring more light , more plentifull effusions of the spirit , and so might possibly be allowed to give new precepts also . 2 for the promises , how plaine they were to the jews , needed not to bee disputed by him who speaks onely of precepts ( save onely as the height or plainnesse of the promises is , amongst other arguments , apt to make higher precepts more seasonable : ) and yet that the promises might be cleared by christ , and made more universally knowne , you will hardly deny or disprove also . for though they were so plaine that they saw them , yet 't was afarre off , in your owne citation of hebrewes 11 , and they that were present to christ , ( who was one of the promises ) might sure have a clearer sight of them . the same will bee answer to your third argument , for that concernes the promises againe : and in that respect 't is sufficient to adde , that the promises were they never so high before , were now sure clearer under christ ; and that is all that is affirmed by that author , and will suffice to inferre his concluded obligation to higher obedience . and so likewise the fourth will be answered , concerning the ceremonies , which i acknowledge to have had some good in them , in order to christ whom they prefigured ; but yet many of them had none in themselves , i am sure none when christ is come , and hath removed the obligation of them , and so may bee allowed to have added some new precepts in lieu of them : and i am as sure they have not so much of goodnesse or easinesse , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as now is in the very highest and strictest precepts that are given us under christ , and therefore there is nothing like unreasonable in the change . in your fifth , sure 't is not so strange that i should mention the pardoning of sinne now under christ ; for though that was to bee had for the penitent beleever under the time of the law of moses , yet was it 1. not by the power or purport of the law , but onely by christ ; and 2 't was not at all to bee had in the state of nature , or first covenant , which required unsinning obedience ; and to the law of nature that law of christ was said to super-add , as well as to the law of moses ; and therefore that particular in the 95 page , was not impertinent neither , or capable of your sad wonder . but how i am obliged to thinke your question [ whether there is any veniall sinne ? ] tolerably pertinent , or fit to expect any returne from mee at this time , i cannot guesse , yet shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and answer that also ; that though no sinne have any title to pardon under the first covenant , yet under or by the purport of the second , many sinnes not gotten out of infirmities , &c. shall be washed in christs blood , and so bee actually pardoned , ( which is more then veniall or pardonable in that sense ) whereas many other shall never bee capable of that washing , or that pardon , without particular forsaking , but bring them that lye under them ( impenitent unbeleevers ) into condemnation . this were abundantly enough , considering the call i have to the answering of that question at this time . yet to demonstrate to you that i am not over shy of answering you a question ( though it bee of some nicety ) when you think fit to ask it me , i will goe a little farther to serve you , and give you the state of this question ( if you please , by way of supposition at large ) in such a manner possibily that no party will find much to object to it . thus ; what is the meaning of this ordinary question , [ an aliquod peccatum sit suâ naturâ veniale ? ] will appeare by the answer that must bee given ( if it bee satisfactory ) to this argument , which i shall imagine produced against it ; [ no sinne is in its owne nature mortall ; ] for that sinne should bee the cause of damning any , or that punishement eternall should bee due to sinne , is but an accident that the law or covenant of god brought in , either to adam , quo die comeder is morte morieris , or after , behold i set before you life and death , &c. for sure had it not beene for that law of prohibition ( that covenant with that penalty , on breach of conditions ) sinne had never damned any one ; and therefore those irrationall creatures to whom no such law is made , and covenant given , though they should be supposed to sinne against the law of their creation , they shall not be punished eternally for that . now it is an old rule in logick , that accident advenit enti in actu existenti , and is not de naturâ subjecti , though sometimes so ingraffed into it , that it becomes inseparable from it , therefore this [ being mortall or damning ] being an accident that came in by gods covenant or law , cannot bee of the nature of sinne , what ever that sinne bee : for if it were so , then god who cannot make contradictions true , nor consequently take away the nature of the thing and preserve the thing , could not take away the damningnesse of sinne from sinne ( any more then quantity from a body ) manente peccato realiter , which yet wee know god can doe , and ordinarily doth , by pardoning of sinne : for however it may be said by way of answer to that part of the argument , that christ suffered and satisfied for sinne , or else god could not pardon any , ( not to dispute the truth of that , whether hee could or no ) it still remaines that the damningnesse of sin is then taken from sin , by what meanes it now matters not . this is the argument i meant to suppose made against that plaine granted truth ; and to this argument , hee that had proposed the maine question , and held it negative , if hee will ever answer , must say that the law and covenant of god ( whether that signifie the eternall law , or even the eternall will of god , who wills holinesse as hee is god , or in any other motion of law ) is a maine ingredient in the constituting of sin , the very formalis ratio , that makes that which is of its selfe materially an act , to become formaliter a sinfull act ; that makes the killing of a man , which is materially murder , to be also formally the sin of murther ; and therefore if by the law or covenant of god all sinne bee made mortall , then may it truly bee said in this other notion or respect , or for this reason , that all sinne is so of its owne nature . this answer must bee acknowledged to bee pertinent and satisfactory , and so any protestant will receive it : and in stead of excepting against it , i desire to strike in and close with both disputer and answerer , and inferre that then it seemes this is resolved on by that party that holds all sinnes in their owne nature mortall , that that is all one with this other proposition [ all sinnes which are by the law prohibited under paine of damnation , are by that law damning sinnes , and noneveniall ; ] this being so , i aske the opposite party , that disputed even now , what he thinks of this proposition [ all sinnes which by the law , or first covenant were prohibited under paine of damnation , are by the tenure of that law all damning sinnes , none veniall ] i am verily perswaded hee will consent to it too . and having done so , what hinders now but that this controversie may bee accommodated between disputers , being once rightly explained and understood ? for that under the law , or first covenant every the least sinne was sufficient to forbid a mans justification , and consequently to damne , is apparently the words of scripture , gal. 3. 9. cursed is every one that continues not in all . as for the gospel , or state of christianity , or second covenant , stricken with us in christ , wee know there is pardon for sinne by the very tenure of the covenant , and every sin is not now such , as that it shall either damne hereafter , or exclude every one that commits it from the present favour of god , but may bee competible with a justified estate , and a hope of heaven . gospel-obedience is not perfect , exact , without sinning at all , but onely faithfull , sincere , impartiall , without hypocrisie , or indulgence in any known sin ; not the righteousnesse of him that never sinned , but of him that beleeveth on christ , that repenteth and amendeth his life , that of the new creature , [ hee that confesseth and forsaketh shall have mercy ] and the like . this was so farre seene and acknowledged by some papists of the learneder sort , a gerson , b almain , and c io. ep. roffensis , that they have left their opinion in those words to which no moderate protestant will refuse to subscribe . the two former thus , peccatum mortale & veniale in esse tali non distinguuntur intrinsece , & essentialiter , sed solum per respectum ad divinam gratiam que peccatum istud imputat &c. the third , peccatum veniale solum ex dei misericordia veniale est . i have now need to adde no more but this , that if this do not prove acceptable to you , i have lost my labour , especially if it should be matter of any new contention , thus to have been willing to pacifie contenders . as for your sixth of the [ glimmerings ] and the [ perhaps ] it was a little unlucky , not onely because 't is said of christ in scripture , in terminis , that hee was the day-spring to give light to them which sit in darknesse , which is certainly as much as the [ glimmerings ] or the [ perhaps ] can be imagined to import , but also , because those glimmerings are mentioned by that author clearely in order to the commands in that place ( as appeares by the question that induced that answer ) and you talke of the discovering of christ to all the elect for their everlasting salvation , which seemes to mee still to respect the promises ; or if it doe also referre to the commands sufficiently discovered under the law , &c. yet that is nothing against our doctrine , which supposes the former light ( for precepts ) sufficient pro statu , and that men were then saved non obstante this want of greater light ; and onely require higher obediences now from those that are allowed higher light . to your seventh , which againe breakes asunder into three under-charges or examinations , there will bee little scruple to tell you , that though the things you mention were required of the jewes sub periculo animae , viz. beleefe , mortifying lusts , &c. ) yet some other things , viz. some of the things proposed by iob in his speeches to his friends , by david in his psalmes , especially by the wiseman in his proverbs , &c. might bee but glimmerings of the gospel-precepts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and being 1 not so strictly and manifestly required of all as the commands of the decalogue , &c. 2 not delivered by these as law-givers , but as wise men . and 3 being not by way of particular precept proposed to all , they might then not oblige them ( to whom they were not manifest , or not delivered sub praecepto ) under those hazards under which now the knowledge of our fathers will by christ involves us . besides , i suppose 't is no newes to you , that there were voluntary oblations among the jewes in moses his time , and many acts of strictnesse after , wherein they that obliged all men to performe them , were said to dogmatize : and though for so doing the pharisees ( that did impose them as necessary ) were condemned , yet the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or asidaei , that practised them , and yet not conceived them necessary , and so never so imposed them on others , were never condemned , but thought fit to be commended and rewarded : and though the jews were encouraged to the performance of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet is nothing of the doctrine of super-erogation inferr'd by this neither . but 't is now impertinent to enlarge on this subject ; when all other difficulties that now depend are satisfied . i may chance bee able to give you a justifiable account of that also . and so how farre soever the author of the cat. contended for new precepts , yet having exprest what he would bee content with in that matter by way of composition , rather then contend , and saying the very words that i have in that matter transcribed thence , i must bee no more said to recant this second time then that author did even at the first edition . who by that one willingnesse to live peaceably with you and all men , must it seems , be condemned to that reproach of having recanted ; and be triumpht over , onely because he would not quarrell with every man that is contentious . and to goe on with you , what if counsells give new light ? may not commands doe so too ? or must i bee reprehended because i am no papist ? i meane , because i conceive these in st. matthew to bee no counsells , but precepts ? i hope , that which i have said will sufficiently rescue mee from any more of your jealousies concerning my weighty superstructures . i have told you my whole heart ; you need not use any optick glasse of your own providing to see that which is so naked , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before you . for the second page of your sixth leafe , where you are pleased to mention the [ all that you desire ] it is too wanton for mee to returne any thing to it ; i have no leisure to bee playsome , or to consider how poore you are , or how the critiques have offended you , or what lower heaven they converse in . onely i hope , i shall not now at last bee condemned for an antinomian , ( because i onely think the whole law of the jewes doth not now oblige us ) much lesse to goe beyond them , to bee a hyper-antinomian , for no more then these two plaine assertions , that christ hath rid us from the sad yoke of ceremonies judaicall , and will now accept of sincere , though it bee not unsinning obedience . if this divinity will not please you in any measure , i shall never approve my selfe to you ; but yet hope that you doe not thinke in earnest that the antinomians errour is that christ added higher precepts , or by more light encreased the obligation to obedience above that which the law required . i suppose you meant that name onely as a mormo to fright mee ; not that now , because i am no socinian , i must bee an antinomian presently . after the setting downe the [ all that you desire ] and that closed as i conceived with a [ finally ] it seemes you have two desires more ( and one of them hath many more in it also : ) and when your desires doe so increase upon you , i can scarce hope to give you satisfaction ; and therefore shall desire to be excused , if i proceed not to them , because some parts of those desires i cannot imagine how i am obliged to answer at all , ( as to tell you what grace was brought into the world by the law of moses , when i make no doubt to acknowledge that grace came by christ , and ▪ as i remember 't was you ( not i ) that seem'd to say the contrary , in the top of the second page of your fifth leafe of this last returne , [ the spirit was administred , &c. during the time of legall administrations ] which yet i would not there quarrell with neither , but think them reconcilable by a commodious interpretation ) and other parts are utterly impertinent to any part of our point in hand ; as that , of all mankind's being under the second covenant , of christs satisfying for all , and so of pardon and revelation of the law of faith to all , ( which if it were the thing which brought in all the former , will be easily satisfied , by saying , that what was before so revealed sufficiently pro statu , was not yet so fully and clearly as now by the comming of christ ) and so that also of the aaronicall priesthood , wherein yet i perceive you conclude strangely against that author . for sure hee can very well think ( what he doth ) that christ can satisfie for sinnes , notwithstanding that the exercise of his aaronicall priesthood consists in his sacrifice . for though that sacrifice bee a ceremony of his consecration to his melchisedechian priesthood in one respect , yet as a sacrifice ( not in the shadow , but ) of the substance , as a sacrifice not of the bullock or goat , which indeed can make but a typicall satisfaction , but of the lambe and eternall sonne of god , this sacrifice may well expiate and satisfie , and so did indeed . and if you can get the socinians to affirme this also , i shall never quarrell with you , i should bee glad you could thus make them your converts . but sure smalciu's [ non est dissimulandum nos non negare christi mortem ad ejus sacrificium pertinere ] will not come home to it : for they can say this frequently , and yet not think that any satisfaction for sinne was made by any sacrifice of christ ; not that that sacrifice consisted in christs death , or was offered by his dying ; but expresse the meaning of those words sufficiently , that the death of christ did onely pertinere to that sacrifice which was not offered up in his death . which you see is not my sense but that the death it selfe was a sacrifice , and in it satisfaction made for sinne by the sacrificer . i was afraid a word would not bee enough to every wise man , and therefore i have beene forced to adde this also . as for your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of your conquests , you have liberty to use it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and triumph as much as you please . for though the [ perhaps foolish wanton using of gods name ] ( which is not alwaies in oaths ) would not restraine from foolish wanton swearing , ( and yet me thinks à majori it might ) yet sure the [ sure all prophane , &c. ] and the exposition of christs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may bee allowed to doe it ; and so all had beene safe , and to that matter altogether as cleare , if the [ perhaps ] had never been blotted out . 2 christs new precepts will do it , ( whether they signifie superaddition of more precept , or more light , which inferres encrease of obligation ) and if they would not , i should not by that bee obliged to rest satisfied without them . however , you see i doe not rest so satisfied , but onely tell you what you are to understand by them , and that just agreeably ( or in terminis the same ) to what had beene said before in that catechisme . 3 for [ christs not forbidding swearing it selfe ] you will give me leave to have been long since of that opinion with you , meaning by it , that swearing for gods glory or the publique good is not forbidden by christ : and therefore sure the meaning of the answer [ a totall universall prohibition of swearing it selfe ] was something else , viz. of swearing at all by the name of any other beside god , which formerly you might have beleeved , if you had pleased , but i am afraid sir , you are fallen upon some new notion of [ the sinne of dogmatizing . ] for to the notion that i alwayes have had of it ( viz. teaching for doctrines or necessary duties the traditions of men , or imposing things as doctrines of god , which are not such ) 't is impossible your words can belong . doe not you meane by the sinne of dogmatizing [ transire in dogmata vel sententias aliorum ? ] i suppose you do , by what follows , of my condescending too passively to take up both opinions . this may possibly bee a slip in you ; i shall not upbraid you with it . by what hath now twice or thrice been said , your new argument is superseded ; and i am for all my assent to the answer in the catechisme , verily perswaded that forswearing my selfe for the publque good were a farre greater sinne then swearing truly in order to that end . but that that author must still bee forced to have contradicted himselfe , is very hard , when the cleare account of his not having done so hath so oft been given , and cannot yet get a little audience from you . i would , you would bee but so well natured as to tell mee the meaning of your sic notus vlysses ? and what the designe is that you could so easily guesse at ; this plaine dealing would deserve farre more thankes ( but indeed not set mee out for so dangerous an undermining designer ) then your suspitious speakings , and then affected reservation . speake out the deepest of your heart ; 't will bee as seasonable , and as just , i suppose , and in all reason as well taken as your question about the weighty superstructure , or your collections in either sermon . for your stumbling at my 12 page about reduction , i am sorry , and shall labour to keepe you from falling downe right . by telling you , 1 that sinnes forbidden by the same authority , may yet more or lesse clearely bee forbidden by that authority , and under the second of those ( viz. those that are lesse clearely forbidden ) that of reduction may come . 2 that the lesse the clearenesse of forbidding is , the lesse deepe is the obligation to them to whom they are ( and 't is not their fault that they are ) lesse cleare : yet of things forbidden by reduction , some are much more clearely forbidden then others ; and so fornication , then some other sinnes forbidden by that commandement : and i suppose you , to whom it is as cleare that fornication is there forbidden as adultery , are as deeply obliged to abstaine from one as other ; but then still in other particulars , which are not by the light of the words , nor by any other meanes made thus equally cleare to some men , to them they are not equally or so deeply obliging . then for your [ moreover ] about christs forbidding swearing by any creature , ( which if you had vouchsafed to have taken notice of , you might have left out much that went before ) you will sufficiently bee answered : 1 that swearing by any creature will hardly be thought to be forbidden by the command against taking the name of the lord in vaine , ( because he that sweares by the creature doth not directly any such thing ) but might perhaps bee better reduced to the former commandements of not worshipping the creature . 2 i do not beleeve that any command under the law of nature , or of the jewes , will be produced so cleare , or bee acknowledged so convincing to those that lived before the law , or to the jews , against swearing by some creature , that ioseph which is brought in frequently in the story swearing by the life of pharaoh , without any marke of sin on that forme of speech , shall bee resolved to have sinned against conscience in it . and therefore it may at least be granted , that this was of that nature that it might be matter of christs [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and of the fathers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and therefore , 4 i must willingly acknowledge , what the author doth , that a christian may in no case sweare by the creature , and have told you that that was the meaning of that authors phrase of totall universall prohibition , answerable verbatim to christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you are next pleased to proceed to the strife about the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 1 to change pagnin or mercer for grotius , and tell me that he will assure mee that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proprie significat vanum . where hee so saith , you tell mee not , nor will i deny it , because i know not what in that place hee may meane by proprie : but yet i must tell you , that it was a litle unlucky , that i should examine but one author of your citing ; and that should prove so contrary . for i have lookt on that commandement in grotius his notes on ex. 20. 7. and there thus you may read , in vanum ] i. e. falso . non peierabis . idem n. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut in praecepto nono apparet , collato hoc exodi capite cum altero deuteronomii , ubi graeci ponunt utroque loco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is as plain a testimony as you could have suggested for my turne ; and i hope you will now pardon mee , if i abstaine from examining the rest of your citations , being so sure that the granting them all will not prove that christ said any thing which i may bee ashamed to say after him , when hee rendred the third commandement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and when i acknowledge vaine swearing by gods name forbidden by that commandement , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 't is sometimes rendred falsum ( as by the targum , ex. 21. 1. 't is paraphras'd by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mendacii , and by our english rendred false , and so in other places ) so it is oft rendred vaine also ; which is the utmost can bee proved by them . whereas indeed the word , even when it signifies vaine , hath a peculiar notation of vanity proper to this matter , viz. of a faire empty shew , when in words i seeme to oblige my selfe , but really doe not ; which fault is observable in some kinds of swearing , which are therfore clearely forbidden in that commandement . as for any scorne and indignation exprest by me about this matter in my last , though i wondred to see it objected , yet because my memory was fraile , i lookt over those papers ( which truly i keep for the like purposes , to decide such differences , that may be incident ) and there can i not find one word that looks that way , or that i can imagine could bear that accusation . for the sense of [ did in effect meane it ] i shall satisfie you ; it was that i did meane that which is in effect all one with that other phrase [ were forbidden . ] this you are so kinde to let passe , and with it some few sides more , which i may therefore suppose had no greater difficulties in them , but am farre from taking it ill that you let them passe , but shall assure you that you might as well have past by that also of : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which by saying you understand , and by forgiving mee , i suppose you thinke meant by mee against your selfe , to fasten some strange ill character upon you . this i suppose you did by occasion of the meaning of those two words , which are not onely titles of the devill , but have a significancy proper to them ; the one to expresse a calumniator , the other a plaintiffe or adversary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the former ( i confesse ) of these , you might with some reason thinke i might apply to you , and perswade your selfe that i can not but beleeve you to have been guilty of calumniating mee , i. e. accusing mee falsely . but truly sir , whatsoever i might thinke in that matter , i never meant to say any such thing to you , nor to manage a discourse ( designed to a better end ) with any passion or asperity , though it were in saying of truth onely . and therefore let mee assure you , i was farre from meaning or saying any such thing of you ; and was so little guilty in my owne conscience , that when i found it in your paper , i was a little troubled , till i had somewhat satisfied my selfe with confidering that you might possibly be mistaken , and then by looking on the place in my papers where i finde the passage most cleare from looking towards you . the truth is , i was a speaking of the hurt that might come by teaching that christ improv'd not the law , and told you that i could give you an experimentall account of it ( truly that referr'd to a particular person that was then in my minde , and is now in my memory , ready to bee named to you , if you please ) in one that by urging that doctrine , and so bringing downe christ to the perfect law of moses , became an advocate for a vile unchristian sinne . this i made no question was a stratagem of the devils , accusing to him that doctrine of christs superadditions for a false and dangerous doctrine , and to that end calumniating all authors for socinians , &c. that were for that doctrine , and by that meanes fitting him to the jnstifying of that his vile sinne , which otherwise hee had not probably beene guilty of . this is in more words the plaine of what i then said in those few words , not of rhetorique , but of plaine sense , and might ( if you would ) have been excused from the addition and length of this paraphrase . you lead mee on now to the reviewing of what was said on occasion of the third report . in that , i see , i have not yet the luck to please you neither , but have offended you more by my excuse then i had done by the first crime ; thus unskilfull am i in conversation with men of your temper . this is , it seemes , an errour in mee ; i am sure , an infelicity . well , i shall againe endeavour to satisfie you in the reasonablenesse of what i designed , in not disputing with them that thought not all inclinations to evill unconsented to , to bee sinnes ; but onely affirming that they were , and rather bringing them to godly sorrow upon their owne principles , then falling to disputation about it . the reason was , and still is , because i foresaw every godly man ( i meane , those of whose piety i have no reason to doubt , and that in other things are very orthodox , i am confident , truly humbled for their evill inclinations consented to ) was not of your opinion in this matter . 2 because it is a very nice point , which perhaps for wanting of cleare stating may bee misapprehended between men of distant perswasions . i will set you a briefe state of it , and leave it to your judgement , whether i speake reason or no. there is in a man a double faculty , to which this inclination may possibly bee applyed , either the sensitive appetite common to men with beasts , or the humane will. the sensitive faculty naturally inclines to the pleasurable object . viz. to that which is agreeable to the flesh ; that this inclination unconsented to by the man , uncherished , unliked , should bee a sinne , would bee hard to affirme , though you mean by it but originall sinne ; because originall sinne is a consequent of adams fall , and this was certainly in our first parents in the time and state of innocence before the fall : as when the apple was so faire to the eye , sweet to the taste , &c. 't is cleare , the eye and taste were then inclined to it ; and nothing but the command of god to the contrary could quell that inclination . suppose then , they had not eaten after this inclination of the carnall appetite to that forbidden fruit , had that inclination in that appetite onely been a sinne in them ? 't is very probable it had not ; the consent , or somewhat else , of the will being necessarily required to make them thus guilty , and i now speake abstracting from any thing of that . besides this , there is another inclination , viz. of the will , ( not a full consent of the will ( or a mixt ) to the carnall proposall , but ) a bending of the will rather that way then the other ; not a weighing downe of the ballance to that side , but an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as that word is contrary to an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a pendulousnesse betwixt the good and the evill , but rather bending toward the evill . this is it that i conceived to bee an aversion from god ; not fully , but so farre as that it did rather bend to the carnall object ; and this was it that i called a sinne : though being but the inclination of our corrupt nature , and not confented to , i could not call it an actuall sinne . now the word pronenesse , or inclination to evill , being thus an equivocall phrase , i thought not fit to bee severe or importunate upon them who perhaps did not know how to distinguish it , nor againe to trouble a catechisme with too much nice discourse ; but more grossely to bind the scholar to humble himselfe for all sinnes , distinctly for his evil inclinations , ( to that purpose affirming plainely that they were sinnes ) or if hee would bee apt to dispute , which might hinder his being humbled , ) i meane ▪ dispute upon such a nicety as was mentioned ) yet still to call for the conclusion , humiliation , upon his owne principles , if hee would not allow it upon mine . this i conceive , will cleare that author from any crime in his doubtfull expressions , or connivence . for 1 the words are cleare , that inclinations to evill are sinnes ; and ( if hee will bee taught ) that will instruct him in true principles ; if he will not , yet will not the [ if ] following bee a meanes to harden him in impenitence . nor indeed can i consent to you , that no man can conceive true godly sorrow for his actuall sinnes , who doth deny the fountain of all his sins to bee a sin , if you meane by that fountaine , the naturall inclination : for i make no question but hee that sees , and fully discernes all his actuall sins , and looks upon them all as progenies of his will , and so his [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that sees nothing of nature , or necessity , or fault of others in it , but all his owne villany , may have as true godly sorrow for his actuall sinnes , as he would have if hee were sensible of that other also . i say not , that hee would have as much true godly sorrow absolutely , or for all sins ; ( for supposing , as now i doe , that hee hath not sorrow for those inclinations as for sinnes ▪ you must not conceive that i say hee hath it save onely as for infelicities ) but i or hee may have as true godly sorrow for actuall sinnes , as the other would bee likely to have for actuall sinnes . to which purpose i shall farther venture this one example and proofe to you ; our first parents certainly might conceive true godly sorrow for their first sinne , which was in them actuall , yet must needs deny the fountaine of that , and ( consequent to that ) of all their sinnes ( their owne free-will ) to have been a sinne or sinfull , unlesse they will accuse their creator , which will bee no proper companion or effect of godly sorrow , and i suppose will not by you bee expected from them . and so i had more reason for my expressions then perhaps you thought of . and so much for your two first objections in that point . 3 for your [ idem per idem ] which you impute to mee , you are much mistaken . for , supposing some inclinations to evill to bee not cherished , the thing that i concluded is , 1 that in that case 't is victory , not sinne ; and 2 that in that case , i hope you will not say , it is a sinne cherisht or consented to : which , if you marke , was passing an opinion how you must be faine to conclude ( and that , a thing quite contrary to your former concluding ) and not making any such conclusion for my selfe . you were at great leasure when you observed that illogicall probation . 4 for that [ which it seemes , i supposed and proved not ] i must now give you an account . and it was , that i seemed to imply that there must needs be some consent given to actuall sinne , i confesse i then proved it not , but promised to give you an account of it when i had your grounds of scruples , you have now mentioned them to me , 1 that originall sinne is truely and properly a sinne in them that are not of age to consent to it . 2 that corruption is so strong in us that it doth many times breake forth without our consent . to the first i shall but need remember you , that 't was every actuall sin to which i implyed that consent necessary , and i hope you are not ready to prove that originall sinne in children ( as you call it ) is truly and properly actuall sinne ; and for the second [ the breaking forth of corruption in adultis ] that doth ( if againe it be an actuall sinne ) certainly suppose some kinde of consent obtained , whether by sodaine surreption , passion , &c. or by something sometimes that is worse then one act of consent , viz. by the custome of sinne , and glibnesse toward it , contracted by many precedaneous acts of consent to it , or the like . besides , there are two kinds of sinne , omissions as well as commissions , and there is a criminous consent required to either of them ; and hee that is bound to use all diligence to subdue his corruptions , at least to represse them , if hee doe not so , this indiligence of his hath some of his consent : and that is a prime ingredient in the breaking forth of corruptions ; which consequently doe not breake forth without all consent . and for mee now to undertake the proofe of that , that the schoolmen upon thomas have so fully proved , that every thing is so farre sinfull or criminous ( meaning still actuall sinne ) as it is voluntary , the yeelding of the will to the sensitive appetite being necessary to the conception of lust , and that againe to the bringing forth sinne , i shall venture the worst of your censure , that i doe not now proceed to demonstrate more largely . for indeed actuall sinne being a transgression of the law , will hardly belong to that faculty , or appetite , which is not capable of receiving the law : and such is that appetite that hath nothing of the consent of the will in it . for the complement you charge mee with in the fifth , you had answer in mine to your first and second of this subject . [ for my mentioning of socinians ] i confesse i have been guilty of it in these papers , and i think you know who was the cause of it ; and therefore what want of wisdome , or degree of folly soever that is , you should not bee the author of it in mee , and the punisher also . as for any parallel doctrines you can finde between mee and them , any farther then is agreeable to sound doctrine , and analogy of faith , i am not so humble , or so guilty , as to deprecate your threats . as for parallels betweene our expression , 't is possible you may doe somewhat ; and so perhaps with some study i could doe the like between the scripture and the talmud : and to this i would not provoke you ( though , i professe i know not yet of any one such ) because it seemes in your opinion [ calling the trinity a speculative mystery ] was one of that kinde , ( and i doubt not but at the same rate there are many more to bee met with ) and then the provoking you , might let open another sluce or treasure of your animadversions , wherein the sins of your brethren are laid up , and among them one bundle of these parallels ; and i tell you truly , i shall take little joy in spending so many sheets more in proving those ( whatsoever you shall produce under that title ) to bee unfit parallels . yet by the law it is not so well , that you will doe any thing upon a provocation , which you would not doe otherwise : but i confesse this sets no such character upon you , that i should bee willing to provoke you . in your seventh i confesse to beleeve , that you meant not the common-prayer-booke by the designed liturgy , ( and cannot imagine why you should thinke i did beleeve you meant it . ) and therefore i conceive i inferr'd regularly , that i had nothing to do with that designe , because i desired the continuing of the common-prayer-booke , and particularly those parts of it which were most incompatible with that designe ; such were the doxologies , creeds , letany , &c. which no arian or socinian would joyne in . and i wonder you should thus mistake so plaine an arguing . in the eight , where you take care that i magnifie not the view of the directory ; you might have spared your paines , for i can cite a booke for a matter of fact ( and that is all that i doe in that place , by referring you to those places in it , my consent to which testifies my dislike of the designe you speake of ) without any kinde of magnifying it . but for the matter so fit for my humiliation , which you observe in that author , [ the using the suffrage of the iewes , heathens , and mahometans ] that sure will not much tend to your purpose , not onely because those very particulars you pitch on are transcribed ( and so profest to bee ) out of a booke of a learned member of the house of commons and your assembly , viz. mr. io. selden , but also for these two considerable reasons more ; first , because the suffrage of the jewes ( from whence the other two are affirmed to have proceeded ) doth carry some divine characters upon it , that whole church and state having peculiar relation to the theocraty , and so gods judgement of the lawfulnesse implyed in their practice . and secondly , because the liturgy of the jewes was by the apostles and christ himselfe made use of , and out of it with some increases and alterations the christian liturgies fram'd in the first age of the church . if i thought it might bee acceptable to you , i would serve you here also , and give you some observations to this purpose ( very perfectly and easily reconcileable with what hath been formerly said , but yet ) which are not in the view of the directory , nor yet mentioned in the haste of my former papers . 't is the observation of a noble and a learned french protestant , that the apostles were sent , not to destroy but establish that pure worship or service of god which was in the synagogues of the jewes , which they therefore retained ( after christs example ) as farre as did not contradict the oeconomy or dispensation of things under christ : and therefore though they changed the sacrifices , and the sabbath , ( christ being the substance adumbrated by one , and the lords day being appointed to take the place of the other ) yet the service it selfe in other particulars they did continue . the grounds of this observation you have in the scripture : christ himselfe goes into their synagogues , and the apostles ordinarily at the houres of prayers , and certainely joyned with them in their service , as farre as agreed with their present state . and by this meanes some sympathy hath been observable between the jewish and christian services . this is cleare by the jewish formes ; for some of which , and for the rites of using them , wee are beholding to a most excellent man ( a protestant also ) p. fagius , and to some others since , who have made use of his collections . the first part of their service was a confession of the sinnes of their people , ( which was alwayes solemnly used in their sacrifices ) a rule for which wee have in the sacred writers , and in the jewish bookes the very verba concepta , the set constant formes mentioned by that worthy on the targum , lev. 16. this they called confessio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or verbalis ; after that followed some psalmes of david , &c. which were sung the whole psalmes together , as also some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hymnes or giving of thankes , which , say the jewes , were instituted by esdras , who after the babylonish captivity restored the service of god. after that they had their lessons out of the law , which were divided into 54 sedarim , or parascoth , i.e. sections , as also the lessons of the prophets distributed into as many haphtaroth , or aperturae , or , as some render it , dimissions , so divided that there may be one for every sabbath in an intercalary yeare . then again was the whole action concluded with prayer , viz. a generall prayer for the necessities of the church and state , publike and private , and in that many particulars . after these prayers the archisynagogus blessed the people , and dismiss'd them . save onely that on any great festivall solemnity , the passeover , &c. there followed benedictions particular to the occasion , which on the passeover were pronounced by the mouth of the master of the family ; a forme of which , miserere domine , &c. we have in p. fagius on the targ. deut. 8. some vestigia of this practise of theirs , in each part , wee have in the new testament ; of their confession ( saith that noble learned man ) mat. 3. 6. mar. 1. 5. acts 13. 38. of their lessons acts 15. 21. acts 13. 14. luke 4. 18. of their psalmodies and hymnes , ephes. 5. col. 3. where 't is observable that the three words of greeke used by the apostle are the very same which are used by the septuagint to render the three hebrew words used in the old testament , and so referre particularly to the practise of the jewes . of their prayer for necessities ( saith hee ) in the lords prayer mat. 6. which , with him , some other very learned men conceive to have had speciall reference to the formulae solennes then among the jewes ; of their prayer for the common-wealth , and all that were in place of power over them , 1 tim. 2. 1. which words there in st. paul ( 't was st. augustines affirmation ) were nominatim intelligenda de solennibus ecclesiastici officii precibus , &c. 4 for the practise of the first * christians , how agreeable 't was to this practice of the jewes , will be easily discerned . st. basil in the description of a clergy-man officiating , ad cler. caesar. ep. 63. they goe , saith hee , to the house of prayer , and after the confession , they prepare for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , singing of psalmes , ( speaking of the first apostolicall times ; for now , saith he , we sing the psalmes in parts , or by turnes : it seemes they had not done so before , but all together ) and by the intermixing of prayers , and interchange or variety of psalmes , and hymnes , they overcome or spend a great part of the night speaking of the antelucani conventus ) and assoone as the day breaks , they offer to god the psalm of confession , and so dismisse the assembly . besides the lessons out of the old testament , the christians ( you will beleeve ) added also others out of the new ; and ( saith morney ) ejus particulam aliquam antistes interpretari solitus . after sermon they proceeded to the celebration of the eucharist ( parallel to their customes on the great festivities of the passeover , &c. ) in it , i the words of the institution were recited , with a thanksgiving or blessing , ( as in iustine martyr 't is described ) then the bread and wine ( before received by the offertory of the people ) was distributed to the people ; after which a psalm was sung , &c. before the sacrament , saith st. ambrose , was the prayer for kings , et haec regula ecclesiastica tradita à magistro gentilium , saith hee , de sacra . l. 4. c. 4. and of the use of that also tertul. is expresse , apol. c. 39. after the lords supper the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or doxology was taken up in imitation of christ , who after supper sung an hymn with his disciples , not disdaining to make use of the ancient jewish custome . one testimony more i shall onely adde out of st. cyprian de orat. dom. ser. 8. publica nobis est & communis oratio , &c. [ publike common prayer ] pro toto populo oramus , for all the people , ( as among the jewes for all israel ▪ & we for the whole church , especially for kings . ) and that men may minde nothing but that their present imployment , ideo sacerdos praefatione parat fratrum mentes , dicendo , sursum corda , ut dum respondet plebs , habemus ad dominum , moneatur nil se nisi dominum cogitare debere . i shall trouble you no longer then to desire that the liturgy lately used in this church may be compared with the severalls here mentioned , from the jewes first ; and after , the apostolicall christians : and as you will finde the generall forme exactly continued in confession , psalmes , lessons , hymnes , prayers for all the church , especially for kings , &c. ( and no reason to doubt but that sometimes the very words were continued also ; assuredly set forms then , as now , as appeares by the sursum corda , and habemus ad dominum ; lift up your hearts , wee lift them up unto the lord ) so it was not without reason that the author of the view thought fit to draw one argument of many from the practice of the iewes ; to which the other two of the mahometans and heathens come in ex naturali sequelâ , but as rivulets and derivations from that fountaine . but then besides these suffrages , you know there are in that view many other arguments produced which may chance to bee more concluding to you . and though a mans arguments ( as our own prayers ) may serve the turne , yet the suffrages of others will do no hurt also . if the point in question , which you say you have shewed mee , be that which in this paper you formerly mentioned , you may in my answer to that satisfie your selfe that you were not very lucky in shewing . before i part with this section , let mee beseech you to tell me , whether 't were onely a fault in your memory ; that when you were pleased to tell me what you said at carfax against the author of the catechisme , you did not please to name this particular of the mahometans , &c. especially when i am told that you cited it as a worke of that authors who made the catechisme , and spake pretty tragically about that subject . 9 for your contempt of my mention of doxologies and creeds , it is not so very seasonable , because being mentioned onely in order to prove that i was none of the designers of the new complying liturgy , you cannot but say that they were pertinent to that purpose . and for your proofe , that doxologies and creeds may be left out , because the directory takes in the whole scripture for a liturgy , and there are doxologies and creeds enough in the holy scripture ] it is a kind of arguing that i confesse i understand not ; for sure for all that , ( or granting the scripture to containe , as you say truly , all necessaries to salvation ) it will still remain true , that serving of god and worshipping him by praises , confessions , and professions of our faith , may bee allowed to bee duties of such a value , that if they doe not deserve to bee brought in , yet 't is not necessary they should utterly bee cast out from the service of god. for your confession of faith which you say shall be published by your assemblers , if that bee to bee used in the service of god , then must there bee some new direction for it put into the directory , and then perhaps the creeds of the ancient church might have continued there as well . if it bee only for other uses , you know it belongs not to the point in hand . and which way soever , you know it concludes not against any thing that i was about to inferre from creeds , &c. 10 for the question you there put , you do it i suppose but sportingly . for if you will needs have a question the only one that can be pertinent to the matter there in hand ( or which will be betwixt things of any like nature ) is that which is there set , betwixt the using the common-prayer-book in each part of it and the putting it wholly ( or in those so many mentioned parts of it ) out of the church : and then sure the so many obstacles to socinian errours being retained in one , and turn'd out in the other , the vote will be quickly resolved on . as for your desired parallel , the cat. or the directory , i suppose you doe not expect i should speake to that , yet that which countenances no one socinian errour , and i thinke either profestly , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 discountenances every socinian errour , will be able to compare ( in that matter of countenancing them ) with any other wirter in the world . for though it were granted , that it doth not so much discountenance them as other books that are written particularly against them , yet not countenancing them at all , it doth as much not countenance them , as any other thing can bee imagined to doe . but now 't is a little wearisome to mee to see this 10 sect. againe breaking asunder into questions , which you might so very well have spared . for sure sir , 1 i no where had said in these papers , that the direct . had commanded all to sit at the sacrament ; i had onely spoken of the protestants in poland forbidding sitting , because it complyed with the arians . 2 i had also no need to say , that all familiarity inferr'd an equality ; 't is enough to me , that humility and distance , kneeling , &c. is more like to bee an argument of inequality , and an expression of it . 3 [ that socinians thinke themselves equall with christ , &c. ] i have no need to affirm , having onely urged a matter of fact , which stands good without it , because that familiarity in sitting at the sacrament will bee more agreeable to their notion of christ as a meere creature , then kneeling will be ; and that is all was to be proved from it , and not that the socinians equall themselves with christ. as for my saying , that christ did not blesse us till after his resurrection , ( which perhaps you repeate out of the way , to set some ill marke upon it ) 1 i pray remember that they are the plain words of scripture , having raised his son iesus , he sent him to blesse us , &c. and i hope 't will bee no huge fault to say what socinus doth , when if hee doe say it , hee saith the same with scripture . 2 that you may mistake the meaning of that phrase ; and thinke , as some doe , that for christ then to begin to blesse , is for him then to begin to have divine power : but sure you know that is not my meaning ; but that christ may bee considered in respect of his natures , or of his offices , i.e. in respect of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the fathers use it ; and that 't is onely in that latter respect that all power is then said to bee given unto him , and so this of blessing , and at last to bee resigned up to the father : which will not at all hinder the renouncing of all socinian or arian heresies in the businesse of christs eternall divinity , or of the trinity . by this you see what an ill parallel you had fetcht out of smalcius , and i must supppose most of your others are such . for your argument offered me for the liturgy , i am not merry enough to receive , or reward you for it , ( and you know , my businesse in hand is not to assert the liturgy ; that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but the demonstrating that i was none of the men for the new designed liturgy ) onely let mee tell you , that the easinesse and pleasantnesse of the liturgy was not thought to consist in the easinesse of the task for the minister , ( for i do not perceive that the directory-way , as 't is exercised , hath any whit lesse of that ease in it ) but in respect of the auditors , who can goe on in their duty with more ease and pleasure : and sure duty is not naturally so acceptable to all men that there is any necessity of making it more tedious , toylsome , ( especially if it bee added , as you say it is ) and lesse profitable , then was necessary . and therefore you may perceive for all your scoffes , that orators arguments ( if the author of that view were guilty of that faculty ) even those that you pick out for the very worst , may have somewhat beside rhetorique in them . i am sure this which you mention , is more proper and effectuall to inferre the conclusion , then the fetching that argument out of that book , to expose and shew it openly , was to the question in hand , whether i was in the designe for the new complying liturgy . but i have learnt to passe by all such sacrasmes and impertinences , i hope , with some tolerable patience . now then you say you hasten to my discourse of godly sorrow , i beseech god to give each of us our part of it . in that , you begin with a challenge to mee , to prove that which you know was proved already , if explaining a thing , and laying it before you in such a manner that you doe not ( i conceive , cannot ) deny any part of it , may bee called the proving of it . your second is but a repetition of what was said by mee ; yet hath some art in it , depriving it of the proofe that was brought for it , that it might looke the more naked , and despicable . your third was discreetly order'd to scoffe at what was said , for a dictate and admirable , ( which was neither , but a plaine evident truth , that the impurity of our humane condition , may bee matter of godly sorrow to any , though not meerely quà an infelicity ) and you aske againe whether it bee godly sorrow to grieve for an infelicity ? i say againe , such the infelicity may bee ( particularly that now spoken of ) that it may bee matter of godly sorrow , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( and be otherwise described in a gracious stile of loving the appearance of christ , which may rid us of our impurities ) and yet not bee this quà sic , meerely as an infelicity ; which was all that was needfull there to bee inferr'd . in your fourth you mention your opinion , that all pollution of the soule of man hath been by sinne onely . but sure sir , this doth not prove every pollution to bee a sinne ; but , as your words import , an effect or consequent of sin . next , you pronounce that i am much mistaken : and your proof of it is petitio principii , a begging , i.e. not proving , yet assuming the thing before in question ( and prov'd on the other side by mee , both before and now in the last sect. ) viz. that no man grieves for a sinne after a godly manner , but hee that grieves for it as a sinne against god. when you know , that by that one instance of the impurity of our nature mourned for by him that tooke it not for a sinne , but onely a thing that rendred him 1 imperfect ; then 2 prone to sinne ; and 3 lesse amiable in gods sight , &c. ( with an addition of wishing and praying to bee dissolved , and bee with christ as farre better ) the contrary was undeniably inferr'd ; and no answer offered by you to these premisses . for the undeniable grounds of repentance , i suppose they are laid in that cat. both by requiring it for all sinne , and by naming inclinations to evill in the front of sinnes , without [ ifs or [ ands ] or any dubious expressions . but yet after all your severity in giving your advice for the designing of a catechisme , i conceive your inference , in the name of the acute wretch , was farre from any acutenesse : for sure whatever were resolved about inclinations being no sinnes when unconsented to , 't would never follow for your client , ergo , the like acts , to which he is naturally inclined , are not evill . for sure sir , the acts may bee allow'd sinnes ( and not bee excused by our being naturally inclined to them ) whatever were conceived of the inclinations . the conclusion from your premisses could onely bee this , ergo this and that act , being naturall also , are not evill . and if you wretch should conclude so , you would soone bee able to inform him that his acts are not naturall , and therefore may be allow'd to be evil though he be naturally inclined to them , because it is very evil not to resist and deny those inclinations . you then goe off in triumph with a [ you know what i could adde . ] truly sir , i professe i doe not : and yet whatever 't is , if it bee like this you have allow'd mee , i should consider it perhaps in obedience to you , but never be much wrought on by it . yet shall i excuse this for the good news it brings with it , being a transition to the fourth report , another stage toward the end of my very wearisome journey . in that , you have begun with many little particulars which want of truth ; particularly , that i make a second acknowledgement that i was mis-informed , when i onely professe that by your discourse i cannot discerne whether i was in this mis-informed or no. it seemes you are willing to receive acknowledgements of mistakes : you would otherwise thinke it more pertinent to tell mee whether in either assembly you insisted on that particular or no. for an answer to your quaere's , you sure perceive ( though you complaine for want of it ) that i gave you that whole sense of my soul in that point , not onely by that meanes to bee sure to tell you my opinion of your then present quaere's , but also of all others of that subject that 't were possible for you to ask . and by this time i conceive you do discern that i am neither very forward to make quaere's to divert , &c. nor to deny answer to them , when they are made . about the first proposition you mention , though you stand not to ask [ why acceptation is put for pardon ? ] 't were no great matter if i said 't were de industriâ , on this head , because god first accepts the penitent person in christ , and then after ( in order of nature , though not of time ) hee pardons his sinnes : though indeed 't is true againe , that the sinnes are pardoned in order of nature before the acceptation of the actions ; i meane , of all the actions of the subsequent life . but then there is a double acceptation , of the person first , and then of the actions ; of abel first ( as the fathers observe ) and then of his offerings . which yet i hope , will not passe with you for the double justification ; but this ex abundanti also . but to your maine question ( for i must now wholly deale in the old trade of answering questions : which i have been told is the farre easiest way for him that wants other provision , and yet would faine not make an end of disputing ) why i speake of remission and acceptation , and leave out imputation ? sure 't is , partly because acceptation of the person , and so pardon also , includes imputation of christs righteousnesse , as the formall cause of our justification ; god accepting of christs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or payment ( which is imputation of his sufferings by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for us ) and then accepting our persons , and pardoning our sinnes ; partly , because one kinde of imputation is after our pardon of sinne in order of nature , a distinct thing from it , and so needed not to bee there spoken of , as belonging rather to our sanctification , for the completing or filling up the imperfections of that ; i meane now the imputation of christs perfect obedience to that penitent beleever whose sinnes are pardoned by the sufferings of christ : for to such a one christs perfect obeying the law may so farre bee imputed as to give a glosse or tincture to his still imperfect obediences , so farre as that they shall bee accepted by god ; which imputation therefore may bee antecedent to , and have to doe with that acceptation of actions , but yet in order of nature bee after the acceptation of persons , and forgivenesse of sinnes . but the truth is , i then meant to give you plaine grosser propositions to prevent mistakes and disputes , and not to descend to such nicer distinctions as these . but truly you were very wary , when you laid such an observation on the [ this ] in the second proposition , which sure was an innocent particle of reference looking back to the antecedent [ justification ] in the former proposition , and meaning it in the very same latitude that thereit had been used , for the entire , not partiall ( or first , or one part of ) justification . to let this passe , when you had taken notice of it , was not an act of charity , but justice in you , yet that whirh would have beene very welcome to mee many times . for just from as true or solid ground as this , have many of your other exceptions sprang up , and have not so candidly beene laid downe by you . to your next questions , which you professe to aske , that mistakes may bee prevented , upon that account , i professe to answer most cheerefully ; for i see how wearisome a thing it is to have been mistaken . to your first quaere [ why the grace of god in justifying , &c. doth not extend to every man for whom christ hath satisfied ? ] i answer clearely , because christs satisfaction is not absolutely for all , or that they may bee pardoned whatever they doe , how infidell or impenitent soever they continue ; but conditionally for all , and thereupon that grace of justification extends to none but those who performe the condition . for your second 't is very nice ( and might sure have beene spared in this businesse ) that because god hath been affirmed by me to require regeneration as a condition to justification , therefore i must tell you what condition god requires unregenerate persons to performe , that they may attaine unto regeneration . to question thus were infinite , and to this matter of justification utterly unnecessary . but yet i shall not faile you in any thing ; i le satisfie you in that also . god requires in the unregenerate man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the ancients expresse it , a readinesse to obey his call ; not to resist , but receive his grace , when hee bestows it on him ; and having received it , what degree soever it bee , to cherish , and make use of it ; and this by his grace , god enables him to doe . as for your demand of mee , by way of retribution , that i must grant that god doth justifie the ungodly , i. e. the man that is guilty of many sinnes , i make no question of that , if hee bee a penitent , and so may hee bee , and yet bee called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 still , in the sense that i conceive belongs to that word , rom. 4. 5. that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not one that continues impenitent in sinne , but one that neither hath nor doth performe exact , perfect , legall obedience : which is very reconcileable , if not the same , with what you confesse , [ that god never justifies an impenitent infidell in sensu composito , i. e. never any that is then infidell or remains impenitent . to your third i answer , that there is such a condition , which doth so qualifie the subject , that i can say , by it , and onely by it i am justified , i. e. by it onely as a condition , not including any causality in it . and if you will know , what that condition is , you have been oft told already , and i now tell you , faith in the nation wherein it signifies a receiving the whole christ , and containes in it a resolution of obeying christs commands , as well as of depending on him for mercy . and on supposition , or condition that you grant that , and so speake of faith as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will speake with you in the dialect of the first sort of the men you mention , and say that faith is required to receive the object of justification , christ , &c. but withall adde , that it is required as a condition too , to dispose or qualifie the subject , and that without this condition , no man living shall bee justified . which being premised , it shall not yet follow from thence that by this he shall bee , sa you say , constituted righteous , if by [ constituted by ] you attribute any causality to this qualification , or any thing but that of being a condition by which hee is justified , i. e. is not jnstified without it . and so this is as plain as i can devise too ; and mee thinkes there should bee no mistake . for in the sense wherein i have now exprest my selfe , i doe again consent to your conclusion , that god doth by his free and effectual grace worke in the hearts of his elect to receive christ , ( that is , the whole christ ) that they may be justified , not by their owne obedience , or vow of obedience ( as by a cause ) but by obedience of christ alone freely imputed by god , and rested on by faith onely : it being one act of that faith by which the just doe live , to have affiance , or rest on christ. in your [ moreover ] it may also bee true , that there may be some difference between disposing the subject to salvation and to justification : as the cordiall habit of faith , aud sincere vow , may dispose to justification ; and , in case of living to occasions and opportunities , the acts of faith and actuall performances will bee required ; yet so that he that is disposed for justification , if he should then presently dye , were disposed to salvation also . which notwithstanding i shall also add with you , 1 that there is faith required , to receive the object , christ , iehova our righteousnesse ; and grace prerequired , to enable thus to beleeve ; and obedience to , or making use of that grace ( the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heb. 12. 28. ) a condition required in us , to that end that grace may have its perfect worke on us , and 2 that all the acts and habits of grace , which are in the best men concurring together , are not sufficient to justifie a man before god. and therefore faith concurring so , with such a vow , or with faithfull actions , cannot justifie us . this i write out of your paper , as fast as i can drive , ( and , by the way , you see some difference betweene our tempers ; i consent to as much of yours as possibly i can , and labour to take as few exceptions ; you on the contrary have another method in reading them that you are not kinde to ) and consent to it most fully at first sight , and never remember to have doubted of it , since i considered divinity . but for your addition , [ of faiths justifying relatively ] you must give mee leave not to take that into my forme of doctrine ( being not very intelligible ) but to use my owne expressions , as conceiving them more perspicuous , and commodious to the notions i have of this matter , viz. thus , that christ onely justifies , faith receives christ , but yet still by no way of causality justifies ; is causall indeed in receiving christ , but onely the condition in justifying ; because , though receiving is an act of ours , and in us , yet justification is an act onely of gods upon us , and concerning us . which in effect you yeeld also , when you say , that [ faith cannot pardon sinnes or accept . ] for then it cannot justifie . at this time me thinks we are excellently well agreed , i wish it may long continue . but then in the next words , wee are out againe ; i am now lookt on as one that abuses scripture for the maintenance of errors , whereas god knows 't was no more but citing the words in st. iames , faith consummate by works , as a parallel place to faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in st. paul , and let the papists say what they wil , ( and abuse that or any other place ) sure this is no abusing scripture for maintenance of errors . but then what you meane by your not dreaming , that i thought abraham was justified by the actuall sacrificing of his sonne , i cannot dreame or imagine ; certainly i never said any such thing ; or if you thought i meant that by works , you are much mistaken : but onely i conceived the resolution of sacrificing to have been accepted by god , to his justification , without actuall sacrificing him . but then sir , in that which follows , when 't is resolved that wee are agreed in the conclusion , 't is very strange that that will not satisfie you without some retraction . o how much a more pleasant thing is victory then peace ! sir , i must tell you confidently , all that that author ever hath said in the catechisme is perfectly reconcileable with this conclusion ; ( and hee may chance to bee as fit to judge of the importance of his owne words , as any man else ) and therefore still retraction must be spared , unlesse you please to retract causelesse displeasures . but that it seemes you will not suddainely doe : for againe you are deepe in a questioning over againe , what hath beene so often answered , and profestly acknowledged . i shall proceed to doe it over againe once more . 1 i say , that wee are not jnstified by any thing in us , i. e. either by vow of obedience , or faith , save onely as by a condition , or causâ sine quâ non ; and in that sense , by both of them together wee are justified . but then you have an objection to those words of mine [ the condition must bee undertaken before the the covenant belongs to mee ] and say in your third , that if by covenant i meane the whole covenant of grace , i must make some condition goe before our regeneration also . i answer , that the word covenant there in that place , signifies any one part of the whole covenant , which depends on the performance of any proportionable part of the condition , and so needs not belong in that place to regeneration also , but may bee restrained onely to that of justification . yet for the condition praerequired to regeneration also , i have given you my sense formerly , and need not so soone repeat it to you . 4 for the third [ you know ] i professe not to know how they belong to me , or any interests of mine . 5 that to receive forgivenesse is an act of faith , i shall againe acknowledge , so you conclude not from thence that it justifies by so doing . but that i ever said , that wee receive a pardon by an act of charity , &c. i shall not yet be perswaded , nor can that proposition have any truth , any otherwise then that charity is part of the condition , without which that pardon shall not belong to me , ( which were a very ridiculous ground of saying , that wee receive our pardon by that act ; because [ receiving by ] notes an efficiency , and of that there is none in a meere condition . ) sir , i am confident i never said these words , and therefore i cannot well forget them . as for your citation out of the page 28. of the cat. that a man is justified by faithfull actions , and by them onely . that you must understand ( as 't is there clearely set in the case of abraham ) in case there be a present opportunity to exercise the faith . for though when such occasions are not present , the faith which consists in voto , the full resolution , the cordiall receiving the whole christ , will serve the turne , without any actions ; yet when the occasion is present , the action must bee ready , or else the faith will not justifie . and therfore though in this case of such opportunities , i plead for more then the bare vow , as necessary to justification , yet still 't is true that i plead for no more in any other case ; and even in this i can content my selfe with this vow , if it bee sincere ; nor will god acknowledge it so , if it act not in time of tryall ; when the opportunity is offered . and so , sure i am well enough off from a first and second justification . for all , that i require by way of condition , is the sincere receiving of christ in heart and resolution ; which if it bee sincere , will fructifie in its due season ; and if it be not such as will doe so , 't is not fit to bee accepted by god to our justification . but for your arguing on the other side , that if wee are justified by a vow of personall obedience , then wee are not justified by christ alone , or by faith onely ; that is but the old sophisme , so oft laid open , by our confessing nothing to have to doe with our justification but christ , as the cause of our justification , or that which constitutes us righteous ; and for our vow of obedience and faith , that is onely as the condition : granting still faith to receive the pardon , but not thereby to justifie . and so once more i will agree with you , that is , with that concluding proposition of yours , whether you will permit mee , or no ; and doe it now againe without any need of the least syllable of retraction . thus have i attended you a most wearisome journy , being scarce permitted to passe over any line in your papers without answering some either mistake , or question of yours . and truly i have served you freely and faithfully , and that hath swell'd it to a bulke beyond what in any reason i was bound to pay you . and if you doe not please that there shall arise to mee some fruit by all this by your discerning and acknowledging the causlesnesse of your exceptions , yet if you please , let us put it to others to judge between us ; for 't is possible wee may judge amisse of our owne performances . and therefore by your good leave ( as before i told you ) i shall bee willing the world shal judge between us , or as many of them as shall bee fitted with great patience to sit out the hearing of so meane an act. if this course will not please you , but you thinke good to write back againe . i shall take confidence to expect ( what is most just ) that you return ad punctum , or ad carceres from whence we set out : and which soever of your publique charges upon that author seemes to you to remaine unsatisfied by my returnes , let it bee specified , and your reasons joyned with your expressions of dislike , such as you thinke will destroy the grounds and bee directly and clearely opposite to the state of the question on which i build . and having now twice submitted to such punctuall answering of so long a catalogue of questions , let mee , i pray , bee freed from any more of that taske . for i know when all other things are at an end , there will never bee any end of them . there is a very unhandsome english proverbe to that purpose ; let mee beseech you , not to fall under any suspition of being guilty of it : and as you might justly accuse mee , if i applyed it to you , so i beseech you to see that it bee not applyable . yet let mee tell you , when these controversies now depending are at an end , there is no one question concerning any line in those bookes so paradigmatized by you , or in any piece of divinity , wherein i understand ought , but you or any man shall for the least asking have the full sense of wednesday nov. 4. your servant h. hammond . sir , you have sent mee many sheets : and the onely conclusion that i can pick out of them , is an english proverbe ; and that but intimated ; truly sir , if i being a foole have ask'd more questions then you in your wisdome are able to answer , i am ashamed of my folly , and you need not glory in your wisdome ; yet such , it seems , is your high conceit of your owne wisdome , that you do passionately long to publish your wisdome to the world in print . sir , i shall not license any papers of yours that i have as yet received ; and you may see cause hereafter to thanke mee for it : nor will i desire you to license so much as an ● . of mine . but it seemes you cannot thinke of any other way of satisfaction for that injury which you conceive hath beene offered to you by your friend ( for so i call every man that deals plainely with mee , ) and give me leave as a friend to advise you to be ware lest the satisfaction which you gaine by getting into print , benot as imaginary as the injury which hath beene offered to you , by the repeated yet necessary admonitions of nov. 15. 1646 , your humble servant francis cheynell . if you thinke fit to object any thing against mee in print , i doubt not but by gods helpe to give all that are impartiall full satisfaction , as soon as my more weighty employments will permit . sir , your letter of return to my last i received not till this morning ( though it were dated on the lords day was seven-night : ) and with it an advertisement that mr. w. whom you appointed to convey my former to you , was gone to london before it came to mee . so that , although i know not how this paper will make shift to finde out the way , yet can i not but addresse it toward you , if it be but to take the leave of you a little solemnly , and to professe that i designe not any farther trouble to you on this matter , having beene assured by you of the unprofitablenesse of my former paines ; and having little hopes , that any more will prove more fortunate then those eight or nine sheets , out of which you tell mee you can pick but one conclusion , viz. an english proverb , and that but intimated . sir , i am very unhappy if i have written so much so unconcludingly : but cannot bee so severe to my selfe , and those papers , as to imagine that it was not in your power to have pickt out some others , ( had they beene for your turne to take notice of them ) as easily as that one which you acknowledge was but intimated . it seemes , your notes tend all to finding of faults ; and so this came into your observation . i shall not from hence conclude that this was the onely thing you had reason to dislike in those papers ; onely i must say that your reasons of disliking this particular of the english ▪ proverbe , as farre as it was mentioned by mee , are by no meanes concluding ; and to make them appeare such , you are faine to affix a sense on my words very distant from that which the contexture of them is capable of . for sir , that you have yet appeared to bee a foole , or that i undertake to have any wisdome , or have any need to doe so ( the innocence of the cause which i have in hand being sufficient to supply that place ) or that you have asked mee more questions then i am able to answer , i had no way so much as intimated ; but on the contrary , had for the time past answered all your very many questions , or shewed you ( as in some few ) how unnecessary it was to the matter in hand , to answer them ; and yet promised you farther , that when the controversies now depending betwixt us were at an end , there should bee no question concerning any line in those bookes , or any piece of divinity wherein i understood ought , but you should for the least asking have my full sense or answer . all that that mention of the proverbe could signifie , was this , that i desired you would take care hereafter not to fall under any suspition of being guilty of it ; which was but a circumlocution of this plaine sense , that if you returned any thing to those sheets , i desired it might bee ad punctum , without asking any unnecessary questions , because that would bee a way unworthy of any scholar , and would bee infinite . and if i should have told you plainely , that if you should doe this , you would , by the force of that proverbe , bee found guilty of folly , and possibly pose a man wiser much then my selfe , this would not have amounted to any of the three things by you concluded from my letter . yet is all this as truly said by you as what you next adde , that i passionately long to publish my wisdome to the world in print . the rudenesse of this scoffe shall be pardoned by mee . i shall onely speake to the truth of it . i had no such opinion of the worth of any thing , that would bee pertinent answer to your exceptions , as to have any passion or longing to have it printed ; i onely told you , that if you could not yet acknowledge the causlesnesse of your exceptions , by your leave i should bee willing the world should judge betwixt us : and in one other place , when you had bid mee venture your arguments to any reader , affirming that you feared none , i thought it seasonable to tell you that i expected according to the purport of your speech , that you would give your consent that this whole matter should bee referred to others judgment , and to that end printed . i suppose , neither of these speeches imply either passion or longing after the presse ; and truly sir , as long as there are such readers abroad as you , i thinke a man in prudence ought before-hand to bee assured of their kindnesse , ere hee have much appetite to bee in print . the short is , i was and am most willing to submit the dispute between you and mee , and the truth of this question [ whether you have wronged mee or no , ] to any or all reasonable men : and having offered it successelesly to you , i am still ready , if you consent , to make it more publique ; and shall not consider any interests of my owne so much , as to retract my offer . you say , you shall not license any papers of mine which you have yet received : and then , i suppose , you are confident they will not now bee licensed in this place ; and it will onely bee in my power to take care that this bee the last you shall receive . onely i shall adde ( without expressing any longing ) that if you will license your owne , you shall not need to trouble your selfe in desiring mee to license mine , or to give my consent that they bee licensed . as for your advice to the contrary , i know not from what degree of kindnesse it proceeds : and having some reason to beleeve that there is nothing in them against piety , or charity , perhaps you may bee mistaken , if you thinke your not licensing them will ever deserve thanks from mee ; any more then that which you call an act of friendship , doth , viz. your having dealt plainely with mee . to which give mee leave to answer , that friendship is a strange thing , and very distant from christian charity , if it bee any thing like those publike reproaches which you laid most causlesly upon the author of the catechisme in your sermons . assure your selfe , if i were now in the temper of minde , in which you were when you did that , ( and it seemes , now continue to bee ) i would presently send all your papers to the presse with my answer to them ; and tell you , i was in this your friend . but i have other imployments for my thoughts , and other motives and principles of not revenging injuries , then those which you offer mee by way of friendly advice to beware , &c. which perhaps may intimate something of terror . i shall for the present sit downe with full patience and satisfaction of minde , that i have driven this businesse thus farre : and till your more weighty imployments permit you to consider mee , as my paines to serve and satisfie you deserve from you , i take my leave of you , and rest nov. 23. 1646. your very loving friend h. hammond . i would you had signified your pleasure positively , that i should not permit to any mans eyes , what you onely say , you doe not desire mee , &c. i should then think my selfe obliged to burn that first part of my last answer : but as yet , wanting your directions , i have not done it . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45407-e1140 christus persecit tertium mandatum , nec in rebus veris nomen domini invocare permittit , nisi talc quid a nobis exigat dei gloria . vide smalcium de divinit . christi , & catechism . racoviens . non assumes nomen domini dei tui gratis , frustra , temere , in ullum vanum , uti viri diffusissimae eruditionis passim . mendacium prohibetur hoc in loco , quia mendacium est gratis dictum , vanum , nihil . the last edition at london , pag. 120. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aleph est loco he , literae radicalis ; est proprie vanitas , tam verborum quam rerum ; saepe adverbialiter sumitur pro frustrà , temerè . omne mendacium est vanum , sed omne vanum non est mendacium . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expount per kinnom & hebel . r. sclomo , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lxx . vide stegman , photin . non assumes nomen domini gratis sive frustra , ut si non jures in ejus nomine nisi ob necessitatem ; etiam veritas non est juranda nisi ob necessitatem . vide pagnini thesaurum , curâ merceri editum , pag. 2186. your last edition , pag. 28. notes for div a45407-e2310 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after which , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ●yr . cat. 4. view of dir. pag. 14. * or that prayer that i told you was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein they prayed for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . an ancient forme of which wee have in st. basils liturgy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * see the testimonies of the fathers both greek and latine , in the catechisme pag. 106. not thought fit then to swell up this letter . notes for div a45407-e6670 pract. cat. p. 5. notes for div a45407-e8660 a tertia parte de vit . spirit . sect. 1. b opusc. tr . 3. c. 10. c refut . 32. ●tio . luther . du pless . de miss . l. 1. c. 3. * primi christiani huic officio se accomodarunt . morn . de miss . l. 1. ca. 4. a reply to the catholick gentlemans answer to the most materiall parts of the booke of schisme whereto is annexed, an account of h.t. his appendix to his manual of controversies, concerning the abbot of bangors answer to augustine / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1654 approx. 520 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 95 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45460 wing h598 estc r9274 11808508 ocm 11808508 49478 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45460) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49478) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 495:20) a reply to the catholick gentlemans answer to the most materiall parts of the booke of schisme whereto is annexed, an account of h.t. his appendix to his manual of controversies, concerning the abbot of bangors answer to augustine / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [2], 185, [1] p. printed by j.g. for r. royston ..., london : 1654. reproduction of original in bristol public library, bristol, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng turberville, henry, d. 1678. -manual of controversies. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. -of schisme. b. p. -answer to the most materiall parts of dr. hammond's booke of schisme. schism. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a reply to the catholick gentlemans answer to the most materiall parts of the booke of schisme . whereto is annexed , an account of h. t. his appendix to his manual of controversies , concerning the abbot of bangors answer to augustine . by h. hammond , d. d. london , printed by j. g. for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane . 1654. a reply to the catholick gentlemans answer to the book of schisme . the introduction . nū . 1 the letter from the catholick gentleman , which undertakes to have answered the most materiall parts of the book of schisme , is said to expect some account from me . and i shall give it , if not quite , with the same brevity , yet directly in the same method which he hath chosen , attending him , as he shall please to lead , not by resuming the whole matter againe , but by reflecting on those few passages , which he hath thought good to take notice of , and freeing them from all though the lightest exceptions , which he hath made to them . num. 2 upon this account , i shall say very little to his prooem in these words , sir , you have been pleased to send me doctor hammonds booke of schisme , or a defence of the church of england , against the exceptions of the romanists , as also your letters , wherein you lay commands on me to read it , and thereupon to give you my opinion : truly sir , both the one and the other could never have come to me in better season , for having heard from some of my friends in england a good while since , of another book , written by doctor ferne to the same purpose , as also one lately come out , of the bishop of derries , and of this which you have sent me , i was wondring what those , who call themselves of the church of england , could say to defend themselves from schisme ; but now through your favour of letting me see this of doctor hammonds , i am freed from my bondage , and satisfied , in supposition , that the most can adde little to what hath been upon that subject of schisme said by him , whom you stile wise and learned , and well may he be so ; but here he hath failed , as all men must that take in hand to defend a bad cause , which i thinke to make appeare to you , or any indifferent judge , and which i will doe rather upon some observations of severall passages in his book , than consideration of the whole , which i will leave for some other , who hath more leisure . in the meane time i must say with the poet , speaking of some lawyers in his time , fur es , ait pedio , pedius quid ? crimina raris librat in antithetis : the roman catholick sayes to doctor hammond , you are an heretick , you are a schismatick , and doctor hammond replies good english , some criticismes , much greek , with many citations out of antiquity , indifferent to both parts of the question . num. 3 i shall not here need solemnly to aveit the good words bestowed on me , because 1. if they had been meant in earnest , they have yet no influence on the matter in hand ; as unlearned a man , as i , and as learned as he , which is by some characters thought to be the author of this answer , may agree in this common fate , that as one is not able to defend a bad cause , so the other hath not in any eminent manner betrayed a good : 2. because 't is evident , that it was designe , and artifice to bestow the good words on me , that so he might get himselfe the easier taske : and therefore the onely thing that is here necessary for me to tell the reader , by way of prooeme , is , that since the publishing this tract of schisme , that most excellent discourse on the same subject , written by the bishop of derry hath truly made that former care of mine very unnecessary , and so should in all reason have been undertaken and answered by this catholick gentleman , if he had really designed to satisfie conscience in this question . and should it be believed by him ; what here he saith in the title page , that he hath answered the most materiall parts of doctor hammonds book of schisme , yet i can assure him he is so much mistaken in his supposall , that there can little be added by any to what hath been said by him , that he is in all justice to undeceive the reader , and make him amends by giving him not a slight , but punctuall answer to every part of that bishops booke , before he thinke he may safely charge the church of england with schisme , as still he adventures to doe . num. 4 having said this , i shall make no kinde of reply , to the rest of his prooeme , but proceed immediately to his first and onely exception , wherein the first chapter is concerned . chap. i of the cause of schisme being left out of this debate . sect. i. no cause able to justifie schisme . every voluntary division a schisme , whatsoever the motive were . master knot 's testimony . num. 1 his words are these , but to draw neere your satisfaction , his first chapter is , for the body of it , common to both parts , yet i cannot omit one strange piece of logick at the end of the first chapter , sect. 9. where he concludeth , that the occasion or motive of schisme is not to be considered , but onely the fact of schisme , of which position i can see no connexion to any praemises going before , and it selfe is a pure contradiction , for not a division , but a causlesse division is a schisme , and how a division can be shewed to be unreasonable and causelesse , without examining the occasions and motives , i doe not understand , nor ( with his favour ) i thinke he himselfe . num. 2 what want of logick there is in that conclusion of the first chapter , which extorted this animadversion from the romanist , and what store of that faculty ( somewhat necessary to the managing of a controversie ) we are to expect from him , will soon be discernible by the view of that place which is accused by him , where having praemised the criminousnesse and weight of schisme , and unexcusablenesse of all , that , upon what provocation soever , breake the unity of the church , i conclude that he that shall really be guilty of it , and the fact , wherein that guilt consists , proved against him will no way be able to defend himselfe by pleading the cause or motive to his schisme , there being no such cause imaginable , which can justifie this fact of his , as both out of irenaeus and saint augustine had been newly vouched . upon which , my resolution there , was ( as to me seemed ) but necessary , to divolve the whole debate into this one quaere , whether we of the church of england were de facto , guilty of this crime , were schismaticks or no , concluding that if we were , there were nothing to be said in excuse of us . num. 3 from this view of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rational importance of that section , 1. it is evident ( what the romanist professeth not to be able to see ) what is the connexion of my position to the praemises foregoing , viz. this , no cause can excuse the schismatick , therefore the examination of the cause is unnecessary , whatsoever can be pretended on that head , is not worth the producing or heeding in this matter . num. 4 2. 't is as evident how farre the position it selfe is removed from being a contradiction , which yet the romanists logick hath pronounced to be a pure one . a pure contradiction is in our logick , est and non est , it is a schisme , and it is not a schisme , it is causlesse , and it is not causlesse , and the like . but certainly my concluding that no cause can justifie a schisme , or if the schisme be proved , t is in vain to plead that we had cause for it , containes no such contradictory enuntiations . he that should say that a seditious person or a rebell , is worthy of death whatsoever cause it were that incited him to that villanie , doth neither affirme the rebell to be no rebell , nor the cause he pretends , to be no cause , onely he saith indeed , that whatsoever the cause be , 't is incompetent to justifie so foule a fact . num. 5 3. the proofe , which he addes to conclude this position to be a pure contradiction , is very farre from proving it . the proof is this , for , saith he , not a division , but a causelesse division is a schisme . but this hath been shewed to have no truth in it , because division and schisme being exactly the same , one a latine , the other a greek word , every division is and must necessarily be , in him who is guilty of it , a schisme , and if a voluntary division , a criminous schisme , whatsoever were the motive or cause of it , by division or schisme understanding ( as i declare my selfe to doe ) a spontaneous receding , or dividing from the unity of the church , not being cut off or driven from it . num. 6 lastly , what he addes as a consectary of his proof , that [ he doth not understand how a division can be shewed unreasonable and causelesse , without examining the occasions and motives ] he may now , if he please , without much difficulty comprehend , viz. by considering , that no cause or reason , how weighty soever , is sufficient to justifie a division . for as long as this is either proved or granted , the conclusion will be indubitable , without examining of the motives , that the division is unreasonable and causelesse . let it once be granted or proved by the known lawes of a nation , that every act of sedition is a transgression of law , criminous and punishable , whatsoever the motive be that incited it , and then there will need no more than conviction of the fact , to conclude that fact unreasonable . that which is in it selfe so culpable and inexcusable , that no reason whatsoever can be able to justifie it , is ready for the sentence of condemnation , without farther processe ; when 't is reasonably resolved , that no reason can excuse such a fact , what reason can there be to lose time in examining reasons ? this is the very case in hand , as 't is apparent to any that will but view the place , and 't is not much for my incouragement in this taske , that the gentleman , to whom i must reply , was willing to think this so deep a riddle , so much above common understandings . num. 7 i shall here only adde , that what was thus said , was not in reason to provoke the romanist , being a concession that cut me off from many visible advantages , and so deserved his reward , much better than rebuke , and being thus early and unexpectedly fallen under his short displeasure , by my indeavour to oblige him , i have yet a shield , which promiseth me security from the continuance of it , i meane not the evidence of the truth affirmed by me , ( for that is not an amulet alwaies to be depended on , when it is against interest to acknowledge it ) but the suffrage of his owne great champion master knot , who hath directly affirm'd what i affirmed ( and therefore i may be allowed not to understand , how this should be so unintelligible ) citing it out of saint augustine , that there is no just necessity to divide unity , and that it is not possible that any man have just cause to separate — infideli unmasked , cap. 7. num . 5. and so it is as manifest that this part of the first chapter is common to both , as the former of which he affirmes it , the conclusion in all reason being involved in the same condition which belonged to the praemises , and it was onely my ill luck , or his willingnesse to finde fault , that it was not formerly apprehended to be so . chap. ii. concerning heresie , excommunication , infallibility . sect. i. of passing slightly over the difference betwixt heresie and schisme . nū . 1 the exceptions to the second chapter are three ; the first concerning heresie , the second concerning excommunication , the third concerning master knots concession , which ushers in a discourse of infallibility . num. 2 the former in these words , he slightly passeth over the distinction of heresie and schism , as if he would not have it understood , that all heresie is schisme , though some schisme be no heresie . num. 3 what is here called the slight passing over the distinction of heresie and schisme , is one piece of injustice in him , and the cause to which it is affixt , my unwillingnesse that it should be understood that all heresie is schisme , will soon appear to be another . num. 4 for the first , it is evident that in that sect. 3. of chap. 2. i do not at all consider the distinction of heresie , and schisme , nor could , without absolute interruption and disturbance of the discourse in hand , & direct transgression of all rules of method , say any thing to that subject , in that place . the thing that i there manifest is the difference betwixt excommunication and schisme ( and sure that is not heresie and schisme , unlesse excommunication be heresie , and so the punishment of the sin be the sin it selfe ) between the passive and the active , or reciprocal division or separation , and all that i say in that section , which can relate to heresie , is , that where the offence , for which a man is excommunicated , is heresie and not schisme , there it is evident , that his excommunication , which still is his punishment and not his sinne ( the cause of it also being not schisme , but somewhat else , heresie , or the like ) cannot be the guilt of schisme in him that is so punished . num. 5 now it is evident , that i cannot be said to passe over that slightly , which i doe not speak to at all , and to which i had no occasion to speake , and consequently that i was no way lyable to this exception . num. 6 and that being said , the second part of the same exception , that of the ground on which i doe this , must needs be as causlesse as the former . for 1. 't is certaine , that my thoughts , or wishes , or designes , are not things which can duely fall under this objecters cognizance ( he cannot upon any sure grounds , divine or affirme , what i aimed at in such or such a slight passage ) and 2. 't is yet more certaine , that no collection can justly be made from my doing that slightly , which i did not meddle with at all . but then 3. to remove all scruple or possible occasion of jealousie in this matter , 't is the designe of chapter 8. ( the method then leading to it ) under a second sort of schisme , to consider the departure from the vnity of the faith , which being but a periphrasis of heresie , is consequently the defining all heresie is schisme , and so the profest avowing of that , which he suspected me unwilling to have understood . and so still there is not the least appearance of justice in this suggestion . sect. ii. excommunication how it differs from schisme . wilfull continuance under censures is schisme . the bishop of rome is not our lawfull governour . the severe conditions of their communion . num. 1 his second exception is perfectly of the same making with the former , thus , num. 2 againe , saith he , treating of excommunication , he easily slideth over this part , that wilfull continuance in a just excommunication maketh schisme . num. 3 here againe 't is evident , that i treat not of excommunication , nor have any occasion fitly to treat of it , farther than to shew , that schisme , being a voluntary separation , the word in no propriety pertaines to that act of the governour of the church , whereby he separates or cuts off any by way of censures . certainly he that is put to death by sentence of law , cannot be judged a felo de se , one that hath voluntarily put himselfe out of the number of the living , or be liable to those forfeitures which by the law belong to such . he that is banished out of the kingdome cannot be guilty of the breach of that statute , which forbids all subjects going out of it , nor be punisht justly for that which is his suffering , not his deed ; his punishment , not his delinquency . num. 4 as for his wilfull continuance under just censures , the wilfulnesse of that , certainly makes him culpable , and the continuance in excommunication , being also continuance in separation from the church , which is schisme , whensoever it is voluntary , i make no doubt of the consequence , that such wilfull continuance in excommunication , be it just or unjust , is actuall schism , supposing ( as the word wilfull must suppose ) that this continuance is wholly imputable to the will of the excommunicate , i. e. that if he will submit to that which is lawfull for him to submit to , he may be absolved and freed from it . num. 5 if this were it , that he would have had more explicitely affirmed , then i answer , that as there i had no occasion to speak to it , so now upon his slightest demand i make no scruple to give him my full sense of it , that he , which being cast into prison for just cause , may upon his petition , and promise of reformation be released , or if the cause were unjust , may yet without doing any thing any way unlawfull , regaine his liberty , from thenceforth becomes not the magistrates , but his owne prisoner , and is guilty of all the damage , be it disease , famishing , death it selfe , which is consequent to his imprisonment . and the analogie holds directly in excommunication ; he that continues under the censures of his ecclesiastical ruler , when he might fairely obtaine absolution from them , is by himselfe sentenced to the continuance of this punishment , as by the governor of the church , to the beginning of it . but then all this while this is not the condition of our church , in respect of the church of rome , they being not our lawful superiors , indued with jurisdiction over us , and for other communion , such as alone can be maintained or broken among fellow-brethren , or christians , it is carefully maintained by us , as farre as it is lawfully maintainable . num. 6 and both these being there evidenced in that , and the insuing chapters , i did not warily or purposely abstaine from ( because i had nothing that suggested to me any opportunity of ) saying any thing more to this purpose . the severe conditions which are by the romanists required of us to render us capable of their communion , subscription of error , or profession against conscience , make it impertinent to propose or discusse either of these two questions , 1. whether we lye under a just excommunication , 2. whether , if we did , we would wilfully continue under it , or consequently , whether we be now guilty of schisme in this notion ? sect. iii. mr. knots concession and conclusion . the power of a fallible church to require beliefe . of antiquity , possession , perswasion of infallibility , motives for vnion . vncertainty of the protestants reasons . the grand heresie and schisme of not believing rome infallible . beliefe sufficient without infallibility . fictions of cases . num. 1 the third exception inlargeth to some length , in these words , num. 2 what he calls master knots concession , i take to be the publike profession of the roman or catholike church , and that nature it selfe teacheth all rationall men , that any congregation that can lye , and knoweth not whether it doth lye or no , in any proposition , cannot have power to binde any particular to believe what shee saith , neither can any man of understanding have an obligation to believe what shee teacheth , farther than agrees with the rules of his own reason : out of which it followeth , that the roman churches binding of men to a profession of faith ( which the protestants and other haereticall multitudes have likewise usurped ) if shee be infallible , is evidently gentle , charitable , right , and necessary , as contrariwise in any other church or congregation , which pretends not to infallibility , the same is unjust , tyrannical and a selfe-condemnation to the binders : so that the state of the question will be this , whether the catholick or roman church be infallible or no , for shee pretendeth not to binde any man to tenets or beliefs upon any other ground or title ▪ by this you may perceive much of his discourse — to be not onely superfluous and unnecessary , but also contrary to himselfe , for he laboureth to perswade that the protestant may be certaine of some truth , against which the roman catholick church bindeth to profession of error , which is as much as to say , as he who pretendeth to have no infallible rule by which to governe his doctrine , shall be supposed to be infallible , and he that pretendeth to have an infallible rule , shall be supposed to be fallible ; at most because fallible objections are brought against him : now then consider what a meek and humble son of the church ought to doe , when of the one side is the authority of antiquity and possession ( such antiquity and possession without dispute or contradictions from the adversary , as no king can shew for his crowne , and much lesse any other person or persons for any other thing ) the perswasion of infallibility , all the pledges that christ hath left to his church for motives of vnion : on the other side , uncertaine reasons of a few men pretending to learning , every day contradicted by incomparable numbers of men wise and learned , and those few men confessing those reason and themselves uncertaine , fallible , and subject to error , certainly without a bias of interest or prejudice , it is impossible for him to leave the church if he be in it , or not returne if he be out of it : for if infallibility be the ground of the churches power to command beliefe , as shee pretends no other , no time , no separation within memory of history , can justifie a continuance out of the church : you may please to consider then how solid this doctors discourse is , who telleth us , for his great evidence , that we , ( saith he ) who doe not acknowledge the church of rome to be infallible , may be allowed to make certaine suppositions ( that follow there ) the question is , whether a protestant be a schismatick because a protestant ? and he will prove he is not a schismatick , because he goeth consequently to protestant , that is schismatical grounds : i pray you reflect , that not to acknowledge the church to be infallible is that for which we charge the doctor with schisme and heresie in capite , and more than for all the rest he holds distinct from us , for this principle taketh away all beliefe , and all ground of beliefe , and turneth it into uncertainty and weather-cock opinion , putteth us into the condition to be circumferri omni vento doctrinae , submitteth us to atheisme and all sort of miscreancy , let him not then over-leap the question , but either prove this is not sufficient to make him a schismatick and an heretick too , or let him acknowledge he is both . num. 3 this discourse thus inlarged to the consideration of fallibility and infallibility in a church , is certainly a digression in this place , and taking the occasion from some words of mine , sect. 6. of a concession of master knots , it is a little necessary to recount , what concession that was , and the use that i there made of it , that so it may appeare , whether there were any thing blameable in my procedure . num. 4 the subject i was upon , sect. 5. was the undoubted lawfulnesse of being and continuing excluded from any such church , the conditions of whose communion containe sin in them . to this head of discourse i mentioned a concession of master knots , that it is perfectly unlawful to dissemble , aequivocate , or lye in matters of faith , and this as a confirmation of my then present assertion , that when i am not permitted by the romanists to have external communion with them , unlesse i doe thus dissemble , equivocate and lye , affirme my selfe to believe what i doe not believe , i may lawfully continue thus excluded from their communion . but then i could not justly conceale what master knot there added as his conclusion from hence ( together with the acknowledged unlawfulnesse of forsaking the externall communion of gods visible church ) that therefore the church of rome is infallible , because otherwise men might forsake her communion . num. 5 here indeed i thought it very strange , that this conclusion should be thus deduced from such praemisses , that it should be deemed lawful to separate from a church for every error , or for no more but being subject to error , being fallible , though it were actually guilty of no errour , which i conceived to be the same in effect , as to affirme it lawfull , to forsake the communion of all but saints , and angels , and god in heaven , because all others were peccable and fallible . but yet i thought not fit to goe farther out of my way to presse the unreasonablenesse of it , but contented my selfe with that , which was for my present turne , his confession that it was lawful to separate or continue in separation from the church of christ , in case we could not without lying , &c. be permitted to communicate with it . num. 6 this being the whole businesse , as it lyes visible to any in that 5. and 6. sect. let us now see what a confusion is made to gaine some small advantage from hence , or excuse for a long digression . num. 7 first it is the conclusion , viz. [ that any congregation that can lye , &c. cannot have power to binde any to believe what shee saith ] which he saith is called by me master knots concession . but this is a great mistake , i never lookt on this as his concession , never called it by that title , but as a conclusion that he made a strange shift to deduce from another concession . num. 8 a concession , this gentleman should in reason have understood to be somewhat which the adversary yeilds , and which the disputer gaines advantage by his yeilding it , such was his assertion , that all lying and dissembling was unlawful , and that rather than that should be admitted , it were lawful to forsake the external communion of the church of christ . and that , and nothing but that , was by me cited as his concession . num. 9 secondly , that conclusion it self , that the congregation that is fallible cannot have power to binde to believe , — is not so much as considered by me in that place or else where ; i said not one word against it , which might provoke this objector to take it up , and confirme it , neither was it in the least needfull , or pertinent to the matter then in hand , to enter into the consideration of it . all that was by me taken notice of ( and that but in passing ) was the consequence or coherence betwixt the praemisses and that conclusion , which naturally inferred a third thing , that it was in mr. knots opinion , lawful to forsake the communion of any fallible church , which i thought by the way , would be sure to excuse us ( though we should be granted to have forsaken and continued wilfully in separation from the roman church ) if it might but appeare , that either that were guilty of any one error , or lyable to fal into any one . and this being intirely all that was there said by me , there is no reason i should so far attend this gentleman in his digression , as to consider what here he proceeds to say , upon his new-sprung subject of discourse , very distant from that of schisme , to which i indeavoured to adhere , having elsewhere pursued at large , the romanists other hypothesis concerning their churches infallibility . num. 10 were it not thus remote from our matter in hand , and perfectly unnecessary to the defence of our church from schisme , i might discover farther many infirme parts in this procedure . i shall but briefly touch on some of them . num. 11 1. for the truth of that proposition [ that a congregation that can lye , i. e. a church that is fallible , and knoweth not ( i. e. hath no infallible certainty ) whether it lye or no in any proposition , cannot have power to binde any to believe what shesaith ] i may certainly affirme , 1. that this is no infallible truth , being no where affirmed by any infallible speaker , or deduced from any infallible principle . for as to the scripture , it is not pretended to be affirmed by that , and for natural reason , that cannot be an infallible judge in this matter of defining what power may be , or is by god given to a church , without defining it infallible . a prince may no doubt be impowered by god to give lawes , and those lawes oblige subjects to obedience , and yet that prince never be imagined infallible in making lawes . and natural reason cannot conclude it impossible , that a church should have a proportionable power given it by god to binde belief , &c. num. 12 as for the catholick or roman church , 1. that is a misprision , the catholick is not the single roman church , nor the roman the catholick . 2. there no where appears any such definition , either of the catholick , i. e. vniversall church of god , or particularly of the roman church , no act of councell representative of that church , no known affirmation of that diffused body under the bishop of rome's pastorage , that all authority to oblige belief is founded in infallibility . 3. if any such definition did appear , it could no way be foundation of belief to us , who doe not believe that church , or any definition thereof , as such , to be infallible . num. 13 2. if we shall but distinguish and limit the termes , 1. what is meant by [ can lie ] 2. by knowing or not knowing whether it lie or no , 3. by power to binde , 4 by belief ( as every of these have a latitude of signification , and may be easily mistaken , till they are duly limited ) it will then soon appear that there is no unlimited truth in that which he saith is the whole churches affirmation , nor prejudice to our pretensions from that limited truth , which shall be found in it . num. 14 1. the phrase [ can lie ] may denote no more than such a possibility of erring , as yet is joyned neither with actuall error , nor with any principle , whether of deficiency on one side , nor of malignity on the other , which shall be sure to betray it into error . thus that particular church , that is at the present in the right , in all matters of faith , and hath before it the scripture to guide it in all its decisions , together with the traditions and doctrines of the antient and primitive church , and having skill in all those knowledges , which are usefull to fetch out the true meaning of scripture , and ability to inquire into the antient path , and to compare her self with all other considerable parts of the vniversall church , and then is diligent and faithfull to make use of all these succours , and in uprightness of heart seeks the truth , and applies it self to god in humble , and ardent , and continuall prayer for his guidance to lead into all truth , this church , i say , is yet fallible , may affirm and teach false , i. e. this is naturally possible that it may , but it is not strongly probable that it will , as long as it is thus assisted , and disposed to make use of these assistances , and means of true defining . num. 15 2. that churches knowledge , whether it define truly or no in any proposition , may signifie no more than a full perswasion or belief ( cui non subest dubium , wherein they neither doubt nor apprehend reason of doubting ) that what they define is the very truth , though for knowledge properly so called , or assurance , cui non potest subesse falsum , which is unerrable or infallible in strictness of speech , it may not have attained , or pretend to have attained to it . num. 16 3. by power to binde may be meant no more than authority derived to them from the apostles of christ to make decisions , when difficulties arise , to prescribe rules for ceremonies or government , such as shall oblige inferiors to due observance and obedience , by force of the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his precept to obey the rulers set over us in the church , which we may doe without thinking them simply , or by any promise of god , inerrable or infallible , as the obedience which is due to civil magistrates , which supposes in them a power of binding subjects to obey , doth yet no way suppose or imply them uncapable of erring and sinning , and giving unreasonable commands , and such as wherein it is unlawfull to yeild obedience to them . num. 17 beside this , there may farther be meant by it a generall obligation that lies on all men , to believe what is with due grounds of conviction proposed to them , such as the disbelieving or doubting of it shall be in them inseparable from obstinacy ; and this obligation is again the greater , when that which is thus convincingly proposed , is proposed by our superiors , from whose mouth it is regular to seek and receive gods will. num. 18 lastly , believing may signifie not an implicite , irrational , blinde , but a well-grounded , rationall , explicite belief of that which , as the truth of god , is duely proposed to us ; or again , where there is not that degree of manifestation , yet a consent to that which is proposed as most probable , on the grounds afforded to judge by , or when the person is not competent to search grounds , a bare yeilding to the judgment of superiours , and deeming it better to adhere to them , than to attribute any thing to their own judgment , a believing so farre as not to disbelieve . and this again may rationally be yeilded to a church , or the rulers and governors of it , without deeming them inerrable or infallible . num. 19 nay , where the proposition defined is such , that every member of that church cannot without violence to his understanding yeild any such degree of belief unto it , yet he that believes it not , may behave himself peaceably and reverently , either duely representing his grounds , why he cannot consent to it , or if his subscription or consent be neither formally nor interpretatively required of him , quietly enjoy his contrary opinion . and this may tend as much to the peace and unity of a church , as the perswasion of the inerrability thereof can be supposed to doe . num. 20 by this view of the latitude of these terms , and the limitations they are capable of , it is now not so difficult to discern , in what sense the proposition under consideration is false , and in what sense it is true , and by us acknowledged to be so . num. 21 a congregation that is fallible , and hath no knowledge or assurance ( cui non potest subesse falsum ) that it is not deceived in any particular proposition , may yet have authority to make decisions , &c. and to require inferiors so farre to acquiesce to their determinations , as not to disquiet the peace of that church with their contrary opinions . num. 22 but for any absolute infallible belief or consent , that no church , which is not it self absolutely infallible , and which doth not infallibly know that it is infallible , hath power to require of any . num. 23 by this it appears in the next place , in what sense it is true , which in the following words is suggested of protestants , that they binde men to a profession of faith , and how injustly it is added , that , supposing them not to be infallibe , it is unjust , tyrannical , and self-condemnation to the binders . the contrary whereto is most evident , understanding the obligation with that temper , and the infallibity in that notion , wherein it is evident we understand it . for what injustice or tyranny &c. can it be in any lawful superior , having defined what verily he believes to be the truth of god , and no way doubts of his having deduced it rightly from the scripture , but yet knows that he , as a man , is fallible , and that it is possible he may have some way failed in this , as in any other his most circumspect action , what injustice , i say , can it be , authoritatively to direct this definition to those , who are committed to his charge , and expect their due submission to it ? meaning by submission , what i have here exprest to mean by it . num. 24 so again it appears of the roman church , how far it is from gentle or charitable in them to bind men to profess , as matter of faith , whatsoever is by that church defined , upon this one account , that the church is infallible & can't erre ; when this very thing , that it is infallible , is not at all made probable , much lesse infallibly deduced from any reason or testimony that is infallible . num. 25 next then , when he saith , that the state of the question will be this , whether the roman church be infallible or no , i am not sure i know what question he means , whether the main question on which the tract of schisme was written , i. e. whether the church of england be schismaticall or no , or whether the particular question , which this gentlemans haste hath framed to himself in this place , whether a fallible church may have power to binde any to believe what she saith ? but i suppose by some indications , that the latter is it , and then , as from hence i learn what he means by infallible , a church that cannot possibly erre , all whose definitions are such , quibus nequit subesse falsum , so untill this be proved of that church , i must be allowed to speak like one who think not my self obliged to the belief of it , and being sure of this , that a protestant is or may be verily perswaded of some truth , against which the roman church bindeth to profession of error ( meaning by verily perswaded , such a certainty only , cui non subest dubium , he hath no doubt nor reason to induce doubting of it ) i cannot imagine how that part of my discourse , wherein i have supposed or asserted this , can be either superfluous , unnecessary , or ( whatever other weakness it be guilty of ) contrary to my self . for certainly i that think i am fallible , may yet verily believe , without all doubt , the truth of many propositions , which if i should affirm my self not to believe , i must doubtlesse lie , and then sin , by mr. knot 's former concession . and 't is as certain on the other side , that he that pretendeth to have an infallible rule , may yet foully mistake , both in that generall , originall , and in many other particular , derivative pretensions ; his supposed infallibility , if it be not rightly supposed ( and till it be proved , it will not be so ) will be so farre from an amulet to keep him safe from all error , that it is the likeliest way to deliver him up to it , as the premature perswasion of his particular election may be the ingulsing any , through security and presumption , in the most certain ruine . num. 26 in the processe of this discourse he is pleased to mention four advantages of the roman church above any other , antiquity , possession , perswasion of infallibility , the pledges that christ hath left to his church for motives of union , and nothing but uncertain reasons on the other side , which saith he , must make it impossible for any without interest or prejudice to leave the church , if he be in it , or not return , if he be out of it . num. 27 to this imaginary setting of the scales between them and us , and particularly to the fourth advantage pretended to , the pledges that christ left for motives of union , it is sufficient to reply in generall , that for us , which have not voluntarily separated , but are by them violently removed from communion with them , and cannot be admitted to reunion , but upon conditions , which without dissembling and lying we cannot undergoe , it is in vain to speak of motives or obligations to return to their communion . we that are bound , as much as in us lies , to have peace with all men , must not admit any known or wilfull sin in order to that most desirable end . and this one thing as alone it is pertinent to the matter in hand , that of schisme , so it is necessarily the concluding of this controversie , we that are not permitted to return , and so we are , if the conditions of our return be so incumbred , as to include sin , cannot with any justice or equity be charged for not returning . num. 28 against this here is nothing said , any farther than the bare mention of the three other advantages on their side . and none of these are of any force to perswade our return , upon such conditions as these , much lesse to exact it as duty from us . num. 29 by antiquity and possession , as here they are spoken of , i am apt to suppose he means not antiquity of the roman church , or the present doctrines ( and therefore i shall not speak of them ) but the antiquity of our communion with them ( if he mean a possession in the belief of the popes vniversall pastorship , i shall have occasion to speak of that * hereafter . ) and if this be granted , as for fraternall communion , and such as is due from one sister church to another , it is willingly granted , then this will divolve the blame on those who are guilty of this breach , who have cast us out , and permit us no way of returning with a good conscience , and so this is little for the romanists advantage . num. 30 but if in stead of fraternall communion , it be subjection to the roman see , that is by his words claimed , and pretended to by possession , then as we willingly grant to that see all that the antient canons allowed to it , and so cannot in that respect offend against antiquity , so what , contrary to those canons , they have at any time assumed , and unlawfully possest themselves of , can no way be pretended to be their right , or they to be bonae fidei possessores , true or fair possessors of it , which qualification and condition is yet absolutely necessary to found their plea from possession , and which alone can bear any proportion with that , which kings can shew for their crowns , or proprietaries for their inheritances . num. 31 of this head of possession , or prescription , it were easie to adde much more , by considering that claim and title , by the known rules whether of the canon , or civil law. the civil law , which is generally more favourable to prescription , doth yet acknowledge many waies of interrupting it , as by calling it into question , and that is sufficiently done in some cases , per solam conventionem , by citing , or summoning the possessor , and when contestatio litis , the entring a suit is actually required , yet still he that appears to have caused the impediment , and kept it from coming to this contestation , is not to gain any advantage by his guilt , but adversus eum lis habetur pro contestato , he shall be lookt on , as if the suit had been actually contested against him . see bartolus in l. si eum § . qui injuriarum in fi : ff . si quis caut : num. 32 but as to the canon law , which in all reason the catholick is to own in this question , it is known that it admitteth not any the longest prescription , without the bonae fidei possessio , ( he that came by any thing dishonestly , is for ever obliged to restitution ) and for the judging of that , allows of many waies of probation , from the nature of the thing ( the course we have taken in this present debate ) and from other probable indications , and where the appearances are equal on both sides , the law , though it be wont to judge most favourably , doth yet incline to question the honesty of coming to the possession , and to presume the dishonesty , upon this account , because mala fides , dishonesty is presumed industriously to contrive its own secrecie , and to lie hid in those recesses , from which at a distance of time it is not easily fetcht out . so felinus in c. ult : de praescript : per leg : ult : c. unde vi . and in a word , it is the affirmation of the doctors , presumi malam fidem ex antiquiore adversarii possessione , the presumption is strong that the possession was not honestly come by , when it appears to have been antiently in the other hands , and the way of conveyance from one to the other is not discernible . see panormit : and felinus in c. si diligenti x de prescript : menochius arbit : quaest : casu 225. n. 4. and others referred to by the learned groti●● in consil : jurid : super iis quae nassavii — p. 36. &c. but i have no need of these nicer disquisitions . num. 33 as for the perswasion of infallibility , meaning , as they must , their own perswasion of it , that can have no influence upon us , who are sure that we are not so perswaded , unless the grounds , on which their perswasion is founded , be so convincingly represented to us , that it must be our prejudice , or other vitious defect , or affection in us , that we are not in the like manner perswaded of it . but on this we are known to insist , and never yet have had any such grounds offered to us : as may in some measure appear by the view of that controversie as it lies visible in the book , intituled , the view of infallibility . num. 34 as for the uncertainty of the reasons on the protestants side , by uncertainty , meaning fallibility , and the potest subesse falsum , whilest yet we are , without doubting , verily perswaded that our reasons have force in them ; that cannot make it possible for us to believe what we doe not believe , or lawfull upon any the fairest intuition to professe contrary to our belief . i believe that henry viii . was king of this nation , and the reasons on which i believe it , are , the testimonies of meer men , and so fallible ; yet the bare fallibility of those testimonies cannot infuse into me any doubt of the truth of them , hath no force to shake that but humane belief , and while i thus believe , i am sure it were wilfull sin in me , though for the greatest and most pretious acquisitions in my view , to professe i doe not believe it . the like must be said of any other perswasion of mine , denied by the romanists , and the denying whereof is part of the condition required of me to make me capable of communion with them . num. 35 but it is not now time to insist on this , both because here is nothing produced against it , and because here follows a much higher undertaking , which swallows up all these inferior differences between us , viz : that not to acknowledge the church ( that must be the roman church ) to be infallible , is the great crime of schime and heresie in capite , and more than all that i hold distinct from the romanists . num. 36 this i acknowledge was not foreseen in the tract of schisme , and may serve for the una litura , the one answer to remove all that is there said . for if our grand fundamental schisme and heresie be all summed up in this one comprehensive guilt , our not acknowledging the church of rome to be infallible , then it was and still is impertinent to discourse on any other subject but that one of infallibility , for if that be gained by them to belong to their church , i am sure we are concluded schismaticks , and till it be gained , i am sure there is no reason to suppose it . num. 37 but then as this is a compendious way of answering the tract of schism , and i wonder , after he had said this , he could think it seasonable to proceed to make exceptions to any other particulars , this one great mistake of the question being discovered , made all other more minute considerations unnecessary ( as he that hath sprung a mine to blow up the whole fort , need not set wispes of straw to severall corners to burn it ) so it falls out a little unluckily , that this doth not supersede , but onely remove this gentleman's labour , it being now as necessary that he should defend his hypothesis of the church of romes infallibility , against all that is formerly said by me on that subject , as now it was to make this answer to the book of schism , and till that be done , or attempted to be done , there is nothing left for me to reply to in this matter . num. 38 for as to his bare affirmations , that the not acknowledging their infallibility takes away all belief and ground of belief , turns all into uncertainty , &c. nay , submitteth to atheisme and all sorts of miscreancy . ] it is sure but a mistake or misunderstanding as of some other things , so particularly of the nature of belief ; for beside that i may have other grounds of belief than the affirmations of the roman church , the authority of scripture for the severalls contained in it , and the testimony of the universal primitive ( that sure is more than of the present roman ) church , to assure me that what we take for scripture is scripture , and to derive apostolical traditions to me , and so i may believe enough without ever knowing that the roman church defines any thing de fide , but much more without acknowledging the truth of all she defines , and yet much more without acknowledging her inerrable and infallible : beside this , i say , it is evident that belief is no more than consent to the truth of any thing , and the grounds of belief , such arguments as are sufficient to exclude doubting , to induce conviction and perswasion , and where that is actually induced , there is belief , though there be no pretense of infallibility in the argument , nor opinion of it in him that is perswaded by it . num. 39 that all that god hath said is true , i believe by a belief or perswasion , cui non potest subesse falsum , wherein i cannot be deceived , and there i acknowledge infallibility upon this ground , whether of nature or of grace , of common dictate , or of religion , that it is impossible for god to lie , to deceive , or to be deceived ; but that the whole canon of scripture , as it is delivered to us by the laodicean councel , is the word of god , though i fully believe this also , and have not the least doubt to any part of it , yet i account not my self infallible in this belief , nor can any church that affirms the same , unlesse they are otherwise priviledged by god , be infallible in affirming it , nor any that believes that church be infallible in their belief ; and as that priviledge is not yet proved by any donation of gods to belong to any church , particularly to the roman , so till it be proved , and proved infallibly , it can be no competent medium to induce any new act of infallible belief , the want of which may denominate us either hereticks or schismaticks . num. 40 in the mean time , this is certain , that i that doe not pretend to believe any thing infallibly in this matter , not so much as that the church is not infallible , must yet be acknowledged to believe her fallible , or else i could not by this gentleman be adjudged a scismatick for so believing : and then this supposeth that i may believe what in his opinion i believe untruly , that sure is , that i may believe what i doe not believe infallibly . the matter is visible , i cannot think fit to inlarge on it . num. 41 one thing onely i must farther take notice of , the ground which he here had , on which he founds his exception against the solidity of my discourse , calling it my great evidence , that we that doe not acknowledge the church of rome to be infallible , may be allowed to make certain suppositions that follow there . num. 42 the matter in that place chap. ii. sect. 12. lies thus . in examining the nature of schisme , i have occasion to mention one ( not reall , but ) fiction of case ; suppose first that our ancestors had criminously separated from the church of rome , and suppose secondly , that we their posterity repented , and desired to reform their sin , and to be reunited to them ; yet supposing thirdly , that they should require to our reunion any condition which were unlawfull for us to perform , in this conjuncture , i say , we could not justly be charged for continuing that separation . num. 43 this fiction of case i could not think had any weak part in it , for as it supposed that on one side , which i knew a romanist would not grant , viz : that they should require any condition unlawfull for us to perform , so it supposed on the other side , that which we can no way grant , viz : that our ancestors criminously separated ; but this i knew was ordinary to be done in fictions of cases ; suppositio non ponit , is the acknowledged rule , my supposing either of these was not the taking them for granted , and yet after all this , i foresaw that objection , that the romanist , who acknowledges not any such hard condition required to our reconciliation , will conceive this an impossible case ; and to this i answered , that we , that acknowledge not their church to be infallible may be allowed to make a supposition ( meaning as before a fiction of case ) which is founded in the possibility of her inserting some error in her confessions , and making the acknowledgment of it the indispensable condition of her communion . what i have offended herein , i cannot imagine , for 1. i onely set a fiction of case , doe not take their infallibility for a thing confestly false , nor in that place so much as dispute against it , only i say that which was sufficiently known before i said it , that their infallibity is not acknowledged by us , and so that her inserting some error in her confessions , is to us , i. e. in our opinion a thing possible , and so for disputation sake supposable , in the same manner as i suppose that which i am known not to believe , and if this gentleman be thus severe , i shall despair to approve my discourses to him . num. 44 secondly , that i make it my great evidence , is not with any appearance of reason suggested by him , it comes in meerly as an incidentall , last branch , the least necessary , most unconsiderable of any , and that which might have been spared then , or left out now , without any weakning of , or disturbing the discourse . num. 45 thirdly , whereas he adds , that i proceed to make certain suppositions that follow there , this is still of the same strein , i make but one supposition , viz : in case she make any unlawfull act the indispensable condition of her communion , and that one certainly is not in the plurall , more , or indefinitely , certain suppositions . num. 46 that i put this one case as possible , and then proceeded to consider , what were by the principles acknowledged by all , particularly by mr. knot , to be done in that one case , was agreeable to the strictest laws of discourse which i have met with . and if in compliance with this gentleman , i must deny my self such liberties , and yet yeild him so much greater , on the other side , if i must at the beginning of a defense of the church of england , be required to grant the church of rome infallible , i. e. to yeild not onely that she speaks all truth , but also that it is impossible she should speak any thing but truth , whom yet , by entring on this theme , i undertake to contradict , and to prove injurious in censuring us for schismaticks , this were , as i have said , an hard task indeed , the very same as if i were required to begin a duell by presenting and delivering up all weapons into the enemies hand , to plead a cause , and introduce my defense by confessing my self guilty of all that the plaintiffe doth , or can have the confidence to charge upon me . num. 47 and if these be the conditions of a dispute , these will questionlesse be hard , whatsoever the conditions of our reunion be conceived to be , and moreover this gentleman will be as infallible as his church , and then 't is pity he should lavish out medicines , that is so secured by charms , that he should defend his cause by reasons , which hath this one so much cheaper expedient , to answer a whole book in one period . num. 48 and so much for his animadversions on this second chapter , which are no excellent presage of that which we are to expect in the insuing . chap. iii. exceptions to the third chapter answered . sect. i. the division of schisme justified . of schisme against the authority of councells . of vnanimity of belief in the dispersion of the churches . num. 1 the exceptions against the third chap : are reducible to 4 heads . the first about the insufficiency of the division of schisme , in these words , num. 2 in his third chapter , what is chiefly to be noted to our purpose , is , that his division is insufficient , for he maketh schism to be only against monarchicall power , or against fraternall charity , which is very much besides the principles of those protestants , who pretend so much to the authority of councels , me thinks he should have remembred there might be schisme against conciliatory authority , whether this be called so when the councell actually sitteth , or in the unanimity of belief in the dispersion of the churches , so that the doctor ( supposing he concluded against the pope ) hath not concluded himself no schismatick , being separated form the catholick world . and again in the next page , by way of recollection or second thoughts , thus , but i must not forget here what i omitted to insert before , that in his division of schisme he omitteth the principall , if not indeed , and in the use of the word by the antients , the onely schism , which is when one breaketh from the whole church of god : for though a breach made from the immediate superior , or a particular church , may in some sort , and in our ordinary manner of speaking be called a schisme , yet that by wich one breaketh away from the communion of the whole church , is properly , and in a higher sense called schisme , and is that out of which the present question proceedeth , whereas other divisions , as long as both parts remain in communion with the vniversall church , are not properly schismes , but with a diminutive particle , so that in this division he left out that part which appertained to the question . num. 3 my division of schism is that which i could not conceive subject to the exceptions of any rationall man , of what perswasions soever ; schism being a breach of unity and communion ; as many sorts as were conceivable of unity and communion , so many , and no more , i set down of schisme , some as breaches of the subordination which christ setled in his church , others of mutuall charity , which he left among his disciples . num. 4 for is it not evident , that all men in the world are either our superiors , or inferiors , or our equals ? and can i break communion with any , as long as being an inferior , i live regularly under all my superiors , and brotherly with all my equals ? there is certainly no place of doubt in this . when therefore in his second period here set down , he mentions it , as the principall , ( and in the antients use of the word ) the onely schism , when one breaketh from the whole church of god , it is strange he should think that man was not comprised in either member of my division , when certainly he is guilty of both . for how can he separate from the whole church , unlesse he separate both from his superiors and his equals too ? and if he separate from both , then questionlesse he separates from one , and from more than one of them . num. 5 was it possible for any care more sollicitously to have prevented this exception , than that which by me was used , when among the branches of equality , with which every one is obliged to preserve unity and communion , i reckoned up , not only the believers of the same congregation , &c. but the severall communities of christian men from parishes and dioeceses , to climes of the whole christian world , chap. 3. § . 5. and indeed it is a great piece of austerity , that when i have indevoured to prove that we of the church of england have not voluntarily separated ( and that onely is the crime of schism ) from any one particular church , and no one of those proofs is invalidated , nor as yet so much as excepted against , it should yet be thought seasonable to reply , that we have broken off from the whole church of god. num. 6 is not that whole made up of these severals , as a body of limbs , the universal of particulars ? and can the hand be broken off from the whole body , when it is not broken off , but remains in perfect union with every part of the body ? if the arm be broken from the body , the hand , which remains united to the arm , may yet be separate from the whole body , because by being fastned to the arm 't is united but to one , and not to all the members of the body . but an union to all the members of the body supposes a separation from no one part that remains in the body , and sure that must be an union with the whole body , which is nothing else , but all the members together . num. 7 and so as his second thoughts were effects , not remedies of his forgetfulness , the very same , which he had mentioned before under the style of separation from the catholick world , so certainly they were again effects of his inobservance , that his principall sort of schisme , separation from the whole church , was comprehended by me under this style , separation from the severall communities of the whole christian world . num. 8 as to the former branch of his exception , that in my division of schisme , into that which is against monarchical ( i said , and when he recites my words , he should doe so too , paternal ) power , and that which is against fraternall charity , i omit to mention the authority of councels , it is evidently a causlesse suggestion . for 1. if councels , as he saith , have any authority , that will certainly be reducible to paternal power . and if they have none , any farther than by way of counsell and advice , that will directly fall under the head of fraternall charity . num. 9 secondly , if by councels he mean provinciall councels , it is evident that the power which severally belongs to the bishops of each province , is united in that of a provinciall councell , where all the diocesan bishops are assembled , and the despising of that is an offence under the first sort of schisme , a breach of the subordination to the bishop , yea , and the metropolitan too , who presides in the provinciall councell . num. 10 so again , if he mean nationall councells , the power of the bishops of all the provinces there assembled , divolves upon this assembly , compounded of all of them , the despising thereof is the despising of these ecclesiasticall superiours of the whole nation , and culpable , and schismaticall upon that account . num. 11 as for oecumenicall or generall councells , if they be truly such , the power of all the bishops of all the provinces in all christian nations divolves upon that , and so cannot be despised without despising of all ranks of our ecclesiasticall superiors , bishops , metropolitans , primates or patriarchs , and therefore this sort of schisme could not be deemed to be omitted , where all those other branches , of which it is made up , were so particularly handled . num. 12 that any more speciall consideration was not taken of generall councells in that discourse , the account ( beside that which is now given ) is more than intimated in that tract of schism , pag. 60. first because they were remedies of schisme , and extraordinary , not any standing judicatures , to which our constant subordination and subjection was required . 2. because these were such , as without which the church continued for the first 300 years , and so could not belong to a generall discourse , which spake of all the certain and ordinary and constant sorts of schisme , and such as all times were capable of , and inlarged not to those other of accidentall emergencies . 3. because they are now morally impossible to be had , the christian world being under so many empires , and divided into so many communions , that it is not visible to the eye of man how they should be regularly assembled . num. 13 as for those that are already past , and are on due grounds to be acknowledged truly oecumenicall , the communion , which is possible to be had or broken with them , is that of compliance with , or recession from their definitions , and our innocence in that respect is avowed , p. 160. as the congregating of the like ( when possible , and probable toward the end ) is recommended , p. 158. as a supply , when there should be need of extraordinary remedies . num. 14 lastly , if none of this had been done , or if this had not been undertaken so solemnly and formally , as some other supposed branches of schism were , in that tract , yet the account of that is visible to any , because the principal sort of schisme charged by the romanist on the church of england is that of casting out the bishop of rome , not contemning the authority of councels , and therefore i was in reason to apply my discourse most largely and particularly to that head , to which their objections , not my own choice directed me . so evidently contrary to the notoriety of the fact is this complaint of this gentleman , that my division of schism was insufficient , and that i took no notice of this ( as he pleases to call it ) conciliatory authority . num. 15 that to make his suggestion seem more probable , he advisedly chose to change the tearms of my division from that which was against paternal , to that which is against monarchical power , upon this apprehension , that paternal power would visibly include that of the fathers in councel assembled , as well as in several ; but monarchical power could not so fitly bear it , i shall not enter into his secrets to divine . this i am sure of , that the unanimity of belief in the dispersion of the churches , cannot with any propriety ( as by him it is ) be defined a branch of conciliatory authority , for certainly the churches dispersed are not met together , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dispersion of the jewes differed much from the councel assembled at jerusalem , and the christian church at this day is without question no oecumenical councel . num. 16 and then what authority scattered members can have , which never legally command , or exercise authority , but when they are in conjunction , i shall not here make stay to demonstrate : whatsoever there is of this nature will most properly be comprised under the head of communion or unity fraternal , and the schisme which is a transgression of that , being at large handled also , chap. 8. 9 , 10. there was no insufficiency , in any justice , to be charged on this division . sect. ii. of the extent of the roman province . the bishops of italy distinct from those that belong to rome . the ecclesiastical distributions agreeable with the civil . ruffinus vindicated . num. 1 the second charge on this chapter is about the extent of the roman patriarchie , in these words : num. 2 in this chap : he telleth us many things , some true , some not so , but all either common to us both , or not appertaining to the controversie , untill he concludes , that certainly the roman patriarchie did not extend it self to all italy , and this he does out of a word in ruffinus , which he supposeth to be taken in a speciall propriety of law , whereas indeed that author's knowledge in grammar was not such as should necessarily exact any such belief , especially learned men saying the contrary . num. 3 the place , to which this exception belongs , is not set down by this gentleman , but by annexing the testimony out of ruffinus , i discern it to be that of pag. 52. where speaking of the picenum suburbicarium and annonarium , i say the former belonged to the praefecture of rome ; the latter , with the seven provinces in the broader part of italy , belonged to the diocese ( as it was antiently called ) of italy , of which milan was the metropolis . num. 4 this being the affirmation which he excepteth against , i did not , nor yet doe make any question of vindicating , and defending it against any objection . num. 5 that learned men say the contrary , is here suggested , in the close , but as there is not one learned man named , nor testimony produced ( which therefore amounts no higher than the bare opinion or affirmation of this one gentleman , without any one reason or authority to support it ) so when any such learned mens names and testimonies shall be produced , it will be easie to shew , that there is very little of their learning exprest in so saying . num. 6 on the other side i had ( pag. 50. in the margent ) referred to some testimonies whereon my assertion was founded , viz : those which manifestly distinguisht the province of the bishop of rome from the province of italy , which could not have had truth in them , if the province of the patriarch of rome extended to all italy . num. 7 such was that of * eusebius distinctly mentioning the bishops of the cities of italy , and the bishops that belong to the city of the romans . the testimony out of the edict of the emperor aurelian , in the controversie betwixt paulus samosatenus and domnus , where it is decreed , that the house , about which they contended , should be delivered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to those to whom the bishops through italy and the city of the romans should decree it . num. 8 the like was that of the councel of sardice set down in * athanasius in the title of their epistle to the alexandrians , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the holy synod by god's grace assembled at sardice , from rome , and spain , france , italy , &c. num. 9 so in * athanasius's declaration of his own affairs , and the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) agreement of many bishops with him , he specifies , who and how many they were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. there were more than four hundred both from great rome , and from all italy , and from calabria , &c. where the bishops of the roman province are distinguisht from the bishops of italy , as those again from the bishops of calabria , &c. num. 10 so among the names prefixt to the * first councel of arles , we have ex provinciâ italiae , civitate mediclanensi , &c. ex urbe româ , quos sylvester episcopus misit ex provinciâ romanâ , civitate portuensi , &c. of the province of italy , from the city of milan &c. from the city of rome those whom bishop sylvester sent , of the province of rome , from the city of porta &c. such and such were assembled at that councel , where again the matter is clear as to the distinction of those provinces of rome and italy , the former under the presidency of the bishop of rome , the later of the bishop of milan . num. 11 by this it might have appeared to this gentleman ( if as he pleased to mention the much greek , in his preface , so he had been at leisure to consider the importance of it ) that beside the testimony ( which he will call a word ) of ruffinus , i had made use of other waies of proof , that the presidency of the bishop of rome ( i suppose that he must mean by the roman patriarchie ) did not extend it self to all italy . num. 12 again after the testimony of ruffinus , i mentioned another evidence , from the proportioning ecclesiastical jurisdictions to the temporal of the lieutenants ; this may appear in thesi , by the words of * origen , of which i shall now , because i did not there , take notice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is fit that the prefect of the church of each city , should correspond to the governour of those which are in the city . and that so it was , appears by the second canon of the councel of constantinople , where the jurisdictions of the bishops are still proportioned to the condition of the cities where they were , the bishop of alexandria to have power over all aegypt , the metropolis whereof was alexandria , and so in the rest . and this is in the tract of schism largely deduced and cleared also , p. 54 , 55 , &c. and need not be here again repeated , and so here was more again than the word of ruffinus , for what i said . num. 13 lastly , that for which ruffinus was cited , being but this , that the bishop of rome was authorized by the nicene canon to take care of the suburbicarian regions , i could not sure be mistaken in thinking , that he took the word suburbicarian in such a propriety ( i say not of law , but ) of common language , as will conclude the picenum suburbicarium to belong to the roman prefecture , as the annonarium did to the diocese of italy . num. 14 and certainly ruffinus , that lived so neer after the councel of nice , and that in italy , a presbyter of aquileia , knew how that was distributed in his time , better than this gentleman at this distance can pretend to doe , may also be allowed to know so much of grammar , as to expresse his own sense ( in a paraphrase ) of that nicene canon . num. 15 in a matter so clear i shall adde no more , but the words of a most excellent person , jac : leschasserius in his consultatio ad claris : venet : ruffino bellum indicunt scriptores romani hujus temporis , &c. the romanists of this time are displeased with ruffinus , not knowing what churches they were , which the nicene canon understands to be under the first and ordinary power of the pope . whereas ruffinus understood it of the churches of the suburbicarian provinces and regions , which are four , the first the roman , with the bounds of the prefecture of the city , and three other with which that is incompast , all campania , picenum suburbicarium , and tuscia suburbicaria , of which there is frequent mention in the notitiae of the roman empire . and of this the same authour hath written a learned tract , and so here is a distinct testimony of a very learned man , and this is a sufficient answer to his bare indefinite affirmation that learned men say the contrary . sect. iii. the identity of the office of primates and patriarchs , the authorities of gratian , and anacletus , and anicetus . num. 1 the third charge wherein this third chapter is concerned , remains about the identity of the office of primates , and p●triarchs , in these words : num. 2 then he telleth you that the office of primates and patriarchs was the same , onely authorising that affirmation from an epistle of anacletus , the which , as soon as occasion serveth , he will tell you is of no authority , but fictitious . num. 3 what i said of primates and patriarchs , that though the patriarchs had the precedence , in councels , the deference in respect of place , yet the power and jurisdiction of primates was as great as of patriarchs , and the office the same , i thought had sufficiently been evidenced to the romanist p. 58. for as one manifest indication of it was there mentioned , viz : that in authors the very titles are confounded , witness justinian who commonly gives primates the name of patriarchs of the dioceses , so the reference to those two authorities so acknowledged and owned by the romanists , the epistle of anacletus , and the decree of gratian , seemed to me to put it out of all question . num. 4 for in the body of their canon law corrected and set out by pope gregory xiii . as gratian's decree makes up the first and principall part ▪ so in that , par : 1. distinct : 99. we have these words , de primatibus autem quaeritur quem gradum in ecclesiâ tenuerint , an in aliquo à patriarchis differant , the question is made concerning primates , what degree they have in the church , and whether in any thing they differ from patriarchs . and the answer is , primates & patriarchae diversorum sunt nominum , sed ejusdem officii , primates and patriarchs are of different names , but of the same office . num. 5 what could have been said more punctually and expresly to the business in hand ? what more authentick and dilucid testimony could have been produced to any romanist , with whom i had to doe ? and 't is a little strange , that this gentleman should say that i onely authorize my affirmation from an epistle of anacletus , and then either he , or some supervisor for him , put in as a marginal note , he urgeth gratian too , when 1. if i urged gratian , i did not urge anacletus onely ; and 2. it is evident i did urge gratian as punctually as anacletus , and 3. gratian's words are so expresse as nothing can be more , and 4. gratian's authority with them is as great as any could have been produced ; and 5. there is not one word offered to avoid the force of gratian's testimony , as to that other of anacletus there is , which argues that this gentleman was concluded by gratian , yet would not consent to the proposition unanswerably inferred from him . and this may suffice to be noted concerning that testimony . num. 6 then for anacletus 1. his words are these , provinciarum divisio ab apostolis est renovata , the division of provinces was renued by the apostles , et in capite provinciarum — patriarchas vel primates , qui unam formam tenent , licèt diversa sint nomine , leges divinae & ecclesiasticae poni & esse jusserunt , ad quos episcopi , si necesse fuerit , confugerent , eosque appellarent , and in the head of the province — patriarchs , or primates , who hold the same form ( are of the same nature ) though they be divers names , are placed by divine and ecclesiasticall laws , so that to them the bishops , when 't is needfull , may resort and make their appeals . this testimony again as punctuall to the purpose as could have been devised . num. 7 and then secondly , this being by the romanists received as a decretall epistle of that pope and antient bishop of rome , was in reason , whatsoever it were to us , to stand with the romanist in full authority . num. 8 thirdly , this being in perfect concord with the decree of gratian , is in the aforesaid body of their canon law approved , and set out by pope gregory xiii . annext to that decree of gratian , distinct : 99. c. 1. num. 9 and fourthly , whereas this gentleman saith , that as soon as occasion serves i will tell you this epistle of anacletus is of no authority , i must say 1. that i have no where , that i remember , ever said so . 2. that this gentleman cannot without divining tell me now , what i shall doe hereafter . 3. that occasion not yet requiring it of me , but anacletus affirming what i affirm , i have no temptation to doe so , and so as yet he can have no pretence to make use of this subterfuge . 4. that there are things called argumenta ad homines , arguments that may binde him who acknowledges the authority , from which they are drawn , though they conclude not him that allows not those authorities , and such is this of anacletus his epistle , to a romanist . num. 10 and by the same logick that he can inferre that anacletus's authority was unduely produced by me , who ( as he but thinks ) will not stand to anacletus's authority , i may sure conclude that anacletus's authority was duly produced by me , because against him , who , i have reason to presume , must stand to anacletus's authority . num. 11 a third testimony of the same nature i shall now adde , which must again have force with a romanist , that of anicetus ad episcopos galliae , which follows there in the * corpus juris canonici . primarum civitatum episcopos apostoli & successores apostolorum regulariter patriarchas & primates esse constituerunt . the apostles and their successors regularly appointed that the bishops of the prime cities should be primates and patriarchs , and till somewhat be produced to the contrary , as 't is sure here is nothing offered by this gentleman , this may at the present suffice in this place . sect. iv. the supreme ecclesiasticall power of patriarchs . the power of convoking councells , a prerogative of supremacy . that the bishop of rome is not over patriarchs . proofs from the councells , and canons apostolick , and the corpus juris , and pope gregorys arguing . num. 1 the last exception concerns the supreme power of patriarchs , or the no superiority of any ecclesiasticall power over them , thus. num. 2 then he saith there was no power over the patriarchs , his proof is because the emperour used his secular authority in gathering of councels , concluding , that because the pope did not gather general councels , therefore he had no authority over the universal church , which how unconsequent that is , i leave to your judgment . num. 3 that there was no supreme power in the bishop of rome , nor in any other above that of primates and patriarchs , but onely that of the emperour in the whole christian world , as of every soveraign prince in his dominions , i thought sufficiently proved by this , that the power of convoking councels did not belong to the bishop of rome , but to the prince in every nation , and the emperour in the whole world . and i deemed this a sufficient proof , not because there are no other branches of a supreme authority imaginable , or which are claimed by the bishop of rome save onely this ; but i. because this of convoking councels is certainly one such prerogative of the supreme power , inseparable from it , and he that hath not that , hath not the supreme power ( as in any nation some prerogatives there are , which alwaies are annext to the imperial majesty , and wherever any one of them truely is , there is the supreme power , and 't is treason for any but the supreme , to assume any one of them , and one of that number is calling of national assemblies ) and secondly , because the bishop of rome doth as avowedly challenge this power of convoking general councels , as any other i could have named or insisted on . and truely that was the onely reason why i specified in this , because this of all others is most eminent in it self , most characteristical of the supreme power , and most challenged by the bishop of rome , and most due to him , in case he be the vniversal pastor . num. 4 and then where there be several branches of a power , all resident in the same subject inseparably , from the absence of one to collect the absence of all , i must still think , a solid way of probation , and cannot discern the infirm part , or inconsequence of it . if i could , it would be no difficult matter to repair it , and supply the imperfectnesse of the proof , by what is put together in the corpus juris canonici ( even now cited ) decret : par : 1. dist : 99. c. 3 , 4 , 5. num. 5 the thing that i had to prove , was , that there was not antiently any summum genus , any supreme either of , or over patriarchs , beside the prince or emperour . to this , as farre as concerns the negative part , that the bishop of rome is not this summum genus , i now cite from that third chap. primae sedis episcopus non appelletur princeps sacerdotum , vel summus sacerdos , the bishop of the first seat ought not to be called prince of the priests , or supreme priest . and this testified out of the african councel , can : 6. where the very words are recited with this addition of [ aut aliquid hujusmodi ] he is not to be called by any other title of the same kinde , sed tantum primae sedis episcopus , but onely bishop of the first see , and there were three such at that time , ( those named in the nicene canon ) alexandria , rome , antioch , as is sufficiently known . num. 6 and that he may see the practice of the church was perfectly concordant with that definition , i referre this gentleman to the milevitan councell , cap. 22. where speaking of appeals from their bishops , the rule is , non provocent nisi ad africana concilia , vel ad primates provinciarum suarum , they must appeal to none but the african councels , or the primates of their own provinces . ad transmarina autem qui putaverint appellandum , à nullo intra africam in communionem recipiantur . but if any shall think fit to appeal to any transmarine ( forreign ) judicature , they are not to be admitted to communion by any within africa . and indeed the same had been before defined by the first nicene councel , num. 7 c. 5. where the sentence pronounced against any by the bishops in each province was to stand good according to the canon ( i suppose the 12 apostolick ) which pronounces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they which are excommunicated by some , shall not be received by others . and accordingly in the synodical epistle of the african councel to pope caelestine , which is in the book of canons of the roman church , and in the greek collection of the canons of the african church , we finde these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we intreat you ( the style of one church to another ) that for the future you will not easily admit those who have come to you from hence , and that you will not receive to your communion those who are excommunicate by us , seeing the councell of nice hath thus defined , as you may easily discern . num. 8 by all which put together by the african out of the nicene , and by the nicene out of the apostolick canon , it is evident that the bishop of rome hath not power to absolve any person excommunicate by any bishop of another province , and that 't is unlawfull for any such to make appeal to him , which certainly will conclude against every the most inferior branch of his pretended authority over the vniversal church . num. 9 if this be not enough , then adde the 34 apostolick canon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the bishops of every nation must know him that is the first among them , i. e. their primate , and account him as their head . which sure inferres that the bishop of rome is not the one onely head of all bishops . the same is afterward transcribed by the 9 canon of antioch . num. 10 but to return to their corpus juris , so again decret : par : 1. dist : 99. c. 4. nec etiam romanus pontifex universalis est appellandus . the pope of rome is not to be called vniversal bishop , citing the epistle of pope pelagius ii. nullus patriarcharum vniversalitatis vocabulo unquam utatur , quia si unus patriarcha unversalis dicatur , patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur . no patriarch must ever use the title of vniversal , for if one be called universal patriarch , the name of patriarch is taken from all the rest , and more to the same purpose ; the very thing that i was here to prove . num. 11 so again ch. 5. out of the epistle of pope gregory to eulogius patriarch of alexandria , where refusing the title of vniversalis papa , vniversal pope , or father , or patriarch , and calling it superbae appellaetionis verbum , a proud title , he addes , si enim vniversalem me papam vestra sanctit as dicit , negat se hoc esse , quod me fatetur vniversum , if the patriarch of alexandria call the pope universal father , he doth thereby deny himself to be that which he affirms the pope to be universally ; the meaning is clear , if the pope be universal patriarch , then is he patriarch of aegypt , for sure that is a part of the vniverse ; and then as there cannot be two supremes , so the bishop of alexandria cannot be patriarch of aegypt , which yet from s. mark 's time was generally resolved to belong to him , and the words of the nicene canon are expresse to it , that according to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 original , primitive customes , the bishop of alexandria should have power over all aegypt , lybia , and pentapolis , adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. seeing this is also customary with the bishop of rome , of antioch , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the privileges should be preserved to the churches . num. 12 all which arguing of that pope , yea , and that great councel were perfectly unconcluding ( inconsequent , as mine was said to be ) if the bishop of rome , or any other , had power over patriarchs , or authority over the universal church , which here this gentleman is pleased to affirm , and so sure must think gregory more than fallible , when he thus protested , and disputed the contrary . num. 13 how much higher than this the same gregory ascended in expressing his detestation of that title , is sufficiently known from his epistle to mauritius the emperor , in regist : 1. 4. ep : 30. i shall not here trouble him with the recitation of it . num. 14 what is after these passages set down in their body of the law , shews indeed that the popes continued not alwaies of this minde , neither was i of opinion that they did , the story being known to all how boniface iii. with much adoe obtained of phocas the emperour an edict for the primacy and vniversal jurisdiction of the church of rome ( see paul : diac : de gest is romanorum , l. 18. ) which yet is an argument that till then it had no foundation . num. 15 whether there were antiently any such , higher than patriarchs , and whether now there ought to be , was the question before me , and both those i must think concluded by what i have here set down , as farre as relates to any true , i. e. original right , from any appointment of ●hrist , or title of succession to s. peter . num. 16 much more might be easily added to this head , if it were not evident that this is much more than was necessary to be replied to a bare suggestion , without any specifying what that power is , which may belong to the pope over the vniversal church , though convoking of councels did not belong to him , and without any offer of proof , that any such did really belong to him . chap. iv. an answer to the exceptions made to the fourth chapter . sect. i. the romanists pretensions founded in s. peters universal pastership . of possession without debating of right . what power the pope was possest of here . num. 1 in the fourth chap : his objections begin to grow to some height , they are reducible to three heads , the first is by way of preface , a charge of a very considerable default in the whole discourse that i remember not what matters i handle ; the other two are refutations of the two evidences i use to disprove the popes claim of universal trimacie from christ's donation to s. peter . the first of the three is set down in these words : num. 2 in the fourth chapter he pretendeth to examine whether by christ his donation s. peter had a trimacie ever the church , where not to reflect upon his curious division , i cannot omit that he remembers not what matters he handles , when he thinketh the catholick ought to prove that his church or pope hath an universal primacie ; for it being granted that in england , the pope was in quiet possession of such a primacie , the proof that it was just belongeth not to us , more than to any king , who received his kingdome from his ancestors , time out of minde , to prove his pretension to the crown just : for quiet possession of it self is a proof , untill the contrary be convinced , as who should rebell against such a king were a rebell , untill he shewed sufficient cause for quitting obedience ; with this difference , that obedience to a king may be prescription or bargain be made unnecessary , but if christ hath commanded obedience to his church , no length of years , nor change of humane affairs can ever quit us from this duty of obedience , so that the charge of proving the pope to have no such authority from christ , lieth upon the protestants now as freshly , as the first day of the breach , and will doe so untill the very last . num. 3 my method in the beginning of chap : 4. is visibly this ; the church of england being by the romanist charged of schism in departing from the obedience of the bishop of rome , and this upon pretense that he , as successor of s. peter hath a supremacy over all the churches in the world , i undertake to examine the truth of two branches of this suggestion , one whether saint peter had this universal supremacy given him by christ ; the second , whether this power , if supposed to be instated on saint peter , devolved on the bishops of rome . the former of these i examined in that chapter . and i must now discern , if i can , how i have failed in any particle of my undertaking . num. 4 first , saith he , will not reflect on my curious division . and i that know there was no curiosity in any division of mine , but on the other side , such perspicuity as was agreeable to a desire and indevour to set down the whole matter of debate between us as distinctly and intelligibly as i could , that the reader might be sure to judge whether i answered their charge , or no , i have no reason in the least to suspect the fitnesse and usefulnesse of my division , nor consequently to be impertinently sollicitous in reflecting on it . num. 5 that which he saith he cannot omit , i shall make haste to consider with him , viz : my great mistake , in thinking the catholick ought to prove his church or pope hath an universal primacie . num. 6 to this i answer , 1. that there is no manner of foundation or pretense for this exception here . for i no where say the least word toward this purpose of requiring the romanist to prove his pretensions , or to prove them by this medium , onely i take it for granted , that he doth actually produce arguments to inferre the pope's universal primacie , and that christ's donation to s. peter is one of those arguments . and that i was not herein mistaken , i shall , instead of a larger deduction of evidences from all sorts of romish writers , make my appeal to the objecter himself , in several places of this little tract , particularly p. 20. where he hath these words , we relie on the first , as the foundation , and corner-stone of the whole building , and what that first is , appears by the words immediately precedent , that the pretensions for the pope's supremacy in england must be founded as successor to s. peter in the universal pastorship of the church , so including england as a member thereof . from whence in stead of recriminating and retorting on him the charge of the ill memory , i shall onely make this undeniable inference , that i was not mistaken in thinking that the romanist doth actually found his pretensions in the universal pastorship of saint peter , and consequently , if i prove that to fail , i have removed that which in his own style is the foundation and corner stone of his whole building . num. 7 but then 2. because he here pretends that it belongs not to a romanist to prove his pretension just , but that it sufficeth that he hath the possession , i desire to propose these three things to his consideration , 1. by demanding whether at this time , or for these 100 years the pope hath had the possession of the obedience of this nation ; i suppose he will say he hath not ; and if so , then by the force of his own argument , that possession , and all the arguments deducible from thence , are now lost to him , the prescription being now on our side , as before on theirs , and there is nothing left him to plead , but the original right on his side , against the violence of the succeeding possession : and if he come to the pleading of the right , then that is the very method that i proposed , and so did not offend or forget my self in so doing . num. 8 secondly , concerning their possession before henry viii . his daies , i shall demand how long they had it , and how they acquired it ; if he will not at all think fit to answer this question in either part , then i confesse he hath made an end of the dispute , and by refusing to give account of the right he had to his possession , he will leave every man to catch and hold what he can , and then to imitate him , and give no account to any how he came by it , which as it is an unchristian method , every man being obliged to clear his actions from manifest charges of injustice and violence , so again 't is an evil lesson against himself , and unlesse we will confesse our selves schismaticks in casting off their obedience , 't is impossible for him ever to prove us such , this kinde of schism , which now we speak of , being by all acknowledged to be a separation from our lawfull superiors , and no way being imaginable to prove the pope to be such to this nation , without offering some proof to the point of right , as well as adhering to his possession . num. 9 to which purpose it is farther observable , 1. that even in secular things it is not every possession that gives a right , but 1. either the bonae fidci possessio , a possession honestly come by , or the unjustnesse of whose original is not contested or made to appear . and 2. whatsoever privilege by humane laws belongs to prescription , yet in divine or ecclesiasticall matters prescription can be of no force against truth of right , and so this gentleman seems to acknowledge here , extending the force of possession no farther than till sufficient cause be shewed to the contrary . 3. that though whilst i am in possession i need not be bound to prove my right , yet when i am out of possession , there is not , beside absolute force , any way possible to recover a possession , but this of contesting and evidencing the right of it , and that , 't is evident , is the present case . num. 10 but if he shall think fit to answer the question in either part of it , then by the answer to the first part of it , he must be forced to set down the original of it ; and by answer to the second , the right of that original ( and so he hath been fain to doe , as elsewhere , so in this very paragraph , where he speaks of christ's commanding obedience to his church , i suppose he must mean the church of rome ) and that is again the very method in which i proposed to debate , and consider this matter . num. 11 thirdly , for the power , of which the pope was possest in this kingdome , either it was no more than an ecclesiastical primacie , such as by the antient canons belongs to a primate or patriarch over metropolitans and bishops , or else it was a supreme power over the king himself , whether in spiritual , or also in temporal affairs . num. 12 if it pretend onely to be the former of these , then the power of kings to erect or translate primacies or patriarchates , which is insisted on and evidenced in the tract of schisme , c 6. § . 9. was sufficient then to justifie what here was done , no possession being pleadable against the king , to restrain or exclude this exercise of his power , and so now to free us from schisme , ( by this gentleman's rule ) this act of the kings in translating the primacie being sufficient cause for quitting our obedience , supposing the bishop of rome formerly to have been our primate . num. 13 but if the pretensions be higher , even for the supremacie it self , either in whole , or in part , then 1. i may surely say they were never bonae fidei possessores of that , and 2. that the king , who by being so , is supreme in his own kingdome , and cannot admit of another supreme either in or out of it , hath all the advantages of possession , which are here spoken of by this gentleman , and must not be divested of his right , nay must not , cannot ( remaining a king ) divest himself of it , nor might any without the guilt of rebellion quit his obedience to him . num. 14 lastly , to remove all appearance of reason from this whole exception , 1. it is manifest that at the time of casting out the power of the pope out of this kingdome , there were ( i must have leave to suppose , convincing ) reasons given for the doing of it , a breviate of which the reader may finde in that one treatise ( mentioned in the tract of schism , p. 135. ) de verâ differentiâ regiae & ecclesiasticae potestatis , then composed and published by the bishops , and since reprinted by melchior goldastus in monarchia , tom : 3. p. 22. under the title of opus eximium , a very notable excellent work . 2. that how meanly so ever it hath been performed , yet this was one special design of the tract of schism ( which this gentleman saith will alwaies lie upon protestants ) to prove the pope to have no such authority from christ , as the romanist pretendeth him to have . and this i hope may suffice to be said to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his prelusory skirmish against this fourth chapter . sect. ii. the condition of s. peter's province . the apostles distribution of their great province , the world , into several portions . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 1. the interpretation thereof vindicated . num. 1 i proceed now to his refutations of the first evidence i make use of to disprove the pope's claim to universal primacie from christ's donation to s. peter . num. 2 my evidence is taken from the condition of s. peter's province , as by agreement betwixt him and his fellow apostle s. paul , it was assigned him , gal. 2. 7 , 9. that he should be the apostle of the circumcision or jewes ( which certainly was not the whole world ) exclusively to the gentile part , or the uncircumcision , which was remitted to s. paul both there and rom. 11. 13. and this , as is * there specified , in every city where they met together . and because the universal extensive commission of christ to all and every apostle , giving them authority to go and preach to the whole world , might seem to be contrary to this special assignation , i took care to prevent this objection , by premising that this commission given by christ indefinitely , and unlimitedly , and extending equally to the whole world , was restrained by some subsequent act or acts of the apostles themselves , who distributed their universal province into several portions and assignations , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , portions of apostolacy , and the several provinces where they were thus to labour , styled each of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to each an assigned peculiar place , act. 1. 25. num. 3 now to this groundwork of my insuing probation , he makes his first exception in these words : as for his proofs , which he calls evidences , he telleth us first that s. peter was the apostle of the circumcision exclusively to the uncircumcision or gentiles ; to prove this , he saith the apostles distributed their universal province into several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , by his interpretation , lesser provinces , and citeth act. 1. v. 25. where s. peter with the other apostles prayeth god to shew which of the two proposed he was pleased to have promoted to the dignity of being an apostle , this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and this rigorous interpreter saith , it signifies the special province s. matthias was to have , though the scripture it self expresseth the contrary , saying the effect was that afterward he was counted amongst the apostles : could any man not blinded with error make so wretched an interpretation ? but he goes on presently adding that s. peter in the same place calleth these particular provinces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and will you know what this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or proper place is , read the text , and you shall finde that s. peter speaketh of judass , ' going to hell to receive his eternall damnation : methinks you should wonder i can go on without astonishment at such blasphemous explications , for sure it can be no lesse so to abuse the word of god , and after this what doe you expect ? num. 4 here are two great charges , the first introduced by styling me a rigorous interpreter , and prosecuted , by affirming me blinded with error , my interpretation wretched and contrary to what the scripture expresseth . but the second is of no lesse than blasphemy , and abusing the word of god , and his friend is to wonder that he is not astonished , and after i have been guilty of such crimes as these , 't is in vain forsooth to expect any thing from me , the whole insuing discourse is utterly defamed and blasted , like * philopemen's good counsel in the senate of lacedaemon , by being delivered by so ill a man , so infamous a person , as a blasphemer is justly deemed by him . num. 5 but i am not to be disquieted with this , or to prepare any reply to the rhetorical passionate part of it , if the interpretations shall be found agreeable to scripture , the astonishment and the outcrie will be soon at an end , and therefore that is the onely care that i shall here assume on me . num. 6 and 1. i shall suppose it evident from the story , and from the very end to which this commissionating so great a number of twelve apostles was designed , that all the apostles were not to go together , in consort , to preach unto all the world , it would have been long ere the faith would have been propagated to all the world , if this slower method had been taken . num. 7 to this it is consequent , that our saviour having left the world in common before them , the distribution of that one wider into severall lesser provinces must be an act of the apostles themselves , as when god had given the land of canaan to the 12 tribes of israel , eleazar , and josua , and the heads of the fathers of the tribes distribute to every tribe their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or portion ( which because it was to continue to their posterity , we ordinarily style their inheritance ) jos . 14. 1. num. 8 and as there is no doubt of the truth of this fact , so if this one thing be granted me , there is no more incumbent on me to prove in this matter ; and though neither of those phrases , act. 1. 25. should be for my turn , yet my conclusion remains good to me , as farre as it pretendeth to be deducible from those phrases , viz : that the apostles distributed their great province , the whole world , into severall lesser provinces , one , or possibly more than one to go one way , the other another . num. 9 it was therefore ex abundanti , more than was necessary , that i annexed the use of those phrases to that purpose , not undertaking to prove this ( as this gentleman saith ) by those texts , much lesse peter's being apostle of the circumcision ( which was a consectary and had its several probation afterwards ) but onely accommodating those phrases to the matter in hand , and by the way assigning what i thought the most probable notion of them . num. 10 and although it be still as unnecessary to impose my explications on this gentleman , the conclusion having as yet no use of them , yet being obliged to give him such an account of my actions , as may free me from blasphemy , and abuse of the word of god , i shall here adventure to make my apologie , by premising 1. not out of grammarians onely , but out of the scripture it self , the notion of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifying originally a lot or way of division ( into severals ) of that , which belongs to all in common ( one means of setling propriety among men ) it comes next by an easie figure to signifie that which is thus divided , or which in the division falls to every man as his portion . num. 11 so saith phavorinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the verb signifies distribution both active and passive : and accordingly in the son of syrach we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 division of , or , by lot , ecclus. 14 15. and by that we may understand a lesse obvious expression , c. 37. 8. beware of a counseller , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lest he cast the lot upon thee , i. e. lest he help another to cheat thee , and then go sharer with him , divide thee betwixt them . num. 12 so in like manner saith phavorinus of the substantive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it signifies a part , that which falls to one's lot , a portion , as act. 8. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 portion and lot are all one . and he that hath a possession thus setled on him , and dominion by that means , or he that undertakes to dresse or till so much land , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lord and the husbandman , are both the interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that hath such a lot or portion assigned him . num. 13 proportionably those that any governour of the church is set over , are called his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or lot , and 1 pet. 5. 3. such governours are commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to behave themselves as the roman pretors were wont to doe over their several provinces , oppressing and tyrannizing over them . num. 14 to this it is agreeable , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 1. 17. should denote such a portion of ministerial office , as belonged to one that was sent or commissionated by christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a task or work , exprest v. 20. by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his episcopal office ( for that though it be a rule , yet is also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ministerie , mat. 23. 11. ) in the church . num. 15 hence again that portion of employment in preaching the faith , testifying the resurrection of christ , which belonged to one single apostle , such as judas was , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from which he departed by his sin , and to which another succeed● by way of surrogation , is as fitly styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a portion of apostolacy , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or division of that grand employment . num. 16 and what either one single error or act of blindnesse was committed in thus interpreting , much more occoecation or being blinded with error , which i suppose the compound accumulation ( whether onely sin or punishment also ) of many errors , what rigor or wretchednesse of interpretation , i am still so blinde as not to discern , and this gentleman is not so charitable , as to give me his least directions to recover to my way , or my eyes again . num. 17 for as to the scriptures expressing the contrary , in saying he was counted among the apostles , that sure is no evidence against my interpretation , for matthias may become one of the twelve , succeed to judas's office and lot , that which did , or should , if he had lived , have belonged to him , and yet neither he , if he had lived , nor now matthias in his stead , have more than a particular province , this or that region , ( not the whole world in common ) assigned for his appartment . num. 18 so that as yet i cannot discern that i have done the least injury to the text in thinking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lot or division of apostolacy , to be the several task that belonged to any of the twelve apostles , or that portion of labour , that by consent at their parting one from another should be assigned to each of them . num. 19 and then the analogie will still hold perfectly , that as this distribution of tasks consisted in going to severall quarters for the preaching of the faith of christ , one , one way ; another , another ; so he that had received his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 portion of apostolacy , should be said to have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a peculiar or proper place , and having so , should ( not immediately , but soon after the ghost's descent ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , go , or , betake himself to it . num. 20 this therefore , and upon these grounds of fitnesse , both in respect of the words , and the context , i take to be the meaning of that phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to go to his proper place , his peculiar assignation , and i cannot imagine the least inconvenience that can lie against this rendring . num. 21 for 1. in case it should not be the true , yet it can be any thing as soon as blasphemy , thus to interpret it . 't is certainly nothing to the dishonour of god , to say that matthias went and preacht the gospel in such a region peculiarly , and so there is no blasphemie in that , viz : the matter of the interpretation ; and for the abusing of the word of god , it is hard to divine how that can be deemed such , which affixeth nothing to the word of god , but that which is notoriously true ( for so it is that matthias went one way to preach the gospel , and s. john and s. bartholomew each of them another ) and would be acknowledged to doe so , if this text were not applied to it . num. 22 as for the other interpretation of the words ( which this gentleman is pleased to preferre , and might have injoyed his own judgment , without censuring them as blasphemers , that differed from him in expounding one difficult phrase ) by affixing it to judas , and not to matthias , 1. there is no indication in the context that favours that , it was sufficient to say of judas that which had been said v. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. to set out the horror of his fact , which soon attended it in his own breast , and the bloody death which it brought upon him , but he needed not proceed to revealing of secrets , the sadder consequents , which remained in arrear after death , and 't is chrysostome's observation on v. 16. behold , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the wise christian carriage of s. peter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how he doth not reproach , and insult on him , calling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , villain , or detestable villain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but sets down the fact simply , and on v. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he sets down , saith he , his present vengeance , that sure is it which befell him in this world , which , by the way , cannot well consist with the interpreting it of hell . num. 23 2. the use of parentheses in scripture is very ordinary , and if that be here admitted ( which it well may , without any more formal expression of it , than by putting a comma after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is already in the printed copies ) then the interpretation is clear and unavoidable , to receive the lot or portion of his ministerie and apostleship ( from which judas by transgression fell ) to go , or , that he may go to his proper place . num. 24 3. hell being the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the common place or lot of all wicked men , it cannot fitly be exprest with such a double emphasis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place , the proper place , i. e. the place peculiar to him , which yet may very fitly be affirmed of matthias his province , so his , as it was not any mans else . num. 25 lastly , it is not near so proper to say that he sinned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to go to hell , as that the other was chosen and surrogated into judas's place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to go to preach to such a quarter of the world , or that the apostles desired god to signifie his pleasure whom he had chosen , that so he might take his portion of labour and go ; his going was visibly the end intended in all this , but damnation or punishment , going to hell , was never intended by judas in his transgression , though it be supposed the deserved reward and consequent of it . num. 26 all this amassed together , may , i hope , vindicate an innocent , and , i hope , obvious ( farre from wrested ) interpretation from such an accumulation of charge , as is laid upon it , without any tender of reason against it , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o wretched ( blasphemous &c. ) in lucian . and so much in answer to that paragraph . sect. iii. s. peter the apostle of the circumcision ; the agreement betwixt the apostles . peter's preaching to cornelius . num. 1 his second exception is to the position it self of peter's being the apostle of the jewes exclusively to the gentiles , and it is in these words : num. 2 his position is a directly against scripture , as if he had done it on purpose , the scripture telling us how by a special vision s. peter was commanded to preach to cornelius a gentile first of all the apostles , and himself in the councel of jerusalem protesting the same ; and yet this doctor can teach he was made apostle to the jewes , exclusively to the gentiles , though all story say the contrary . num. 3 the position , which is here said to be so directly against the scripture , was to my understanding the expresse affirmation of scripture it self , i am sure from thence it was that i learnt it , and i must fail very much in my expectation , if this gentleman himself doe not acknowledge the testimony produced , gal. 2. 7. to be sufficient ground to inferre it . there peter is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intrusted with the gospel of the circumcision , that the circumcision there signifies the jews , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render gospel , the office of preaching or revealing the faith to them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the apostolacy of the circumcision , ver . 8. if it be not of it self plain enough , 't is made so by ver . 9. where it is added that peter &c. were by agreement to go 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the circumcision , where circumcision , being the object or term of his motion , must needs be the jewes , not circumcision it self , and so saint chrysostome at large expounds it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to signifie the thing , circumcision , but the persons , the jewes , in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gentiles , in the former words , and then going to them must needs be preaching to them , going to them as to a province , the care of which was intrusted to him ; and the right hands of fellowship , the agreement that was made betwixt them , james the bishop of jerusalem , and peter , and the beloved disciple on one side , and paul and barnabas on the other side , is side , is sure the interpretation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the being intrusted or having that , as a province , committed to them . num. 4 and this is the special importance , saith s. chrysostome , of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but contrariwise ( the beginning of ver . 7. ) as that is opposed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their adding to him v. 6. james , saith he , and peter and john , were so farre from opposing any thing that he had done , from advising any thing more , from telling him any circumstance more than before he knew , that they not onely approved , but commended what he had done , and to set the things the more unquestionably for the future , made this agreement with him and barnabas , that whensoever they should come to the same city , mixt of jewes and gentiles , peter and john should betake themselves to the jewish , and paul and barnabas to the gentile part of it . for , as was said , it was not by any particular assignation of christ's , but by agreement among themselves that this assignation of provinces was made . num. 5 and therefore as in point of propriety , when that which is supposed to lie by nature in common to all , is , to avoid contentions and confusions , and the state of perpetual hostility , so distributed by agreement among the fellow-communers , as that one portion shall be assigned as the propriety and appartment of one , the other of another , then and from thenceforth that which is the proportion of one , is so his , that it belongs to no other , and again so his , that he hath no right to any other part ( which i should expresse by saying that that part is his exclusively to any other part , for sure his standing to any such division cuts him out , and so excludes him from any farther right ) so here after this agreement between those apostles jointly made , concerning the two parts of mankinde , jewes and gentiles , to which they were to preach , and among whom to preside , the jewes are become s. peter's peculiar , or portion , or province , and that so his , as the gentiles were not his , they being left to s. paul ( and barnabas ) who is both there affirmed to have them committed to him , and rom. 11. 13. to be the apostle of the gentiles ; and that i exprest by that phrase , peter was the apostle of the jewes ( so it is said of him expresly gal. 2. 8. ) exclusively to the uncircumcision ] and truly i knew not ( nor yet doe ) how to expresse it more significatively , and more to the rendring of the full importance of those plain texts , and this gentleman hath not pleased to direct me how to doe it better . num. 6 and having the scripture thus clear and irrefragable for my position , if now i should not be able to salve the antinomies , to answer his objections from scripture to it , this were certainly but my dulness ( another that hath a greater 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be able to doe it ) and therefore ought not to be any prejudice to the truth of the affirmation . but unlesse the difficulties be greater than as yet appear , i shall not much doubt of undertaking the taske , of reconciling all the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that can be phansied . num. 7 for what if peter by special vision was once commanded to preach to cornelius a gentile ? sure this is very competible with my position , for not to mention that this is acknowledged to have been a peculiar commission by special vision determined to that particular person and his family , which , till he had this vision , he thought it utterly unlawfull to preach to , act. 10. 28. ( and it is certain that one special case were no prejudice to the general position ) and again that cornelius though a gentile , was yet a proselyte of the jews , such as they called a proselyte of the gates , though not of justice , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or devout man , though not circumcised ; to omit these , i say , the answer is obvious , 1. that this agreement , of which i speak , was at the time of paul's going up to jerusalem , act. 15. i. e. some years after this of peter's preaching to cornelius , as may appear gal. 2. 1. which defines it to be about 14 years after s. paul's conversion , whereas that of peter's preaching to cornelius , act. 10. placed in the next chapter to that which described the conversion of paul , must needs be some considerable space before this time of his going up to the councel at jerusalem . and so that of peter's preaching to cornelius , and his protesting the same in the councel of ierusalem , hath nothing of opposition to this agreement ( made for the future , sure , not for the time past ) what should be done in their after-preaching , i suppose i need adde no more to that which is thus evident . num. 8 secondly , i have already sufficiently * exprest , how farre this agreement extended , and how farre exclusive it was , not that it should be unlawful for peter to preach to a gentile , or for paul to preach to a iew , but that when they met in the same city ( as at antioch certainly they did , and at rome also i make no question ) then the one should constantly apply himself to the iewes , receive disciples , form them into a church , leave them to be governed by a bishop of his assignation , and the other should doe in like manner to the gentiles . num. 9 and that this was so in the consequents of the story , is largely shewed in that tract . what could have been said more punctually to prevent this exception taken from peter's preaching to cornelius , i cannot yet discern . i wish this gentleman had pleased to take notice of it ; as it is , i hope he will now be more sure to doe so . sect. iv. paul's first preaching to the iewes in every city . to what the agreement between him and peter belonged . num. 1 another argument he adds much to the same purpose , which will make his third exception . num. 2 again , if he were made the apostle of the iewes , exclusively to the gentiles , by the same reason s. paul was made apostle of the gentiles exclusively to the iewes , for the words are like ; and yet the scripture teacheth us that whereever he came , he preached first to the iewes : is not this to make scripture ridiculous ? num. 3 here is great severity again , a charge of making scripture ridiculous , but i hope i have been farre from any guilt of it . that s. paul , whensoever he came to a city , where the faith had not been preached , and where there was any synagogue of the iews , went into that synagogue in time of their publick assembling , i never made any question , were this before , or were it after the story of act. 15 . when i suppose this agreement to be made betwixt him and s. peter , &c. num. 4 great reason , and no small obligation there was for that ; for i. christ had commanded that the preaching should begin at ierusalem , the metropolis of the iewes , and as to the iewes first ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) god had raised up his son iesus , act. 3. 26. so the gospel of the resurrection was to be revealed ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to the iew first , rom. 1. 16. num. 5 and although in paul's commission from christ it were peculiarly express that he should preach the gospel to the gentiles , act. 9. 15. & 22. 21. yet according to this great fundamental oeconomie he counted it necessary , first to make tender of his service , and of the glad tidings of the gospel , to the iewes , and so he tells them act. 13. 46. it was necessary that the word of god should first have been spoken to you , and till the iewes refuse it and reject it , he doth not betake himself so peculiarly to the gentiles . num. 6 again , this was in some measure necessary to his publishing the faith , for that was most advantageously to be done in the publick assemblies , that it might be known to all that were in the city : and the synagogues of the iewes being such , were in all reason by him , that was a iew , to be preferred before the idolatrous temples of the heathens : and according to these obligations , and inducements , so generally he did ; but then as this no way prejudiceth his title of apostle of the gentiles , to which he was at the first assigned by christ , so neither is it any way contrary to , or unreconcileable with the agreement which i suppose to be made between him and peter and iohn , which concerned onely those cities and regions , where they met , and came to plant churches ; there , and there onely it is , that i affirm this distribution of provinces to have been made , and consequently the affirmation is no farther in any justice to be extended , than thus , that when they so met , paul betook himself to the gentile part , compacted the gentile proselytes or believers into a church , put them into the hands of a bishop of his own assignation , ignatius at antioch , timothy at ephesus , whereas euodius was in the former , bishop of the iewish part , and in the latter , and in all asia , iohn was the apostle of the circumcision , and constituted bishops there . and this i suppose , without farther inlarging , may satisfie the importunity of his second argument . sect. v. of the gentiles being s. paul's province peculiarly . num. 1 his fourth exception is to my producing the words of scripture , gal. 2. 7 , 9. to the proof of my position , thus , num. 2 but he goes on telling us , that the gentiles exclusively to the circumcision were the lot of s. paul by s. peter's own confession , his words are , for the uncircumcision or gentiles they were not s. peter 's province , but peculiarly s. paul 's &c. but look on the place and you shall finde no word of exclusion as [ pec'iarly ] is , and whereon lieth the whole question , so that the doctors evidence is his own word against the main torrent of scripture on the other side . num. 3 how truly it is suggested , that the torrent of the scripture is against me , hath already been made manifest in the foregoing sections , where the contrary appearances , by this gentleman produced , as they are farre enough from a main torrent , or from the common force of such , ( or but even of an ordinary stream ) carrying the whole businesse before them , so they are severally examined , and allowed , as farre as they have any force in them , and found perfectly reconcileable with our pretensions . num. 4 and so likewise it hath already been cleared in what sense this apostle of the gentiles , so styled by himself , and so , by agreement betwixt the apostles , acknowledged by s. peter , was so , peculiarly or exclusively to the iewes . num. 5 as for his argument drawn onely from hence , that in the text to the galatians there is no word of exclusion , that sure is of little force ; if there were any agreement , and division , and several assignation of provinces , it must follow that what was said to be one mans province , is his , so as it is not the others , and so peculiarly , and so as farre as that agreement holds , exclusively his , as in the estate first held in common , and then after by agreement divided , it hath appeared so evidently , that i need adde no more to that matter . sect. vi. of s. peter's withdrawing from the gentile-communion . of the gentile diet . the prudence of s. peter's action . num. 1 his fift exception concerns an incidental passage about s. peter , and is an actio injuriarum . num. 2 again ( saith he ) see how he wrongs s. peter and his iewish proselytes , where he saies he withdrew from all communion with the gentile christians . whereas the text expresseth no more , than that he withdrew from eating with them , that is keeping the gentile diet . num. 3 what wrong i have done s. peter and his gentile proselytes , i am yet to learn , nor am i sure that i know wherein this gentleman placeth the supposed injury , but i think it most probable to consist in this , that i say he withdrew from all communion with the gentile christians , whereas he conceives that he withdrew onely from keeping the gentile diet . num. 4 but 1. let me demand of this gentleman , what he means by gentile diet ? i suppose using those sorts of meats , which were by the jewish law forbidden ; and if that be acknowledged of s. peter , that he would not thus eat with the gentiles , lest he should seem to offend against the jewish law , then by the same reason he must certainly be supposed to abstain from other communion with them , because it was equally against the iewish law , that a iew should converse with a gentile , as the woman of samaria tells christ , when he spake to her , but to draw him some water , ioh. 4. 9. how , said she , dost thou being a iew ask me to drink ( and it was but water , none of the interdicted gentile diet ) being a woman of samaria ? and either she or the evangelist renders the reason , in as comprehensive termes as mine were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the iewes have no dealings with the samaritanes , and accordingly v. 27. the disciples marvelled that he talked with the woman . and therefore certainly peter did abstain from all those other waies of converse and communion with the gentiles , which the iewes thought as unlawfull , as eating of the gentile diet , or else he failed of the end of his action , which is evident what it was , a fear of scandalizing his countreymen , and from thence a shew of compliance with them , lest he should be thought by those that came from ierusalem to forsake the iudaical law . num. 5 that the very preaching to a gentile ( which was the loosest degree of communion ) was , according to the iewish principles as unlawfull as eating any unclean meat , using the gentile diet , is plain by peter's provision , act. 10. 12. where the one is represented by the other , and had he not received that vision , which made it lawful to him to eat all kinde of meats , he acknowledgeth that he durst not have adventured to come to one of another nation , v. 28. affirming in as plain words as could be , that it was an unlawful thing for a man that was a iew to keep company or come to one of another nation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which certainly includes all communion , and not onely that of the genile diet . thus unhappy is this gentleman continually in his objections . num. 6 it were here obvious , and easie to shew the opinion of the antients of the prudence and to kinde of uncharitableness of s. peters action , which would farther evidence how farre i am from wronging s. peter or his proselytes , in affirming what i affirm of them . but the present objection doth not make that necessary , i referre the reader for it to the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) interpretation , or comments of * s. chrysostome , who sets it down exactly † not as a quarrel , but as an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an act of prudent managery , a wise ordering , designed by him and s. paul , as most likely to reduce the iewes from their errors , when he that did thus much to comply with them ( not for fear of persecution from them , but for fear of averting them from christianity ) and was herein seemingly opposed by s. paul ( the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 11. being not to be rendred , he was to be blamed , in paul's opinion , but he was blamed by the gentile christians ) made no manner of reply in defense of that compliance with the iewes , and so yeilded that s. paul was in the right , and not the iudaizers . this interpretation of chrysostome is followed by the greek commentators , and taken up by ierome , but disliked by augustine in his epistles to ierome , and therefore i lay not weight upon it , nor have my pretensions any need of it . sect. vii . the two plantations of gentile and iewish christians at antioch . euodius and ignatius . the differences of the antients about them reconciled . the two bishops at rome . iewes in england . simon zelotes . gentium ecclesia the church of iewes as well as gentiles . num. 1 having gained so little by the several steps of his exceptions , and the position remaining still firm against all , i have lesse reason to suspect what is built upon this foundation in the insuing sections : yet against them altogether he casts one stone , before he will part , in those words , num. 2 vpon this wisely laid ground , he would perswade us , followed the division of the bishopricks both in antioch and rome , but bringing not one word of antiquity proving this to have been the cause , yet is he so certain of it , that he will finde a colonie of iewes even in england , for fear s. peter should have touched a gentile , and yet he cites s. prosper , that both s. peter and s. paul founded the church of gentiles in rome . num. 3 what force there is in any part of this suggestion , i shall not here need to set down at large . there be three branches of it , 1. that i bring not a word of antiquity to prove ( what i say ) that this the cause of the divisions of the bishopricks both in antioch and rome . 2. that i will finde a colonie of iewes in england . 3. that i cite prosper , that both s. peter and s. paul founded the church of gentiles in rome . num. 4 for the first , i desire the reader to review what is already said in the tract of schism c. 4. from § . 8. to § . 20. and i shall much wonder if he return of this gentleman's minde , that there is not one word there brought out of antiquity to confirm what i say . the short is , it is there manifested from antiquity , that the church of antioch was founded by s. peter and s. paul , that there were two churches there , one of iewish , the other of gentile christians , that in those churches at the same time sate two distinct bishops , euodius and ignatius ; by which means some appearing difficulties in antient writers are explained . num. 5 to what is there said , i shall , instead of repeating , adde thus much more . of suidas's words will be easily turned to , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. in the reign of claudius caesar , peter the apostle ordained euodius bishop at antioch . of ignatius the * author of the constitutions is expresse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ignatius was ordained bishop there by s. paul. now seeing in those acts of ignatius which are put together by simeon metaphrastes , ignatius is said to succeed euodius , as euodius succeeded peter ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and the anonymus antient writer of the acts of ignatius , which remains unprinted , hath the same , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignatius succeeded euodius , and seeing this ordination of ignatius is also said by † theodores , and by * felix iii. bishop of rome to have been done by the hand of saint peter , this seeming difference is removed by * ioannes malela antiochenus , who thus sets down the whole matter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when peter went to rome , passing by antioch the great , euodius bishop and patriarch of antioch happened to die , and ignatius ( who was , as was said , first constituted by s. paul over the gentiles there ) received the bishoprick ( that i suppose must now be , of the iewish province also ; over which euodius had been in his life time ) s. peter ordaining and enthroning him , and so that is become most clear which * s. chrysostome said of this ignatius , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. the hands of the blessed apostles , ( in the plural , first of paul , then of peter ) had been laid on ignatius . num. 6 the other part which concerned rome , * was so cleared by the words of epiphanius , who saith of peter and paul both , that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apostles and bishops at rome , and so many other evidences produced to the same purpose , from the inscription on their tombs , by gaius contemporary to pope zephyrinus , by dionysius bishop of corinth , by prosper , by the seals of the popes , and so again by the ecclesiastick story , that makes clemens s. peters deacon and successor in the bishoprick , and paul's that sure there can be no need of farther proofs or testimonies from antiquity in this matter . num. 7 whilst in the mean , other churches are * instanced in , particularly the churches of asia , wherein s. paul and s. iohn had all the command , and s. peter had nothing to doe , whether in planting or governing them , which alone is sufficient to carry the whole matter against s. peter's universal pastorship , and no word is by this gentleman replied to that so considerable a part of my probation , onely instead of it , a farre more compendious way , that of the scornfull or fastidious scossing at my wisely laid ground , as he pleaseth to call it , and adding that i bring not one word of antiquity &c. num. 8 as to the second branch of his suggestion , that i will finde a colonie of iewes in england , that is no where said by me , onely thus , that upon supposition , if the saying of simeon metaphrastes ( speaking of s. peter's preaching and ordaining bishops in england , neronis 12 ) should be thought to have truth in it , it must be extended no farther than the iewes , which might at that time be dispersed there . num. 9 where , as my conclusion from that supposition is founded in the analogie , that as , where s. paul and s. peter met in any plantation , they divided their province &c. so in reason it ought to be , where s. peter and simon zelotes , or ioseph of arimathea met in like manner , so all that of the iewes in england i there affirm , is onely this , that it was possible they that were dispersed in so many regions , might be , some of them , dispersed in britannie , which how improbable soever it may appear at that time , is sure as probable , as that s. peter preached and ordained bishops in britannie , and in consequence to that onely it was , that i made the supposition of the possibility of it , knowing it the affirmation of our antiquaries , that joseph of arimathea , or simon zelotes ( 't is possible also that simeon metaphrastes might mistake simon peter for him and then that matter is at an end ) planted the faith in this island . num. 10 as for his last suggestion , that i cite saint prosper , that both s peter and s. paul founded the church of gentiles in rome , i desire the truth of it may be considered by the words which i cite from him , in ipsa hierusalem iacobus & ioannes apud ephesum , andreas & caeteri per totam asiam , petrus & paulus apostoli in urbe roma gentium ecclesiam pacatam unamque posteris tradentes ex dominicâ pactione sacrârunt , james at jerusalem , john at ephesus , andrew and the rest through all asia , peter and paul at rome , consecrated the church of the nations . what nations were these , sure of jewes , as well as gentiles , else jerusalem could not be any part of them , no nor john's converts at ephesus , for they were iewes , and therefore this gentleman did not doe well to substitute the word gentiles for nations , and yet could not , without doing so , have made this exception to my words . num. 11 and so much for exceptions to my first evidence against the vniversal pastorship of saint peter . sect. viii . no promise of keyes to s. peter , which was not made and performed to all the apostles , joh. 20. 21. the completion of the promise , mat. 16. 19. pasce oves . joh. 21. an exhortation , not commission . num. 1 the second sort of exceptions follows , those against my evidence drawn from the power of the keyes , which i say , and prove both from scripture , and expresse testimonies of the fathers , that it was given equally to all the apostles ; and his exceptions begin thus : num. 2 a second evidence he bringeth from the donation of the keyes , which he saith were given equally to the apostles , mat. 28. yet confesseth the keyes were especially promised to s. peter , mat. 16. but performed onely in common , mat. 28. which though they may be both true , yet is absurdly said , for who acknowledgeth a special promise , should have found out a special performance , which is done , joh. 21. num. 3 this exception being not to the matter of what i say , but to the absurdnesse of the expression ( to which censure i must suppose every thing liable , which is contrary to his pretensions , and yet proved so manifestly that it cannot be denied by him ) i shall briefly evidence how commodious , and proper the expression was . num. 4 and 1. whereas he sets it down as my confession , that the keyes were especially promised to s. peter , this is not with truth suggested ; my words are , this power mat. 16. 19. is promised to s. peter ] but the [ especially ] is an interpolation of this gentleman's , to prepare my words for his exceptions , for which otherwise they were no way qualified . num. 5 all that can be fetcht from any words of mine toward this sense , is , that in the next section , i foresaw , and so mentioned an objection from christ's making this promise to him peculiarly ( and yet even that is not , to him especially , but to him particularly , or singly , i will give unto thee &c. ) to this , as to an objection , i presently made reply , that the repetition of that promise mat. 18. 18. to all the apostles indefinitely , and without any peculiarity of restriction ( i say to you , in the plural , and , whatsoever ye shall binde &c. ) will take away all appearance from this objection . num. 6 and so it will from this gentleman's exception also , for if what was at one time promised to s. peter singly , was so soon after promised to all the apostles indefinitely , what absurdity is there in seeking no other performance of this promise , than that which was at once afforded to all the apostles together , in the descent of the holy ghost , when the fire , that represented that spirit , divided and sat upon every one of them , and they were all filled with the holy ghost , and no shew of peculiarity , or mark of especiall eminence to s peter in all this . num. 7 as suppose a generall should promise a commission this day to one , and to morrow should make the like promise to eleven more , that one being in their company , and then , upon a set day , some weeks after , should send 12 commissions sealed to those 12 , one for each of them , i wonder who would doubt of the exact performance of this promise to that first , or seek for any more special performance of it . num. 8 but this gentleman having phansied a special promise ( as that is with him somewhat more than a particular promise , for otherwise a common performance might have served the turn , it being certain that an vniversal contains every particular under it ) must needs have a special performance , and that ioh. 21. i suppose in those words of christ to s. peter , feed my sheep , and , feed my lambs , thrice repeated . num. 9 but for this , 1. i cannot acknowledge that it hath any particular reference to the words of the promise , mat. 16. 19. the promise was , i will give thee the keyes — and , whatsoever thou shalt binde — and sure the direct completion of this , as farre as could be expected from christ personally , whilst he was here on earth , is that of ioh. 20. 21. where , as the sending or commissionating is answerable to giving the keyes , the insigne of the oeconomus , so remitting and retaining of sins is all one with the binding and loosing . num. 10 as for that which is after this chap. 21. it is i. by that very position of it ; but 2. more by the occasion ; and yet more 3. by the matter of the words , prejudged from being any more than an exhortation to discharge that duty , for which in the former chap : he , with the rest of the twelve , had received his commission , and so is still as farre from being a speciall performance , as that of matth. 16. had been from a special promise . num. 11 the pasce oves , feed my sheep and lambs , thrice repeated , was certainly a direction to him how he might approve his love to that master and saviour , whom he had thrice renounced , testifie it now to be a sincere constant love ( such as would cast out all fear of danger , through which formerly he had fallen ) by an eminent diligence in discharge of that pastoral office , which was intrusted to him , but 't was not so much as an intimation , that his diligence would be actually greater than all others ( for sure s. paul said truth , that he laboured more abundantly than they all , of whom s. peter was one ) but rather that he , that after such professions had fallen so foully , had the more need now of having this proof of his love inculcated and prest , lest he should fail again ( much lesse is it a sealing any power or authority to him , above that which before had been conferred on him , and with him on those others also . num. 12 and nothing being here offered to prove that there was any more of energie , or special commission in these words , but onely the thing crudely affirmed , by naming ioh. 21. there is no need of making any farther answer , a bare deniall is a proportionable return to an unproved affirmation . num. 13 onely this i shall adde , that 't is certain that s. peter thus underslood the reiteration of christ's question , as a reproach of his three denialls ; the text saith , peter was grieved , because he said unto him the third time , lovest thou me ? which sure he would not have been , if he had looked on it , as an introduction to so great a preferment , as it must be , if the supremacy and vniversal pastorship of the church were by those words conferred on him . sect. ix . of the peculiarity of the power given to s. peter . num. 1 to this head of discourse about the power of the keyes follows a second exception in these words , num. 2 again he would perswade the world that the catholick church holdeth , none had the keyes but s. peter , calling it a peculiarity and inclosure of s. peter , as if the other apostles had them not , which is a calumnie . num. 3 how far i have been in this matter from calumniating the whole catholick church , or any one member of it , will appear by this brief review of what is there said , it is this , the power of the keyes is promised s. peter , mat. 16. but to him that from hence , i. e. from the promising it to him singly in that place , pretends this donative and consequent power as a peculiarity and inclosure of peter's , two considerations are there offered , and thought sufficient to supersede any such conclusion . num. 4 here certainly a bare supposition will not be the accusing or consequently accusing falsly , i. e. calumniating of any . if no man say this , besides my losing my pains in superseding such a ( but possible ) conclusion , there is no other harm done . onely i shall demand , is that promise of the keyes to saint peter , mat. 16. made use of by a romanist to prove christ's promise of some special power to s. peter , which was not promised to the other apostles ? if this gentleman answer , no ; then 1. i must inferre , that this gentleman is no romanist , because in this very page he mentions the first words of this text , tues petrus , as one of the two most considerable texts of scripture , fit to be alledged for s. peter's supremacy . 2. i shall conclude from this his present supposed negation , together with his own words in the last paragraph , that the words of christ , ioh. 21. feed my sheep &c. ] were not the instating of any power on s. peter , which was not common also to the rest of the apostles , for those words ioh. 21. were , saith he , a special performance , answerable to that promise of the keyes to peter , mat. 16. as a special promise , and consequently if there were nothing in that promise peculiar to s. peter , there was nothing in that performance peculiar to him . and so neither he nor any romanist must henceforth conclude any thing for s. peter from either of those particular addresses of christ to him , mat. 16. or ioh. 21. which they will not equally yeild from thence to all the other apostles ; and then that will more compendiously perform what i by a greater circuit of considerations indevoured to doe , i. e. supersede all the romanists conclusions from one or both these places ; for certainly if they pretend not to inferre somewhat for s. peter , which is not by them equally granted to all the rest of the apostles , all that those texts will be able to doe , is to confute the presbyterie , not to establish the papacie , no more being from hence deducible for the bishop of rome the successor of one apostle , than for the severall other bishops , successours of the other apostles . num. 5 but if upon the sight of these consequences , he shall now say , that in this of mat. 16. 19. there is any thing , be it never so little ( so as to be capable of the phrase a special promise ) ensured upon s. peter , which was not elsewhere promised also to the other apostles , i shall then conclude , that it seems i have not calumniated him , or the church which he defends , in saying that they make this power a peculiarity and inclosure of saint peter , for so it must be , if it belong to him and not to others . num. 6 and 't is not sufficient to say that the power of the keyes was common to him with the other apostles , but yet some other special power was there reserved to s. peter , for of that specialty , whatsoever it is , my present dilemma proceeds , and desires to be informed , whether any romanist conclude it from that text of mat. 16. and if he doe not , then the inconveniences will presse him , which i have here mentioned . if he doe then i shall now conclude anew ( not that the catholick church , but ) that this catholick gentleman holds that which he will not be able to prove , because there is not the least minute portion of power promised to him in that 16 chap : which is not elsewhere promised to all the apostles ; peter is called a stone , on which the church shall be built , and to peter the keyes are promised ; and the twelve apostles are in like manner , and all equally twelve foundation-stones of the same building , and the keyes are equally promised to all them . and this being there proved at large § . 21. and the probations extended , not onely to the power of the keyes , but ( after ) to the compellation of tues petrus ( and they will be extensible to all the most diminutive imaginary fractions of either of those powers ) i shall farther conclude , that whatsoever he shall now return to this dilemma , will equally secure me from having calumniated either him , or the church maintained by him . sect. x. sitting on twelve thrones , mat. 19. num. 1 his third exception to this chap : is to another interpretation of mine , which it seems hath not the luck to approve it self to him , thus , num. 2 i cannot passe without noting another odde interpretation of scripture , in his 20 sect. out of mat. 19. speaking of the twelve thrones at the day of judgment , he explicates , to rule or preside in the church . num. 3 i doe acknowledge to understand the twelve thrones , mat. 19. of the apostles ruling and presiding in the church , and s. augustine long before so understood it , and if christ's sitting on the throne of his glory may be the interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether it be rendred in the regeneration , or in the resurrection , meaning thereby christ's resurrection and ascension to the throne of his glory , there will then be no difficulty so to understand it , that when christ was gone to heaven , these should succeed him in the government of his church on earth , and so ( as the phylarchae ruled and judged the severall tribes of israel ) exercise judicature , binde and loose , excommunicate and absolve in the church , no one having the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any more than of order , among them . num. 4 but this gentleman gives no reason for preferring any other interpretation , onely calls mine an odde one , and when i have replied first , that this place comes in ex abundanti , onely as it is ( being thus interpreted ) in concord with that other of mat. 16. & 18. and therefore secondly , it is not an odde one , and thirdly , the cause in hand will stand as firm , though this interpretation should be found to have no truth in it : fourthly , that my interpretation is reconcileable with his , and therefore his , if granted , will not be exclusive of mine , they that shall judge the world hereafter may for some time have presided in the church , and so also judged here ; fifthly , that this place , and the grounds of this interpretation are * elsewhere insisted on at large , i shall need adde no more to this single dislike of his , in this place . sect. xi . the equivalence of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . twelve foundation-stones . num. 1 he concludes with some shew of dislike of what i had said to the vulgar place of tues petrus , thus , num. 2 his quibling about the word is so light a thing , as it is not worth consideration , the sense being plain , that upon peter the church was built specially , though not with exclusion of others . num. 3 what i said of the equivalence and perfect identity of the words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for a stone , seemed to me particularly usefull to the understanding of the meaning of christ's speech , when he said , he would build his church on this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. this stone . for not to mention what hath by divers of the antients been said of that text , applying it not to the person of s. peter , but to the faith , where of he then had newly made confession , i was here willing to grant the romanist the utmost that he could pretend to , viz : that the person of peter was that petra or stone , on which christ promised to build his church : and why this gentleman should be so unwilling to be gratified , or why the setting down the bare notation of the greek word , should deserve his reproach , and be called quibling or levity , i professe i can render no reason but his haste , which permitted him not to consider either the undeniable truth , or his own advantages from what was said . num. 4 the force of my answer lay in another branch of that fourth section , viz : that this stone , from whence peter had his name , peculiarly relating to a building , and so being to be considered as a foundation stone , not onely he , but all the rest of the apostles were herein made equall with peter , being all partakers of this common appellation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 twelve foundations , apoc. 21. 14. and those by circumstances in that text manifested to have an equal proportion of power and province assigned to each of them . and to this there is nothing here answered by this gentleman , and his unprovoked quarrel at that , which was said concerning the nature of the word , is an indication that he had nothing more to object to it . num. 5 when therefore he saith , that on peter the church was built especially , i demand what he means by specially ? if no more than that he was one special person , on whom the church was built , then i grant it , and reply , that so was john , and so was andrew , and so was every other of the twelve , a special foundation-stone of the church . but if by [ specially . ] he mean in an extraordinary , or more eminent manner , than any of the other apostles , then i answer , 1. that christ's telling him he was a stone on which he would build his church , implies no such matter , the other apostles each of them are by christ , in vision to s. john , affirmed to be foundations of this building , as well as he ; 2. that among foundation-stones there is but one , that hath any eminence above others , and that is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief or head-corner-stone , and that title belongs not to s. peter ( as neither to any other apostle ) but onely to christ himself , ephes . 2. 20. and so still nothing belongs to peter in this matter of being a stone or foundation , which doth not equally appear to belong to those others , as well as him . and so much for the vindicating of the evidences set down in the fourth chapter . chap. v. an answer to the exceptions made to the fift chapter . sect. i. of slight passing over pasce oves , and tues petrus . num. 1 the first thing he here excepts against , is my too slight passing over two , which he thinks the most considerable texts , to support the supremacie of s. peter , in these words , num. 2 in the fift chapter he lightly passeth over the two most considerable texts of scripture fit to be alledged for s. peter's supremacie , viz : feed my sheep , and , thou art peter : because they have no appearance , and have been often answered : why no appearance ? because he and his fellows say so , and as if being so often repeated was not as likely to shew the answer was naught , as the answering to impeach the ob●ecter : but who understands the principles of catholick faith , knows , that as well for other points of our faith , as for this of s. peter's supremacy we relie not onely upon such places of scripture . num. 3 for this of the light passing over those two places of scripture , i think i can give a very reasonable account , 1. from his own words p. 10. where he tells me that i am mistaken in thinking that the catholick ought to prove that the pope hath an universal primacy , for if he be not obliged to prove it , if the right pretended depend wholly upon possession , why should not i make haste , through those proofs , which some have ex abundanti ( as to him it seems ) made use of . num. 4 secondly , i did in the simplicity of my heart verily believe ( what here is recited from me ) that those two texts had so very little appearance of strength in them , and this so often manifested by the variety of answers made to them by our writers , that no romanist would in earnest have laid such weight on them , as to require of me a more punctual answer to them , than i had before given in the former chapter . there i had evidenced that the whole world was not s. peter's province , but onely one portion of one part of the world , the jewish believers in antioch and rome &c. the gentile christians in those very cities being under s. paul , and the jewish of other conntreys under other apostles , those of asia under john &c. num. 5 this to my understanding made it evident , that in case christ's pasce oves &c. feed my sheep and my lambs , were granted to be a form of commission , instating of power on him , it must yet be restrained to his particular province , so as to leave other his fellow apostles their provinces also , and not extended to an vniversal pastorship . num. 6 but then when this farther consideration was behinde , that indeed this of pasce oves ] was not the form of commission to s. peter , but that in the former chapter , joh. 20. 21. as my father sent me , so send i you &c. and that to s. peter in common with the rest of the apostles , and not the least indication of any branch of power appropriated to him ( on which i have already insisted in this reply , though in that tract of schisme i did not think it necessary ) i hope i may have pardon for not returning to a strict survey of it in that fift chapter . num. 7 as for that of tues petrus , that was the very text wherein the donation of the keyes was promised to s. peter , mat. 16. 18. and that had particularly been examined in both parts of it , both as to the keyes , and the compellation , in the fourth chap : and the keyes promised him , manifested by other texts to belong equally to all the other apostles , and so the compellation of stone , or ( which is all one , as was there shewed ) foundation , or foundation-stone in the building of the church , bestowed equally upon the rest of the twelve apostles also . and so considering what i had already done my self , and what others had done much more largely , there remained little appearance of force in those texts , which might suggest to me a more diligent survey of them . and all these together , if not two of them alone , were a competent reason of passing lightly over them in that fift chapter , where i was ingaged in a new stage , i. e. of not returning afresh , and loco non suo , to a yet larger consideration of them . num. 8 i should now from this notice of his displeasure indevour to pacifie him by reforming my former omission , and enter upon a yet more solemn survey of these two texts , but that i see him already resolved not to trust his cause to the support which those texts can afford him , telling me in the close , that he relies not onely on such places of scripture , and if i should dwell longer upon them , i should be thought impertinent , and again reprehended , as forgetting what matter i handle , and therefore till he please to tell me how farre he relies on them , and shew me that i have not yet removed them from being a foundation so farre to be relied on , i shall spare mine own and the readers pains , and flatter my self , that i have said much more to invalidate any conclusion , which he shall inferre to his advantage from these two places , than he hath yet said in my hearing , to confirm his pretensions from both or either of them . sect. ii. the bishop of antioch's title from succession to s. peter equal to the bishops of rome . peter formed a church there . his dying at rome no argument . num. 1 after his velitation he now proceeds to the weightier impression , excepting first to an argument taken from the primogeniture of antioch , thus , num. 2 next he urgeth that if the succession to s. peter were the base of the popes supremacy , antioch should be the chief see , because s. peter sat there , wherein to omit his first and second question , whereof the first is untrue , i answer to the third negatively , that the constituting a church and bishop at antioch , before at rome , did conferre no privilege extraordinary on that church , and the reason is clearly deduced out of his second quaere , because it was before rome , for he could not give any such authority , but by divesting himself , since there cannot be two heads to one body , and therefore this authority and privilege of s. peter can rest and be no where but where he died . num. 3 in this matter i must first premise what i had warned the reader of in that 5 chap. § . 2. that what i there produced against the power of the bishop of rome , under the notion of successour to s. peter , was perfectly ex abundanti , more than needed , the whole matter being sufficiently concluded in the former chapter , which concerned s. peter's person , and had shewed that s. peter himself had no vniversal pastorship belonging to him , or supremacy over any other apostle , from whence it was evidently consequent , that to his successour , as such , no such power pertained . num. 4 this being premised , i did not pretend , that what should then follow , should proceed with that evidence as to demonstrate again what was so sufficiently cleared already , onely to those , whose curiosity was not satisfied , when their reason was , i proposed some considerations , which pretended to no more than this , that beside that peter had no supremacy , there were also other defects in the bishop of rome's tenure , particularly this , that he did no more succeed s. peter , than the bishop of antioch did , nay , that s. peter having left a successour bishop at antioch , before he did at rome , the bishop of antioch had in a manner the primogeniture , and by that , as good ( if not a better ) title to praeeminence , as any the bishop of rome had , upon that tenure of succession from s. peter . num. 5 now to this part of discourse which pretended but to probability , there can lie no exception , unlesse it appear either to be untrue in any part , or in the whole lesse probable than what is offered by the romanist for the other side ; and this is now to be examined . num. 6 and 1. saith he , the first question is untrue ; but he is so reserved as not to expresse his reason for so saying . i shall therefore give my reasons to the contrary , 1. because a question cannot be untrue , all truth and falshood being in affirmations and negations ( and asking a question , or proposing a thing to consideration whether it be so or no , is neither of those ) in answering not in asking of questions . num. 7 secondly , because this question being resolved into an affirmation , viz : that peter as truely planted a church at antioch , and left a successour bishop there , as he is or can be supposed to have done at rome , it relies on the uncontradicted testification of antient writers . num. 8 by planting a church i mean not that he was the first that preacht the gospel at antioch ( though leo the great seems to affirm it , ( in antiochenà ecclesiâ primùm praedicante beato apostolo petro , christianum nomen exortum est , ep : 53. ) and from thence pleads the right of precedence to belong to that church , ( in paternae constitutionis ordine perseveret ) against anatholius bishop of constantinople ) for that seems by s. luke to be attributed to those that were scattered abroad upon the persecution that rose about s. stephen , act. 11. 19. but his forming them into a church or regular assembly . and that so he did , and left euodius bishop there , and after his death ignatius the martyr , is elsewhere manifested at large , and i shall not repeat it , but onely adde one testimony ( which i suppose will be authentick with him ) of leo the great , bishop of rome , ep : 62. to maximus bishop of antioch , bidding him be mindfull of that doctrine , quam praecipuus apostolorum omnium , beatissimus petrus per totum mundum quidem uniformi praedicatione , sed speciali magisterio in antiochenâ & romanâ urbe fundavit . where it is the clear affirmation of that pope , that s. peter founded the doctrine of christ first in antioch , then in rome by a special authority , or power , or magisterie , which he had in those two cities , more than in the rest of the world . and so i cannot guesse what untruth there could be in that affirmation , if it had been such , which was but a consideration , or question , as he calls it . num. 9 next , he saith , that s. peter's constituting a church and bishop at antioch , before he did the like at rome , is a proof that he conferred no extraordinary privilege on antioch , and renders the reason for it , because he could not doe it without divesting himself , and consequently this privilege must rest no where but where he died , and consequently at rome onely , because he died there . num. 10 that he left any extraordinary privilege at antioch i doe not believe , any more than he did so at rome , and therefore i cannot be required to prove any more than this , that it is as reasonable for me to affirm it of antioch upon the title of succession , as for him to assume it of rome , upon the same title . num. 11 from christ there is nothing that will fix it at rome , rather than at antioch , and in the law of nations concerning inheritances , nothing is or can be applied to this purpose . it must needs be then from the free act of s. peter's will , whatsoever is pretended to . and in respect of that 't is sure as reasonable to believe , that he which planted a church , and placed a bishop first in one , after in another city , should delegate the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 double portion , the greater dignity and privileges to the former as to the latter . if the right of primogeniture be no right in this matter , yet sure the younger sister hath neither law , nor custome , that the inheritance should belong to her . num. 12 and for his own reason here offered , that it cannot belong to the elder , that is no reason ; for s. peter might doe , as christ did , make an assignation of power in his life time , fix it by promise , yet not devest himself of it till his death , and if s. peter had done so , if at his planting a bishop at antioch , on consideration that in that city they were first called christians , he had decreed that after his own death that bishop should succeed to all that authority , which he had received from christ , with power to communicate it to any , i shall ask this gentleman whether he might not have done it without either devesting himself whilst he lived , or making two heads to one body , or whether his bare dying at rome , would have invalidated any such former act of his , in case he had done so . if it would , there must then be more owing to his death than to his life , to his martyrdome than to his preaching or ordaining of bishops , that this privilege belongs to rome . and then again jerusalem , where christ himself died , will by that title of his blood shed there , have a more unquestionable right , than that city where peter did but faintly transcribe that copie , which had in a more eminent manner been set him by christ . num. 13 lastly , if by this argument of rome's being the place where peter died , the supremacy had belonged to that see , precisely or peculiarly , how could it be transferred to avenion , as we know it was , and there continued for some time ? but i shall no longer insist on such fiction of case , as this , if that had been which never was , what then would certainly have followed , whether if s. peter had been vniversal pastor , it must eo ipso be concluded that his successour of rome , and not at antioch was such after him , when it hath been rendred evident in the former chapter , that s. peter had no such supremacy . sect. iii. the act of the councell of chalcedon ; of the ground of rome's precedence . the safety of the church reconcileable with removing the chief see. of the bishop of constantinople being ashamed of that act . no tumult in the councell . the story of it . num. 1 the next dislike is to my deriving the original of that precedence which belongs to rome , as the councel of chalcedon had derived it , thus , num. 2 then he tells you that the dignity or precedence of the bishop of rome is surely much more fitly deduced by the councel of chalcedon from this , that rome was then the imperial city , or ordinary residence of the emperour : a very wise judgment , that the quality upon which the unity , that is the safety of the church vniversal relies , should be planted upon a bottome fallible and subject to fail , but the resolution was so shamefull , that the very patriarch was ashamed , and imputed it to his ambitious clergie , who how tumultuary and unruly they were , is to be seen in the acts of the councel . num. 3 here two objections are made to the wisdome of that act or judgment of that councel , and i that foresaw it would be thus rejected by him , and from thence observed how little councels are considered by them , when they define not as they would have them , and therefore laid no more weight on that canon , than the romanists very rejecting it allowed me , might now spare the pains of defending the judgment of that councel . yet it is so easie to return answer in few words to his two objections , that i shall not decline doing it . num. 4 to the first , that the precedence of rome , which there i speak of , being a primacy onely of dignity and order , and not of power , is no such quality , on which the unity and safety of the church relies . for how can that be concerned what bishop sits uppermost , gives the first or last suffrage in a councel ? this gentleman thinks of a supremacy of power , when he thus speaks , but that he cannot but know is denied by us to be placed in any one bishop , and therefore must not imagine me to assigne the original of that , to which i deny a being . and it matters not though he say i am injurious in denying it , for besides that that is petitio principii on his side , to say so , t is also certain that the question now betwixt us in this paragraph , is not whether i am just in denying that supremacy , but whether it be more than a primacy of order , which i divolve to this original . num. 5 nay if i had spoken of the supremacy it self , and fixed it on a bottome so farre fallible , as that it might be removed by the change of empires from one city to another , if it were but resolved that the supreme ecclesiastical power , and so the fountain of unity should follow the imperial seat , i see not why the safety of the church might not by this means be provided for . num. 6 let it but be judged of in little first , as it is easily supposeable . suppose the church of england 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nay for argument's sake , suppose there were no other church but that of england , and suppose there were a supremacy in one bishop , in him , whosoever were the bishop of that city , where the royal throne were placed , and suppose that that were for the present removed to yorke , and so that the bishop of yorke were the supreme bishop , and by that means the unity and safety of the church competently provided for , i shall then demand , in case the royall seat should be removed to winchester , could there be any question , but the supreme episcopal see would be removed so too ? and might not all appeals be made from thenceforth to winchester , and the safety of the church be as well provided for by this way , as by it's being fixt unmoveably at yorke ? num. 7 the primacy we know hath oft thus been removed , and never more inconvenience come of it , than by s. peter's see being removed to avenion . and if any supremacy belonged to any succession of bishops over the whole world , and that were never mutable , but by the removal of the emperial seat , a certain , illustriously visible thing , it is not easily discernible , how this should more prejudice the safety of the church , than the change of that power from one bishop that dies , to his successour in the same see. but this is still much more than needed to have been said . num. 8 as for the patriarch's ( i suppose he must mean of constantinople ) being ashamed of that resolution of that councel , and imputing it to his ambitious clergie , ● . he gives us not any testimony for this , onely saith , that in the acts of that councel may be seen how tumultuary and unruly they were . and to that affirmation , and that not very pertinent roof of it , i have two things to say , which indeed the acts of that councel , and the epistles both of anatolius bishop of constantinople , and leo bishop of rome may assure us to have truth in them . 1. that if by being ashamed be meant retracting or renouncing this resolution of the councel , it then hath no truth in it , that the patriarch was ashamed . num. 9 for ● . it is so evident that of all leo's reprehensions in this matter of the primacy adjudged him by that councel , anatolius chose to take no notice , and to return no answer , that leo tells the emperor of it , ep : 59. maluit praedictus antistes meam gratulationem tacere , quam suam ambitum publicare , and chargeth it upon anatolius himself , that he made no reply to what he had said to him ; ad quas cum non rescriberes ipse te à colloquii nostri consortio separâsti , by not making any return to my admonitory letters , thou hast thy self separated thy self from the communion of our discourse . ep : 71. num. 10 't is true indeed when leo charged it upon him , as an act of ambition and pride , that he had procured that canon to be made ( as he doth at large , * ep : 53. making it an invasion of the bishop of alexandria and antioch his right setled by the councel of nice , and so in his * epistle to martian the emperour , and † another to the empresse pulcheria ) anatolius writing to him upon occasion , tells him that the clergie of the church of constantinople , and * not he , brought this matter before the councel , and therefore leo needed not be so angry with him , and complain so sharply against his ambition . num. 11 and this i suppose is it which this gentleman must referre to , if there be the least colour of truth in his suggestion ; but sure this disclaiming of pride or ambition in what was done , regularly , according to a long continued custome , and the canon of the councel of constantinople is much more the justifying his innocence , than the acknowledgment of any fault , an act of confidence and assurance , no indication either of guilt or shame , no disowning the dignity confirmed to him by the councel . num. 12 many evidences there are in the story of those times that the bishop of constantinople did no way reject this power and dignity , which that councel had confirmed to him ; t is annext to the acts of that councel , how he exercised it in an eminent manner on the patriarch of alexandria , leo the emperour having put wholly into his hands the judging of a great affair , and quieting a disturbance in that church , see the * third part of that councel of chalcedon . in which matter may be observed that in the epistle of the aegyptian bishops , and clergy of alexandria , in a re●itation of the bishops of the whole world , the first place being reserved to leo the bishop of rome , the second is given * regiae constantinopolis anatolio , to anatolius of constantinople the royal seat , and then follow basil of antioch , and juvenalis of jerusalem . num. 13 and indeed if it be but remembred , 1. that what was done here at chalcedon was for the main but the reciting and confirming what was done formerly at the councel of constantinople ( a judgment , saith * euagrius , that this matter was well-ordered already , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and what the bishop of constantinople held by custome before that councel also , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a custome that had been long in force , and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a precedaneous custome &c. secondly , that this was done by this councel ( if their professions may be believed ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not so much to adde any thing to the see of constantinople , as to provide for the quiet of other metropoles in asia , pontus and thracia . thirdly , that the councel attested all this , and sent a relation of it to the bishop of rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being perswaded that he being rightly informed would receive and confirm it , though his legates had obstinately opposed it . fourthly , that all the objections , which the pope or his legates had to it , were proposed and clearly answered in the * councel ; that of the contrariety of the canon to the decree of the councel of nice , by reading that decrce , and shewing that it was perfectly reconcileable to it ; that of invading the rights of the metropoles of asia , pontus and thracia , by the severall bishops of those regions being examined by the emperours proxies , whether they consented to it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by their own will , or by any necessity imposed on them , and their several cheerful answers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i subscribed willingly as in the presence of god , and the like ; to which if we adde the depression of the bishop of antioch , which * leo objects , it is likewise answered by maximus the bishop of antioch his subscription to this canon . lastly , that as this was enacted , by * baronius's own confession by 600 bishops , i. e. by the whole councel , not onely by a party of it , so the bishop of constantinople anatolius * subscribed it in the first place , and next after him the bishop of antioch , there will be no possibility of finding any truth in this gentleman's affirmation , that the patriarch was ashamed of this judgment of the councel . num. 14 it is much more reasonable to affirm on the other side , that the pope , though not leo , was ashamed of his opposing it , for within 30 years after , we finde felix he. of his own accord consenting to his primacy , and acknowledging acacius bishop of constantinople to have power over the bishops that were under him , ep : 1 and innocent iii. confirms it with a solemn constitution ap : antiqua : de privileg : that i adde not the establishment of it again by the councel of florence , sess : ult : in lit . vnion● . num. 15 as for the reason which is here offered to confirm the truth of his affirmation , it hath it self no truth in it , and so cannot be a reason of the affirmation . it is not true ; for there was no tumult nor unruliness in the councel , onely the pope's legates opposed the canon , and made their complaint to the judges , and were heard most regularly in all they could pretend , and at length the canon was defined by the chearfull consent of all but them . see the story of it in binius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : num. 16 after the passing of the canon , the legates , paschasinus and lucentius make their addresse to the judges , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that supplied the emperours place , who bad them speak what they would have ; they say , that yesterday , after the judges and they were risen , some things were done against the canons , and desire they may be read . that was appointed to be done ; but first aetius archdeacon of constantinople makes a relation , how after matters of faith agreed on , they proceeded according to the manner to some constitutions , in these they desired the legates to joyn with them , they refused saying , they had received comands from rome to do so , which being remonstrated to the judges they had bid the councel proceed , and hereupon the councel had unanimously decreed ; appealing to them all , whether it were not true , nothing being done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clancularly or by stealth , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of course , regularly and canonically . then the canon was read , being a plain recitation of what was before done in the councel of constantinople , and then all the subscriptions follow . then the legates desire it may be inquired , whether none have subscribed by force , suggesting that the constantinopolitan canon was contrary to the nicene ; thereupon the canons were both read , and upon the judges appointment , they that were most concerned , the bishops of asia , pontus , and thracia , who were now brought under the patriarchate of constantinople , being supposed formerly to be free , were called out severally and asked whether they had acted under any force , and they severally professe the contrary . whereupon the judges summe up the business and conclude , that they had weighed all , and found that none had injury , the priviledges of the bishop of rome were preserved intire according to the canons , and that the bishop of new rome , constantinople , was to have equal priviledges with him , &c and this being their sense , they desire the whole councel to deliver theirs , and they all cried out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this is a just sentence . this we all say , let this be consigned and confirmed , desiring they may now be dismiss'd every man to his home , and so the judges pronounce , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the synod hath confirmed all . num. 17 no dissent of any but of the legates , and that , it seems , went for nothing when the rest so universally consented ; so farre is this suggestion from all shew of truth , that the clergy of constantinople were tumultuary and unruly . num. 18 if any the least unruliness there were , it was on the legate's part , who would thus stand out and complain without the least reason to doe so , not on the councels , which proceeded according to the precedent custome and canon , and such grounds to which neither the pope nor his legate did then so much as object any thing , viz : the same title by which rome it self ascended to her greatness , * by being the imperial city . sect. iv. the popes judging in his own cause . his legates suffrages in councels , of what necessity . antioch's equality to rome . constantinople preferred to no more but a patriarchy . the dignity of the bishop of rome meerly from rome's being the imperial city . num. 1 in this matter of that councel of chalcedon two exceptions more he offers ( which are not so weighty but they may be put together ) in these words , num. 2 secondly , he cavilleth at the privilege of supreme magistracy , calling it a method of security beyond all amulets : then he tells us of antioch's being equal to rome , and that constantinople desired but the same privileges , against the very nature of the story ; for constantinople being then a patriarchy , if that made it equal to rome , as this doctor feigneth , what did it pretend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for ? seeing the doctor assumes before that all patriarchs were equall , neither rome it self , and lesse antioch had cause to complain . num. 3 for the former of these , which he calls my cavilling at the privilege of supreme magistracy , that sure is but gratis dictum , and a begging of that , which in the whole controversie he knows to be most denied him . num. 4 that he , that assumes a supreme magistracy to himself , should by no means be concluded to be an assumer , till he make his own confession of it , and give his suffrage to his condemnation , i mentioned , and cannot but look upon still , as a method of perfect security , beyond all amulets and defensatives ; for how can it be imagined , that he , that contests a right , should at the same time acknowledge it not to belong to him , when he knows that nothing but this confession is sufficient to deprive him of it ? as for any such priviledge belonging to supreme magistracy in generall , or any way applicable to the bishop of rome , in relation to a general councel , it may be worth considering a while . num. 5 and first for supreme magistracy in general , this privilege doth not extend to all matters . in a contest of particular right between a supreme magistrate and a subject , brought before any legal judicature , 't is certain the supreme magistrate may be concluded without his own suffrage or consent , and agreeable to that it was , when the question was brought in this councel before the judges by the complaint of the pope's legates , whether the canon were the day before , after the legate's departure , duly passed or no , for if it were not so , what needed this complaint to the iudges , the bare absence , and so not consenting of the legates had been sufficient to cassate and annull the acts : whatsoever magistracy therefore was then pretended to by the bishop of rome , this privilege doth not then seem to have belonged to it , that his , or his legate's suffrages should be necessary to the passing every canon . num. 6 that they might have liberty to come to the councell , that nothing were done clancularly or by stealth , at a time when they knew not of it , that no force were used on those that were present , nor the like to hinder the presence of any , this was necessary to the freedome , and so to the very being of a councel , and consequently to the validity of every act thereof , and accordingly on these heads it was that the legates in their complaint to the iudges insisted ( and so doth * baronius , styling that lost action of that councel , spuriam & clandestinam , & ab anatolio furtim adjectam , a spurious clandestine action stollen in by anatolius ) as also , on the authority of the nicene canons , which they pretended to be infringed by that latter of constantinople , on which this of chalcedon was founded , and this they thought sufficient to cassate this act , but for this of the want of the pope's or his legate's suffrage , that it should invalidate that decree , it is not so much as pretended by the legates , in the relations of the passages of that councel . num. 7 and therefore according to that saying of s. hierome , put into their canon law , si authoritas quaeritur , orbis major est urbe , if authority be looked for , the whole world is more than the one city of rome , it is the resolution of * almain , merito concilium chalcedonense leoni resistenti praevaluisse , that the councel of chalcedon did well in standing out against pope leo , and did justly prevail against him . num. 8 this amulet it seems had not virtue to stand him in so much stead , as * baronius is pleased to phansie , setting out the power and greatness of pope leo by this , that he did alone cassate what this councel had decreed by the suffrages of 600 bishops . which how well it consists with his former affirmation , that this canon was spurious and clandestine , and stollen in by anatolius , i shall not here examine . 't is sure , if the popes authority were so soveraign , the act needed not have been made spurious first , to qualifie it for the cassation . but this of the power or superiority of a pope over an oecumenical councel , is a question not so necessary here to be debated , unlesse what this gentleman was pleased to mention of the privilege of supreme magistracy , had been indevoured some way to be proved by him . num. 9 next he quarrels my saying that antioch was equall to rome , and that constantinople desired but the same privileges , and this he saith is against the very nature of the story . num. 10 that antioch had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equal privileges with rome , so farre as to the dignity of a patriarchate &c. ( allowing to rome the primacy of order and dignity ) i thought was competently concluded from the pope's pretensions against that canon of chalcedon , making it an invasion of the rights of antioch , and as derogatory to that as to rome ; and so still it seems to me , for if antioch had not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equal privileges with rome , how could constantinople's aspiring to equal privileges with rome , be as derogatory to antioch as to rome ? but i need not this help from leo's argument , the thing asserted by me , is not denied , that i know of , by any romanist , viz : that antioch had the dignity of a patriarchate , for that is all that i expresse my self to mean by antioch's having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equal privileges with rome , and i that maintain ( as this gentleman truely saith i doe ) that all patriarchs are equal ( in respect of power , differing onely in order or precedence ) cannot be imagined to mean any thing else by it . num. 11 so again that constantinople desired no more but the privileges of a patriarch , and that that is the meaning of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equal privileges , is by me said in opposition to acquiring any ordinary jurisdiction over other churches , and this instead of being contrary to the nature of the story , is directly agreeable to the whole course of it , and to the expresse words of the canon , which defines , that as the city of constantinople was honoured with the empire and senate , and injoyed equal privileges with old imperial rome , so the church of constantinople ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) should be exalted to the same height with that , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having the next place after it , adding that the metropolitans ( and none else of asia , pontus and thraeia , &c. should be ordained by the bishop of constantinople , the bishops of each of those provinces being left to be ordained by their respective metropolitans ; this is so plain that there can be no need of farther proof of it . num. 12 and for this gentleman's objection , by way of question , that constantinople being then a patriarchy , if that made it equal with rome , for what did it pretend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i answer 1. that constantinople being by custome , and by act of the councel held in that city , a patriachate already , it sought not to acquire any new advantage or increase by this canon of chalcedon , but onely to continue what already it had . num. 13 this again appears by the story , where that canon of constantinople was produced and read , as the foundation on which this new canon was built , and so by the expresse words in the beginning of the canon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. following constantly the definitions of the holy fathers , and knowing the canon newly read of the 150 bishops assembled in the reign of the emperour theodosius at the imperial city constantinople or new rome . and agreeably euagrius sets down the story , that in this councel of chalcedon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it was thought just or determined that the constantinopolitan see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was rightly and duly placed next after rome . num. 14 and when this gentleman assumes , that if this were so , the neither rome it self , and lesse antioch had cause to complain , i shall most willingly joyn with him in it , being no way obliged by my pretensions to justifie the pope or his legates dislike to that canon . and for antioch i am sure enough that the bishop thereof , maximus , though he had received an epistle from the pope to exasperate and perswade him to stand upon his right , did very readily subscribe it , setting his name and consent next after the bishop of constantinople , as hath formerly been set down out of the story . num. 15 and if antioch did so , who was the loser by it , if precedence signifie any thing , i confesse i can render no cause ( unlesse it be the pompejúsve parem , impatience of any equal ) why the bishop of rome , who lost not so much as precedence by this advancement or confirmation of dignity to the bishop of constantinople , should be so obstinately and implacably offended at it . num. 16 thus have i answered every attempt and tittle of exception offered by this gentleman in this matter , and have now leisure to complain , that the one thing that i desired to be taken notice of from this canon , is not so much as considered , or at all replied to by him , viz : that the dignity that old rome had by antient canons in oyed was given it upon this account , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because rome was the imperial seat ; which as it is the proof of my whole pretension , that the pope was not vniversal pastor , upon title of his succession from s. peter , ( for if whatsoever he had , the councels gave it him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the canon , and gave it him as bishop of the imperial see , then sure 't was no inheritance from s. peter ) so it was truely observed out of the story of the councel of chalcedon , and may be seen both in the legate's complaint to the judges , and in the epistles of leo to the emperour martianus , the empresse pulcheria , anatolius bishop of constantinople and maximus of antioch , and his instructions to his legates , that he never made any exception to that branch of the canon that thus derived the original of his greatnesse from the imperial dignity of the city , never thought himself injured by this way of setting down his title . sect. v. of the canon of ephesus . the power of metropolitans , of primates . the case of the archbishop of cyprus no peculiar case . the deduction thence against the popes vniversal pastorship . of the popes tenure by the institution of christ . num. 1 the next exception concerns the canon of the councel of ephesus , thus , num. 2 as for the canon of ephesus touching the archbishop of cyprus , it plainly sheweth that the metropolitans were subordinate to the patriarchs , seeing this case of cyprus was a peculiar excepted case , the reason given doth shew that the superiority of patriarchs was by custome received from their ancestors , contrary to that which the doctor before affirmed , however it is still nothing to the purpose , because the authority , which we say belongs to the pope , is neither patriarchal , nor derived from any institution or custome of the church , but from the institution of christ . num. 3 this canon of ephesus , saith he , plainly shews that metropolitans were subordinate to patriarchs , seeing this of cyprus was a peculiar excepted case . to this i see not how any pretensions of ours oblige me to make any return , yet because it may be subject to some mistake for want of explicating , i shall clear that whole matter by these three propositions . num. 4 first , that the controversie , which occasioned that canon , was this , whether the bishop of constance , metropolitan of the province of cyprus , was to be ordained by the patriarch of antioch , or ( without seeking abroad ) by his own synod , the bishops of cyprus . thus is the state of the question set down in the councels , tom. 2. p. 670. at the beginning of the 7 action . discussa est controversia inter rheginum episcopum constantiae cypri , & johannem antiochenum , qui sibi cyprias ecclesias subdere moliebatur . the controversie was discussed between rheginus bishop of constance of cyprus , and john of antioch , who endevoured to bring the cypriotes churches into subjection to himself . num. 5 secondly , that the antient custome had been favourable to rheginus his pretension , and so the claim of antioch is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a thing innovated against the ecclesiastical lawes , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which , by the example , or president , would concern the liberty of all churches . cod : can : eccl : un : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 num. 6 thirdly , that the councel defined on the cypriots side , that according to the canous , and antient custome , the bishops of cyprus should retein their previlege inviolable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ordaining their bishops within , and by themselves , and consequently that it was an act of assuming , and invasion in the bishop of antioch , to claim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to make any ordinations within cyprus . and what was thus adjudged in the case of the cypriots , was by that councel in the same canon thought fit to be extended in like manner to all other provinces ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the same shall be observed also through all dioceses and provinces every where ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. that no bishop shall meddle with another province , which hath not from the beginning been under him , i. e. under his predecessors power . and so there is no truth in what is here suggested , that this of cyprus was a peculiar excepted case ; it certainly , by the expresse words of the canon , belonged to all other metropolitans and their provinces over all the world , that neither bishop of antioch nor of rome was to meddle with any ordinations except in their own particular provinces , but the synod of the bishops of each province , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make the ordinations of their bishops by themselves . num. 7 what he adds of the superiority of patriarchs by custome received from their ancestors , first , that the reason given in that ephesine canon doth shew it ; secondly , that it is contrary to that which the doctor before affirmed ; thirdly , that it is still nothing to the purpose in hand , of the authority of the pope ; hath not , that i can discern , any truth in any part of it . for as to the first , whatsoever superiority patriarchs be acknowledged to have , there is no word of mention concerning it in that canon , neither was there any occasion to define any thing of it ; it was the synod , and bishops of cyprus their right , that was invaded , and of that onely that canon speaks , devolving it to original custome , and canons , and so for all other metropolitans . but that is not the superiority of patriarchs . secondly , for my affirmation , certainly it was never such as could be deemed contrary either to that ephesine canon about ordination of their metropolitans , or that due superiority , which by canons or customes doth belong to primates or patriarchs ; what this is i have often set down , and need not again repeat it . num. 8 lastly , for the application of this canon to the present affair of the vniversal pastorship of the bishop of rome , thus much is evident , first , that all provinces every where , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were concluded by this canon , that they should ordain their bishops within themselves , and then i pray how can the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power of ordaining all belong to the bishop of rome , and ordination and jurisdiction going together , how can he have the vniversal jurisdiction , or which is all one the vniversal pastorship ? num. 9 secondly , if the pope his authority be not patriarchal , as this gentleman here saith , then till he hath proved that it is more than patriarchal , and answered all that is said to the contrary in that tract of schisme , that which is by the ephesiue canon judged in order to the patriarch of antioch , will also conclude him . num. 10 and thirdly , that which is held by the institution of christ being certainly derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the beginning , must needs be included in the words of this canon , which requires that all should remain , as by custome ( immemorial ) from the beginning it had been , to which therefore we appeal , and inquire , whether cyprus was not as independent from rome at that time , as from antioch ; if not , how any such dependance at that time appears , or how is it imaginable there should be any such , when all provinces every where were to be ruled and ordered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by their own synod and bishops . num. 11 as for the tenure , by which the pope is now , in the close of this paragraph , clearly said to stand , not from any institution or custome of the church , but from the institution of christ . first , this is more than ever this gentleman would acknowledge before , telling us p. 14. that who understands the principles of the catholick faith , knows they relie not onely upon such places of scripture , as , thou art peter , and feed my sheep , from whence i thought my self obliged to conclude they relied not onely on christ his institution , for that i suppose must be set down in some , and if in any , sure in those scriptures , and in another place , that i forget my self when i think a catholick ought to prove that the hope hath an vniversal primacie ( referring all to his possession ) whereas in case he pretend to hold by the institution of christ ( as here he saith ) certainly he is obliged to produce that institution , and that is to prove his pretension . num. 12 but then secondly , that there is indeed any such thing , that the pope holds by institution of christ , is still the thing denied by us , and the contrary , i think , demonstrated in the former chapter , and all the places producible for it , answered , and so it must not be here begged or assumed , without any word added for the proof of it . sect. vi. the exemption of justiniana prima , the several exceptions against this instance answered . num. 1 his next paragraph pretends to be answer to the evidence brought from the example of justiniana prima , which was by the emperour made independent from any other ecclesiastical power . his answer is this , num. 2 then he goes on with two examples , in which he would perswade us that justiniana prima , and carthage were made exempt cities by the emperour , and seeth not that his own instance giveth the answer , for as in the temporal donation , he doth not exempt them from his own subjection , so neither from the popes in spiritual , nor as much as giveth them the style of patriarchs ; though the bishop of constantinople in his own city ordinarily had it . num. 3 that justiniana prima was by justinian exempted from all others ( and so from the bishop of rome his ) iurisdiction ( and so carthage also , being invested with the same privileges ) i thought sufficiently proved by the plain words of the constitution , that for any differences that should befall in that province , the archbishop of that new erection from time to time , should decide them finally , nec ad alium quendam eatur , and they should go to no other for decision , or by way of appeal and so in the novell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. he shall have under his own jurisdiction the bishops of dacia , &c. which what is it , but a perfect exemption and independency ? num. 4 the same appears also by the other part of the constitution , that concerning ordination of that archbishop , it was , as was said , to be done by his own synod of metropolitans . to which agrees that of the novell 131. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he must be ordained by his own synod . num. 5 to this the answer given here , and given , saith he , by my own instance , is no more than this , that as in the temporal donation he doth not exempt them from his own subjection , so neither from the popes in spiritual . but sure there is no force in this comparison ; for the not exempting him in temporal things from his own power , doth no way conclude a non-exemption from the pope ; when henry viii . removed the papal power out of this nation , no man thinks he divested himself of the regal ; the archbishop of canterbury was made independent , and exempt from the bishop of rome , but remained still subordinate to the king : so in like manner iustinian might doe , make instiniana a primacy , and yet leave the bishop and his whole province in the same subjection to the emperour , that before it had been ; and as this is very possible , so if it were not the plain truth of the fact , that must be made appear by the story , or by the investiture . num. 6 in that there is no sound of any word for the exempting that bishop from the imperial subjection , and so we cannot imagine , without any ground , that there was any such thing , but for ecclesiastical judicature and ordination , they are both distinctly specified , that he and his metropolitans should have them within themselves , without fetching them abroad from any other ; and so by that the bishop of rome is explicitly excluded from having any thing to doe there . num. 7 this farther appears , not onely by the matter of fact , for after the first archbishop was ordained by pope vigilius , his successors were constantly ordained by their own metropolitans , and not by the bishop of rome , but also by farther expresse words in the * novell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the provinces subject to him he shall hold the place of the apostolical seat of rome , i. e. doe all within those provinces that the bishop of rome was wont to doe , before this primacy was erected , and this , it seems , by direct consent of vigilius then pope , as there it follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to what was defined by the holy father vigilius . num. 8 which words if they be conceived to denote no more than a deputation from the pope by which this power was held , and so be made use of as an argument to inferre his continued dependence on the see of rome , that will be found to be a mistake , the whole investiture giving the archbishop there an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a perfect freedome , and absolutenesse , to be head within his province , independent from all others . and should it by any other way appear that vigilius , who ordained the first bishop there ( as 't is sure he must be ordained by some body , and none fitter for it than the bishop of old rome ) did farther give him a deputation , as i see it affirmed ( but not by this gentleman ) both of vigilius , and after him of gregory , yet certainly this was but a formality , without any farther effect or influence on the investiture , the privileges of that see came to it meerly by the act of the emperour ( and that act was entred a part of the imperial law ) to which the supposed addition of the pope's deputation can be no prejudice ; and secondly , the bishop of carthage , which by that constitution is invested with the very same privileges by the emperour , is not pretended to have received any such deputation from the pope , and yet by virtue of the emperours act was freed from all former dependence , and injoyed the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the privilege of a metropolitan , in the same manner , as iustiniana did . num. 9 what this gentleman adds , that the emperour gave not so much as the style of patriarch to the bishop of iustiniana , though the bishop of constantinople in his own city ordinarily had it , will soon appear to signifie nothing ; for first , the power , not the title is that we speak of , and that may be had in plenitude , without the name ; the archbishop of cyprus was by the councel , of ephesus adjudged to have all power within himself , so as to go neither to antioch nor to rome for it , and yet was not raised to any higher title , than that of archbishop . num. 10 secondly , i suppose primate and patriarch to be perfectly all one , as to matter of power and dignity ; that the archbishop of constantinople and hierusalem , so styled in the antient canons , were yet ordinarily called patriarchs , was no injury to the patriarch of antioch , saith theod : balsamon , himself patriarch of antioch in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of the identity of the honour . and accordingly in the councels the archbishop of constantinople , under that title is placed before the patriarch of antioch , yea and of alexandria , who yet by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 divine and holy writings ( i. e. the canons ) by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 traditions of the fathers , was styled pope , saith balsamon . and therefore for justiniana also this was sufficient ; it was made a primacy , and then it matters not , though it were not styled a patriarchy ; the exemption from rome and all other forreign power is all i pretend this city had , and of that there can be no question , whatsoever title belonged to it . num. 11 thirdly , this gentleman's saying that the bishop of constantinople had the title of patriarch in his own city , would make one believe that he had it not elsewhere , which yet it is notorious that he had , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; he and the archbishop of jerusalem were publickly called patriarchs , saith balsamon , and he renders the reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because the five patriarchs ( of which number they were two ) held the place of the head of the body , to wit , of the holy churches of god. but whatsoever the title were , it is still sure enough it had the power and dignity of a patriarchate , first by custome , then by canons of two general councels , constantinople and chalcedon ( for i suppose the setting it next and equal to rome , and before antioch and alexandria , will amount to this ) also by that very novell of justinian , where the privileges are conferred on justiniana , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the archbishop of new rome , constantinople , hath the next place after the apostolical see of old rome , and the precedence of honour before all others . and so much for the exceptions to the fift chapter . chap. vi. an answer to the exceptions made to the sixt chapter . sect. i. the plea for the popes power from the conversion of england , of acquiring of right by two titles . num. 1 the plea from plantation , which was considered in the sixt chapter , he now proceeds to , in these words , num. 2 in his sixt chapter he examineth another title peculiar to england , viz : that our nation was converted by mission from rome , and this is totally beside the question , for no man is so stupid as to pretend s. peter or the church of rome to have power over the vniversal church , because his successors converted england : but some pretend a special title of gratitude , the violation of which aggravateth the sin of schismatizing from the church of rome in our nation , yet no man , as farre as i can understand , thinks this latter obligation of so high a nature , as that for no occasion or never so great cause , it may not be dispensed with ; but onely presse it then when the benefit is slighted , or by colourable arguments to the contrary unworthily avoided : and yet this doctor quite mistaking the question frameth an argument , as full of words as empty of matter , affirming there cannot be two successive titles to possession of the same thing , telling us , that he who claimeth a reward as of his own labour and travel must disclaim a donation , &c. if any passed before , and that if a king have right by descent , he cannot claim any thing by conquest , by which you may see his understanding the law is not much more than his understanding of our principles . num. 3 what this gentleman here premiseth , that this plea from the conversion of this nation by mission from rome is not used by the romanist to prove us schismaticks , i have no reason to confute but shall from thence suppose that that sixt chapter might have been spared out of that little treatise , and our church competently justified by the precedent chapters ; and then all that i shall need added , is , first , that i hope what was by me added superfluously , above the necessities of our cause , will not destroy what was before said pertinently , and then as i shall onely have lost my pains , and there is no farther hurt done , so it must needs be very unnecessary for this gentleman to adapt any farther answers to that sixt chapter , when he hath once adjudged all that is there said to be totally beside the question . num. 4 secondly , that if others had been as prudent , as this gentleman , i had certainly spared that chapter , it being no interest of mine to invent pleas for the romanist , and although , as this gentleman hath pleased to set it , it be a competent stupidity , and that which i never thought any romanist guilty of , to make the conversion of england a plea to power over the vniversal church , yet england , and not the vniversal church , being the subject of our question , there is not quite so much stupidity in it , to plead the popes power over england from the supposed conversion of england , and certainly i did not dream that some romanists have thus pleaded , but , as i said before , if this gentleman will not insist on it , neither shall i farther importune him about it . num. 5 for that of gratitude which he now mentions onely as an aggravation of the sin of schismatizing , which that we are guilty of , he acknowledges must be proved by some other means , i yeild to the force of it , that it might justly adde a weight to the obligation , which formerly lay upon us , supposing any such there were , but cannot lay an obligation to obedience where before it was not due , much lesse were it due unto another . all the benefits that can be heaped on me by any man that gives me not my being , cannot oblige or engage my subjection to him , without the intervenience of my own consent , if i am perfectly free to choose my sovereign , and without the consent of my former sovereign , if i have any . num. 6 so that the whole question must be , whether by any original right the bishop of rome had power over this kingdome , and so whether by that , our obedience was due to him , for if it were , then this gratitude was not the tenure , but that other ; and if it were not , then neither of the titles are in force against us ; not the first , which hath no beeing ; nor the second , which whatsoever it be , obligeth not to obedience . num. 7 this i thought was apparent by the instance of the several claims to a kingdome , by descent , and by conquest , the one of which , if it stood , as the title , supersedeth the other , he that holds by inheritance , cannot be properly said to hold by conquest , even when it is true that he hath conquered also . for in that case , when the right heir being forced to make use of his sword to give him possession , is successfull and victorious in it , all that his sword doth , is to give him possession , not to give him right , for that he had before by inheritance . num. 8 that the same right cannot be held by two tenures appears by this ; because if it might , it being evidently possible that those two tenures might be separated and placed in several subjects , the inheritance in one , the conquest in another , it must follow from thence , that each of those persons shall have the right ; which as it is unimaginable , speaking of the whole right or propriety in integrum to the whole power , for if one have it all , the other can have no part of it , so if it be applied to a partial right ( which more than one may have , either severally , or socially , and jointly , to the same thing ) then that is the changing of the question which spake of the whole right , and not onely of some one or more parts or branches of it . num. 9 and therefore as this gentleman agrees with me in the conclusion , that rome hath no title to our obedience , from that of converting us , or if it had , it could not plead the same from s. peter 's universal pastorship , so i cannot discern , why my way of inferring it was disliked , or my ignorance in the lawes censured , for saying that the title of descent is exclusive to that of conquest , meaning it not of several parts , of which one comes by descent , the other by conquest , but of the same whole thing , of which he that hath the right by descent , may by the sword and conquest vindicate his right , and acquire quiet possession , but cannot be said to acquire his right by those means , being supposed to have had it , before he made use of them . sect. ii. the british church not converted from rome . num. 1 having granted me my conclusion , that our obedience to rome is not due from the nation 's conversion by mission from thence , he is yet resolved to examine my arguments , by which i prove what he grants . and there be three things , that here he takes notice of . the first in these words , num. 2 but to come to some matter , his first arguments is that this island was converted before s. augustine's time , surely he means by the name of island , the land and mountains and trees , for if he speak of the men , what hath the conversion of the former islanders to doe with the subjection and duty which the saxons owe. num. 3 i answer , by this island , i mean not the mountains , nor trees , on one side , any more than the present individual persons on the other side , but the inhabitants of it indefinitely , who have succeeded one another , whether british or saxon by extraction . for , first , of the british it is certain that they were not converted by mission from rome , but were christians long before s. augustine's coming hither , and secondly , of the saxons it may be remembred , that augustine did not absolutely introduce christianity among them here , but luidhardus , that came out of france with ethelred's wife , and was a bishop here , had prepared the way for augustine . see bede hist : eccl : lib. 1. c. 25 , 26. and thirdly , if augustine were the first converter of the saxons , and so that be , without farther question , granted of him , yet that cannot belong to the whole island , the dominion of wales being neither of saxon extraction , nor converted from rome to christianity . and this is the designe of that argument of mine , in case there were a duty owing to that see , from whence the converter came , and in case that were acknowledged to pertain to the saxons , yet still the british part would not be concluded by either of these , it being certain that their ancestors were not comprehended in this number . num. 4 but because this gentleman waves this title from conversion , neither shall i farther insist to disprove it ; but rather ask , why no answer was made to those testimonies , which in that place were occasionally vouched to shew that at the time of augustine's coming into this island , the christian church here acknowledged no subjection to rome , or to any other church , to be due from them , which certainly is some prejudice to the claim drawn from the vniversal pastorship of s. peter and his successor at rome . num. 5 to that which is there said for the evidencing this out of the annals of gisburne , it will not be amisse here to adde what our stories tell us , that when the pelagian heresie , which first sprang from morgan a britain , was by agricola brought into this island , the britains * unwilling to receive their infusions , and yet unable to resist them without assistance from some other church , in this time of need , applied not themselves to rome , as in their * secular distresses they had accustomed , but to their neighbours of france , who calling a councel sent germanus altisiodorensis and lupus to their aid , by which means the catholick faith was much revived and increased and propagated among them . sect. iii. s. paul's plantations an argument against the vniversal pastorship of s. peter . s. paul's being bishop of rome , no answer to it . num. 1 the argument which he next speaks to , is that wherein from paul's having planted some churches , which yet are not subjected to the chair , where s. paul sate ( whether antioch or rome ) i conclude against this claim of power from the title of conversion : to this he thus speaks , num. 2 his next argument demandeth , whether all that s. paul converted , were obliged to be under him ; truly if it were to purpose , i believe there might be proof that s. paul expected it ; but he doth not remember that he told us s. paul was bishop of rome , and so it cometh to the same quesion , but indeed he quite misseth the matter , for no body stateth this for the popes title , but aggravation of the schisme . num. 3 3. to what purpose it is to say there might be proof , and yet to produce none , i know not ; this onely i desire to note , that if any such proof were produced , and , without that , by the bare pretending that it might be proved , s. peter's universal pastorship must be disclaimed , and consequently all right which derives its original from thence . num. 4 for s. paul 's labours being more abundant than all the apostles , 't is certain great numbers were converted by him , and if all they were to be under s. paul , how can s. peter be pastor and ruler of all , it being certain , that s. paul was not subordinate to s. peter . num. 5 and it is of little force what i am reminded of ( though sure i never forgot it ) that s. paul was bishop of rome , and so it cometh to the same question : for 1. s. paul being bishop of the gentile part of the roman christians , as s. peter of the jewish , and those then disparate congregations , s. paul cannot be thought in his converting the gentiles of other nations , to bring in subjects to s. peter ; and 2. it is evident that s. paul was not bishop of rome when he placed timothy over asia , and titus over crete , and consequently the conversion and establishment of those churches was not in any reason to acquire any dominion to rome , which s. paul had never seen at that time , and which was it self converted after those , and that was it which i was proving . num. 6 but he bethinketh himself at last , and confesseth that this of conversion is not the pope's title to england , and having done so before , why might he not have permitted me to bring undeniable evidences for the proof of it ? sect. iv. the concernments of rome in the princes power to remove patriarchates . the examples of it . justiniana , the canon of chalcedon , and the 6 t councel . valentinian making ravenna a patriarchate . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . num. 1 to put this whole matter out of controversie , viz : that the church of england is not bound to be subject to that church , from which it first received the faith , one head of argument i pitcht on , the power of kings to remove or erect primacies and patriarchates , which if it have truth in it , evidently proves , that in case we were once under the see of rome , as our patriarchate or prime see ( supposing that of vniversal pastorship disproved before , and not reconcileable with this title to england by having converted ) yet it was in the power of our kings to remove that from rome to canterbury . for the proof of this , evidences were brought both from the councel ( and that oecumenical ) of chalcedon , and from the practice of princes , particularly justinian in an eminent instance , and valentinian and others before the councel of chalcedon , and many the like examples in the records of this kingdome , and of others , as is shewed at large , and the ground of all insisted on , the supreme power of kings in ecclesiastical affairs , and this is done in 16 sections , from the 9th to the end of that chapter . against all which ( that we may see how true the title of this gentleman's book is , an answer to the most material parts &c. ) that which is confronted , is contained in these words , num. 2 thirdly , he saith it was in the emperors power to constitute patriarchs : whether that be so or not , it will not be much to our purpose to dispute here , onely this i say , that he seems neither to understand the question , nor proves what he would ; he understands not the question , which hath no dependency on the nature of patriarchs , or terms of gratitude , but on the donation of christ : he proves not what he would , for he produceth onely the act of an emperour accounted tyrannical towards the church , without proof and discussion whether it was well or ill done , which was requisite to make good his proof ; neither doth he say whether the thing were done or no by the consent of bishops , especially since the pope was an actor in the businesse , he addeth an apocryphal decree of valentinian the third , for giving of privileges purely ecclesiastical to the bishop of ravenna , which out of his liberality he makes a patriarch , but on the whole matter this is to be observed , that generally the bishops consents were praedemanded or praeordered , as in the council of chalcedon , can. 7. it is ordered that the church should translate their bishoprick● according to the emperours changing of his city , and when the emperours did it , it is said they did it according to the power given them , to wit , by the church , so that a few examples to the contrary , produced in the reigns of head-strong and tyrannical princes , as the most of those are noted to be , under whom they are urged , prove nothing , and if they did , yet cannot they be taken as testimonies , when these matters of fact are onely so attributed to princes , as no way to exclude the church , but whatsoever it was , it doth not at all appertaine to the question , since the popes authority , in the sense he calls him pope , is not properly patriarchal , nor hath any dependency upon , or from change of places made by the command of princes . num. 3 the first thing here answered is , that it is not much to the romanists purpose to dispute , whether or no the emperour hath power to constitute patriarchs . ( he ought to have added , or to translate them from one city to another , for that is in that tract also expresly proved , but this i suppose not without reason omitted , because the power to erect or constitute , supposes and implies the power to translate them ) and if this be not this gentleman's interest to dispute , i shall then by his good leave , suppose it yeilded me , and observe what the consequences will be . num. 4 and 1. in case the power of the pope be a patriarchal power , and no more , and that appear to be all that the antient councils ever allowed it to be , then it immediately followes , that it is in the power of the emperour to translate and remove it from that to any other see , and in that case what befell constantinople by way of advancement , from the title of an ordinary suffragan bishops see , it ascended to equal dignity and privileges with rome it self , will in the reverse be the condition of rome ; from the first patriarchal see in the whole world , nothing hinders but that it may become the see of the most ordinary bishop and sure 't will be the romanists concernment to dispute that principle , from which this may possibly be the undeniable conclusion . num. 5 but if , as here it seems to be interposed , the power of rome be that of vniversal pastorship , no way dependant on the nature of patriarchs , or on any other tenure , but the donation of christ to saint peter , then 1. it must be remembred that after the refuting of any such right from christs donation in the former chapters , the removal also of this was in all reason to prove of some interest to the romanist , and so it must , all the proofes of those chapters be perfectly answered , which yet hath not been done in any degree , as this reply to the few answers applyed to those chapters hath shewed . num. 6 secondly , this adhering thus wholly to this donation of christ , and the vniversall pastorship deduced from thence , is the direct disclaiming of all the canonical privileges belonging to rome , on the score of patriarchy , and so in case that first tenure shall faile , it is the degrading of rome from that dignity , which by antient canon belong'd to it , that of the prime patriarchy , and so cuts the romanist off from all the advantage he can reape either from the affirmation of fathers or councels , any farther than they are founded in , and referre to christs donation of vniversal pastorship to saint peter , which whether it will prove to be the interest of this gentleman , i must leave him to judge for himselfe , and onely adde in the last place , that against him that asserts the bishop of romes vniversal pastorship upon what title soever , this will necessarily be a shrewd prejudice , if it be not disputed but yeilded , that it is in the power of princes to erect or translate patriarchies , by patriarchies understanding ( as it is evident i doe in that discourse ) chiefe independent authorities over other churches , such as was by justinian conferred on justiniana prima and carthage , by valentinian on ravenna , without any subordination to , or dependence on any other , particularly on the see of rome . num. 7 can any thing be more prejudicial to the vniversall pastorship of rome than this ? can rome be pastor of those who have no dependance on her ? or can that be vniversal , from which some particulars are exempt ? num. 8 this made it but necessary for this gentleman to undertake two things in the following words , that i neither understand the question , nor prove what i would ; for if i shall yet appear to judge aright of the question , even as it is by this gentleman brought back to that which had been debated in the former chapters , whether the bishop of rome be vniversal pastor by christs donation to saint peter , and if i have really proved that it is in the power of emperours and princes to constitute and remove patriarchies , it will certainly follow , that i have done all that i undertook to doe , evinced the matter of the question , and shewd that it is in the power of princes to exempt some churches from the popes dominion , and so superseded the vniversality of his pastorship . num. 9 as for the validity of my proofes , that must be judged by the view of the answers applyed to them , 1. that i produce onely the act of an emperour accounted tyrannicall towards the church . to this i answer , 1. that the word [ onely ] excluding all others , the proposition can have no truth in it , it being evident that i produce many other acts of the same imperial power , as the reader may finde by casting his eye on the place , the latter part of that 6. chap : and this gentleman himselfe shall be my witnesse , ( who saith of me [ he addeth an apocryphal decree of valentinian ] which though it be not a recitation of all that are by me added , yet is sufficient to tefie the contrary , to what the [ onely ] had affirmed . num. 10 secondly , the character that is given that emperour , whose act i first produced , that he is accounted tyrannicall towards the church , will , i suppose , signifie but this , that he that did any thing derogatory to the vniversal pastorship of the bishop of rome , is by this prejudged from yeilding us any competent testimony in this dispute , which is in effect that this gentleman is in the right , and all that is , or shall , or can be brought against him must signifie nothing , which sure is not the way of answering arguments , but adhering to conclusions , without weighing what is or can be brought against them . num. 11 thirdly , for that particular act , and the emperor which is thus censured : it is justinian , that great and famous emperour , his making the bishop of justiniana prima the head of all daciae , &c. of which this gentleman had past a very different judgement , when it came under his view in the former chapter . num. 12 there his answer was , the emperour exempted it not from the popes subjection , pag 15. and yet now when the very same passage comes in his way againe , he hath forgotten himselfe , and the emperour , that just now had as great care of the popes spiritual power , as of his owne civill , is in a moment become tyrannicall towards the church . i desire one of these answers , being thus engaged , may make good the contest against the other . num. 13 but then 4. whatsoever can be said of that emperor in other respects , 't is certaine that this erecting of justiniana was no act of tyranny against the church , but the very thing that is authorised by the 17 canon of the general council of chalcedon ( which is one of those that the pope at his consecration solemnly vows to observe , and all the ordinances made in them ) for that resolves that if any city be built or restored by the kings power , the ecclesiastical order must follow the political , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the scholiast , the imperial decrees concerning that city * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have the dignity of an episcopal or metropolitical see. and the same againe in the same words was decreed by the 6. council in trullo , can. 38. from whence certainly balsamon's conclusion is irrefragable , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it is lawfull ( and so sure not tyrannical ) for a prince to take away ( or remove ) the privileges of the church of any city , and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to determine , as he shall please , concerning the privileges of bishops . num. 14 his second answer is , that i doe not say whether the thing were done or no by the consent of bishops , especially since the pope was an actor in the businesse . to which i answer , that when i have made it appear to be the act of the emperour , and that by the canons of councels it was acknowledged fully lawfull for the emperour , and so for other princes , to doe so , i need neither inquire whether the consent of bishops , or of the pope himself were added to it , such formalities of consent may be had or omitted without any disturbance to , or influence on the matter . num. 15 his third answer is applied to that act of valentinian , which made ravenna a patriarchate , and first he calls the decree of that emperour an apocryphall decree ; 2. he saith that it was giving to the bishop privileges purely ecclesiastical , reproving me for making him a patriarch ; for the first , i answer , that as i never thought it any piece of the canon of scripture , by which valentinian did this or any more than a rescript of an emperour , which , if such , is certainly sufficient to expresse it an imperial act , so the authorities for this may rescue it from farther question , for though it were not baronius's interest to believe it , and so it is by him suspected of forgery , an. 432. n. 93. yet even he acknowledgeth it to be very antient , and owned by several writers , n. 92. and afterwards , when the same authorities which are produced for this , hier : rubeus , and the records of ravenna , seem to favour his grand design , i. e. make for rome , he can then very fairly make use of them , though it be but a narration of a vision , an. 433. n. 24. but i need not lay more weight on this , than the apocryphal ( as he calls it ) decree will be able to support , this is no singular president , many examples there are of the like which are there mentioned in the tract of schisme . num. 16 for the second , patriarchal power ravenna had without any dependance on the bishop of rome , and i pretend no more for the bishop of canterbury , and therein also shall bate bim the title of patriarch , what he adds ( by way of observation on the whole matter ) 1. that generally the bishops consents were praedemanded or praeordered , as in the councel of chalcedon , can. 17. secondly , that what the emperours did , they did by the power given them by the church , will soon appear to bring him little advantage , for num. 17 1. the bishop's ( i suppose he means the bishop of rome his ) consent was not asked ; one part of the story is , that when the bishop of ravenna , being fain to flie to the bishop of rome for support against the longobards , submitted himself to him , the people of ravenna thought themselves injured thereby ; and 2. it is not truly said , that it was praeordered , and the canon of the councel of chalcedon cannot be brought to that purpose , this act of valentinians dated anno 432. being 19 years before the councel of chalcedon , which was assembled anno 451. and so sure not praeordained by that which was subsequent ; and indeed the canon of that councel mentioning cities and churches in the plural , which had been * before their session made metropoles by several kings , is a clear evidence that there were other such , beside that of ravenna , and * balsamon expresseth them by the name of madyta , and abydus &c. num. 18 thirdly , if this be acknowledged an act of councel confirming the lawfulness of what the emperours had thus done , and decreeing ( as clearly the councel of chalcedon and that other in trullo did ) that generally it should be thus , that as the prince made an ordinary city a metropolis , the church of that city should be a metropolitical church , then still this is the fuller evidence , that it was lawfull for princes thus to doe , and that as oft as they did , such changes in the churches followed , for sure a king was not obliged to ask the churches leave to repair or build a city . num. 19 lastly , what out of balsamon was cited by me , that what the emperors did in this matter they did according to the power that was given them ] was , it seems , either an occasion of stumbling to this gentleman , or an excuse of it ; for from hence he concludes that this power was given them by the church ; this , if it be true , is the thing that i would demand , and so farre , from answering mine instance : for if the church have given princes this power , then they may freely and lawfully make use of it ; and justinian's doing so could be no tyrannical act against the church . but let us view * balsamon's words , they are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such definitions are made by kings according to the power given them from above . that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from above , sometimes signifies in respect of time , sometimes also in respect of place ; in the first respect it signifies from of old , and is oft joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the beginning ; and if it be so taken here , as gentianus hervetus interprets it olim , it must then signifie that this power was yeilded to kings either by the apostles , or by the primitive canons of the church , and if it were thus given them by the church , then sure they might justly challenge and exercise it freely . but in the second sense , it is as certain that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies from above , i. e. from heaven , so joh. 19. 11. christ tells pilate , thou couldst have no power over me , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unlesse it were given thee from above , i. e. sure from heaven , from god , by whom kings reign and have their power , and so it very frequently signifies in the * scripture ; and if that be the the meaning , then this gentleman sees how well he hath inferred his conclusion from this passage . num. 20 by all this it already appears what truth there is in this suggestion , that the examples produced are but few , and those of tyrannical princes , and no way excluding the church ] just as much , and no more , as was in the premisses , which induced it , and those being discovered already , it is superfluous to make repetitions so soon in this place . num. 21 in the close he thinks sit to retire again to his old fortresse , that the popes power is not patriarchal , and so that he is still safe from all that hath been said on that head ; but it hath now appeared , that if any other be made a patriarch or primate , or ( whatever the style be ) a bishop without any dependence on the pope , this is a prejudice sufficient to his vniversal pastorship , and other disadvantages he is rather in reason to expect by disclaiming the patriarchal authority , which the canons have allowed him , than hope to gain any thing by contemning his inheritance . chap. vii . an answer to the exceptions made to the seventh chapter . sect. i. king henry's desire of reconciliation to rome . the sacriledge , &c. no argument against regal power to remove patriarchies . possession in the belief of the popes supremacy . prescribing for errour . napier's testimony . possession , if granted from augustine's coming into england , no argument of truth . confessions of popes . augustine required it not . pope gregory's testimony . many evidences that this belief was not received after augustine's time . num. 1 what in the next place is replied to that part of chapter 7. which concerned henry viii . his act of ejecting the power of the pope , will be full matter for a first section of this chapter . he begins thus , num. 2 in his seventh chapter he intends a justification of the breach whereof as he doth not teach the infamous occasion , and how to his dying day the same king desired to be reconciled , as also that it was but the coming two daies short of a post to rome , which hindered that the reconcilement was not actually made , as may be seen in my lord of cherbery's book fol. 368. and that the moderate protestants curse the day wherein it was made , so the very naming of hen. viii . is enough to confute all his discourse , one of the darlings of his daughter having given him such a character , as hath stamped him for england's nero to future posterity , and as it was said of nero in respect of christian religion , so might it be of him respecting the unity of the church , viz : it must be a great good that he began to persecute and abolish : and as for the acts passed in the vniversities , convocation , or parliament , let the blood shed by that tyrant bear witnesse what voluntary and free acts they were especially those two upon his seneca and burrhus , bishop fisher , and the chancellor more , that he might want nothing of being throughly para●eld to nero. but methinks the doctor differs not much in this , seeming tacitly to grant the bishops were forced , awed by that noted sword in a slender thread , the praemunire which did hang over their heads , though in the conclusion of that sect : he saies we ought to judge charitably , viz : that they did not judge for fear nor temporal interests , yet after waves the advantage of that charitable judgment , and saith , that if what was determined were falsly determined by the king and bishops , then the voluntary and free doing it will not justifie , and if it were not , then was there truth in it , antecedent to , and abstracted from the determination , and it was their duty so to determine , and crime that they were unwilling : laying the whole weight of the argument upon this , that the pretensions for the popes supremacy in england must be founded either as successor to s. peter in the univer sal pastorship of the church , so including england as a member thereof ; or upon paternal right respecting s. augustine's conversion , or upon concession from some of our kings &c. to which i answer , that we relie on the first as the foundation and corner-stone of the whole building , on the second as an action worthy the successor of s. peter , which requires a gratefull consideration from us ; and on the third not as a concession , but as a just acknowlengment of what was necessary for the good of christian religion , taught our kings by those who taught them christian religion ; of which belief , i mean that the pope as successor to s. peter is head and governour of the vniversal church , we have been in possession ever since the conversion of our english ancestors , then saxons , to the christian religion , made by austin the monk sent hither by pope gregory for that purpose ; untill that good king henry the viii . out of scrupulosity of conscience ( no noubt ) was pleased to cut the gordian knot of those bonds , within which all his ancestors limited themselves ; neither shall all that the doctor and his fellows have said , or can say , justifie themselves so , but that such a possession , as i here speak of , will convince them of schisme , though all those replies , which by ours have been 40 times made to every one of those arguments the doctor uses , should bear but equal weight in the scale , which we think hoises it up into the aire , for the arguments must be demonstrative and clear to men of common sense , that must overthrow such a possession ; and therefore it is that the puritans , who are much lesse friends to the church of rome than to the church of england , wave all disputing out of antiquity , and confesse that the church of rome hath born a sway without any debatable contradiction over the christian world 126 years , a time that no king in the world can pretend to by succession from his ancestors for possession of his crown , and yet i believe the doctor would conclude those subjects guilty of rebellion , which should goe about to deprive such a king of his crown , though he could not shew writings evidently concluding for him 12 , 14 , 15 , or 1600 years agoe , how much more if he could shew them demonstrating his right , in the interpretation of as wise and learned men as the world hath , and 20 times the numbers of their adversaries . num. 3 the first thing here objected to my discourse , is , as orators are wont to doe for the raising of passions , a mention of some circumstances , which though extrinsecal to the matter , may yet hope to have some influence on an unwary reader , and infuse no small prejudices into him ; such are the infamous occasion of the breach begun by that king , and such is the odious character fastned on him of england's nero &c. num. 4 but it cannot be necessary for me to offer an apologie on either of these two heads , if that which he did in this particular of ejecting the papal power , be in it self justifiable , both in respect of the matter of the action , and the competency of the power that did it , it matters not what moved him to doe it , or how inclinable he was to have rescinded it . the farther he were from a truly pious man , the more likely it is , he might be brought by secular interests ( and the lesse likely that it was by any religious ) to undoe all that upon the weightiest grounds of reason , had been establisht by him . without examining therefore the truth of that suggestion , that to his dying day he desired to be reconciled , and without demanding what is meant by that phrase , desired to be reconciled , whether any overture to receive the popes on his owne termes , into full possession againe , or onely a desire to approve himselfe to the pope , that he still maintained the catholike , nay roman faith ( as we know he put men to death for denying some doctrines profest at rome ) that what he had done was no whit injurious to him , prejudiciall , or derogatory to any right , which could justly be chalenged by the pope in this kingdome ; without either of these inquires , i say , if i shall take for granted the utmost that can be pretended , that for a long time together he desired to have rescinded what he had done , i see not what disadvantage this can be to our pretensions . num. 5 for 1. i shall demand , was he all this while , that he thus desired to be reconciled , a truly changed and pious prince , was that principle of wicked life so soone eradicated , which even now denominated him a nero , and made it fit to esteeme that a great good , which he began to abolish , and did he thus continue a new , reformed penitent to his dying day ? if so , then truly sir w. r. was very unkinde and unchristian in recording his crimes , and omitting his repentance ; and it is no excellent port of this gentlemans character , that he thought fit to imitate and quote him in this ; the same injustice in an historian or observator , that it had been in eusebius to take so much of the life of constantine out of zosimus or julian's caesars , as should render him justly odious , and to omit the whole latter part of his life , which was so eminently vertuous and christian . num. 6 but if this prince still continued to be like that image , which here is pourtrayed of him , then sure i shall with the same evidence of proofe be allowed to object those vices , and those no excellent christian motives that incited it , to his desire of being reconciled or his willingnesse to re-admit the papall power into this kingdome , and conclude , that the ejection of it must be a great good , which he was so inclinable to abolish , and so the faith of the reformed , which he so more than began to persecute , and all this as regularly as his personall vices , and the infamus occasion , be it never so truly so , can be objected to that act of state , which past in that kings reigne , for the disclaimig the papal powers among us . num. 7 nay , if that passage in his storie had acquired a yet farther degree of truth , if the post had come two dayes sooner to rome , and so had actually composed the difference between that king and that pope , so as had been most for the interest of rome , yet it is evident , that my discourse had no way been concerned in this ; this evidently had been no more , than what afterwards came to passe in marie's dayes , and it would still be in the power of king henries immediate successor , to remove the power from rome to canterbury , as it had been in the power of henry either to doe it , or undoe it againe . num. 8 and therefore the whole matter still divolves ( as it did in the tract of schisme ) to that one question , whether the bishop of rome had at that time any real authority here , which the king might not lawfully remove from him to the arch-bishop of canterbury , and must be decided as there it is , by the view of evidences , whether that pretended from peters vniversal pastorship , or that from augustines planting christianity here , or that from the voluntary con●ession of some kings , and each of them is so disproved there , that till some competent answer be rendered to those particulars , ( which certainly is not yet done by this gentleman , who onely here tells us the manner how he relyes on each of these , and the possession they had of the beliefe that the pope was head of the vniversal church ) 't is perfectly unnecessary farther to consider what is here added , onely to inflame passions , but not to satisfie conscience , to exasperate , not to argue . num. 9 for what if moderate protestants should truly curse the day , &c. or , in a more christian dialect , expresse their dislike to the great sacrilege , and some other enormities , which were committed in that princes reigne , what prejudice will this be to any lawful exercise of that regal power ? 't is certaine that all the acts of a bad prince are not invalid or null , and much more evident still , that he that hath not offended in assuming the power which really belongs to him , may by being denyed that , be inraged , and laid open , to importune temptations , and if he be not a through christian , constant and masterly , fall , and that foulely under those temptations . and if henry viii . did so , still this is very extrinsecall to the present inquiry , whether he as king had power to remove a patriarchy , and by that to remove all forraigne jurisdiction or authority out of this church . num. 10 all that remaines in this section , farther to be spoken to , is the possession that is here pleaded , not in the power it selfe , ( if it were , that hath formerly been spoken to ) but in the beliefe , that the pope as successor to s. peter , is head and governour of the vniversal church , this beliefe , saith he , they have been in possession of , ever since the conversion of our english ancestors , till king henry ; and for this , beside his own bare affirmation , he brings no other proofe , than one testimony of na●ier on the revelation , confessing that the church of rome hath borne a sway over the christian world above 1200. yeares . num. 11 and 1. for this kinde of possession , possession in the beliefe of any thing , any farther than that which is believed is true , and that appeare some other way , than by our having so long believed it , certainly this is no matter of any deep consideration to us ; if it still appeare to be true upon grounds of reason , those grounds are the considerable , and not the beliefe ; and if the grounds be discovered to be fallacious , and the contrary to be more reasonable to be believed , then sure this hath but the advantage of an antient error , and the older it is , the fitter not to be longer continued in , it must be immediately deposited . and against this , or instead of doing thus , to talke of possession is unnatural , and irrational , the same plea that may serve for any sinne that hath had the luck to get the first hold in us , the same that would certainly have held for all the idolatry of the heathens , when christ came into the world ; and he that hath long lived in obscurity and misery ( he , and his ancestors ) for many years together , and were now offered an advancement out of that sad condition , would he ever be so unkinde to himselfe as to refuse that offer , upon this one account , because it is the turning him out of a possession ? this prescribing for error , and prescribing for sin , and prescribing for misery , are in effect the same , equally unnatural and irrational , supposing it to be truly error and sinne , and misery which we treat of . num. 13 but then secondly waving this , and applying our selves to the particular before us , how doth it appeare that the romanist hath been in possession in this beliefe , so long as he pretends ? he here brings but one testimony to confirme it , that of napier ; but for this testimony the answer is easie , that the affirmations or confessions of such as napier was ( and is by this gentleman acknowledged to be ) in their arguing against the credit of antiquity , or to make good other hypotheses of theirs , are of as little authority with us , as i suppose they will be with them , when they are contrary to their pretensions or interests ; secondly , that the popes bearing a sway over the christian world is not interpretable to signifie his vniversal pastorship ; the bishop of the prime imperial see , may justly be very considerable , and so beare a sway , but it follows not thence that his ordinary jurisdiction hath been thus extended to the whole christian world . num. 14 nay thirdly , the contrary to this hath been sufficiently evidenced chap : 4. and 5. both as concernes saint peter himselfe , and the bishop of rome as successor to saint peter , and till those evidences are refuted , the affirmation of napier being so imperfect and infirme , both in respect of the testifier and the matter of the testimony , will be very unfit to bear sway with any rational man. num. 15 and so the whole weight of this argument prest with so much confidence is resolved into the bare authority of the speaker , this gentleman , who saith it , that ever since the conversion of the english nation , the romanists have had possession of this beliefe , that the pope , as successor to saint peter is governour of the vniversal church . num. 16 and that i may apply some answer yet more particularly to this , i shall premise one thing , that if indeed this were granted , which is suggested , it would not be of any great force toward the inducing of this conclusion , that the pope really was and is vniversal pastor . for supposing the pope to have assumed that authority , at the time of augustine the monke his coming into england and making his plantation , and supposing him to have preacht this to king ethelbert , and the rest of his proselites , with the same gravity and confidence , that he used in imparting all the doctrines of christian faith ( in the same manner as xaverius the apostle of the indics imparted to them two gospels , the one of christ , the other of saint peter ) i shall not doubt but upon these grounds it would be very consequent , that all , that willingly imbraced the preaching of augustine , and had no other doctrine to compare it with , or examine it by , should probably receive this branch of beliefe , and so all others from and after them , that insisted firmely and punctually on augustine's way ; and thus 't is possible the possession of that belief might be continued till the dayes of hen. viii . num. 17 but then this is no proofe that what in this particular augustine affirmed was true , or that the beliefe of it had possession in the whole church before , nay , the contrary will be most evident , that at that very time the british bishops acknowledged not any such power over them in the pope or any other , as is cited from the abbate of bangor , cap. 16. sect. 5. and much more to the same purpose . num. 18 and 't is no newes to remind him out of their owne canon law , that some of their popes have disclaimed ( and that not without great aversation and detestation of the arrogance of it ) the title of vniversal bishop or pastor , and acknowleged it is a very ominous symptome in any that shall assume it , and considering the prejudices that lye against it , from the first oecumenical councils , all the ordinances whereof the popes at their creations vow to maintaine inviolably , and against which to constitute or innovate any thing , ne hujus quidem sedis potest authoritas , it is not in the power of this see , saith pope zosimus , 25. qu. 1. c. contra. i may justly conclude that all are obliged to doe the like . num. 19 but then secondly , what truth there is in it in thesi , that from s. augustine's plantation to this time of henry viii . the romanists have been in possession of this belief of the popes universal pastorship , must be contested by evidences . and 1. for augustine himself it appears not by the story in bede , that he did at all preach this doctrine to the nation , nay , as upon augustine's demand concerning ceremonies , pope gregory bindes him not to conform all to the canons or practice of rome , but bids him * freely choose that which may most please god , wheresoever he findes it , sive in gallia●um , sive in qualibet ecclesi● , whether in france , or in any other church , & haec quasi in fasciculum collecta apud anglorum mentes in consuetudinem deponere , make up a book of such canons to be observed in england ( which clearly shews that the romish canons were not to be in power in england ) so when the difference betwixt him and the british bishops ( of whom it hath been shewed that they acknowledged not the pope to have any power over them ) came to be composed , he required compliance and obedience from them but in three things , the * observation of easter according to the order of the church of rome ( and the nicene canon ) the ministration of baptisme , and joyning with him to preach to the english ; which is some prejudice to the founding of this belief in augustine's preaching . num. 20 nay when bede comes to speak of gregory then pope , by way of encomium at his death , the utmost he faith of him is , that cùm primùm in toto orbe gereret pontifieatum , & conversis jamdudum ecclesiis praelatus esset &c. being bishop of the prime church in the whole world , and set over those churches which had been long since converted , and having now taken care to propagate that faith to england , he might justly be called our apostle , and say as s. paul did , that if to others he were not an apostle , yet he was to us . num. 21 as for that of vniversal pastorship certainly we may take gregory's own word , that no such thing was then thought to belong to him , in his epistle to eulogius bishop of alexandria , visible among his works , and inserted in the * body of their canon law. nam dixi &c. i told you that you were not to write to me or any other in that style , and behold in the preface of that epistle directed to me who thus prohibited , you have set this proud appellation , calling me universal pope or father , which i desire you will doe no more , for it is a derogating from * you , to bestow on another more than reason requires , i count it not my honour , wherein i know my brethren lose their honour , my honour is the honour of the universal church , my honour is that my brethren should enjoy what fully belongs to them ( so i render fratrum meorum solidus vigor ) then am i truly honoured when the honour , which is due to all , is denied to none . for if you call me universal pope , you deny that to your self which you attribute all to me ; and farther tells him , with expressions of aversation , absit and recedant — , that this honour had by a councel been offered to his predecessors , the councel of chalcedon ( that gave it equally to him and the bishop of constantinople , which is in effect to give to neither the power or sense , but onely the title of it ) but no one of them would ever use this title . this sure i● evidence enough , that if at that time any such belief of the vniversal pastorship of the pope entred this nation , it must needs be the belief of a known acknowledged falsity , and so farre from a bonae fidei possessio . num. 22 after this , what possession this belief had among us , may be judged by some of those many * instances put together by the bishops in henry viii . his daies , as the premises whereon that king built his conclusion of ejecting that power which was then usurped by the pope . num. 23 first a statute , that for ecclesiastical appeals they shall in the last resort lie from the archbishop to the king , so as not to proceed any farther without the kings assent . num. 24 secondly , that tunstan archbishop elect of yorke , asking leave of the king to go to a councel designed by calixtus , had it granted with this reserve , that he should not receive episcopal benediction from the pope . num. 25 thirdly , that the kings of england from time to time , had and exercised authority of making lawes in ecclesiastical matters ; eight such lawes are there recited of canutus his making , the like of king ethelred , edgar , edmund , aethelstane , ina king of the west saxons , and king alfred . num. 26 fourthly , that william the conquerour instituting and indowing the abbey of battell , gave the abbat exemption from all jurisdiction of any bishops , aut quarumlibet personarum dominatione , from all dominion or rule of any persons whatsoever , sicut ecclesia christi cantuariensis , in like manner as the church of canterbury ; which imports two things , 1. that the church of canterbury had no such ruler over him ( but the king ) and 2. that the abbat of battell was by regal power invested with the same privileges . num. 27 but i suppose all these , and many the like instances , which might be brought , derogatory enough to the possession in this belief here pretended , will but adde one more to the number of such arguments , of which this gentleman saith , that they have fourty times had replies made to them ; and truly this is a good easie compendious way , which as it secures him against all that can be produced , so it doth not incourage me to spend time in collecting and producing more , and therefore this shall suffice to have added now concerning this matter , being apt to flatter my self , that these arguments are demonstrative and clear enough to men of common sense , to disprove , and so to overthrow this possession . sect. ii. queen mary's retaining the supremacy . power of refusing legates , unreconcileable with the popes supremacy . num. 1 the next paragraph is an account of a passage cited by me from the story of queen mary , thus , num. 2 queen mary's titular retaining of the supremacy untill she could dispose the disordered hearts of her subjects to get it peaceably revoked , is no authority for the doctor , she never pretending it to be lawfully done , but that she could not doe otherwise , no more is her refusing of a legate , which in all catholick times and countries hath been practiced and thought lawfull . num. 3 what civil or secular motives they were , which kept that queen so long from rejecting the title of supreme in her own kingdome , i shall not need to inquire ; if it were no unpardonable sin in her to continue the title , and exercise of that power , which was incompetible with the pope's universal pastorship , then why should it be so hainous in her father to assume it ? her never pretending that it was lawfully done , signifies very little , as long as she pretends not the contrary , that it was unlawfull ; the truth may well lie in the middle , that she thought it lawful to retain it , yet lawful also to bestow it on the bishop of rome , and upon the strength of the former perswasion , my charity obligeth me to think , that she did the former , and in force of the latter it is possible also , that she did the latter , though possible too , that she did it upon reason of state , the validity of her mother's mariage , and consequently her legitimation depending upon the acknowledgment of the pope's absolute power in this nation . num. 4 but the truth is , her opinion or practice is of no more force one way , than the other , and therefore was taken in as a supernumerary observation , and not such as on that alone to found any grand argument . num. 5 as for the power of refusing a legate from the pope , i cannot discern how that is reconcileable with the popes pretensions to supreme power in this kingdome ; can it be lawfull for any province to refuse a procurator , or praetor , or proconsul , sent solemnly commissionated by the lawfull prince ? was it lawfull for the tenants or dressers of the vineyard to deny entrance to the king's son or but servant ? is not this a derogation to supreme power and domination ? if this be practiced and counted lawful in all catholick times and countreys , this is to me an indication , that in no time or countrey there hath been possession of this belief that the pope is the supreme pastor of all , for sure if he were , his legate which is his image , might in power of the original require admission , and he that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus sent and commissionated by him , must by s. peter's precept be allowed obedience from all his subjects , and so from that queen , if such she were , and such she must be , so farre as he had the supremacy . num. 6 so again when cardinal petou was sent to be bishop of sarisbury , the denying him that bishoprick was a check to the pope's absolute supremacy , but of that this gentleman was in prudence to take no notice . sect. iii. king edward his reformation . the duke of somerset . the duke of northumberland , his treason no prejudice to the reformation under that king. num. 1 his next exception is to the passages concerning king edward vi. henry's immediate successor , thus , num. 2 king edward a childe of nine years old fell into the hands of wicked and ambitious traytors , who knowing the kingdome affected for religion sake to queen mary , to cut off her succession , and introduce their own , thought sit to strengthen their faction , which beside what they might hope from abroad , consisted of many lutherans and calvinists at home : those two sects having by opportunity of that rupture in henry viii . his time , spread and nest led themselves in many parts of england . num. 3 what is here said hath little of truth in it , and as little of argument , if it were truth . that the youth of the prince can be no foundation of argument against the legality of what was done by the duke of somerset his uncle , the protector , in his nonage , was sufficiently shewed before , and might be exemplified through all times and places . that this protector should at this time , when the young king legally fell into his hands , be styled a wicked ambitious traytor , hath not any degree of truth in it , the crime , for which he afterward lost his life , being farre from any disloyalty to his sovereign . num. 4 as for the duke of northumberland , who obtained the king's consent to settle the inheritance on jane grey , and accordingly , after the king's death , proclaimed her queen , and suffered as a traytor for so doing , all that i shall need to say is this , 1. that this act of his , how trayterous soever , cannot justifie what is here said , that the king at nine years old fell into the hands of traytors , for that one duke cannot truly be called traytors in the plural , and the king at that age did not fall into his hands , but into the hands of edward seymour duke of somerset , under whom the six articles and other acts of severity against the protestants were called in , and the acts against the papal authority confirmed , the romish masse abrogated , the bible translated , and published in the english tongue , the liturgie reformed , and the publick offices performed in english , the sacrament of the lord's supper administred in both kindes &c. and so whatsoever was afterward done ( were it never so trayterously ) by the duke of northumberland , could have no influence on this change , and is therefore very impertinently here inserted , after the manner of the orator , not the historian , to raise passions , inflame dislkes and aversions in the reader , and not to give him any exact view of the truth of the story . num. 5 secondly , that the designe of the duke of northumberland not succeeding , but costing him so dear , the losse of his own life and hers , whom he set up to be queen , and the succession regularly descending on queen mary , there can be no reasonable account given , why this treason of that duke should here be proposed as the one considerable , it being evident in the story , that all things were composed to the full satisfaction of queen mary , and just as they should have been , in case that trayterous attempt had never been made by that duke . num. 6 to which i might adde , that this treason of his was founded on that very act , which in the next paragraph this gentleman thinks fit to vouch as authentick , and if it were so , that could be no treason in that duke , viz : the act whereby mary as well as elizabeth were adjudged illegitimate , and so uncapable of the succession . but these are considerations very extrinsecal and remote from the matter , as it lies here in the contest between us . num. 7 i shall onely , for conclusion , observe , that if , as he saith , the kingdome were for religion's sake affected to queen mary , it could not certainly be skilfull , or popular , or any way politick in them that thus desired to strengthen themselves , to introduce this change in religion . for whatsoever aid they might hope for , either from lutherans or calvinists at home or abroad , sure they might have hoped for more by the other way , if it be true what he affirms of the kingdome indefinitely , that it was affected to queen mary's religion . for that other kingdomes of europe generally were so at that time , there is small question . sect. iii. queen elizabeth's illegitimacy answered . the unpolitickness of her councels of reforming . num. 1 now follows his exceptions to that part of the story which concern queen elizabeth ; the first by the by , thus , num. 2 queen elizabeth being by act of parliament recorded a bastard , and so pronounced by two popes , and therefore mistrusting all her catholick subjects , who she feared did adhere to the queen of scots title , in which she was then likely to be supported by the king of france her husband , was by the advice of men partly infected with calvinisme or lutheranisme , partly ambitious of making their fortunes , cast upon that desperate counsel of changing religion ; desperate i say , for see amongst what a number of rocks she was , in consequence of that counsel forced to sail , witness her adhering to the rebels of all her neighbour kings , so provoking them thereby , as if the french king had not been taken out of this world , and winde and weather fought against the spanish armado , in all likelihood she had been ruined , especially her catholick subjects being so provoked as they were , by most cruell and bloody laws : but this by the by : though from hence the reader may judge of reason of changing religion in her time , and what a solid foundation the church of england hath . num. 3 that queen elizabeth was by act of parliament recorded a bastard ; hath no farther truth in it , than is of force against queen mary also , the same act of parliament affirming the mariages with queen katharine , and anne of bolen void , and their children mary and elizabeth illegitimate , and so involving them equa'y under the same censure . num. 4 nay , if there were any force in this ( as this gentleman by mentioning it is obliged to think there is ) it must be much more to queen maries disadvantage , for 't is certain that upon the birth of queen elizabeth , 't was enacted by parliament , that the marriage with katharine was null , because incestuous , and so this with anne lawfull ( which certainly it was , if the former was incestuous and the resolution of the vniversities and most learned men , not onely in england , but at paris , and elsewhere was , that it was of such a nature , as it could not by the pope's power be dispensed with , being so contrary to the law of god ) and by the same act elizabeth is declared heir of the kingdome , in case the king should have no heir male , and oath of allegiance taken to the king and to his heirs by anne the mother of elizabeth . and to conclude , the subsequent act , that decreed the succession , and establisht it first in edward , then in mary , then in elizabeth , by which it was that mary did actually ascend to the throne , was equally favourable to both of them . num. 6 and so still if any thing were to be concluded from this gentleman 's prooemial consideration , it still lies more against queen mary , than against queen elizabeth , if not in respect of the merit of the cause ( on which this gentleman will give me leave to suppose it was , that our stories tell us , that the pope had given cardinal campeius his legate a private bull , much in favour of the king's pretensions , but kept it under some restraint till he saw how the emperour's affairs in italy would succeed ) yet in respect of the several declarations against the one , and but one onely against the other , and that how well founded , is easie to discern , if this were a place for such disputes . num. 7 but it is not so , much lesse for the other politick considerations that here follow , whether the counsel of re-excluding the papacy , and proceeding to a farther reformation in her kingdomes , were a desperate counsel or no , for if to this gentleman's arguments i shall grant it were so , the conclusion will be onely this , that her action was unskilful in secular considerations , from which it is no way consequent , that it was more than , as prince , she had power to doe , or impious in the sight of god , or that that , which being built on so feeble a foundation , proved yet competently successfull , is by this means conclusible to have been unlawful and null , for in that alone can be founded the truth of the suggestion here , that we that adhere to her reformation , must be adjudged schismaticks . sect. iv. the ordination of bishops in queen elizabeths time . mr. masons record . introducing of turcisme . num. 1 what remaines on this head of queen elizabeth , as the narration after this long prooeme , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after an acknowledged ( yet at large ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will be soone dispatch't ; it is thus , num. 2 how far master mason can justifie the ordination of queen elizabeths bishops , i will not now examine ; but certaine it is , that the record ( if there be such an one ) hath a great prejudice of being forged , since it lay some fifty years unknowne amongst the clamors against the flagrant act , and no permission given to gatholikes to examine the ingenuity of it , but howsoever it is nothing to our purpose , for whatsoever material mission they had by an external consecration , those bishops , who are said to have consecrated them , are not so much as pretended to have given them order to preach the dectrine , or exercise the religion they after did , which is the true meaning and effect of mission . i cannot end without noting in his 24. parag : the foundation upon what he himselfe saies his whole designe relies ; which is , that because the recession from the roman church was done by those , by whom , and to whom onely the power of right belonged legally , viz the king and bishops of this nation , therefore it is no schisme , that is , what soever the reason of dividing hath been , even to turne turkes , or for violating never so fundamental points of religion , yet it had not been schisme . num. 3 what mr. masons records are , and of how good and unquestionable authority , i leave to the view of his book , which sets downe all so particularly , and irrefragably , that nothing can be more contrary to the gentlemans interests , than the most strict examination of that whole matter , in order to the vindicating and justifying this truth , that the succession of bishops , and order ecclesiastical hath been regularly preserved in our church , at that time , when alone the romanist accuseth us for the interruption of it , i. e. in queen elizabeths reformation . ( to which head of discourse it is not amisse to adde the resolution of cudsemius the jesuite , de desper : calvini causà , cap. 11. that the english nation are not hereticks , because they remain in a perpetual succession of bishops . ) num. 4 which being the onely thing that in that sect. 16. i purposed to conclude from mr. masons worke , and the records by him produced , it lyes not on me to prove that they which ordained those queen eilzabeth-bishops , gave them order to preach the doctrine they after did , or to examine the truth of his suggestion , that this is the true meaning and effect of mission . it may suffice that they which consecrated them , gave them the same power which themselves derived by succession from the apostles , and that was sufficient to authorize them to preach all apostolical doctrine , and if they preacht any other , let it appeare , and i shall never justifie their preaching . but that is not attempted here , and therefore i have herein no farther matter , that exacts reply from me . num. 5 for as to his parting blow , which he cannot omit , in reply to sect 20. certainly it hath little impression on my discourse in that place , which doth not inquire what is unlawful or criminous universally , for then sure i should have acknowledged that the bringing in turcisme , or violating fundamental points of religion had been such , but peculiarly and precisely this , what is schisme , in that one notion of schisme , as that is a voluntary separation from our ecclesiastical superiours ; of which that we are not , or cannot be guilty , when we act in perfect concord , compliance and subordination to all those to whom the right of superiority legally belonged , is i suppose , so manifest , that it can need no farther proof . num. 6 as for any such act of lawful superiors in bringing in turcisme , or violating fundamental points , i should not be apt to style that schisme ( any more than i would call perjury , lying , or incest , simple fornication ) it being in the first part of the instance , apostasie and total defection from christ , which i hope is a little more than denying the popes vniversal pastorship , or infallibility of the church ( in which consists his grand species of schisme ) and in the second , heresie , and the grossest sort of schisme together , that of departing from the unity of the faith , which being by me chap. 8. distinctly handled , as a second species of schisme , all that i need here say to this gentleman's exception , is , that i indevoured to speak as distinctly , and not as confusedly as i could , and therefore did not mix things that were distant , and therefore did not speak of that second kinde of schisme at the same time when i proposed to speak of the first onely , and upon this account onely said nothing to it in that chapter . and i hope this was but my duty to doe , agreeably to all rules of method , and so that he might very well have spared that animadversion which he saith he could not end without noting . chap. viii . an answer to the exceptions made to the eighth chapter . sect. i. the division of schisme . an answer to many questions about schism , a retortion . num. 1 in proceeding to the view of chap. 8. this gentleman without any cause is pleased to change the division of the second sort of schisme there handled , into another , which it seems was more sutable to his understanding , and then to make two light skirmishes against the discourse of that chapter . he begins thus , num. 2 in his 8th chapter , as farre as i understand , he divideth schisme into formal , that is , breach of unity ; and material , that is , breach of doctrine or customes , in which the church was united : the former he brancheth into subordination to the pope , of which enough hath been said ; and breach of the way provided by christ for maintaining the unity of faith , the which he puts in many subordinations without any effect , for let us ask , if inferior clergie-men dissent from their own bishops , but not from their metropolitan , in matter of faith , is it schisme ? he will answer , no : if a metropolitan dissent from his primate , but agree with the rest of the patriarchs , is it schisme ? i think he must say , no : if a patriarch dissent from the first , but agree with the rest , is it schisme ? no : if a nation or a bishop dissent from the rest of the general councel , is it schism ? still i believe he will answer , no : where then is schisme provided against ? or where truly is there any subordination in faith ? if none of these are subject , and bound to their superiors or vniversals in matters of faith ? num. 3 what my division there is , will be obvious enough to any man's understanding . in the third chap : the foundation had been laid in the opposition betwixt schisme and ecclesiastical vnity , and as the unity was the conserving all due relations , whether of subordination , or equality , wherein each member of christ's church is concerned one toward another , so there were two prime branches of schisme , the one against the subordination which christ setled in his church , the second against the mutual charity , which he left as his legacy among christians . and the former of these being discussed at large in order to the present debate , in the 8. chapter , the method led me to the latter of them , to consider schisme , as it is an offence against the mutual unity , peace , and charity , which christ left , and prescribed among christians ; and that i might be sure not to streighten the bounds of this sort of schism , or omit any thing , that can , by any rule of discourse , be placed in the borders or confines of it , by the meanes either to lay charge on us , or render our vindication the clearer , i distributed it into as many parts , as in my opinion the matter could by any be thought to beare , i. e. into three species , 1. a breach in the doctrines or traditions ( together with the institutions of christ , his apostles , and the primitive church , whether in government , or observances . ) 2. an offence against external peace or communion ecclesiastical . 3. the want of that charity which is due from every christian to every christian . the first of these againe subdivided and considered , 1. in the grosse , as it is a departing from the rules appointed by christ for the founding and upholding unity of doctrine , &c. 2. in particular , the asserting of any particular doctrine , contrary to christ's and the apostolical pure churches establishment . num. 4 the scheme being thus laid as regular , and as comprehensive , as i could devise 1. here is not one word said to expresse any cause of dislike or exception to it ; and yet 2. it is quite laid aside , and another of formal and material schisme , &c. substituted instead of it , upon what temptation or designe , save onely a willingnesse to gaine somewhat by the shuffle and confusion , more than the distinctnesse of discourse could yeild him , i cannot divine . num. 5 as it is , i yet discern not the particular advantages he had in his intuition , but suppose them latent and reserved ; for to his special discovery that he means to make by asking ( and supposing answers to ) many questions proportionable to the several links in the subordination , the account will be easie enough , that as long as any particular bishop remains in the due subordination to his canonical superiors , so long the departure of any clergie man that is under his jurisdiction , from that obedience which canonically he owes him , is in him that is thus guilty of it , an act of schisme . num. 6 but then i , when instead of departure he puts dissent ( which may belong to light matters , wherein liberty of dissent from superiors , is yeilded to all men , or to greater matters , without departing from obedience or communion ) this is not fairly done , this difference having a visible influence on the matter . num. 7 secondly , when of the clergie-man's dissent from his own bishop , he makes me answer that it is not schisme , if it be not from his metropolitan , i never gave him my letter of proxie to doe so : but on the other side , if the dissent be supposed to be improved into a departure ( which alone makes schisme ) i shall not doubt to pronounce it schisme , unlesse he have first made his appeal from his bishop to his metropolitan , and by him and his councel of bishops be adjudged to be in the right , and then if his bishop by that judgment be reduced to order , he may not , he cannot again without schisme depart from him . num. 8 thirdly , when from primates he ascends to patriarchs , as if that latter had a power superiour to the former , and again from the l'atriarchs to the first patriarch , i. e. the bishop of rome , this he knows hath no place with us , who acknowledge no power of any patriarch above a primate , no supremacie over all in the bishop of rome , but yet allow them and him ( proportionably to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if that will content him ) that primacie of order , which by the antient canons , is allowed them . num. 9 fourthly , whatsoever concerning these several steps from the lowest clergie man to the first of patriarchs , he phansies to be answered by us ; and from thence concludes , that then schism is no way provided against , is visibly much more true of any romanist ; for certainly if he dissent not from the bishop of rome , it must be no schisme , in him though he dissent from his own bishop , his own archbishop , primate , and patriarch , and if he doe dissent from him , 't is not his consenting with all his inferior governors , that will stand him in stead for his vindication . num. 10 and therefore if what he hath formed against me by his making answer himself to his own questions , be found really to conclude ( as he saith it doth ) against all subordination , 't is now evident , who is most blameable for it , he doubtlesse , that hath divolved all into the monarchike supremacy of the pope , and permits us not to consider , what any other our immediate superiors require of us . num. 11 lastly , what he puts into my mouth by way of answer , concerning subordination to a general councel , that if a nation or bishop dissent from the rest of a general councel , still it is not schisme , unlesse , as i said , there be deceit in substituting the word dissent , for departure or recession , i shall no way acknowledge the answer which he believes i will make ; for certainly i acknowledge , as much as he , or any man , the authority of a general councel against the dissents of a nation , much more of a particular bishop . and these were misadventures enough to be noted in one paragraph . sect. ii. the sufficiency of the few heads resolved on by the apostles . the notion of fundamentals . the canon of ephesus concerning it . the definition of the councel of florence . many churches have not betrayed this trust . christian practice to be super-added . the few things preserved by tradition . num. 1 next he proceeds to another part of the discourse of that chapter , concerning the heads resolved on by the apostles , in order to planting christian life , and to that he thus offers his exceptions . num. 2 but , saith the doctor , the apostles resolved upon some few heads of special force and efficacy to the planting of christian life through the world , and preaching and depositing them in every church of their plantation . truly i doe not know what a catholick professeth more , so that by the word few , he meaneth enough to forme a religion , and christian life , and will shew us a church which hath not betrayed the trust deposited ; for if there be none , what availeth this depositing ? if there be any , cleare it is that it preserved it by tradition ; if there be a question whether it hath or no , againe i demand to what purpose was the depositing , so that if the doctor would speak aloud , i doubt he would be subject to as much jealousie , as he saith grotius was . num. 3 that what i affirme , as he confesseth conformably , to the catholikes profession , may be as full and explicite as he can desire , i doubt not to expresse my meaning to be , that the few heads , that the apostles resolved on , were sufficient both for number and efficacy , or in * athanasius his language , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sufficient for the averting all impiety , and establishment of all piety in christ ; and for his satisfaction therein , i referre him to the treatise of fundamentals , printed since that of schisme , of which the onely designe was to insist on this , as the grand notion of fundamentals , such as were by the apostles and christ himselfe , deemed most proper and effectual to plant christian life in a world of jewes , and gentiles , and briefly to set downe and enumerate all those that the apostles thought thus necessary . num. 4 to which i shall now adde one observation , that this sufficiency of the foundation by them laid and somewhat explained ( on occasion of heretical opposers ) by the councel of nice , &c. was such , that the ephesine councel following that of nice , 106. yeares , made a decree , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that it should not be lawfull for any man to produce , write , 〈◊〉 compose any beliefe beside that which was establisht by the fathers at nice , and that they which should dare to compose or offer any such to any that would from gentilisme , judaisme , or whatever heresie convert to the ackcowledgment of the truth , if they were bishops , should be deposed from their bishopricks , if laymen , anathematised , &c. can. 7. num. 5 and this authority being prest by the greeks to the latines , in the council of * florence , and that with this smart expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no man will accuse the faith ( that which those fathers had profest ) or charge it of imperfection , unlesse he be mad , concil . l. 7. p. 642. a. the latines answer is but this , that that canon did not forbid , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , another explication agreeable to the truth contained in that crede , acknowledging that it did forbid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , difference as well as contrariety ( pag. 644. b ) and even for such a bare explication they counted not that lawfull for any but the fathers convened in o ecumenical synods , citing it from aquinas , 2a . 2 ae . qu : 1 : ar . 10. and adding that he spake , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of any creed whatsoever which was common to the whole church . num. 6 and accordingly there followes out of the epistle of celestine to nestorius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the beliefe delivered by the apostles requires neither addition nor diminution . num. 7 in all which , how they are concerned , who impose so many new articles of beliefe upon their owne churches , and upon all that desire communion with them , i leave to each romanist to consider , ann shall onely adde the words of the catechism taken out of the workes of costerus , petrus de soto , and others , and set out by command of the archbishop of triers , resp . ad 2. qu. neque ulla unquam ex titit haresis , quae non hoc symbolo damnari potuerit , there was never any heresie which might not be condemned by the apostles creed . it were well we might be allowed the benefit of this tryal . num. 8 and now having given this pledge of my readinesse to answer his questions , though i discern not any obligation , arising from my former discourse , to lye upon me , yet i shall not be so nice or sparing of my paines , as to deny him a clear account also of his subsequent demands , but shall speak as loud as he would wish , and tell him first to the first demand , that as to those few heads i spoke of , i can , blessed be god , shew him churches enough , which have not betrayed the trust deposited ; the church of england , even now , under the saddest persecution , hath not been tempted to betray that trust , the church of rome , through all the prosperity and splendor , and grandeur , which it hath long injoyed , and which , the historian tells us , acrioribus stimulis animum explorant , hath as yet held out thus farre : i meane hath retainnd those few head● , and in that respect is not accused by us to have betrayed that trust ( i wish it were as blamelesse in all things else , particularly in that wherein our present debate is most concerned , in imposing new articles of faith on all christians , and her own infallibility for the first of them . ) num. 9 the same i can as freely affirm of all other national churches , that i know of , confining my discourse still to the small ( yet in the apostles opinions sufficient ) number of heads of special force to the planting of christian life through the world . num. 10 and so as this gentleman is much disappointed in his expectation , that i should not be able to name any church that hath not betrayed the trust deposited , so i must professe to him , i think it as reasonable , that they that agree in believing and conserving those few pretious heads of truth , designed to so glorious an end , as is the peopling a world with a peculiar colonie of inhabitants , all uniformly zealous of good workes , should all joyne hands and hearts , to adde that superstructure to the foundation , pure , immaculate , elevated , heroical , i. e. christian practice , to the untainted beliefe of these few things . num. 11 and then how much blame ( by force of that canon of ephesus ) most justly belongs unto them that make it their great interest to quarrel , divide from , and anathematize , all others , who cannot believe all other things which they chance to believe , though they know they agree with them in all that the apostles thus thought necessary to be agreed in ; & indeed how contrary this is , and destructive to this superstructure , of which charity in one principall ingredient , and so to the designe of laying the foundation , though not to the foundation it selfe , i shall leave this gentleman and every sober christian to consider , and if he judge not as i doe , yet i shall not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 number it among the prodigies of the age , or indeed thinke stranger of it , than i have long done of the great distance betwixt reason and passion in the same sort of creatures , man , and ( god knowes too oft ) in the same individual creature , the same man and christian . num. 12 having gone thus farre in ready obedience to this gentlemans lightest intimation of his pleasure , in satisfaction to his first demand , i shall in the same humour proceed without all reserve to the next , doubting as little as he , but that these few things ( all justice must allow our discourse to he coherent , and so to adhere to the same subject with which we began ) have been preserved in each church by tradition , and then to the third , that there is no place of doubt concerning the fact , and so of question , whether they have or no , and if by thus speaking aloud to every of his demands , i render my selfe subject to as much jealousie as i say grotius was , i shall not accuse him as my tempter , but onely support and comfort my self , that i have retained as much innocence as i alwaies thought grotius had done , and by declaring my meaning thus clearly , and professing that i mean no whit more than i say , i see no place for jealousie remaining to any . num. 13 if to believe the apostles creed to be conveyed down to us by tradition in every national church from the apostles time to this , be any heresie , i am visibly guilty of it , and need not have my words put upon the rack ( as grotius's have been ) to extort a more explicite confession from them . sect. iii. submission without opinion of infallibility . the appeal to the fathers of the first 300 years , and the four general conncels , to what it belongs . the silence of the first times no advantage to the romanist . two questions of additaments to faith ; the way of debating each of them . num. 1 his last exception to this chapter is to our profession of humility and temper , which it seems those of our religion must not be permitted to assume to themselves ( and which i was no farther so insolent to assume , than as it is observable in the peculiarity of the frame of the church of england's reformation ) thus , num. 2 i cannot but admire indeed the great temper he professeth men of his religion have , in choosing of doctrines , to wit , their submission to the three first ages , and the four first councels , but i confesse it is a humility i understand not , first to professe , they know not whether their teachers say true or no ( that is , that they are fallible ) and then to hold under pain of damnation what they say . another piece of their humility is in submitting to ages , where very few witnesses can be found , in regard of the rarity of the authors and the little occasion they had to speak of present controversies . a third note of humility is , that whereas the fourth councel was held about the midst of the fift age , these lovers of truth will stand to it , but not to the fourth age precedent , or that very age in which it was held , so humble they are to submit to any authority , that toucheth not the questions in present controversie , but where doe they finde christ's church shall be judge in three ages , and fail in the fourth , or that the councels in the fift age shall be sound , but not the fathers . num. 3 it is very hard , it seems , to please this gentleman . our humility is one while by him censured as really too great , another while the want of it is our crime , and we equally to be scoffed at on both accounts . num. 4 it is a criminous excesse of humility forsooth , to submit to those , of whom we first professe not to know that they are infallible . but as long as we doe verily believe they doe actually affirm truth , why may we not submit to them , though we know not that they are infallible ? for certainly i may submit to my natural , or civil parent in this manner , obey him in all his commands ( supposing , as now i doe , that none of his commands are by me apprehended to be unlawful , as none of these councels definitions , as by us believed to be , contrary to the word and will of god ) though yet i neither account him inerrable nor impeccable . but of this i have spoken already chap : i. sect. 3. num. 5 what he adds of holding under pain of damnation what they say , is in this place an insertion of this gentleman's , no word being said of it in that section , to which his words are confronted , and having elsewhere spoken to that , i abstain from adding more at this time . num. 6 in the next place it seems our humility is too scanty , for when i have submitted to be judged by the scriptures , the consent of the first 300 years , or the four general councels , whether we have departed from the apostolical doctrines or traditions , this , saith he , is submitting to ages where very few witnesses can be found &c. but i desire it may be remembred , what there i speak of , ( for perhaps this gentleman's haste hath not permitted him to advert to it ) the contesting or innocence in this , that we of the church of england have not departed from the apostolick doctrine and traditions ; and for this whether could the appeal more properly be directed , than to the scriptures , the conservatorie of the apostles written doctrine , and the three first centuries , the conservatorie of their traditions , it being unimaginable that any thing should be so per saltum conveyed to us from the apostles , as to leap over those three centuries next to them , without leaving any footstep discernible among them . num. 7 for let the witnesses of those times , the authors that remain to us be never so few , yet unlesse by some of their hands we be directed what the apostles delivered to them , how can we know what was delivered ? it being all one in this respect not to be , as not to appear , tradition , even apostolical , being no more than an empty name , unlesse we suppose our selves able to avouch some competent testifiers of the tradition . num. 8 and if to these two , i have added the four general councels , because they were held against the great disturbers of the unity of the faith , and they maintained the true faith by these two special weapons , the scriptures and tradition , testified by the first writers , and our church hath taken in their creed● into our liturgies , and their definitions into our articles of religion , and so i have by that appeal so farre testified our non departure from the faith , i hope there is no offence in this , no degree of defect in our humility . num. 9 as for the little occasion these first had to speak of the present controversies , that sure cannot be objected against our procedure ( any more than the paucity of the authors could ) for if the romanist doe but grant this one thing , it will be found a real prejudice to his pretensions , if ( which was the point in hand ) the question be , whether the church of england have departed from the unity of the apostolick faith , denied any apost●lick doctrine or tradition . num. 10 for in this controversie how shall it be proved , that we have departed , unlesse that doctrine or tradition being specified what it is , it be evidenced also , that it was delivered by the apostles , and how can that be evidenced , but by those which within some competent distance of their time , affirm that from them , and how can they be pretended to affirm that , if it be granted of them that they had no occasion to speak of it , and so are utterly silent in it . num. 11 to his last note of humility i. e. the next expression of his scoptical humor , there can be no need of applying any answer , it being no where intimated in that treatise that we are not ready to stand to the fourth age , or that wherein the fourth councel was held ; all that was said , was , that the three first ages , and the four general councels were competent witnesses of the apostolical doctrines and traditions , and i desire any man to name any other that were more competent to this purpose , i. e. to testifie what the apostles taught , it being certain that whosoever doth ( not by inspiration ) tell us any thing of that kinde , must assume to tell it from them , and as evident that all those things ( that even now were spoken of ) which the apostles resolved on , as heads of special force to form religion and christian life , were by this means conveyed to us . num. 12 mean while other matters there are , which we look on as additaments to the doctrines of faith , and so are the subject of a double question , 1. whether they be parts of that faith which was once , or at once delivered to the saints , 2. whether not appearing to be so , there be any other just reason to believe , though but by an humane faith , that they have any truth in them . num. 13 now of these two questions , as the resolution of the former depends upon those ages , which alone can conveigh tradition to the succeeding , and so still for that we referre our selves to the former vmpirage , so of the second , i did not then , because i had not occasion to speak in that place . num. 14 and if my answer be required now , i shall readily give it , that in matters of this nature the opinions of the fathers of the church in the most flourishing ages of it , wherein their writings are most voluminous , and their learning in theologie most venerable , are with us of great weight and consideration ; we doe ( and shall upon all occasions demonstrate our selves to ) allow them as full an authority , pay as great and true a reverence to their judgments , indevour as uniformly to conform our selves to the declarations of their sense , as any sober romanists are by us discerned to doe , or as it can be their interest to doe , in respect of the controversies that lie between us . and so still i discern not , wherein our humility can be judged to fail by those , with whom i now dispute , being content that it should by others be judged excessive . chap. ix . an answer to the exceptions made to the ninth chapter . sect. i. the hinderances of communion imputable to the romanist , not to us . siquis ecclesiam non audierit , one of our grounds . what is meant by ecclesia . num. 1 the exceptions to this chapter are not very great , whether we respect their weight or number , yet upon the same account that the former have been our exercise , these may for a while detain us also . num. 2 in his 9th chap : saith he , he pretendeth the roman catholick church is cause of this division , because they desire communion , and cannot be admitted , but under the belief and practice of things contrary to their consciences , of which two propositions , if the second be not proved , the first is vain , and is as if a subject should plead he is unjustly outlawed , because he doth not desire it : now to prove the latter , he assumeth that the protestant is ready to contest his negatives , by grounds that all good christians ought to be concluded by , what he means by that , i know not , for that they will convince their negatives by any ground , a good christian ought to be concluded by , i see nothing lesse . what then will they contest it by ? all grounds a good orthodox christian ought to be concluded by ? if they answer in the affirmative , we shall ask them whether siquis ecclesiam non audierit be one of their grounds , and if they say no , we shall clearly disprove their major , but then their defence is , if any ground , or rule of it self firm and good , speaketh nothing clearly of a point in question , they will contest that point by those grounds , and is not this a goodly excuse ? num. 3 the designe of chap : 9. of the treatise of schisme , is to vindicate us from all guilt of schisme , as that signifies offence against external peace and communion ecclesiastical , and it being certain that we exclude none from our communion , that acknowledge the foundation , and that we desire to be admitted to the like freedome of external communion , with all members of all other christian churches , the result is visible , that the hinderances , that obstruct this freedome , are wholly imputable to the romanist , such are their excommunicating us , and imposing conditions on their communion , such as we cannot admit of without sin , or scandal , acting contrary to conscience , or making an unsound confession . num. 4 to this all that is answered is , that unlesse this second be proved , viz : that such conditions are by them imposed on their communion , the first , that of our desire of communion , is vain ; and to this i make no doubt to yeild , for if we may with a good conscience be admitted to their communion , and yet wilfully withdraw our selves from it , then i confesse there is no place for this plea of ours ; but for the contesting of this , there was not then , neither will there now be any place , without descending to the severals in difference between us ( which was beyond the designe either of those , or these papers ) and therefore for that all that can be said is , that we are ready to maintain our negatives , by grounds that all good christians ought to be concluded by ; and because it is here askt , whether siquis ecclesiam non audierit be one of those grounds , i answer without question it is , and so is every other affirmation of christ , or the apostles , however made known to us to be such . and i cannot sufficiently admire , why , when it is known to all romanists , that we are ready to be judged by scripture , and when it is certain that siquis ecclesiam non audierit ] are the words of scripture , he should suppose ( as here he doth ) that we will say , no : i. e. that we will refuse to be tried or concluded by that . num. 5 here i must suppose that by ecclesiam he understands the roman ( which he calls catholick ) church ; but then this interpretation or understanding of his , is one thing , and those words of christ are another , for they belonging to the church indefinitely , under which any man , that hath offended , is regularly placed , doe to a member of the particular roman church signifie that , as to an english man the church wherein he lives , and that , is not the roman , or the vniversal church of god , and that is more than the roman . num. 6 and so by acknowledging that ground of scripture , we are no way obliged to believe all that that particular church of rome , to which we owe no obedience ( and are as ready to contest that by the same means also ) exacts of us . num. 7 as for our contesting any point by that ground or rule which speaketh nothing clearly of it , i gave him no occasion to make any such objection against us , and withall have said what was sufficient to it chap. 8. sect. 3. n. 7. and so need not here farther attend to it . chap. x. an answer to the exceptions made to the tenth chapter . sect. i. the romanists want of charity wherein it consists . num. 1 in his view of chap : 10. he takes notice of two charges by us brought in against them , 1. judging , 2. despising their brethren , but contents himself with a very brief reply , and that onely to one of them , thus , num. 2 in his 10th chap : he saith , we judge them and despise them ; as to the first i have often wondred , and doe now , that men , pretending to learning and reason , should therein charge us with want of charity , for if our judgment be false , it is error , not malice , and whether true or false , we presse it upon them out of love and kindnesse , to keep them from the harm , that according to our belief may come upon them , but since they deny they are schismaticks , and offer to prove it , we must not say it : yet i think we ought , untill we have cause to believe them , since our highest tribunal , the churches voice , from which we have no appeal , hath passed judgment against them . num. 3 the want of charity , with which we charge the romanist in this matter , is not their warning us of our danger , which may reasonably be interpreted love , and kindness , and care to keep us from harm , and if they erre in admonishing , when there is no need of it , there is nothing still but charity in this ; but it is their casting us out of their communion on this score , that we consent not to all their dictates , that we withdraw our obedience from those , who without right usurped it over us , their anathematizing and damning us , and being no way perswadable to withdraw these sanguinary censures , unlesse we will change or dissemble our beliefs , and as there cannot be charity in this , any thing that can tend to the mending of any , for how can it be deemed any act of reformation in any , to forsake his present perswasions , whilst he is not convinced of any error in them , and surely the bare damning of us is not any such matter of conviction ; so there is a double uncharitableness , 1. of being angry without cause , and expressing that anger in very ill language , of which that of heretick and schismatick is the mildest , and each of those causlesse too , if they be affixt to any particular man , much more to a whole church , before either of them be sufficiently proved against us : for certainly as the romanist's judgment concerning us , if it be false , may yet be but error not malice ( by which this gentleman here justifies himself from want of charity ) so our opinions and perswasions of the erroneousness of their doctrines and sinfulness of their practices , if possibly they be not true also , are still as justly and equitably capable of the same excuse , that they are involuntary errors , and then by their own rule , cannot justly fall under such their rigid censures , which belong to none but voluntary offenders . num. 4 secondly , the indevouring to insnare and pervert fearful or feeble minds , using these terrors , as the lyon doth his roaring , to intimidate the prey , and make it not rationally but astonishtly , fall down before them . and as the offering due grounds of conviction to him that is in error may justly be deemed charity , so this tender of nothing but frights , without offer of such grounds of conviction , is but leading men into temptation to sin against conscience , to dissimulation &c. and so the hating the brother in the heart , lev. 19. the more than suffering sin upon him . num. 5 to these might be , not unseasonably , added a farther consideration , which hath carried weight with the fathers of the church in all times , that seeing the censures of the church were left there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for edification not for destruction , and are onely designed to charitative ends , ( must never be used to any other purpose ) therefore when obedience it utterly cast off , the band , be it of subordination or co-ordination so broken , that the issuing out of censures cannot expect to compose , but onely to widen the breach , not to mollifie but exasperate , there christian prudence is to indevour by milder waies , what severity is not likely to effect , and so the thunderbolts to be laid up , till there may be some probability of doing good by them . num. 6 but this is not the case , as it really lies betwixt rome and us , save onely as à majori it may be accommodated to us ; we have cast off neither obedience to any , to whom it was due , nor charity to those , who have least to us , nor truth , to the utmost of our understandings , and yet we must be cast out and anathematized , and after all that , condemned as wilful schismaticks , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dividers and condemners of our selves , because we quietly submit to that fate , which will cost us too dear , the wounding and disquiet of our conscience , to qualifie our selves for a capacity of getting out of it . num. 7 what he adds of their highest tribunal , the churches voice , which hath passed this judgment against us , belongs i suppose to those bishops of rome , which have sent out their bulls against us , and therefore i must in reason adde , that those are principally guilty of this schisme , and so their successors principally obliged to retract and reform the sin of it , and after them , all others in the order and measure , that they have partaked in this guilt with them . num. 8 and there can be no greater charity than to beseech all in the bowels of christ to return to the practice of that charity , which hath too long been exiled from among christian professors . chap. xi . an answer to the exceptions made to the last chapter . sect. i. of the present state of the church of england . the catholicks promise for eternity to his church . roma aeterna . particular churches perishable . mr. hooker's prediction of the church the power of the secular magistrate to remove bishops sees , not to make bishops . the councel of florence concerning the popes supremacy &c. marcus's opinion of it . joseph : methonens : his answer briefly examined . num. 1 the last part of this gentleman's indevour is to perswade men that the church of england is not onely persecuted but destroyed , and of that he means to make his advantage to fetch in proselytes , being out of his great charity very sensible of their estate , unwilling they should sit any longer in the vault or charnel house to communicate with shades , when they are invited to a fairer sunshine , in a vital and very flourishing society . thus then he begins his reply to the 11th chapter , num. 2 in the last chapter he complaineth of the catholicks for reproaching them with the losse of their church , and arguing with their disciples in this sort ; communion in some church , even externally , is necessary , but you cannot now communicate with your late church , for that hath no subsistence , therefore you ought to return to the church from whence you went out ▪ truly in this case i think they ought to pardon the catholick who hath , or undoubtedly is perswaded he hath a promise for eternity to his church , and experience in the execution of that promise for 16 ages , in which none other can compare with him , and sees another church judged by one of the learnedst and most prudent persons confessedly that ever was among them , to be a building likely to last but 80 years , and to be now torn up by the roots , and this done by the same means by which it was setled ; i say if this catholick believe his eyes , he is at least to be excused ; and though i know the doctor will reply his church is still in being , preserved in bishops and presbyters rightly ordained , yet let him remember how inconsequent this is , to what be hath said before , for ask him how it doth remain in being , if there be no such bishops or presbyters among them , for his defense against the church of rome is , that the secular authority hath power to make and change bishops and presbyters : from whence it will follow , that as they were set up by a secular authority , so are they pulled down , and unbishoped by another secular authority ; if it be said the parliament that pulled them down had not the three bodies requisite to make a parliament , no more had that which set them up , for the lords spiritual were wanting both in parliament and convocation , so that there was as much authority to pull them down as to set them up : but it will be replied that though they are pulled down , yet are they still bishops , viz : the character remains upon them . alas what is their character , if their mission of preaching and teaching be extinguished , which follows their jurisdiction , which jurisdiction the doctor makes subject to the secular authority , so that whatsoever characters their bishops and presbyters pretend to have , they have according to his principles no power over the laity , and so no character can be made of any bishop as head and pastor , and of the people as body and flock , and consequently their church is gone . but we account our selves bishops and priests not from an authority dependent upon princes , or inherited from augustus or nero , but from peter and paul , and so shall stand and continue , whatsoever princes or secular powers decree ; when they according to their doctrines and arguments are not to wonder if they be thrown down by the same authority that set them up , and as the synagogue was a church to have an end , so is this with this difference , that the synagogue was a true church in reference to a better , but this is a counterfeit & tyranical one to punish a better . as concerning the doctors prayer for peace and communion , all good people will joyne with him , if he produce fructus dignos poenitentiae , especially i he acknowledge the infallibility of the church , and supremacy of the pope , the former is explicated sufficiently in divers books , the latter is expressed in the councel of florence in these words , viz. we define that the holy apostolical see , and the bishop of rome have the primacy over all the world , and that the bishop of rome is successor to s. peter , the prince of the apostles , and truly christs vicar , and head of the whole church , and the father and teacher of all christians , and that there was given him in saint peter from christ a full power to feed , direct and governe the catholike church : so farre the councel . without obeying this , the doctor is a schismatick , and without confessing the other , an heretick , but let him joyne with us in these , all the rest will follow . num. 3 i shall not here repeat my complaint ( if it were indeed such , and not rather a bare proposing of a last foreseen objection against us ) knowing how little compassion any sufferings of ours may expect to receive from this gentleman , i shall onely joyne issue with his tenders of proof , that our church hath now no subsistence ; but yet before i doe so , take notice of one part of his arguing , viz. that the catholike hath , or is undoubtedly perswaded he hath a promise for eternity to his church . where certainly the fallacie is very visible , and sufficient to supersede ( if he shall advert to it ) his undoubted perswasion . for what promise of eternity can this gentleman here reflect on ? undoubtedly that of the church of christ indefinitely , that the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it , mat. 16. 18. num. 4 what is the full importance of that phrase is * elsewhere largely shewed , and need not be here any farther repeated , than that the promise infallibly belongs not to any particular church , of any one denomination , but to the whole body , christ will preserve to himselfe a church in this world , as long as this world lasteth , in despight of all the malice , cunning , or force of men , and devills . num. 5 now that this is no security , or promise of eternity to any particular church , whether of rome or england , any more than of thyatira or laodicea ( which contrary to any such promise , is threatned to be spued out , rev. 3. 16. ) is in it self most evident , because the destroying any one particular church is reconcileable with christs preserving some other , as the species of mankinde is preserved , though the gentleman and i should be supposed to perish , and because the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 my church , which is there the subject of the discourse , is not the romanist ( or in that sense the catholike ) his church , as is here suggested , but the church of christ built upon the foundation of the apostles , of which simon is there said to be one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e stone or foundation-stone , so as he was of other churches , beside that of rome , and so as others were of other churches , which he never came neere , and even of this of rome , saint paul as well as he . num. 6 from hence therefore , by force of this promise ( which as truly belongs to every church , as it doth to rome , but indeed belongs to no particular , but to the christian church , to conclude that the church of rome is eternall , is a first ungrounded perswasion in this gentleman , the very same , as to conclude a particular is an universal , or that the destruction of one part is the utter dissolution of the whole ; and the proof from experience of 16. ages , which is here added , is a strange way of argumentation , such as that methusalem might have used the very day before his death , to prove that he should never dye , and the very same that heathen rome did use , at the time of their approaching destruction , calling her selfe * vrbem aeternam , the eternali city , and † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rome the heaven-city , and * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rome a goddesse , which accordingly had by adrian a temple erected to it , and the emperors thereof , and the very name of the place worshipt as a deity ( more deae , nomenque loci seu numen adorant ) and all this upon this one score , that it had stood and prospered so long . num. 7 the like may be affirmed of the church of the jewes , built upon a promise , which had more of peculiarity to the seed of abraham , than this of mat. 16. can be imagined to have to the church of rome , and yet that church was destroyed , and nothing more contributed to the provocation , and merit of that destruction , than their owne confidence of being unperishable . the best admonition in this respect , is that of the apostle , be ye not high minded but feare , and if god spared not the natural branches , take heed also lest he spare not you ; and this gentleman cannot be ignorant what * church it was , that was then capable of this exhortation . and the very making this matter of argument , and in this respect ( not of purity , but of duration ) exalting the romanist's church , above all other churches in these words [ none other can compare with him , ] as it is one character which determines the speech to the particular church of rome , ( for else how can he speak of others and affirme that they cannot compare ) so it is no very humble , or consequently christian expression in this gentleman . num. 8 what he addes out of master hooker , and applies as the judgement of that learned man concerning the church of england , yeilds us these farther observations , 1. that in all reason this gentleman must in his former words speak of his church of rome , as that is a particular church , for else how can he after his church , name another church , meaning this of england , of which saith he , mr. hooker speaks ? and that will conclude the evident falsity of his assumption , that by christ's promise eternity belonged to it , for that it cannot doe to any particular church , because the vniversal may be preserved , when that is destroyed , and the promise being made indefinitely to the church , may be performed in any part of it . num. 9 secondly , that a very small matter will serve turne with this gentleman , to support a con lusion , which he hath a mind to inferre , otherwise master hookers testimony had never been produced to this matter . the words of that ( truly ) most learned and prudent person , are to be found in his fifth book , num. 79. in the conclusion . the subject of that whole paragraph , beginning pag. 424. is of oblations , foundations , endowments , tithes , all intended for the perpetuity of religion , which was in his opinion sure to be frustrated , by alienation of church livings , and this being largely handled by him throughout that paragraph , at length he observes , 1. what waste covetousnesse had made in the church by such commutations , as were proportionable to glaucus's change , giving the church flanel for gold : and 2. how religion it self was made a sollicitor and perswader of sacrilege , signifying , that to give to god , is error , and to take it away againe reformation of error , concluding in these words , by these or the like suggestions received with all joy , and with like sedulity practised in certain parts of the christian world , they have brought to passe , that as david doth say of man , so it is in danger to be verified concerning the whole religion and service of god , the time thereof may peradventure fall out to be threescore and ten yeers , or if strength doe serve unto fourescore , what followeth , is likely to be small joy for them , whosoever they be that behold it . thus have the best things been overthrowne , not so much by puissance and might of a versaries , as through defect of councel in them that should have upheld and defended the same . num. 10 this is the first importance of that place which the gentleman hath so disguised in his abbreviation . mr. hooker foretells what a destructive influence , sacrilege may have on the whole religion and service of god , observes in certain parts of the christian world ( without naming any ) that sacrilegious suggestions are received with all joy , and putting these two together , presageth sad events to the whole religion , and service of god , within threescore and ten , or fourescore yeares , and from hence this gentleman concludes it master hooker's judgement , that the church of england was a building likely to last but fourescore yeares . num. 11 in what mode and figure this conclusion is thus made from the premisses , he leaves us to divine , who have not sagacity enough to discern it ; the conclusion to all mens understanding will most regularly follow thus , that the church of england was so constituted , that all the enemies thereof on either side were never likely to destroy it by arguments , and consequent'y that the most probable way remaining to satan to accomplish his designe was , by sacrilegious violations to impoverish and subdue the maintainers of it , which as he foresaw very likely to come to passe within the age of a man , so it would be no joyfull sight when it should come , he was not so unkinde to any part of the church of god , as to be willing to live to see it . num. 12 and if this gentleman's inclinations have qualified him for the receiving pleasure or joy in such a spectacle , i shall as little envy him the prosperity which hath thus petrified his bowels , as he shall think fit to envy me the honour of being a member of the purest ( being withall the most persecuted ) church . num. 13 thirdly , that these words of mr. hooker thus pitifully distorted are the onely proof he hath for his assertion , that this church of ours hath now no subsistence , and that it is now torn up by the roots , a way of arguing very conformable to his characters of a true church , of which external glory and prosperity must never misse to be one , but very unlike the image of christ the head , to which his church the body may be allowed to hold some proportion of conformity , for of him we can give no livelier pourtraiture , than as we finde him crucified between two thieves , whilst the souldiers divide his garments , though they were not over-sumptuous , and cast lots who shall have his vesture . num. 14 what next follows is an answer to a supposed objection of ours ( and that is a farther evidence of what i said , that mr. hooker's distorted speech is the onely proof of his proposition ) the objection is , that our church is still in being preserved in bishops and presbyters rightly ordained ; and to this objection he will make some answer from our own principles , of which he supposeth this to be one , that the secular authority hath power to make and change bishops and presbyters , and saith without any regrets , that this is my defence against the bishop of rome . num. 15 many replies might be made to take off all appearance of force from this answer . as 1. that this , to which the answer is accommodated , is not my objection . the truth is , i took not on me the objectors part in that place , but evidenced it by clear demonstration , that if twenty years agoe the church of england was a church , it must needs be so now , being the very same that then it was , except these bands , as the apostle once said , who i hope did not cease to be an apostle by being imprisoned . and when i mentioned the church of englands being preserved in bishops and presbyters rightly ordained , together with multitudes rightly baptized ( which sure are all the necessary ingredients in constituting a visible church ) i added , none of which have fallen off from their profession , and then foreseeing the onely possible objection to inferre the church guilty of schisme , i answered that by remembring the primitive persecutions and night-meetings , and the very manner of the romanists serving god in this kingdome for these many years . num. 16 and all this is pulled off from the clue , and fumbled together into an objection of mine , supposed to be made against that which the romanist , without either tender of proof , or reason , had crudely affirmed . but truly i may be believed , that i meant not that affirmation so much respect , as to offer objection against it : and then that is one speedy way of concluding this matter . num. 17 but then secondly , for that saying of mine , on which he will form his answer to this imaginary objection , 't is certain i never said any such thing , as is here suggested : that the supreme magistrate hath power to erect and translate patriarchates , and the like , i had affirmed indeed , i. e. to make that a patriarchal see , which had not formerly been such , so to ennoble a town or city , that according to the canons of the church it should become an episcopal , or archiepiscopal , or chief , or patriarchal see , and my meaning is evident , and not possible to be mistaken by any that understands the language , and adverts to what he reads . num. 18 but sure i never said that the secular authority hath power to make bishops and presbyters , and there is no question but this gentleman knows , if he hath read what he answers , that in the tract of schisme i never said it . num. 19 so again it is of daily practice in this church , as in all others , for the supreme power to change , as that signifies to remove bishops from one see to another , and so for every lay-patron in the same sense to change presbyters : but what is that to the making of bishops or presbyters , did ever king or lay-patron pretend to that ? this is too visible to need insisting on . num. 20 thirdly , when he saith there was as much authority to pull down bishops and presbyters in this nation as to set them up , i might demand , 1. whether he hath any reason to pretend that presbyters are now pulled down in this nation , for this is by him supposed , who inquires by what authority they are pulled down : 2. whether he can , either upon mine or his own principles , assume with any colour of truth , that none had any hand in setting up the bishops in this kingdome , but those whom here he affirms to have consented to the pulling them down , and consequently affirm , that there was as much authority to pull them down , as to set them up ? 3. whether it have any truth in it , ( whether he speak of what was done in parliament in king henry's , or king edward's , or queen elizabeth's daies ) that the lords spiritual were wanting both in parliament and convocation ? 4. what he hath said to make it in the least degree probable , that the bishops and presbyters mission of preaching and teaching is extinguished among us , any more than it was in the primitive church , when the emperour was not favourable to the profession , and when the jewes called it heresie : and lastly , whether , if no one of these can with any degree of verity be answered in the affirmative , this be not very immoderate liberty , which this gentleman hath given himself in affirming or supposing all these , and then adding , that our portion is to be lookt for with the jewish synagogue , as one , so the other , to have an end ; not considering that he hath as little skill in revealing secrets , as even now in interpreting mr. hooker's prophecy , that he cannot yet tell , what god hath within his veil decreed concerning our church , and which may yet make the greatest speed to follow the synagogue's fate , they which are cast down , but not destroyed , or they which ( to say no worse ) stand by , and rejoice at it . num. 21 the treatise of schisme concludes with a prayer for peace and communion , and for the matter of it , we have his seeming confession that all good people will joyne in it . but even in such a prayer , wherein all good people will joyne , this gentleman will not joyne with me , but upon such termes , which i shall not undertake , to qualifie me for his favour , i meane not the fructus dignos poenitentiae , such as john baptist would prescribe , but the penances of this severer confessor , to acknowledge the infallibility of the church in his notion of the church , supremacy of the pope , &c. num. 22 and all that i shall need to reply is , to beseech him that he will then , without joyning with me , pray in secret , what i began to him , and endeavour so to qualifie himselfe with charity and other graces , which may wing his prayers unto that holy place , where all humble christians supplications daily meet , and then i shall againe pray god , that i may be found in the number of those , that so i may be secured to meet and joyne with him , at that common throne of grace . num. 23 he is pleased to shut up all with an expression of the councel of florence , to the businesse of the popes supremacy . to this i might reply that this definition is there visibly subscribed , as the act of the bishop of rome , eugeni pp. iv. ( who was a liberall carver and definer for himselfe ) as may be seen in that very * page , where the words cited will be found , both by the seale of his pontificate there imprest , saint peter on the left hand , saint paul on the right , and eugenius pp. iv. under it : and by the last part of the date in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the ninth year of our pontificate ; which though i shall suppose to be the mode , the pope to pronounce the definition of the councel , yet this was much varied from the old form , and the councel being dated at florence , in the year of our lord 1439. so near rome , and so farre from the first times , where more simplicity and just distribution of rights might be expected , this might be a competent answer to this testimony , and a vindicating my self from all schisme or heresie , that my want of the obedience or confession , which he requires , might fix on me . num. 24 but i shall for this once , choose somewhat the longer way , and transcribe part of marcus the metropolitan of ephesus his answer , wherein he expresseth his opinion , and others , of that definition of the councel , as it lies in the * apologie of joseph methonensis for that councel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we also account the pope as one of the patriarchs , but these doe with great gravity pronounce him vicar of christ , and father and teacher of all christians : and this both to them and us is matter of some wonder , how ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) with so much gravity , they could thus pronounce , what had so little of truth in it . num. 25 and it is worth recounting here , what for the justifying of that definition joseph methonensis was able to reply there to that bishop ( and that reply thought worthy to be inserted into the acts of the councel ) 1. that he doth not say that the pope is two or three , but onely one of the patriarchs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having praeeminence among those of the same order with him . num. 26 for this he hath , 1. chrysostome's authority in his 17 homilie on the acts , where , he saith , that among the seven there was one , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one above the rest ( and the seven there , were the seven deacons , and the same praeeminence that stephen then had over them , and all the rest of the world , we shall not deny the bishop of rome , especially if , as it follows there , he have the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more grace than all the other bishops , and will acknowledge , as it is there also , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the same ordination of him and all other bishops . ) num. 27 secondly , the saying of christ , that , he that heareth you , heareth me , and the common maxime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that every bishop is the successor of christ ( but then how came the bishop of rome to impropriate that title , to be the onely one that all are obliged to hear , when , as he confesses there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this was said in common to them all . ) num. 28 thirdly , the words of theodorus studita ( one , by the way , that had been imprisoned for opposing the bishop of constantinople , and who did not communicate with that church , see zonaras tom : 3. p. 9. & 102. ) to the emperor michael , that if he doubted of , or disbelieved any thing that had been there resolved , he should command a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declaration or explication to be sent him from old rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how from of old , and from the beginning it had been delivered by tradition of fathers , adding that that was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the uppermost of the churches of god , of which peter was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first that sate bishop there , unto whom christ said , thou art peter , &c. ( but all this still amounts to no more , but that rome was the prime apostolick see , that might very probably explicate a difficulty to the emperour , by telling what had been from time to time delivered , and believed in that church . ) num. 29 fourthly , the words of the same theodorus studita again , in his epistle to naucraticus , which speaks of some that had broken off themselves from the body of christ , from the chief see , in which christ placed the keyes of that faith , against which the gates of hell , the mouthes of hereticks had not , should not prevail , ( but then still , supposing his testimonie were authentick , this is no more , but that , they which divided from the true doctrine , which he supposed to be at rome , did in his opinion break off themselves from the body of christ , that rome again was the prime see , that it had the keyes of knowledge and faith intrusted to it by christ , at the apostles founding a church there , but this not exclusively to other churches , which doubtlesse had those keyes , as well as she , & that the faith of christ should never be utterly destroyed by hereticks . ) num. 30 fifthly , the words of arcadius a bishop in the third councel , that of ephesus , proposing that the words of coelestine the pope , who was to be named with all reverence , bishop of the apostolicall see , should be read , that they might see what care he had of all churches ( and why might not the like be said of any other truly christian bishop ? ) and so the like speech again of cyrill of alexandria , that the letter of coelestine , the most holy bishop of the holy apostolick church ( a title which belonged , and was ordinarily given to other sees , beside that of rome ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be read with due honour or respect ( but sure that doth not prove his supreme power over all the churches of god. ) num. 31 lastly , the words of the emperor's letter ( called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a divine letter ) in the councel of chalcedon , that the most blessed bishop of the city of rome , to whom antiquity hath given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , priesthood over all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may have a place and power to judge of faith and of priests , from whence he roundly concludes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. seeing then he hath power to judge of faith and priests , he is justly defined by the councel of florence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the teacher of all christians . num. 32 this being the last and most probable , and indeed onely testimonie , to justifie with any colour of reason the definition of that councel , it is not amisse to consider it a little , and with that to conclude also the debate with this gentleman , as joseph methonensis there did with the bishop of ephesus . and if we turn to the acts of the councel of chalcedon , we shall soon discern the full weight of it . num. 33 there in the * first part , num : 25. we shall finde this letter , styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sent by valentinian the emperour to theodosius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he would command a synod to be called in the parts of italy . this then was the subject of the letter , and this the occasion ; a second synod had lately been held at ephesus , in which the heresie of eutyches had received some assistance , upon this pope leo , and his synod of bishops met at rome , * writes earnestly to the emperor valentinian , that he will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 command 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a general councel to be called in the parts of italy , that may remove and mollifie all offences . the same he * again proposes to the emperour theodosius there , desiring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a special councel to be convened in the parts of italy . hereupon soon follows a letter of valentinian to theodosius to the same purpose , in condescension to leo's request , and in it those very words ( recited by joseph methonensis in defence of the councel of florence ) to no other sense but this , that such a councel might be convened in italy , to review and reform what had been done amisse in that second councel of ephesus . num. 34 this therefore is the meaning of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he may have a place and power ] that some place may be assigned him and the bishops , to meet in councel , that he may have power , or faculty , or commission to sit ( not he by himself , but he and the bishops in councel ) and when they sit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to judge of faith and priests , as in all councels it is done , to define what is the true faith , opposed by hereticks , and what persons , bishops or others are fit to be censured for any thing done or taught by them . num. 35 this is the plain and onely importance of the place , to which all the rest of the epistle accords , that an vniversal councel should be called in italy , wherein the pope was doubtlesse to preside , and he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all other bishops also being convened from the whole world , should consider and define , what the true faith required . and so this is a faire testimonie to prove that the pope is the vicar of christ , the father and teacher of all christians . the conclusion . num. 1 i am now come to the close of this gentleman's answer in these words , thus , sir , you have my sense of doctor hammond's book in all the particulars , which , i think , to the purpose ; my time , nor the brevity fit for a letter , not permitting i should be more methodical , and doe rest your friend and humble servant , b. p. bruxels , the 30 march , 1654. num. 2 here he is pleased largely enough to assume the office of an aristarchus , and to involve under no light censure , of impertinency at the least , the farre greatest part of that treatise of schisme , for certainly that which he hath not offered any answer to , is such , and yet he here undertakes to have given his sense in all the particulars , which he thinks to the purpose , which must conclude it his opinion , that all other particulars are not to the purpose . this indeed is a performance somewhat above the promise of the title page , which obliged him to an answer of the most material parts of that treatise ; and it were very easie to shew that there is no degree of truth in either of these , that on the contrary , he hath not offered any word of reply to the most material , which i hope are not the least pertinent parts of that treatise . but instead of this larger reflexion it may suffice , that whatsoever he hath though fit to take notice of , and thereby hath expressed his judgment of it , that it is most material in comparison of the rest hath here been very particularly considered , and his answers manifested to have no force in them . and so i very friendly take my leave of him . the god of all grace and peace binde up the wounds of his bleeding church . an account of h. t. his appendix to his manual of controversies , concerning the abbot of bangor's answer to augustine . having concluded the foregoing reply to the catholick gentleman , i received news of a manual of controversies in the presse , wherein i was said to be particularly concerned , and having soon gotten a sight of it , i found that the matter was of no greater bulk or weight , than might receive an account in few words , & those most proper to be here annext , by way of appendix : at the folding up of that manual , the author of it is pleased to take notice of ( no more than ) one testimonie , which i had cited out of sir henry spelman's anglicane councels , containing an answer of the abbot of bangor to augustine the monk , when he demanded of the britains an acknowledgment of submission to the bishop of rome . the passage is to be seen at large , in welsh , english , and latine , in that tome of the councels , p. 108. and is recited in the treatise of schisme , p. 111. and the summe of it is , that he and the rest of the british church were under the government of the archbishop of caerleon upon vske , and owed no obedience ( or respect , save that of fraternal charity ) to the pope of rome . this answer of that abbot , the authour hath thought good to censure ( by way of appendix to the article concerning the pope's supremacy ) 1. as unapt to conclude against the romanist's pretensions concerning the papal power over the whole church . 2. as unworthily alledged by persons of any ordinary judgment or erudition . 3. as that which may easily be convicted to be a simple imposture , and the waies of demonstrating it clearly , promised in that insuing discourse . what those waies are , and how farre short of the force or evidence of demonstration , i shall , with the reader 's good leave , examine anon , after i have premised this one consideration , that the onely thing , which is by us contested , and concluded against the romanist from this testimonie , is a matter of fact of known truth , and such as the romanists themselves ( yea and this authour h. t. who hath thought sit to arraign this testimonie ) acknowledge to be such , and therefore , as in case this one testimonie should be demonstrated to be a simple imposture , we can very unconcernedly and easily part with it , standing in no manner of need of this auxiliarie , so it is a little strange that this authour should think it worth his solemn pains , to wrest it out of our hands , and dedicate this whole appendix to that one work , when if he were successfull to his wish ; his acquisitions hereby , and proportionably our losses , must be so unconsiderable . that which we conclude from hence against the romanist is no more but this , that the britains , particularly those of bangor , denied to yeild obedience to the pope upon augustine's demand of it . and for this we have the notoriousness of the fact , as it is set down by the authours which are of credit , and are vouched in this matter by the romanist , particularly by bede , in the second book of his ecclesiastick historie , c. 2. where the whole story may be read at large , and out of which i shall collect , and , in passing , clear these few things . first , that augustine and the british bishops met in councel at augustine's oake in worcestershire ; this passage lyes very corruptly in the latine bede , in loco ubi usque hodie linguâ anglorum augistinuzat , id est , robur augustini in confinio vectiorum & occidentalium saxonum appellatur . three corruptions i suppose there will soon appear to be in these words , which i shall briefly remove for the clearing of our entrance , and disabusing the authour of this manual in one of them . the first , and chief of them is , that augustinuzat is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mistaken for augustines-ac , i. e. augustines oake , whether that were the name of a tree , or a village , most probably the former , after the manner of that councel , which was held against s. chrysostome , called ordinarily the synod ad quercum , at , or under the oake . secondly , that [ ubi ] should be read [ qui ] which is an easie mistake , and so the construction will be facile , which now is rough , in loco qui usque hodie-augustines-ac appellatur , in the place which even to this day is called augustine's-ac , and accordingly the saxon reads on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac , in the place still named augustine's oake . thirdly , that vectiorum ( which the author of this appendix renders vectians , and interprets to be the isle of wight , quite against all probable conjecture , for how can it be believ'd that the britains should give him a meeting so farre from the place of their own present habitation ? ) should be wicciorum ( so * huntington reads it , and the saxon bede hpicna ) meaning worcestershire by that style , and accordingly this synod is by authors oft called wigorniensis synodus , the worcestershire synod ; and among the british bishops , who are recorded to be present at the second session , wiccensis , the bishop of worcester is one . in what part of that county it was that that synod convened , i see it is uncertain among our later writers , and so there may be place for conjecture , sir henry spelman from the map proposeth austric , as a probable contraction from austinsric , augustini ditio , as that which may give some light in a doubtfull matter , but upon inquiry i hear that that village is called aufric or alfric , not austric , and therefore i shall take confidence to mention , what seems to me farre more probable , that it was in the parish of merton , which hath the agnomen of vssentree , or ossentree , in old rolls , merton juxta ossentree , merton close by ossentree , an easie variation from , and contraction of austin tree , and is three miles from worcester , neer the rode to droitwich , where the hill-church is augustine's church . secondly , that the businesse of this convention , designed to draw the british to obedience to augustine & the see of rome , began with a proposition onely of conformity in the observation of easter , in the ceremonies of baptisme &c. but this in vain ; for , saith bede , after a long disputation they would give no assent to the intreaties , and exhortations and chidings of augustine , but preferred their own tradition before all the churches through the world , which accorded with rome in the particular of easter , &c. thirdly , that for the convincing of them , augustine challenged them to doe miracles , and by prayer to god cured a blinde man , and was much cried up for so doing , the british still adhering to their way , and answering him , that absque consensu & licentiâ suorum , without consent and licence of their whether rulers of church , or whatsoever other superiors also ( their metropolitan , i suppose , which cannot be thought to have been with them at this , being certainly none of the seven bishops , which are affirmed to have been present at the later convention ) they could not forsake their antient customes . fourthly , that upon proposall , it was agreed that they should have a second meeting , at which were present seven british bishops ( which other writers expresse to have been the bishop of hereford , landaff , bangor , s. assaph , worcester , paternensis , morganensis ) and many other learned men , especially de nobilissimo eorum monasterio , quod vocatur lingua anglorum bancornaburg , cui tempore illo dinooth abbas praefuisse narratur , of the famous monasterie of bangor , of which dinooth was abbot at that time . fifthly , that before they went to this meeting , they were advised by a religious person , whose directions they asked , to observe diligently the behaviour of augustine , when they came , whether he were meek and lowly in heart , a mark by which they might know whether he had taken christ's yoke upon him , and consequently whether it were the yoke of christ , which he now desired to impose upon them , and upon augustine's fitting still upon his stool or seat , and never rising up with any civility or humility , at their approach , they were so displeased , saith bede , that they contradicted all the proposals that he made to them . sixthly , that upon his making three propositions to them , concerning easter , baptisme , and preaching to the english , and promising to bear with them in all other differences , ( of which sort , said he , there were many wherein their practice was contrary consuetudini nostrae , imò vniversalis ecclesiae , to the custome of the roman , yea the vniversal church ) they answered , nihil horum se facturos , nec illum pro archiepiscopo habituros , that they would not comply with him in any of them , nor acknowledge him for their archbishop ; upon which follows that rough sanguinarie answer of augustine's , quod si pacem cum fratribus accipere nollent , bellum ab hostibus forent accepturi , that if they would not accept of peace with brethren , they should have warre from enemies , and , as it follows in very plain language , per anglorum manu● ultienem mortis essent passuri , the hands of the english should act a bloody revenge upon them . which , it seems , soon after followed , and fell in an eminent manner on the monks of bangor , of which order there were at that time above two thousand , who lived all by the labour of their own hands . for , saith he , king edilfred of northumberland , coming with a great army to c●erleon , made his first onset on their priests , who were assembled by themselves to fast and pray for their brethren , ( as moses holding up his hands in prayer , whilest josua held up his in sighting ) and upon no other provocation ( taken notice of by the historian ) but this , that they fought against him with their prayers ( contra nos pugnant qui adversus no● in preca●i●s ibus prosequuntur ) he first set upon them , killed 1●00 of them , and then destroyed the whole army . sicque compie●um est praesagium sancti pontificis augustini , and so the presage of the holy bishop st. augustine was fulfi●led upon them . these particulars of the story i have thus puctually set down in obedience to the rebuke of this author , who p. 412. chargeth it upon sir hen : spelman , and those others that borrow out of him , as a want of wilingness to see the truth , & of fidelity to com●nicate it to others , that they have chosen to reflect on that testimonie ( which he is pleased to call upstart , and ) which appeared not till within these 15 years , and not upon that true antiquity , which having indured the shock of almost a 1000 years . sir henry had a little before transcribed out of bede , wherein , saith he , every one may read , first that miracle in giving sight to the blinde man , then that divine vengeance prophetically foretold by augustine , which ( in his opinion ) more than sufficiently prove , that s. augustine , sent by the pope , came in the name of god , from a lawfull authority , and that his demands of conformity to the church of rome in the points specified were good , and to be yeilded to by the britains . in this matter i might now fitly inlarge , and examine the force of this two-fold argument , that of the miraculous cure , and that of the predicted vengeance , and offer many things to consideration concerning each head . for the former , 1. the no great credit that hath been given to the relations of bede on this head of miracles ( of which his story is so richly furnished ) together with the great deceit that such pretensions have been experimented to subject men to : secondly , the confession of bede , that the britaine 's were * unwilling to yeild to this tryall of their cause , and accordingly when he saith that the † blinde man being offered to the priests of the britaines , he received no cure or benefit by them , he doth not so much as pretend that the britaine 's attempted to doe the miracle , and failed in it , but leaves us to resolve that they wholly waved this tryall : thirdly , that if the miracle were granted to be a true miracle , and a testimony of gods asserting the doctrines then contested between them , yet this would not be any concludent testimonie for the pope's supremacy , but onely for those things which were then the matter of the question , the time of the observation of easter , the rites of baptisme , accustomed in the roman church , and at the most some such like traditions , wherein the british custome varied from that of rome , for this was the forme of the proposed tryall , quae sequenda traditio quibus sit viis ad ingressum regni illius properandum , what tradition was to be followed ( in the celebration of easter , that which the britains had received and retained from their first conversion , imputed to an apostle or apostolical person , simon zelotes or joseph of arimathea , or that which the romans deduced from s. peter ) by what waies they were to hasten to entrance into that kingdome ( referring , i suppose , to the rites of baptisme , the second head of debate between them ) and in both these , ( as also in refusing to joyn with augustine in the common work of preaching to the gentiles ) it may easily be granted by us , that the truth was on the romanists side , and not on the britains , without ye●lding a supremacie of the church of rome over the british churches . fourthly , that the britains by bede's confession , acknowledged themselves convinced by that miracle , that the way of righteousness which augustine preached , was the true way , yet added , that they could not renounce their antient customes without the consent and licence of their own ( superiors ) which evidently confines aud determines the miracle and all the supposed virtue thereof to the confirming the traditions which augustine delivered , without farther extending it to the asserting the papal power ( to which the abbot of bangor's answer was particularly confronted ) for had they once acknowledged themselves convinced of that , there had been no place left for the licentia suorum , no need of the consent or licence of any other superiors , which yet they resolutely adhere to . lastly , that at their second meeting the britains deemed augustine's pride a more valid convincing argument , that the yoke which he designed to impose on them was not the yoke of christ , than the supposed miracle , that it was . and for the latter , that of the slaughter , first * threatned and then fulfilled upon them , 1. if that were indeed a miracle , it was not of the complexion , which is generally observed in christ's miracles , used for the working of faith , but proportionable to the spirit of the boanerges , which would have the fire from heaven called down upon the samaritans , and were answered by christ that this was not agreeable to the spirit of the gospel ; and if the example of s. peter on ananias and sapphyra , or of s. paul on elymas be made use of as a precedent for this severity , yet sure the answer of pope gregory to augustine at that time , supposing different churches to enjoy different customes , and not imposing the roman upon all , might have directed him to greater moderation . see bed : l. 1. c. 27. in his answer to the third interrogation . secondly , it is no very great miracle , that a grand army falling first upon unarmed monks , should obtain the victory against them , and afterward against all other their opposers ; nor consequently is it any whit strange that augustine , that was so provoked , and meant to use this bloody revengefull course , should thus threaten what he then designed to see performed , for that is the full meaning of his foretelling it . it is true indeed that either bede , or some interpolator , that copied out the original latine of that historie , hath thought good to insert some words in the end of that story , l. 2. c. 2. in fine , ( quamvis ipso jam multo ante tempore ad coelestia regna sublato ) which might delude men into a perswasion , that this bloody act was a long time after augustine's death ; but for this , first , it is observable that king alfred's saxon translation or paraphrase of bede , wholly omits that parenthesis , and reads it onely thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and so was fulfilled the prediction of s. augustine , that they should feel the revenge of temporal destruction . secondly , that the series of the story in bede gives just prejudice to that parenthesis , for this of the slaughter of the britans being set down in the end of that second chap : the third begins with augustine's ordaining two bishops , mellitus and justus , which sure was not after his death , and as the saxon paraphrase of king alfred begins that chapter with this form of reference to the former passage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — it was after this — which plainly defines augustine to have survived that bloody fact , so the latine bede , which sets down the time of augustine's ordaining those two bishops , anno dominicae incarnationis sexcentefimo quarto , in the year 604 , doth yet more incline us to suspect that parenthesis , for though bede , who sets down the month and day of augustine's death , sets not down the year of it , but leaves it in a latitude to be between the year 596 in which he came to england , and the year 613. ( or , as the saxon reads 616. ) in which king ethelbert died , yet others commonly affirm that he continued bishop 15 or 16 years , and so died about 612 or 13. whereas chronologers affirm the slaughter of the monks of bangor &c. to have been in the year 603 , and so the year immediately precedent to augustine's ordaining those two bishops . thirdly , when in the relation of this slaughter , the latine bede begins siquidem , posthaec ipse , de quo diximus , rex anglorum — for after this , i. e. after augustine's threatning destruction to the british , the forenamed king of the angles gathered an army — the saxon paraphrase reads , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and soon rath , i. e. very soon after this , which again perswades that it was before augustine's death , at least that the jam multo ante in the parenthesis ( that augustine died long before ) could have no truth in it . lastly , as some writers of these dark times have made a shift to affirm with the latine bede that augustine was first dead , so it is known also that others charge it on him , that he was not onely the inciter to it , but that he met the kings when they were ready for the fight , and was present with them ; and trivet in his french chronicle , that saith it was done after augustine's death , yet adds that ethelbert king of kent ; who stirred up ethelfred king of northumberland and his saxons against the britans , and by name against dinoth abbot of bangor forementioned , was highly displeased and inflamed , that he had despised augustine . all which being considered , it is certain , that this was no very christian action , whether in augustine or in ethelbert , and the threats of the one , and performances of the other , as they bear an exact proportion , so are they equally argumentative , not for , but against that cause , which was willing thus unchristianly to support it self . thirdly , if the slaughter of these poor monks shall yet be thought a solid probation , as an act of divine vengeance upon them ( just such as the falling of the towre of siloe was , from which none but a jew , or turke , or the barbarians , act. 28. or those that make prosperity the speciall mark of the true church , will think fit to conclude any thing ) there is one part of the story yet behinde , which will refute and retort that argument , for when edilfrid had used them so bloodily , and in the heat of his rage and victory proceeded to destroy the remainder of those monks , and their monasterie together , the avengers of blood met him , three british commanders , with their forces , routed his army , killed ten thousand and sixty of them , wounded the king , and put him and the remainder of his army to flight , which certainly is an argument of as much validity to inferre that god maintained the cause of those innocent monks against the saxons and augustine , as the former was argumentative on their side against the british . but it is not needfull , that i insist on either of these , the one thing that from this view of the story in bede was to be concluded , is onely this , that upon the relations , as in him they lie , and are by this author h. t. vouched against us , there can be no doubt of our conclusion , that the abbot and monks of bangor opposed augustine , yeilded him no obedience , referred themselves onely to their own governours , without any acknowledgment of obedience to the pope ; and this is generally the result of other authors narrations of this matter . so * balaeus , speaking of that convention , dinotus omnium primu● graviter & docte de non approbandà apud eos romanorum authoritate disputabat , dinoth in the first place gravely and learnedly disputed against the authority of the bishops of rome among them , adding , fortiter praeterea tuebatur menevensis archiepiscopi in ecclesiarum suarum rebus ratam jurisdictionem , that he moreover strongly and couragiously defended the validity of the jurisdiction of the archbishop of s. davids ( the same that in the abbots answer is called the bishop of caerleon ) in the affairs of his own churches . so geffrey of monmouth , edelbertus rex kantiorum , ut vidit britones dedignantes subjectionem augustino facere , northumbrorum & cateros saxonum regulos instimulavit , ut collecto grandi exercitu in civitatem bangor abbatem dinoth & caeteros clericos , qui eos spreverunt , perditum irent . king ethelbert seeing the britains disdain to yeild their subjection to augustine , stirred up the king of northumberland and other saxon kings to gather a great army against the city bangor , to destory dinoth the abbot and the other clerks of that monasterie , who had scorned augustine and the saxons . so sigebert in anno 602. augustinus — habita synodo cum britonum & scotorum episcopis , quâ sacerdotes & monachos invenit adversarios aequitatis — augustine had a meeting with the british and scotish bishops , and there found an opposition from the priests and monks , and terrified them by prediction of a calamity that should fall on them . other evidences to the same purpose are set down in the collection of the anglicane councels , and mr. whelock's notes on his edition of the saxon bede , p. 115. if there could now remain any question of it . and that this was discerned by the author of this appendix , if it had been for his interest to have taken notice of it , is evident by his mention of the miracle and divine vengeance , as of proofs that augustine was in the right against these refusers , who yet continued , saith he still refractory to his proposals . and this was all i concluded from the abbot's answer , and this stands firm in this romanist's own confession , though the words of the abbot's answer had not been preserved to us . and therefore being now wholly unconcerned in the validity of this testimony , and so secured from all danger of being bribed by interests to judge more favourably of it than the matter requires , i shall now proceed calmly to consider , whether there be that clearness and evidence in this author's arguments for the invalidating this testimony , which he assures us we shall finde in them . his first argument is negative from the [ not least scrap of antiquity so much as pretended to prove that the cambrian ( i. e. welch ) lines cited , were the abbot of bangor's answer to augustine upon the occasion specified , nor that the renouned dinoth was that abbot , nor that the old manuser : whence sir henry spel : extracts the testimony , was copied out of any more antient . what other proof from antiquity should be expected from sir henry spelman to give authority to these lines , than what readily offers it self in this matter , i doe not understand ; that the british , particularly those of bangor , and yet more peculiarly dinoth the famous abbot of that monasterie , disputed against augustine's pretensions for the authority of the bishop of rome , and asserted their own subjection to their metropolitane , hath already appeared to be the affirmation of those , who are most competent witnesses of it , and the manuscript passage in welch and english , which sir h. spel : had transcribed from mr. moston's copie ( and directs the reader to sir cotton's library to satisfie himself in that matter ) is directly agreeable to this for the matter of it , and so gave that very judicious knight just reason both to set some value on it himself , and to communicate it to others , as that which might gratifie their curiosity , and approve it self by its own light to any judicious reader , to be , if not the very words of that abbot's answer , yet the sense and substance of it , and whether of these it should be judged to be , it matters not . had the contents of this testimony been any way contrary to other undoubted records of those times , or indeed any disparate new relation , that had not formerly been taken notice of , and was now to owe the whole credit and support to this testimonie , some reason there might have been for an aristarchus to proceed with more caution than here was used , and to yeild nothing to bare groundlesse conjectures ( and the romanist hath as much reason as any man to lay this to heart , to act with this caution in other testimonies ) but when the matter is agreed on among the antients , and an old record offers it self to our view , in perfect concord with that which we had formerly all reason to believe , and onely affirms that more legibly and distinctly , which was in substance before , but not so punctually delivered to us , i cannot think the severest critick , supposing him unconcerned and impartial , without any hypothesis of his own to be defended or tended by him , would have any aversion or dislike to a testimony thus produced , though for some circumstances of it , such as are here mentioned , the producer have nothing of authority to back his own conjectures . this one thing i am sure is most unjust , not to give credit to a manuscript , that it is what it pretends to be , unlesse i have some expresse affirmation of antiquity concerning that particular manuscript ; should such rules of severity be now imposed on the presse , the vatican must never bring forth more rarities , the wealth of all the archives in the world must lie dead , like a miser's treasure , no one volume being able to testifie for the veracity of its neighbour , or if it were , it self must also bring its voucher along with it , and so on in infinitum , or else it would not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a competent testification in this matter , and when it is remembred , that all , which is now made publick by the help of printing , lay once in single manuscripts , and those multipliable onely by transcribing , and neither the originals nor copies any other way testified to be what they pretended to be , than as these cambrian lines are delivered to us by sir henry , i hope this will be deemed a competent proof , that this first argument is not so clearly demonstrative as was promised . another branch there is of this first argument , in these words , and certainly if his manuscript be no elder than the interlined english , he hath grossly wronged himself and his reader , by honouring it with the style of antient : for , as every one sees , the english is purely modern , and cannot be so old by many years as henry the eighth●s cashiering the pope's authority , and arrogating the supremacy in ecclesiasticall matters to himself , for maintenance whereof it is alledged , and was certainly forged . to this i answer briefly , that it is not pretended by sir henry , that the english is as antient as the times of dinoth , no nor the welch neither , but that those two languages were made use of by some , whose ages he pretends not to know , to conveigh to us intelligibly the answer of that abbot , in what language soever it were delivered by him ; and if it shall now be granted to this author , that the english idiome evidenceth it to be written within these last 100 years , this can be no prejudice or ground of suspition , much lesse a proof of forgery against this manuscript , as long as the welch is allowed to be more antient , to which the english may upon a latter transcribing have been annext , as fitly as old greek mss. are daily printed with the latine translations of a later date , in the same or several pages . his second argument is deduced from the cambrian lines , in which he pretends to discover many un-cambrian mixtures of english words , helpio and gleimio , for help and claim , want of orthographie , and the like ; to which being utterly unskilfull in the welch language , i acknowledge my self incompetent to give any very particular reply , yet shall give my reason , why i cannot think that this second argument of his is any more demonstrative against the validity of the testimony , than the former ; for 1. supposing this copie of mr. moston●s to be a transcript , not the original ( as it is evident s. h. spelman supposeth ) what difficulty is there to imagine , that that copie was transcribed by one unskilful in the orthographie of that language , especially when it is known , how ordinary this is to be found , not only among the vulgar , but among learned church-men of that nation , who are fain by study to acquire skill of reading before they can officiate in that language . secondly , i shall readily grant , or , if he please , yeild to the force of his arguments , that the welch lines are not the words , or language wherein dinoth delivered his answer , but ( as this gentleman after contends ) that dinoth , a writer of latine books , being to speak to augustine , that understood not the british language , gave his answer in latine ; what hinders now , but that this latine answer being conserved among the britans , might in later times ( before henry the eight ) in any age to which the idiome of the welch lines shall direct a critick in that language to affix them , be translated into imperfect ( i mean more modern ) yet intelligible welch , either by a native of that countrey , or by any other , who had acquired so much of that language , as was sufficient for no weightier an enterprise ? i discern not what disadvantage i can receive by this concession , and then sure there will be small difficulty in vindicating sir henry's integrity , if this shall be supposed ; for he no where pretends , that the cambrian lines , in the form here presented , were the language , or words of the answer of dinoth , but that the matter of his answer , in what language soever delivered by him , is communicated to us by that ms. and that it was not , here is no word of so much as probable argument , much lesse of clear demonstration tenderd by the author of this appendix . lastly , for the two words which occasioned his charge of the english mixtures , i am , by those which have skill in the language , enabled to return him some answer , that the word help , from whence is the infinitive helpio or helpu , is found used by tudor aled , who wrote an : 1490. and by lluellyn , who is thought to be more antient , and that gleimio , or cleimio is by the latine and welch dictionary set down in the word vendico , in the first place , ( and after that holi ) as the most proper welch word for it , not borrowed from the english ; from whence as i shall not conclude , that these welch lines , were the original of dinoth's answer ( that were to retract my former concession ) so i may safely assume , that these two words ( his onely instances of english mixtures ) doe no way demonstrate this welch translation to be later than henry the eight's cashiering the pope's authority ( as of the english it was granted ) nor consequently leave it under suspition of being forged by any protestant . his third argument is of more seeming force , taken from the mention of this abbot's subjection to the bishop of caerleon upon vske , in which he findes two absurdities , 1. saith he , of●han ●han elwy , now commonly called s. assaph , 2. all histories testifie that the archiepiscopal seat was removed from caerleon to s. david 's in king arthur 's time , who died about the year 544. i. e. 50 years before augustine 's first entrance into britain . to these two branches of probation , certainly the answer is very obvious to the first , that acknowledging and supposing that the monasterie of banchor , situate in flintshire , though within the confines of chestshire , was under the diocesan bishop either of s. asaph , or of chester the episcopal see of bangor lying in the county of caernarven ) yet this can be of no manner of force against this testimony , for he that was under the bishop of s. asaph , as his immediate superior , or diocesan , may yet be under the bishop of caerleon , as his metropolitan , as he that is under the bishop of rochester in one respect , is under the bishop of canterbury in another . and so that is a full answer to his first difficulty . for the second , it is acknowledged that before this time of dinoth's answer to augustine , the archiepiscopal see had been by authority of synod removed first from caerleon to landaffe by dubritius , anno 512. and so it is affirmed by sir hen : spelman in his apparat : p. 25. ( where by the way lin : 5. the printer hath mistaken ad meneviam for ad landaviam ) and in like manner by his successor s. david , anno 516. by licence from king arthur , from landaff to menevia , which from that eminent bishop , under whom that change was made , was after called s. davids . but this removal of the metropolitical see from one city to another was not of such weight or consideration , but that the metropolitical dignity , having been so long fixt at caerleon , might still retain that title after the translation . besides , the abbot of bangor making answer to augustine●s claim , which was founded in some old right , which he pretended the pope to have over all churches , it was most proper to contest this by former practice , not onely how it stood at that present , but especially how it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of old , or from the beginning , by custome immemorial , and herein not to consider such immaterial changes , as were the removing of the primate's see from one city to another , but to look on it , as it had alwaies layn , in opposition to all forreign jurisdiction : and it being certain that caerleon was antiently this prime see , nothing was more agreeable to this contest , as it is supposed to be managed by that abbot , than thus to referre to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the councels of nice , and antioch , and chalcedon , and ephesus had done , in the like controversies ) to tell augustine that the british christians had alwaies , from their first plantation , been under a british primate , and to call the british primate by that title , which had most antiently belonged to him , i. e. bishop of caerleon , and not by the later of landaffe , or the yet later of s. davids . what this author here objects against the former of these answers , saying , 1. that this is not proved . and 1. that it implies a contradiction to say the see was translated , and the former title still retained , translation importing the taking a new , and desertion of the old title , ] is no way applicable to this second answer ( which consequently remains in full force ) and therefore i need not farther attend to it ; and in relation to the former answer , it is farre from the promised clearnesse of demonstration . for as to the first part of it , the thing may be true , though it be not proved ▪ the contrary must be proved by him that promiseth clear or demonstrative confutations : and for the second , it must be founded in some new notion of contradiction , which my logick hath not acquainted me with , for sure he that saith the see was translated , and the former title retained , doth neither say that the see was translated and not translated ( which is the only form of a logical contradiction ) nor that the former title was retained and not retained ; nor consequently can i discern the least inconvenience , much lesse contradiction , either direct , or by way of implication , that the metropolitical see being translated from caerleon to another city , the metropolitan should still retain his original title , that of bishop of caerleon . other exceptions he proceeds to adde , but those so farre again from being , according to promise , demonstrative evidences against this testimonie , that they are no way worthy to be attended to . first , that dinoth would probably have answered in latine , and to that i have already replied , that i may well grant he did so , and consequently that both the welch and english in mr. moston's ms. were translations of that latine . secondly , that the words in welch rendred [ whom you name to be pope — ] are not rightly translated ; in this again i cannot contend , having no knowledge in that language , but as before i followed sir henry's translation , and finding it not very clear , did endevour to expresse his meaning by a just paraphrase , and thereby happily rendred the true sense of the place , so if i should now believe my teacher again , this author , that undertakes to correct sir henry's translation , it would not be impossible so to render the words , as should bear a very commdious sense , and perfectly agreeable to the notion i formerly had of them . but being not secure that my leader h. t. ( whom now i discern to be no welch-man ) hath really the skill in that language , which his animadversions pretend to , i thought it more reasonable to consult some other more knowing guide , and am now from a judicious hand assured , that there is an error in the distinction between daad : and yw gleimio , which being taken away , the true rendring of the whole is this , et aliam obedientiam , quam istam , non agnosco ego cujusquam esse , quem vos nominat is papam , vel patrem patrum , vendicare & postulare , and any other obedience than that , i acknowledge not to be any mans ( or to belong to any man ) whom ye name pope , or father of fathers , to challenge and require . this is plain sense , and still perfectly agreeable to the understanding , i formerly had of the words , and i doubt not but upon the most critical examination it will be found to be the most literal rendring of them . the third , of the no good sense of the english is already answered also , by adhering to that better translation , which is as perfectly fit for our turns , as the other was imagined to be , and much more intelligible and clear , as appeared in the last number . the fourth is , that the words used of the bishop of caerleon ▪ [ who is to oversee under god over us ] makes against the ●ym of the prelatick reformers , and particularly against me , who labour to support the king's supremacie against the pope , whereas these words exclude the king as well as the pope ] but certainly there is no force in this , for augustine's demand , or question being onely of that obedience and subordination which belonged to the supreme bishop , whether that were the bishop of rome , or the bishop , of caerleon , and not at all inquiring into the nature or extent of the regal or imperial power ( there being no occasion to suggest any such inquirie ) the abbot's answer can in no probability be extended any farther than the question extended , i. e. to the asserting the prime episcopal power to belong to the metropolitan of caerleon or s. david's , without any subordination to the pope of rome . as for that which in the fift place he adds of the miracle and divine vengeance , in bede , and so concludes his appendix , to that i have spoken * already , in that which i thought meet to premise to this debate , and so i have no more to adde by way of answer to his exceptions , but that i cannot sufficiently wonder , that this author ( so recommended to the the reader by his learned friend in the front of his book ) should make it his solemn businesse to invalidate this one supernumerary testimony , being withall no better provided with arguments to promise him successe in it . the end. errata . page 4. line 28. after him adde , p. 15. l. 24. after side re : or p. 33. marg : l. 3. re : apolog : l. 29. after must adde , p. 36. l. 32. re : nomina p. 40. l. 12. re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 13. re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 83. l. 34. re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 15. l. 24. after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dele , p. 19. l. 33. after else adde ) p. 90. l. 17. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 20. for the re : then p. 96. l. ult : re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 108. l. 30. re : testifie p. 111. marg : l. 11. re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 120. l. 26. re : it as p. 121. l. 11. re : campegius p. 129. l. 8. re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 6. re : yet larger p 133. l. 17. re : by this p. 135. l. 6. re : schism in him , p. 136. l. 35. re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 137. l. 29. re : and shall l. 32. re : extitit p. 138. l. ult : re : is one p. 141. l. 7. re : con-l . 24. re : our innocence p. 148. l. 36. re : is utterly p. 150. l. 7. re : this p. 155. l. 11. re : the fall p. 160. l. 36. re : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 161. l. 11. re : naucratius notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45460-e3230 * ch 7. sect. 1. notes for div a45460-e16450 * l. 7. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * apoll : 2. ad imp : const : edit : par : tom : 1. p. 756. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , paris : ed : t. 1. p. 827. c. * concil : tom : 1. p. 266. * cont : cels : l. 3. he urgeth gratian too . * decret : grat : par : 1. dist : 92. c. 2. notes for div a45460-e26450 * of schism , p. 74. sect. 5. * a. gellius , l. 18. c. 3. * tract of schism , c. 4. §. 7. c. 4. §. 8 . &c. sect. 8 , 9. * savil : ed : t. 3. p. 730 , 731. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * l. 7. c. 47. † in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * epist : ad zenon : * in chron : ( ms. oxon : ) l. 10. * en●om : ignat : sect. 9. sect. 12. sect. 14. sect. 20. sect. 2. * annot : on mat. 19. d. and power of keyes , c. 5. §. 13. notes for div a45460-e49490 sect. 5. * colon : edit . fol. 118. * ep : ●4 fol. 119. † ep : 55. fol. 120. * culpam , quam de augendâ potestate , alienâ ( ut asseris ) adhortatione contraxeras , etsi non ad sola clericorum sonfilia transtulisses . leo. ep : 71. * edit : paris : tom : 3. p. 504. &c. * ibid p. 506. b. * lib. 2. in fine . * epist : concil : chalt ad leon : pap : concil : t. 3 p. 475. b. * subscript : eleu●herii chalced : ep : ibid : p. 46. f. * concil : ● . 3. p 460. p. 461. d. * ad maxim. antioch : ep : 62. fol 124. * tom : 6. an : 454 n. 13 . &c. * p. 453. p. 463. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * tom. 6. ann : 451. num : 143. decret : par : 1. dist : 193. c. legimus . * de author : eccl : 7. * ann : 454. num : 13 , &c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes for div a45460-e68470 sect. 1. sect. 2. * neque suscipere dogma perversii vellent , neque versutiam nefariae persuasioni● refutare verbis certando sufficevent : bed. l. 1. c. 17. * bed. l. 1. c. 12 , 13. sect. 8. * balsam . in concil : in trull : can. 38. * 1 concil . chal. c. 17. * ib. pag. 342. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can. 12. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , balsam : in can : 12. * in chalced : can. 12. * jam. 1. 17. 3. 15 , 17. &c. notes for div a45460-e77740 begun in hen. 8. sir walter raleigh in prefito histor : of the world. napier on the revelation . * eccl : hist : l. 1. c. 27. * ib : l. 2. c. 2. * b. gre : ep : ex regist : l. 7. indict : 1. c. 30. * par : 1. dist : 99. ecce * l. de diff : reg : et eccl : potest : notes for div a45460-e89660 sect. 4. sect. 5. * epist . ad epict. * sess . 10. ib. p. 641. d. notes for div a45460-e100140 hooker 's eccl : pol : * annot. on the place . * hieron . qu. 11. ad alga● . † atheneus , l. 1. * golizius in thesau : dio in adriano prudentius . * rom. 11. 2. * conc p. 858 paris : * jose , thon : p cil : f● p. 102 * concil : tom : 3. p. 25. * ibid : n. 19. p. 19. * ibid : n. 20. p. 20. notes for div a45460-e109850 * l. 3. p. 325. p. 413. * quod cum adversarii , inviti licèt , concederent . † cum oblatus britonis̄ sacerdotibus nil curationis horum ministerio cepit . * fertur minitans praedixisse . bede , terruit eos vaticinio futurae super eos calamitatis . sigebert . * ●in dinoth . p. 405. p. 405. p. 406 , 7 , 8. p. 409. p. 410. * n. 19 , 20. a view of the nevv directorie and a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england in answer to the reasons pretended in the ordinance and preface, for the abolishing the one, and establishing the other. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1646 approx. 323 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 61 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70321 wing h614b estc r2266 12412051 ocm 12412051 61555 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70321) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61555) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 741:3, 892:2 or 1702:2) a view of the nevv directorie and a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england in answer to the reasons pretended in the ordinance and preface, for the abolishing the one, and establishing the other. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). proclamation commanding the use of the booke of common prayer. the third edition. [12], 106 p. printed by henry hall ..., oxford [oxfordshire] : 1646. attributed to henry hammond. cf. nuc pre-1956. caption title: by the king, a proclamation commanding the use of the booke of common-prayer ... p. [3]-[6] this item is incorrectly identified in the reel guides at reels 741:3 and 892:2 as wing h614. reproduction of originals in union theological seminary library, new york and huntington library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng westminster assembly (1643-1652). -directory for the publique worship of god. church of england. -book of common prayer. church of england -liturgy -controversial literature. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a view of the new directorie , and a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england . in answer to the reasons pretended in the ordinance and preface , for the abolishing the one , and establishing the other . the third edition . oxford , printed by henry hall , printer to the university . 1646. by the king . a proclamation commanding the use of the booke of common-prayer according to law , notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new directory . whereas by a printed paper , dated the third of ianuary last past , intituled , an ordinance of parliam●●t for taking away the book of common-prayer , and for establishing and putting in execution of the directory for the publique worship of god ; it is said to be ordained among other things , that the book of common-prayer should not remain , or be from thenceforth used in any church , chappell or place of publique worship within the kingdome of england or dominion of wales ; and that the directory for publique worship in that printed paper set forth , should be from thenceforth used , pursued , and observed in all exercises of publique worship of god in every congregation , church , chappell , and place of publique worship . and by another printed paper , dated the 23. day of august last past , intituled , all ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , for the more effectuall putting in execution the directory for publique worship , &c. particular directions are set down for the dispersing , publishing , and use of the said directory , in all parishes , chappelries , and donatives , and for the calling in and suppressing of all books of common-prayer , under severall forfeitures and penalties to be levyed and imposed upon conviction before iustices of assize , or of over and terminer , and of the peace , as by the said two printed papers may appeare . and taking into our consideration , that the book of common prayer , which is endeavoured thus to be abolished , was compiled in the times of reformation , by the most learned and pious men of that age , and defended and confirmed with the martyrdome of many ; and was first established by act of parliament in the time of king edward the sixth , and never repealed or laid aside , save only in that short time of queen maries reign , upon the returne of popery and superstition ; and in the first yeare of queen elizabeth , it was again revived and established by act of parliament , and the repeale of it then declared by the whole parliament , to have béen to the great decay of the due honour of god , and discomfort to the professors of the truth of christs religion : and ever since it hath béen used and observed for above fourescore yeares together , in the best times of peace and plenty that ever this kingdome enjoyed ; and that it conteines in it an excellent forme of worship and service of god , grounded upon holy scriptures , and is a singular meanes and helpe to devotion in all congregation , and that , or some other of the like forme , simply necessary in those many congregations , which cannot be otherwise supplyed by learned and able men , and kéeps up an uniformity in the church of england ; and that the directory , which is sought to be introduced , is a meanes to open the way , and give the liberty to all ignorant factious or evill men , to broach their own fancies and conceits , be they never so wicked and erroneous ; and to mis , lead people into sin and rebellion , and to utter those things , even in that which they make for their prayer in their congregations as in gods presence , which no conscientious man can assent or say amen to . and be the minister never so pious and religious , yet it will breake that uniformity which hitherto hath béen held in gods service , and be a meanes to raise factions and divisions in the church ; and those many congregations in this kingdome , where able and religious ministers cannot be maintained , must be left destitute of all helpe or meanes for their publique worship and service of god : and observing likewise , that no reason is given for this alteration , but only inconvenience alleadged in the generall ( and whether pride and avarice be not the ground , whether rebellion and destruction of monarchy be not the intention of some , and sacriledge and the churches possessions the aymes and hopes of others , and these new directories , the meanes to prepare and draw the people in for all , wée leave to him who searches and knowes the hearts of men , ) and taking into our further consideration , that this alteration is introduced by colour of ordinances of parliament made without and against our consent , and against an expresse act of parliament still in force , and the same ordinances made as perpetuall binding lawes , inflicting penalties and punishments , which was never , before these times , so much as pretended to have been the use or power of ordinances of parliament , without an expresse act of parliament , to which wée are to be parties . now lest our silence should be interpreted by some as a connivance or indifferency in us , in a matter so highly concerning the worship and service of god , the peace and unity of the church and state , and the establish'd lawes of the kingdome , wée have therefore thought fit to publish this our proclamation ; and wée do hereby require and command all and singular ministers in all cathedrall and parish-churches , and other places of publique worship , within our kingdome of england or dominion of wales ; and all other to whom it shall appertaine , that the said booke of common-prayer be kept and used in all churches , chappels , and places of publique worship , according to the said statute made in that behalfe in the said first yeare of the said late quéen elizabeth ; and that the said directory be in no sort admitted , received , or used , the said pretended ordinances , or any thing in them conteined to the contrary notwithstanding . and wee do hereby let them know , that whensoever it shall please god to restore us to peace , and the lawes to their due course ( wherein wée doubt not of his assistance in his good time ) wée shall require a strict account and prosecution against the breakers of the said law , according to the force thereof . and in the meane time , in such places where wée shall come , and find the booke of common-prayer supprest and laid aside , and the directory introduced , wée shall account all those that shall be ayders , actors or contrivers therein , to be persons disaffected to the religion and lawes established : and this they must expect , besides that greater losse which they shall sustain by suffering themselves thus to be deprived of the use and comfort of the said booke . given at our court at oxford this thirteenth day of november , in the one and twentieth yeare of our raigne . 1645. god saue the king . a preface to the ensuing discou●se . sect 1 that the liturgy of the church of england , which was at first as it were written in bloud , at the least sealed , and delivered downe to us by the martyrdom of most of the compilers of it , should ever since be daily solicited , and call'd to the same stage and theatre , to fill up what was behinde of the sufferings of those fathers , is no strange or new piece of oeconomy in the church of god. this proposition i shall take liberty briefly to prove by way of introduction to the ensuing discourse , and shall hope that you will acknowledge it with me , if you but consider these severalls . sect 2 1. that there is not a surer evidence and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which to discerne the great excellency of moderation in that booke , and so the apportionatenesse of it , to the end to which it was designed , then the experience of those so contrary fates , which it hath constantly undergone , betwixt the persecutors on both extreame parts , the assertors of the papacy on the one side , and the consistory on the other , the one accusing it of schisme , the other of complyance , the one of departure from the church of rome , the other of remaining with it , like the poore greeke church , our fellow martyr , devoured by the turke for too much christian profession ; and damn'd by the pope for too little , it being the dictate of naturall reason in aristotle , ( whose rules have seldome failed in that kinde since hee observed them ) that , the middle vertue is most infallibly knowne by this , that it is accused by either extreame as guilty of the other extreame : that the true liberality of mind is by this best exemplified , that it is defamed by the prodigall for parsimony , and by the niggard for prodigality , by which ( by the way ) that great blocke of offence , which hath scandalized so many , will be in part removed , and the reproaches so continually heaped upon this booke , will to every discerning judge of things , passe for as weake an unconcluding argument of guilt in it , as the scarres of a military man doth of his cowardice , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the every topicke of rayling rhetorick , mal. 5. of the unchristiannesse of the person on whom they are powred out . sect 3 2. that ever since the reproaches of men have taken confidence to vent themselves against this booke , there hath nothing but aire and vapour been vomited out against it , objections of little force to conclude any thing , but onely the resolute contumacious , either ignorance , or malice of the objectors , which might at large be proved , both by the view of all the charges that former pamphlets have produced , all gathered together and vindicated by mr. hooker , and that no one charge of any crime , either against the whole , or any part of it , which this directory hath offered ; which as it might in reason , make such an act of malice more strange , so will it to him that compares this matter with other practises of these times , ( whose great engine hath beene the calumniari fortiter the gaining credit by the violence of the cry , when it could not be had by the validity of the proofes , most men being more willing to believe a calumnie , then to examine it ) make it but unreasonable to wonder at it ; it being an experiment of daily observation , that those which have no crime of which they are accusable , are therefore not the lesse , but the more vehemently accused , prosecuted , and dragg'd to execution , that the punishment may prove them guilty , which nothing else could , it being more probable in the judgement of the multitude , ( who especially are considered now adaies , as the instruments to act our great designes ) that a nocent person should plead not guilty , then an innocent bee condemned , which prejudice , as it might bee pardon'd from the charity wherein 't is grounded , that they who are appointed to punish vilenesses , will not be so likely to commit them , so being applyed to usurping judges , ( whose very judging is one crime , and that no way avowable , but by making use of more injustices ) will prove but a piece of turcisme , which concludes all things honest , that prove successefull , or of the moderne divinity in the point of scandall , which makes it a sufficient exception against any indifferent usage , that it is by some excepted against , a competent cause of anger , that men are angry as it though never so without a cause . sect 4 3. that it hath been constantly the portion , and prerogative of the best things ( as of the best men ) to be under the crosse , to have their good things of this world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with persecutions , mar. 10. 30. and so no strange thing that that which is alwaies a dealing with the crosse , should be sometimes a panting , and gasping under it ; there was never any surer evidence of the cleannesse of a creature amongst the jewes , then that it was permitted to be sacrificed , the lamb , and the turtle emblemes of innocence , and charity , and the other christian virtues , were daily slaughter'd and devoured , while the swine , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and all the uncleaner creatures were denied that favour , placed under a kind of anathema , or excommunication sentence , of such it was not lawfull , no not to eate ; and so it must be expected in the anti-type , that all the heat of the satanicall impression , all the fire of zeale , the sentence to be sacrificed , and devoted , should fall as now it doth , on this lambe-like , dove-like creature , of a making not apt to provoke any man to rage , or quarrell , or any thing , but love of communion , and thankesgiving to god for such an inestimable donative . sect 5 4. that a liturgy being found by the experience of all ancient times , as a necessary hedge , and mound to preserve any profession of religion , and worship of god in a nationall church , it was to be expected that the enemy and his instruments , which can call destruction mercy , embroyling of our old church the founding of a new ( we know who hath told one of the houses of this parliament so , that they have laid a foundation of a church among us , which if it signify any thing , imports that there was no church in this kingdome before that session ) should also think the destroying of all liturgy , the only way of security to gods worship , the no-forme being as fitly accommodated to no-church , as the no-hedge , no-wall to the common , or desert , the no-inclosure to the no-plantation . sect 6 5. that the eradication of episcopacy , first voted , then acted , by the ordination of presbyters by presbyters without any bishop , which begun to be practised in this kingdome , about the end of the last year , was in any reason to be accounted prooemiall and preparatory to some farther degree of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disorder , and to be attended by the abolition of the liturgy in the beginning of this new year , ( episcopacy and liturgy being like the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among the aegyptians , this daughter to attend that mother , as among the barbarians when their prince dyed , some of the noblest were constantly to bear him company out of the world , not to mourn for , but to dye with him . ) a thing that the people of this kingdome could never have been imagined low or servile enough to bear or endure ( i am sure within few years they that sate at the sterne of action conceived so , and therefore we fain by declaration , to disavow all such intention of violence ) till by such other assayes and practises and experiments , they were found to be , satis ad servitutem parati , sufficiently prepared for any thing that was servile , almost uncapable of the benefit or reliefe of a jubilee , like the slave in exodus , that would not go out free , but required to be bored thorow the eare by his master , to be a slave for ever . sect 7 6. that it is one profest act of gods secret wisedome , to make such tryalls as this , of mens fidelity , and sense , and acknowledgment of his so long indulged favours , to see who will sincerely mourn for the departing of the glory from israel , whether there be not some that ( with the captive trojan women in homer , who wept so passionatly at the fall of patroclus , but made that publike losse the season to powre out their private griefes ) are sensible of those sufferings of the church only wherein their interests are involved , and more neerly concerned ; whether not some that count the invasion of the revenues of the church a sacriledge , a calamity , and sinne unparallell'd , but think the abolition of the liturgy unconsiderable , a veniall sin and misery ? whether that wherein gods glory is joyned with any secular interest of our own , that which makes the separation betwixt christ and mammon , may he allowed any expression of our passion or zeale , i. e. in effect ? whether we powre out one drop for christ in all this deluge of tears , or whether like uncompounded selfe-lovers , whose only centre and principle of motion is our selves , we have passion to no spectacle but what the looking-glasse presents to us , with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making god the pretence , and apology , for that kindnesse which is paid and powred out unto another shrine . for of this there is no doubt , that of all the changes of late designed and offered to authority , there is none for which flesh and bloud , passions and interests of men can allow so free a suffrage , so regretlesse a consent , as this of the abolition of the liturgy , ( the sluggishnesse of unguifted men , the only thing that is affirmed to be concerned in , or to gain by it , is perfectly mistaken as shall anon appear ) and were there not a god in heaven , the care of whose honour obliged us to endeavour the preservation of it , were not a future growth of atheisme and prophanenesse the feared consequent of such abolition , and notorious experience ready to avow the justnesse of this fear , i have reason to be confident that no advocate would offer libell , no disputer put in exception , against this present directory ; i am privy to my own sense , that i should not , i have rather reason to impute it to my selfe , that the want of any such carnall motive to stir me up to this defence , might be the cause that i so long defer'd to undertake it , and perhaps should have done so longer , if any man else had appear'd in that argument . and therefore unlesse it be strange for men , when there be so many tempters abroad , to be permitted to temptations , sure gods yeelding to this act of the importunity of satan ( who hath desir'd in this new way to explore many ) will not bee strange neither . sect 8 lastly , that our so long abuse of this so continued a mercy , our want of diligence , in assembling our selves together ( the too ordinary fault of too many of the best of us ) our generall , scandalous , unexcusable disobedience to the commands of our church , which requires that service to be used constantly in publike every day , the vanity of prurient tongues and itching ears , which are still thirsting newes and variety , but above all , the want of ardor and fervency in the performance of this prescribed service , the admitting of all secular company ( i mean worldly thoughts ) into its presence , preferring all secular businesse before it , the generall irreverence and indifference in the celebrations , may well be thought to have encouraged satan to his expetivit , to the preferring his petition to god , and his importunity at length to have provoked god to deliver up our liturgy to him and his ministers , to oppose and maligne , to calumniate and defame , and at last to gain the countenance of an ordinance , to condemne and execute it as at this day . the lord be mercifull to them that have yeelded to be instrumentall to that great destroyer in this businesse . sect 9 i have thus far laboured to presse home that part of saint peters exhortation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to think the calamity strange which hath befallen this church in this matter , on no other purpose , but to discharge that duty which we owe to gods secret providence , of observing the visible works of it , that discerning our selves to be under his afflicting hand , we may , 1. joyn in the use of all probable means to remove so sad a pressure , by humbling our selves , and reforming those sinnes which have fitted us for this captivity , then 2. that we may compassionate and pardon , and blesse , and pray for those whose hands have been used in the execution of this vengeance and reproach upon the land : and lastly , that we may endeavour , if it be possible , to disabuse and rectify those , who are capable , by more light , of safer resolutions ; to which purpose these following animadversions being designed in the bowells of compassion to my infatuated country-men , and out of a sincere single desire that our sins may have some end or allay , though our miseries have not , ( and therefore framed in such a manner , as i conceived , might prove most usefull , by being most proportionable to them , who stood most in need of them , without any oblation provided for any other shrine , any civility for the more curious reader ) are here offered to thee , to be dealt with as thou desirest to be treated at that last dreadfull tribunall , which sure then will be with acceptation of pardon , and with that charity ( the but just return to that which mixt this antidote for thee ) which will cover a multitude of sinnes . chap. i. in the ordinance prefixt to the directory ( being almost wholly made up of formes of repeale ) there are only two things worthy of any stay or consideration . sect 1 1. the motives upon which the houses of parliament have been inclined to think it necessary to abolish the book of common-prayer , and establish the directory , and those are specified to be three . first the consideration of the manifold inconveniencies that have risen by the book in this kingdome . 2. the resolution according to their covenant , to reforme religion according to the word of god , and the best reformed churches . 3. their having consulted with the learned , and pious ; and reverend divines to that purpose , from whence they conclude it necessary to abolish the booke . sect 2 to this conclusion infer'd upon these premises , i shall confidently make this return , 1. that the conclusion is as illogicall as any that an assembly of wise men have ever acknowledged themselves to be guilty of , no one of the three motives being severally of strength to beare such a superstructure , and therefore all together being as unsufficient ; for if the conclusion were only of the prudence , or expedience , of taking it away , somewhat might be pretended for that inference from the premises , supposing them true : but when 't is of necessity ( and that twice repeated and so not casually fallen from them ) there must then be somewhat of precept divine in the premises to induce that necessity , or else it will never be induced : for i shall suppose it granted by them with whom i now dispute , that nothing is necessary in the worship of god , but what god hath prescribed , the necessity of precept being the only one that can have place in this matter , and the necessitas medii , being most improper to be here pleaded . but that there is no such direct precept , so much as pretended to by those three motives , it is clear , and as clear , that all together do not amount to an interpretative precept . for that a lawfull thing though prest with manifold inconveniences should be removed , is no where commanded the lawfull magistrate , but left to his prudence to judge whether there be not conveniences on the other side , which may counterballance those inconveniences ; much lesse is it commanded the inferiour courts in despight of king and standing law. for what ever of expedience , and so of prudence might be supposed to interpose , that may be sufficient to incline a wise magistrate to make a law , but not any else , either to usurpe the power of a law-maker , or to do any thing contrary to establish'd lawes ; there being nothing that can justify the least disobedience of subjects to their prince , or the lawes of the kingdom , but that obligation to that one superiour law of that higher prince , our father which is in heaven , which being supposed , 't is not all the resolutions and covenants in the world that can make it lawfull for any so to disobey , much lesse necessary , any more , then the saying corban in the gospell , i. e. pretending a vow will free the child from the obligation of honouring or relieving his father , or then herod's vow made it lawfull to cut off the head of john the baptist : and then how far the consultation with those divines may induce that necessity , will upon the same ground also be manifest to any , especially that shall remember , with what caution that assembly was by the houses admitted to consult , and with what restraints on them , and professions , that they were call'd only to be advisers , when they were required , but not to conclude any thing , either by a generall concurrence , or by that of a major part , any farther then the reasons which they should offer them might prevaile with them ; to which purpose it was so ordered , that if any one man dissented from the rest of their divines , his opinions and reasons were as much to be represented to the houses , as that other of the rest of the assembly . sect 3 by this i conceive it appears , that i have not quarrell'd causelesly with the logick of this conclusion , the premises pretending at most but motives of expedience , and so as unable to infer a necessity , as a topicall argument is to demonstrate , or a particular to induce an universall . that which i would in charity guesse of this matter , as the cause of this mistake , is my not groundlesse suspition , that when the presbyterians had prepared the premises , the independents framed the conclusion , the former of these joyning at last with the other in a resolution of taking away the book , but only on prudentiall considerations ; not out of conscience of the unlawfulnesse , and proportionably setting down those reasons but prudentiall reasons ; and the latter though restrained from putting conscience into the premises , yet stealing it secretly into the conclusion , so each deceiving and being deceived by each other , i am not sure that my conjecture is right in this particular , yet have i reason to insert it . 1. because i find in many places of the directory certain footsteps of this kind of composition and compliance , and mixture of those so distant sorts of reformers . 2. because the presbyterians which have sformerly appeared both in other and in this kingdome ( whose copy these present reformers of that party hath transcribed ) have constantly avowed the lawfulnesse of liturgy , and so cannot affirme any necessity of abolishing ; witnesse calvin himselfe ( whom we shall anon have occasion to produce ) and the practise of his church of geneva , and neerer to our selves , witnesse those foure classes , which in q. elizabeths daies , had set themselves up in this kingdome . these had made complaint to the lord burleigh against our liturgy , and entertained hopes of obtaining his favour in that businesse about the year 1585. he demanded of them , whether they desired the taking away of all liturgy , they answered , no , he then required them to make a better , such as they would desire to have settled in the stead of this . the first classis did accordingly frame a new one , somewhat according to the geneva forme : but this the second classis disliked , and altered in 600. particulars ; that again had the fate to be quarrell'd by the third classis , and what the third resolved on , by the fourth ; and the dissenting of those brethren , as the division of tongues at babel , was a faire means to keep that tower then from advancing any higher . nay even for our neighbours of scotland themselves , what ever some of them of late have thought fit to do , since they became covenanteers , ( in animosity perhaps and opposition to that terrible mormo , the liturgy , sent to them from hence ) we know that they were presbyterians formerly , without seeing any necessity of abolishing liturgy . sect 4 't is no newes to tell you that m. knox wrote a liturgy , wherein there is frequent mention of the daies of common-prayer ; and among many other particulars , these ensuing , worthy your remarke . 1. plain undisguised confessions of such faults , which this age , though as notoriously guilty of as they , will not put into publike formes , or leave upon record against themselves , as , that for the pleasure and defence of the french they had violated their faith , of breaking the leagues of unity and concord , which their kings and governours had contracted with their neighbours , and again , that for the maintenance of their friendship , they have not feared to break their solemne oathes made unto others . to which i might adde , from another confession , that whoredome and adultery are but pastimes of the flesh , crafty dealing deceit and oppression is counted good conquest , &c. but that it would looke too like a satyre against some part of that nation at this time thus to specifie . 2. their great sense and acknowledgment of obligations from this kingdome of england , and not only prayers for continuance of peace between england and scotland , but even execrations on all ( and so sure on those their successours of this age ) which should continue or contribute ought toward the breaking of it , the words are these . seeing when we by our power were altogether unable , &c. thou didst move the hearts of our neighbours ( of whom we had deserved no such favour ) to take upon them the common burthen with us , and for our deliverance , not only to spend the lives of many , but also to hazard the estate and tranquillity of their realme , grant unto us that with such reverence we may remember thy benefits received , that after this in our default , we never enter into hostility against the nation of england , suffer us never to fall into that ingratitude and detestable unthankfulnesse , that we should seek the destruction nnd death of those whom thou hast made instruments to deliver us from the tyranny of mercilesse strangers , [ the french. ] dissipate thou the counsells of such as deceitfully travaile to stirre the hearts of either realme against the other , let their malitious practises be their own confusion , and grant thou of thy mercy , that love , and concord , and tranquillity may continue and encrease among the inhabitants of this island , even to the coming of our lord jesus christ . 3. that some of their formes of words are directly all one with ours , others with some small additions retaining our formes , as in the prayer for the king , and the exhortation before the sacrament , and the adjuration of the parties to be married will appeare . 4. that on their day of fast ( though that be with great care provided and ordered to be the sunday twice together , quite contrary to the canons and custome of the primitive church , yet ) 't is then appointed , that the minister with the people shall prostrate themselves , &c. a posture of most humble bodily adoration , made to reproach those who will not so much as recommend or direct any one kind of corporall worship or gesture of humiliation in all their directory . the inlarging to this mention of particulars i acknowledge to be a digression . but the presenting to your knowledge or remembrance this scottish liturgy is not ; by which superadded to the former , and by much more which might from other churches be added to that , it briefly appears what is or hath been the uniforme judgment of the presbyterians in this matter , directly contrary to the concluded necessity of abolishing . sect 5 which necessity on the other side the independents have still asserted , and for that and other such differences have avowed their resolutions to be the like scourges to them as they have been to us , professing ( and ad homines , unanswerably proving the reasonablenesse of it ) to reforme the geneva reformation ( as a first rude and so imperfect draught just creeping out of popery there , and therefore not supposeable to be compleat at the first assay ) as the presbyterians upon the same pretences have design'd and practised on our english reformation . sect 6 all this i have said against the concluded necessity in case , or on supposition that the premises were true , but now i must add the falsenesse of those also , and then if the necessity will still remain , i must pronounce it a piece of stoicall fatality , an insuperable unruly necessity indeed , that will acknowledge no lawes , or bounds , or limits to confine it . sect 7 and first for the manifold inconveniences , if that phrase denote those severalls which in the preface to the directory are suggested , i shall in due place make it appear . 1. that there are no such inconveniencies . 2. that greater then those may easily , and hereafter shall be produced against their directory , and consequently that , although true inconveniencies were supposed sufficient to inferre a necessity of abolition , yet such only pretended names of inconveniency , such chimaera's and mormo's ( especially over-ballanced with reall ones in the other scale ) would be abundantly insufficient to do it . but if the manifold inconveniences have a larger prospect to referre to , we shall conclude it very uncharitable not to mention those , which might possibly have had the same effect with us as with them , convinced us also to be their proselytes , and in the mean time very unjust to put so uncertain an equivocall phrase into a law , which we have no criterion , or nomenclature to interpret ; but beyond all , very imprudent to mention and lay weight on such sleight and such no inconveniencies afterward specified , when others might have been produced better able to bear the envy of the accusation . sect 8 as for your resolution , if it went no higher then the covenant , and that but to reforme religion , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , i am sure it cannot oblige or so much as incline you to take away that book , there being nothing in it , 1. contrary to designe of reformation . 2. contrary to the word of god , or 3. contrary to the example of the best reformed churches . sect 9 not 1. to reformation , for reformation is as contrary to abolition of what should be reformed , as cure to killing ; and if it be replyed , that the abolition of liturgy , as unlawfull may be necessary to the reforming of religion , i shall yeeld to that reply on that supposition , but then withall adde , that liturgy must first be proved unlawfull , and that testified from divine infallible principles ; which because it is not thorow this whole book so much as pretended , both that and the second suggestion from the word of god must necessarily be disclaimed , and then the example of the best reformed churches will soon follow , not only because all other reformed churches ordinarily known by that title , have some kind of liturgy , and that is as contrary to abolition , as the continuing of ours without any change , but because no reformation is to be preferr'd before that which cuts off no more then is necessary to be cut off , and which produces the scripture rule , the sword of the spirit for all such amputations ; and therefore the church of england , as it stands established by law is avowable against all the calumniators in the world , to be the best and most exemplary reformed ; so farre , that if i did not guesse of the sense of the covenant more by the temper then words of the covenanteers , i should think all men , that have covenanted to reforme after the example of the best reformed churches , indispensably obliged to conforme to the king edward , or queen elizabeth-english reformation , the most regular perfect pattern that europe yeeldeth . sect 10 as for the truth of the last affirmation that they have consulted with the divines called together to that purpose , although i have no reason to doubt of it , yet this i know , that very many of the learned'st there present , were , immediately before their imbarking in that imployment , otherwise minded , and that therefore so suddain an universall change of minds savours either of some strong charme , or strange inconstancy , and i shall make bold to aske this question of that whole number of divines , whether i should do them wrong in affirming , that there yet are not ten divines in that number that think all liturgy unlawfull , and consequently that it was necessary ( not to reforme , but ) to abolish our booke , which is the stile of the ordinance . if this challenge of mine may not be answer'd with a plain punctuall subscription of so many to the condemnation of all liturgy as unlawfull , i am sure this is an argument , ad homines , unanswerable . and the ground of my challenge , and of my specifying that number , is the relation we have oft had of the but seven dissenting brethren , i. e. the but so many of the independent party among them , which upon my former ground i now suppose the only mortall enemies to all liturgy . but if i am mistaken , and this be the common sense of those assemblers ; then have i reason to add to my former complaints this other of their so over-cautious expressions , which through this whole book hath not once intimated either the whole or any part to be unlawfull , but only quarrel'd the inconveniencies , which suppose it otherwise to be lawfull . sect 11 and this much might suffice of the first observable in the ordinance , the concluding this abolition to be necessary . but because i would foresee and prevent all possible rejoynder , and because i would here interpose some considerations which would otherwise take up a larger place , i shall suppose the presbyterians may have another motion of the word necessary , of a lower importance then this under which we have hitherto proceeded against them ( though still the independents , whose judgment is not wont to be despised in the framing of ordinances , cannot be imagined to take it in any other ) and that is , that it shall signifie only a politicall necessity , or that which is necessary , if not to the being , yet to the well being , i. e. to the peace and prosperity of this kingdome . now because there be two parts of every christian kingdome , a state and a church , and so two branches of policy , civill and ecclesiasticall , i shall not undertake to be so far master of their sense , as to pitch upon either as that wherein they affirme this abolition necessary , but say somewhat to both , and to shew that it is not necessary in either sense of politicall necessity . sect 11 and first that the abolition of liturgy cannot have so much as a benigne influence on the state , much lesse be necessary to the prosperity of it , i shall inferre only by this vulgar aphorisme , that any notable or grand mutation , if from some higher principle it appear not necessary to be made , will be necessary not to be made , at least not to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , altogether , but only by degrees and prudent dispensings . i shall not any farther enlarge on so plain a theme , then to mention one proportion or resemblance of this truth in the naturall body observed by the physitians in the cure of an hydropicall patient , who , when the body lyes covered with such a deluge of water , that it proves necessary to make some sluce to let out the burthenous superfluity , do not yet proceed by any loose way of letting out all at once , because the violent effluvium , or powring out of spirits constantly consequent to that , would certainly destroy the patient , and endanger him on dry ground , as much , or more , then in the midst of those waters ; but the method is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the making so small a hole in the skin , that shall drain the body by insensible degrees by drawing out a little at once , and never above a pint at a time , though many gallous are designed to passe by this way of evacuation . i shall adde no more to this resemblance , but that the totall violent illegall abolition of liturgy in a setled church , is certainly of this nature , and being superadded to the change of the government into a forme quite contrary to that which for 1600 years hath prevailed in the universall church of christ , there setled by the apostles , may be allow'd the stile of insignis mutatio ; a mutation of some considerable importance to a christian state , which being admitted altogether without any preparative alleviating steps , will ( by the rapid suddain motion at least , if there were nothing else ) have a dangerous influence upon the whole body , of which the cunningest diviner cannot at this instance foresee the effects , or prevent the emergent mischiefes which succeeding times may discover . if it be said , that this abolition is now necessary to conclude the present warre , and that be affirmed to be the politick necessity here meant , i answer , that if it were able to do that , i should acknowledge it the strongest argument that could be thought on to prove it politically necessary , this warre being so unnecessarily destructive , and any thing that could rid us of that , so strongly convenient , that if conscience would permit the use of it , i should allow it the title of necessary . but to make short of this , no man can believe that these armies were raised or continued to subdue the common prayer-booke , for , besides that there was a time when 't was found necessary for the houses to declare , that they had no design to take away that book , for feare the people should be disobliged by it , and another when the earle of essex his army exprest some kindnesse to it ; 't is now confest by the pretenders of both perswasions , presbyterians and independents , one that they doe not , the other that they must not take up armes for religion , and so that kind of politicall necessity of abolishing the book is , and by themselves must be disclaimed also . sect 12 now for the second branch of this necessity , that which is in order to ecclesiasticall or church-policy , we shall take liberty in this place to consider this matter at large , because it may perhaps save us some pains hereafter , and because their pretending of this necessity of doing what they do , is a tentation , if not a challenge to us to do so , and then we shall leave it to the reader to judge what grounds may hence be fetcht for this pretended necessity . and this must be done by laying together the severall things that are in our liturgy , and are purposely left out in the directory , and so are as it were the characteristicall note , by which the directory is by the assemblers designed to differ from our liturgy , as so much food from poyson , christian from antichristian ( if necessity be properly taken , ) or ( if improperly for that which is necessary only to the well being ) as a more perfect and more profitable , from that which , if it be so at all , is not either ( in their opinion ) in so high a degree . sect 13 now the severalls of our liturgy which are purposely avoyded in this directory , i have observed to be principally these ; of those that are more extrinsecall , sixe . 1. the prescribing of formes , or liturgy it selfe . 2. outward or bodily worship . 3. vniformity in performing gods service . 4. the peoples bearing some part in the service . 5. the dividing the prayers into severall collects , and not putting them all into one continued prayer . 6. the ceremonies of kneeling in the communion , of crosse in baptisme , of ring in marriage , &c. then of those that are intrinsecall , and parts of the service . 1. the absolution , in the beginning of the service next after the confession , and before the communion , and in the visitation of the sicke . 2. the hymnes , the introite , the te deum , &c. 3. the use of the doxology or giving glory to god. 4. the confession of the faith in the creeds . 5. the frequent repeating of the lords prayer , and the prayers for the king. 6. the observation of the divers feasts commemorative , not only of christ , but of saints departed , and assigning services , lessons , epistles , and gospels , and collects to them . 7. the reading the commandements , and the prayers belonging to that service . 8. the order of the offertory . 9. private baptisme . 10. a prescript forme of catechisme . 11. confirmation . 12. the solemnities of burying the dead . 13. thankesgiving after child-birth . 14. communion of the sick . 15. the service containing the commination . 16. the observation of lent , and the rogation , and i would add also of the ember weekes . this may seem too loose a taske , to enlarge on each of these , and yet we are in justice to this book , and for an answer to the pretended necessity of abolishing it , obliged to do so , as briefly as it may , only so farre as may serve to give the reader a view of the lawfulnesse at least , and withall of the usefulnesse of each of these , and consequently of no-appearance of reason why it should be thought necessary to abolish any one of them , much lesse of all the rest for that ones sake . sect 14 , and first for the prescribing of formes of prayer , or liturgy it selfe , we shall referre it to judgment whether it be necessary in ecclesiasticall policy , i. e. strongly conducing to the benefit and edification of a church to interdict or banish it out of the kingdome , when we have proposed these few things concerning it . 1. the example of god himselfe and holy men in the old testament , prescribing set formes of blessing the people to be used daily by aaron and his sonnes , numb . 6. 23. the lord blesse thee and keep thee , &c. set formes for the people to use themselves , deut. 26. 3. 5. thou shalt say before the lord , a syrian , &c. as also at the going out of their armies , deut. 20. 3. and of thankesgiving , exod. 15. 1. made by moses , and it seems learnt by heart by all the people ; and in the same words used again by miriam , v. 21. and so it appears ; isa . 38. 20. that hezekiah did not only forme a set thankesgiving , but used it all the daies of his life , and the same hezekiah , 2. chron. 29. 30. in his thankesgiving commanded the levites also to sing praises to god with the words of david and asaph , i. e. formes already prepared to his hand by those sacred pen-men . sect 15 2. the practise of the jewes since ezra's time constantly using set formes of prayer by way of liturgy ; for this i shall produce no other proofe then the testimony of a learned member of their assembly , m. selden in his notes on eutychius , vouching all his affirmations out of the ancient records of the customes of the jewish nation , from whom , that they may be of authority with you , i shall transcribe these severalls , that certain formes of praying , which were to be used by every one daily by law , or received custome , were instituted by ezra and his house , i. e. his consistory . that the jewes about the end of the babylonish captivity had their ancient manners as well as language so depraved , that without a master they either were not able to pray as they ought , or had not confidence to do so . and therefore that for the future , they might not recede either in the matter of their prayers ( through corruption ) or expression ( through ignorance ) from that forme of piety commanded them by god , this remedy was applyed by the men of the great synagogue , ezra and his 120. collegues , ( where by the way is observeable one speciall use and benefit of set forms , not only to provide for the ignorance , but to be an hedge to the true religion , to keep out all mixtures or corruptions out of a church : to which purpose also the councells in the christian church have designed severall parts which we still retain in our liturgy , a reall and a valuable benefit if it were considered . ) that of this kind there were 18. prayers or benedictions call'd in the gemarae composed or appointed prayers , that the three first of these , and the three last respected the glory of god , the twelve other intermediate were spent on those prime things that were necessary , either to the whole people or every particular man , ( proportionable to which perhaps it is , that our saviour who accommodated most institutions of his baptisme and his last supper , &c. to the customes of the church , did also designe his prayer , as it is set downe in matthew , though not according to the number of the jewish prayers , yet to the generall matter and forme of them , the three first branches of it , and the conclusion , which may passe for three branches more , referriug to the glory of god and the other intermediate to our private and publike wants . ) that these prayers were to be learnt by every man , that the prayers of the unskillfull might be as perfect as of the most eloquent . that every act or praying was begun with psal . 51. 15. o lord open thou our lips , and our mouthes shall shew forth thy praise ( the very forme of words still retain'd in saint james his liturgy , and in ours before the introite ) and concluded with psal . 19. the last verse , into thy hands , &c. that of these 18. prayers no one was to be omitted , that if any other were added , they were counted of , like free-will-offerings , as the other were answerable to the prescribed , and were called by that name . that the additions might be made only in those prayers which concern their own wants , because those were capable of variation , but not to those that concern'd god. that on sabboth and feast-daies no man might use a voluntary prayer . that about the time of the jewes destruction gamaliel and his sanhedrim added a 19. prayer , and after him others , so that at length the daily service grew to an 100. prayers . that it is likely that the pagans came to use their set formes in their sacrifice also , ( and perhaps the mahumedans too ) by the example of the jewish church , for which he there referres the reader to many books of the learned . i conceive the authority of this gentleman hath not beene despised by the house of commons , and the assemblers ( when it hath chanced to agree with their designs or interest ) and therefore i have thus farre , as an argument ad homines , insisted on it . sect 16 3. the not onely practise , but precept of christ in the new testament who did not only use himselfe a set forme of words in prayer , three times together using the same words , mat. 26. 44. and upon the crosse in the same manner , praying in the psalmists words , only changed into the syriack dialect , which was then the vulgar : but also commanded the use of those very words of his perfect forme , which it seems he meant not only as a pattern , but a forme it selfe ( as the standard weight , is not only the measure of all weights , but may it selfe be used ) luk. 11. 2. when you pray , say , our father , &c. which precept no man can with a good conscience ever obey , that holds all set formes necessary to be cast out of the church . sect 17 4. the practise , not only of john the baptist , who taught his disciples to pray , luk. 11. 1. ( which occasioned christs disciples to demand , and him to give them a forme of prayer ) but especially of the apostles , of which we find intimations 1. cor. 14. 26. when you come together every one of you hath a psalme , which sure referres to some of the psalmes of david or asaph , used then ordinarily in their devotions , ( and that as even now i said , authorized by the example of christ himselfe upon the crosse , who it is thought , repeated the whole 22. psalme , it is certaine the first verse of it , my god my god why hast thou forsaken me ) and so certainly a set forme , and that of prayer too ( of which thanksgivings and prayses are a part . ) but because every one had his severall psalme , it is therefore reprehended by the apostle , as tending to confusion , and by that consequence , saint pauls judgment is thence deducible for the joyning of all in the same form , as being the only course tending to edification in the end of that verse , and then sure 't would be hard , that that which the apostle conceived the only course for edifying , should now be necessary to be turn'd out of the church , as contrary to edification . farther yet , 't is clear by text , that the apostles when they met together , to holy duties ( such are fasting , prayer , receiving the sacrament ) continued very long time , sometimes a whole day together . this being too much to be alwaies continued in the church , and unsuteable to every mans businesse , is said to have been the occasion that s. james first made choice of some speciall prayers most frequently by them used , which was after called his liturgy , which ( or some other in the disguise of that ) the greek church still use on solemne daies . this also being of the longest for every daies use , st. basil is said to have shortned , and that again st. chrysostome ; how certain these reports are , i shall not take upon me to affirme , but only adde , that the greek church , who are most likely to know the truth of it by their records , do retain all these three liturgies , and would loudly laugh at any man that should make doubt whether st. james , s. basil , and s. chrysostome , were not the authors of them . 2. that the judgement of that church ( if they are deceived also , and may not be thought worthy to be heeded by our assemblers ) is yet an argument of great authority to any prudent man , if not that these liturgies were purely the same with those that were written by that apostle , and those holy men , yet that there were such things as liturgies of their penning . the like might be added of that short forme of st. peters , which alone they say was used in the roman church for a great while , till after by some popes it was augmented , and the same of st. marks liturgy . i am sure s. augustine speaking of some formes retained in the church , and still to be found in our liturgy , particularly that of sursum corda , lift up your hearts , &c. saith , that they are verba ab ipsis apostolorum temporibus petita , words fetcht from the times of the apostles , which supposes that they did use such formes . and for that particular mention'd by s. augustine , it is agreeable to the constitutions of the apostles , l. 8. c. 16. ( which collection if it be not so antient as it pretends , doth yet imitate apostolicall antiquity ) and so in s. james's , and basils and chrysostomes liturgy in the same words with our booke as farre as to the word [ bounden ] and for many other such particular formes used by us , we find them in cyril of hierusalems catechisme , one of the antientest authors we have , and then that it should be necessary for the church to turne out what the apostles had thus brought into it , will not easily be made good by our assemblers . sect 18 5. the practice of the universall church from that time to this , which is so notorious to any that is conversant in the writings of the antient fathers , and of which so many testimonies are gathered together for many mens satisfaction by cassander , and other writers of the liturgica , that 't were a reproach to the reader to detain or importune him with testimonies of that nature . to omit the practice of * constantine , who prescribed a forme for his souldiers ( a copy of which we have in euseb . de vit . const . l. 4. c. 20. ) i shall only mention two grand testimonies for set formes , one in the 23. canon of the third councell of carthage , quascunque sibi preces aliquis describet non iis utatur , nisi prius eas cum instructioribus fratribus contulerit , no man may use any prayers which he hath made , unlesse he first consult with other learneder christians about them , and the other more punctuall , concil . milev . c. 12. placuit ut preces quae probatae fuerint in concilio ab omnibus celebrentur . nec aliae omninò dicantur in ecclesia , nisi quae à prudentioribus tractantur , vel comprobatae in synodo fuerint , ne fortè aliquid contra fidem , aut per ignorantiam , aut per minus studium sit compositum . it was resolv'd on , that the prayers that were approv'd in the councell should be used by all , and that no other should be said in the church but those that had been weighed by the more prudent , or approv'd in a synod , lest any thing , either through ignorance or negligence should be done against the faith. instead of such citations ( and because whatsoever argument is brought from that topick of ecclesiasticall tradition , is now presently defamed with the title of popish and antichristian , because forsooth antichrist was a working early in the apostles time , and every thing that we have not a mind to in antiquity , must needs be one of those works ) i shall rather chuse to mention another , as a more convincing argument ad homines , and that is , sect 9 6. the judgement and practice of the reformed in other kingdomes , even calvin himselfe in severall ample testimonies , one in his notes upon psal . 20. 1. another in his epistle to the protector . i shall not give my selfe license to transcribe these , or multiply more such testimonies , only for the honour not only of liturgy in generall , but particularly of our liturgy , 't will be worth remembring that gilbertus a german , many years since , in a book of his , propounds our book of prayer for a sample of the formes of the ancient church ; and for the purity of it , and thorough reformation , that cranmer procured the king edwards common-prayer-book to be translated into latine , and sent it to bucer , and required his judgment of it , who answer'd , that there was nothing in it , but what was taken out of the word of god , or which was not against it , commodè acceptum , being taken in a good sense , some things indeed , saith he , quae nisi quis , &c. unlesse they be interpreted with candor , may seem not so agreeable to the word of god , and which unquiet men may wrest unto matter of contention . as may be seen at large in bucers scripta anglicana . upon this occasion that book of king edwards was again survey'd , and in those particulars , that were subject to such cavils , corrected . after which time the quarrells about that book were generally with the papists ( not so much with the opposite extreame ) and therefore john ould in queen maries daies wrote against them in defence of it , and of the king edwards reformation . and cranmer made a challenge , that if he might be permitted by the queen to take to him p. martyr , and foure or five more , they would enter the lists with any papists living , and defend the common-prayer-book to be perfectly agreeable to the word of god , and the same in effect which had been for 1500. years in the church of christ . this for the reputation of the book . then for the fruit and benefit that by the use of it redounded to christians , take an essay by m. john hullier , fellow of kings colledge in cambridge , who was martyr'd in queen maries daies , anno 1557. and being at the stake , among many other books that were thrown into the fire to him , it happened that a common-prayer-book fell between his hands , which he joyfully receiving opened , and read till the flame and smoke suffered him not to see any more , and then he fell to prayer , holding his hands up to heaven , and the book betwixt his armes next his heart , thanking god for that mercy in sending him it , the relation is m. foxes , and from thence the plea authentick , that the tree that bare wholsome fruit , should not be cut down by the law , deut. 10. 20. even when warre was to be made on a city , and as maimon : addes l. de idol . though it were worshipt for an idol , and if that which was then of so dear esteem be now so necessary to be cast out , it is an ill indication of the times into which we are fallen . sect 20 7. the reasons on which the very heathens themselves took up the same practice , which was uniuersall ( it seems ) through all the world , more catholick then the church it selfe . to this purpose beside those authors which m. selden referres to , i shall only adde these three testimonies , first of plato , l. 7. de leg . where he commands , that whatever prayer or hymnes the poets composed to the gods , they should first shew them to the priests ( as if they were in a manner leprous till then ) before they publisht them , lest they should aske evill things instead of good , ( an infirmity th●t these daies are very subject unto ) the second in thucyd. l. 6. p. 434. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . set formes for severall occasions , and a common joynt sending them up to heaven . the third in alexander ab alex. l. 4. c. 17. that the gentiles read their prayers out of a book before their sacrifices , nè quià praeposterè dicatur , aliquis ex scripto praeire & adverbum referre solitus est , that the work might not be done preposterously . which two reasons of theirs , the one lest they should stray in the matter of their prayers , the other lest offend in the manner , may passe for christian reasons , as seasonable with us , as they were among them . and no necessity that those reasons should be despised by us neither . sect 21 8. the irrationall concludings , or shortnesse of discourse of those which are against set formes , especially in two things , the first observed by d. preston ( whose memory is , i hope , not lost among these assemblers ) and made use of in a printed worke of his to the confuting of them . that while they in opposition to set formes require the minister to conceive a prayer for the congregation , they observe not , that the whole congregation is by that means as much stinted , and bound to a set forme , to wit of those words which the minister conceives , as if he read them out of a book . 2. that the persons with whom we have now to deale , though they will not prescribe any forme of prayer , yet venture to prescribe the matter of it in these words , pag. 14. the minister is to call upon the lord to this effect : now why the prescription of the matter is not the stinting of the spirit , as well as the forme of words ( unlesse the spirit , like the heathen mercury be the god of eloquence , and be thought to deale in the words only ) or why the promise of dabitur in illâ horâ , it shall be given you in that houre , should not be as full a promise for matter , as for expressions ; especially when that text forbids care or provision , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not only how , but what they should speake , and the promise is peculiarly for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it shall be given you what you shall speak , and this is it , that is attributed to the spirit , v. 20. ( from whence if i should conclude , that the holy ghost taught the disciples onely the matter of their answer ; and they themselves were left to put it in forme of words , there is nothing in that text against that assertion ; and that it was so in their penning of the new testament , many probable arguments might be produced if it were now seasonable , ) and consequently , why the prescribing of one should not be unreasonable in them , that condemne all prescribing of the other , i confesse is one of those things , which my charity hath made me willing to impute to the shortnesse of discourse , because i am unwilling to lay any heavier charge upon it . sect 22 from all which considered , and a great deale more which might be added from the usefulnesse of known formes to those , whose understandings are not quick enough to go along with unknown , and if they have no other , are fain oft times to return without performing any part of so necessary duty of prayer in the church , from the experience of the effects of the contrary doctrine , the many scandalous passages which have fallen from ministers in their extemporary prayers ( of which meer pity and humanity , civility and mercy to enemies , restraines us from inserting a large catalogue ) and the no manner of advantage above that which set formes may also afford , but only of satisfaction to the itching eare , exercise and pleasure to the licentious tongue , and the vanity of the reputation of being able to performe that office so fluently ( which yet is no more then the rabbins allow achitophel , that he had every day three new formes of prayer ) or of having a plentifull measure of the spirit ; which is beleeved to infuse such eloquence , i shall now conclude it impossible that any humane eye should discern a necessity , in respect of ecclesiasticall policy , or edifying the church , why all liturgy should be destroyed , not wash't , not purg'd with sope , such any reformation would be , but torne and consumed with nitre , for such is abolition , why it should suffer this ostracisme , ( unlesse as aristides did for being too vertuous ) be thus vehemently first declamed , and then banish'd out of the church . sect 23 secondly , for outward bodily worship 't is particularly prohibited by the directory at one time , at the taking of our seates or places when we enter the assembly , ( directly contrary to that of isidor , si quis veniat cum lectio celebratur adoret tantùm deum , if any come in when the lesson is a reading , let him only performe adoration to god , and hearken to what is read ) and never so much as recommended at any time , nor one would think , permitted in any part of their publick service , like the persians in strabo l. 15. that never offer'd any part of the flesh to the gods in their sacrifices , kept all that to themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supposing the gods would be content with the soules , which in the blood were powred out and sacrificed to their honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they said that the gods wanted and desired the soules for a sacrifice , but not any thing else ; of which people herodotus l. 1. hath observed that they had neither temples nor altar , and laugh'd at them which built either , but went to the top of some hill or other , and there sacrificed , preferring such naturall altars before any other . the former of these is the avowed divinity of these men ( and might perhaps have been attended with the latter too , were it not that there be so many churches already built conveniently to their hands . ) instead of which , our liturgy hath thought fit not only to recommend but prescribe bodily worship , first by directing in the rubrick what part of service shall be performed kneeling , then by reading the venite , where all encourage and call upon the others to worship , and fall down , and kneele , &c. to worship , i. e. adore , which peculiarly notes bodily worship , and so surely the falling down , and kneeling before the lord. and of this i shall say , that it is 1. an act of obedience to that precept of glorifying god in our bodies , as well as souls . 2. atranscribing of christs copy , who kneeled , and even prostrated himselfe in prayer : of many holy men in scripture , who are affirmed to have done so ( and that affirmation written for our example ) and even of the publican , who though standing , yet by standing a far off , by not looking up , by striking his breast , did clearly joyn bodily worship to his prayer , of [ lord be mercifull to me a sinner ] used at his coming into the temple , and in that posture thrived better then the pharisee in his loftier garbe , went away more justified , saith our saviour , as a vessell at the foot of a hill , will ( say the artists ) receive and contain more water , then the same or a like vessell on the top of it would be able to do ( and he that shall do the like , that shall joyn adoration of god , and nothing but god , to the use of that or the like fervent ejaculation at his entrance into gods house , will sure have christs approbation of the publicans behaviour to justify him from any charge of superstition in so doing ) and besides 3. the most agreeable humble gesture , and so best becoming , and * evidencing and helping the inward performance of that most lowly duty of prayer , and consequently that it may be charg'd with blasphemy ; as well and as properly , as with supersition , and probably would be so , if the latter were not the more odious of the two : and indeed why kneeling or bowing should be more lyable to that censure , then either mentall or orall prayer , there is no reason imaginable , it being as possible that one may be directed to a false object ( and so become idolatrous , or superstitious in the true notion of those words ( as they denote the worship of idols , or dead men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or superstites ) as the other , and ( for the improper notion of superstition ) the one again as much capable of being an excesse in religion ( the mind or tongue being as likely to enlarge and exceed as the body ) or of using a piece of false religion , as the other , the bodily worship duely performed to god , being the payment of a debt to god ( and no doubt acceptable , when 't is paid with a true heart ) and no way an argument of want , but a probable evidence of the presence and cooperation of inward devotion , as i remember nazianzen saith of his father , or. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shewed a great deale in the outside , but kept the greater treasure within in the invisible part . and on the other side , the stiffenesse of the knee , an argument of some eminent defect , if not of true piety , yet of somewhat else , and christs prediction , joh. 4. that the time should come that the worshippers should worship god in spirit and truth , ( being not set in opposition to bodily worship , but to the appropriating it to some singular places , jerusalem , or that mountain ) not producible as any apology or excuse for such omission . to these briefe intimations i shall need adde no more , when the conclusion that i am to inferre is so moderate , being only this , that it is not necessary to turn all bowing or kneeling , or bodily worship out of the church , ( were there any superstition in any one or more gestures , this were too great a severity , to mulct the church of all , above the proportion of the most unlimited arbitrary court , whose amercements must alwaies be within the compasse of salvo contenemento , which this will not be , if there be no competency of bodily worship left behind ) and that the liturgy doth better to prescribe it at fit times , then the directory to omit all mention of it at all times , unlesse by way of dislike and prohibition . which conclusion will be the more easily evinced against them , by asking them whether in their family-parlour-prayers , or in their private closet prayers , they do not approve and practice that gesture ; which as i believe in charity they do , so i must from thence inferre , that by them the house of god , is the only place thought fit to be despised . and if it be replyed , that the directory forbids not kneeling , but only commands it not , leaving it free to use or not to use , i answer , 1. that the effect of this liberty is very remarkeable among them , and equall to that of a prohibition , no man almost of their perswasion ever kneeling in their churches . 2. that the never so much as recommending it , is very near a forbidding of it . 3. that bowing or adoration is directly forbidden once ( which , by the way , is as much the defining of a ceremony , viz. that of standing or going upright , and so as contrary to the independents perswasions , and to the great clamorous complaint for liberty in ceremonies , as any prescription of kneeling or bowing can be . ) 4. that kneeling also is at the receiving of the sacrament forbidden , by necessity of consequence , sitting being prescribed , and therefore that that reply or excuse is false also . and so now what speciall advantage this is like to bring in to this church of ours , to have the bodies of negligent , or prophane , or factions men left ( without any so much as an admonition ) to their own inclinations , and so what depth of ecclesiasticall policy there was which made this change so necessary , i desire may now be judged . sect 24 thirdly , for uniformity in that service ; ( which our liturgy labours to set up , by prescribing the manner of it , but the directory hath taken away by leaving all to the chance of mens wils , which can no more be thought likely to concurre in one forme , then democritus's atomes to have met together into a world of beautifull creatures , without any hand of providence to dispose them ) it hath certainly the approbation of all wise men , and command of s. paul , 1. cor. 14. 40. in that grand place , let all things be done decently and in order . of which i conceive the clear importance to be , that all be done in the church according to custome and appointment . the former implyed in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( custome being the only rule of decency , and therfore the indecency of wearing long haire , is proved by being against nature , i. e. saith suidas in the scripture phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a custome of some continuance in that place , and thereupon s. paul thinks it enough against au ecclesiasticall usage , and that which might supersede all strife about it , 1. cor. 11. 16. [ we have no such customes , &c. ] and the latter in plain words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to order or appointment ( for so the words literally import ) and then upon these two grounds is uniformity built , and necessarily results , where all that is done in the church , is ruled by one of these , by custome or by law , which being here commanded by saint paul , is a proofe of the more then lawfulnesse of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prescription of ceremonies in a church , and of uniformity therein . and then what necessity there is or can be that st. pauls command shall be so neglected , all care of uniformity so disclaimed , all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constitution , or ordinance , for any ecclesiasticall matter ( unlesse their ordinance against all such constitutions ) so solemnly disavowed , it will be hard to imagine , or guesse , unlesse it be on purpose to observe m. prynnes rule of conforming the church to the state , to fill one as full of disorder and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and confusion as the other . i remember a saying of socrates which plato and cicero record from him , mutatâ musicâ mutantur & mores , that the change of a kind of musicke , had a great influence on mens minds , and had a generall change of manners consequent to it , i conceive uniformity in gods service to be parallell to musick , being it selfe an outward concord or harmony of the most different affections ; and that that should be not only changed , but lost , i cannot understand any necessity , unlesse it be that some such like effects may be wrought in religion also . sect 25 for the fourth , the peoples bearing some part in the service ( whether by way of response in the prayers , and hymnes , or by reading every other verse in the psalme ) mentioned in theodorets story l. 2. c. 24. where speaking of flavianus and diodorus , he saith of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. they divided the quire of singers into two parts , and appointed them to sing the psalme successively , which custome began by them ( who saith he , were admirable men , and labour'd extreamly to stirre up all men to piety , and to that end invented this ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prevail'd over the whole world , or by way of mutuall charity , returning a prayer for the priest , who began one peculiarly for them ; which innocentius referres to , in his letter to aurelius and augustine , calling them communes & alternas preces , to which he there attributes more force , quàm privatis , then to private , or by way of following the presbyter in confession of sinnes , both at the beginning of the service , and before the communion ; or in profession of faith in the creeds , wherein every the meanest christian is to have his part ; ) it is certainly designed by the church , from the example of pure antiquity , to very gainfull uses , to quicken devotion , which the length of continued hearing may have leave to dull and slacken , and to recall those thoughts which may , upon the like temptation , have diverted to other objects ; in a word , to engage every one to be made no idle or unprofitable spectator of the service : and as long as there is still need of that helpe to these so necessary ends , and not the least shew or pretence of objection against it , how necessary it can be to reject it wholly , and lay all the taske upon the priest , and not require so much as an amen ( which it seems was in fashion in s. pauls time ) of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or lay person , i leave to the most prejudicate reader to give sentence for me . sect 26 as for the letany , wherein the people are more exercised then in any other part of the service , 't is certainly designed to make it more proportionable to the title bestowed on it by the antients of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , earnest or intense prayer , and in methodius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , earnest petitions , ( and in the greek liturgies simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intense or earnest ) from act. 12. 5. luk. 22. 44. this continuall joyning of the people in every passage of it , tending very much both to the improving and evidencing that fervor and intension , which can never be more necessary then throughout that service ; of which i shall in passing say these three things , and justify them against any gain-sayer , that there is not extant any where , 1. a more particular excellent enumeration of all the christians either private or common wants , as farre as is likely to come to the cognisance of a congregation : nor 2. a more innocent blamelesse forme , against which there lyes no just objection , and most of the unjust ones that have been made , are reproachfull to scripture it selfe , from whence the passages excepted against are fetcht , as that particularly of praying for gods mercy upon all men , from 1. tim. 2. 1. nor 3. a more artificiall composure for the raising that zeale , and keeping it up throughout , then this so defamed part of our liturgy ; for which and other excellencies undoubtedly it is , ( and not for any conjuring or swearing in it ) that the devill hath taken care that it should drink deepest of that bitter cup of calumny and reviling , which it can no way have provoked , but only as christ did the reproach of the diseased man , what have i to do with thee ? &c. when he came to exorcize and cast out the devill that possest him . and for this to be throwne out of the church , sure there is no other necessity , then there was that there should be scandals and heresies in it , onely because the devill and his factors would have it so . sect 27 5. for the dividing of prayers into divers collects or portions , and not putting all our petitions into one continued prayer , these advantages it hath to give it authority . 1. the practice of the jewes , whose liturgy was dispensed into lessons , &c. and 18. collects , or short prayers . 2. the example of christs prescribing a short forme , and in that , saith s. chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , teaching us the me asure or length due to each prayer of ours , hom. de annâ . f. 965. and setting a mark of heathenisme , mat. 6. and of pharisaisme , mat. 23. 14. on their long prayers . 3. the advice of the antients , who tell us s. peters forme , used for a great while in the roman church , was a short one , and that christ and s. paul commanded us to make our prayers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , short and frequent , and with little distances betweene . and so ephiphanius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : orat . c. 24. directs to offer our petitions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with all frequency ; and cassian , de instit . mon. l. 2. c. 10. from the universall consent of them , vtilius censent breves orationes sed creberrimas fieri , the way that is resolved to be most profitable , is to have short prayers , but very thick or frequent . and he addes a consideration which prompted them to this resolution , vt diaboli insidiantis jacula succinctà brevitate vitemur , that by that means the divells darts which he is wont to find and steale his time to shoot into our breasts , may by the brevity of our prayers be prevented . to these many more might be added , but that the no-advantage on the other side above this ( save onely the reputation of the labour and patience of speaking or hearing so much in a continued course , in one breath as it were ) will save us the paines of using more motives to perswade any , that sure it is not necessary to exchange this pleasant easie course of our liturgy , for the tedious toylsome lesse profitable course in the directory . sect 28 6. for the ceremonies used in the severall services , much might be said , as particularly for that of kneeling ( in opposition to sitting at the lords supper designed in the directory : ) 1. that it is agreeable to the practice of all antiquity , who though they kneeled not , because the canon of the councell of nice , obliged all to stand in the church between easter and whitsuntide , or on the lords day all the yeare long , ( which by the way absolutely excludes sitting , as also doth that saying of optatus l. 4. that the people may not sit in the church , and of tertullian , l. de orat. c. 12. that 't was an heathen custome to sit in the church , and therefore ought to be reprehended ; ) yet used the prayer-gesture at receiving , i. e. bowing their bodies and heads , which the fathers call adoration : kissing of the hand , is the propriety of the latine word , but but the ordinary denotation of it , bowing the body , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is more then the former , the cultus major , among the learned ; for as herodotus observes of the eastern nations , that the manner of equalls , was to kisse one another at meeting , of inferiours to kisse the hand of the superiour , but of the suppliants or petitioners , that would expresse the greatest humility to bow themselves before him , so was this last of the three continued among the primitive christians in their services of the greatest piety and humility , climacus , p. 298. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when i receive i worship , or adore , agreeable to which the great men in the french churches , who receive it passing or going ( a meer aegyptian passe-over custome ) do first make a lowly cringe or curtesie before they take it in their hands . 2. that christs table-gesture at the delivering it , is no argument for sitting , both because it is not manifest by the text that he used that , save only at the passe-over , from which this supper of the lord was distinct , and was celebrated by blessing , and breaking , and giving the bread , &c. to which some other gesture might be more proper , and more commodious , and because christs gesture in that is no more obligingly exemplary to us , then his doing it after supper was to the apostles , who yet did it fasting , act. 13. 2. and generally took it before the agapae , and as by plinies epistle it appears , so early in the morning , that the congregation departed and met again , ad capiendum cibum promiscuum , to take their meales together . as also 3. that the contrary gesture of sitting , as it was , not many years since , by a full synod of protestants in poland forbidden , if not condemned , because they found it used by the arrians , as complying with their opinion , who hold our saviour to be a meer creature , so is it now profest by some of our late reformers writings to be a badge and cognisance of their beleeving in the infallibility of christs promise of coming to raign on this earth again , and take them into a familiar and ( a kind of ) equall conversation with him , the doctrine of the millenaries , once in some credit , but after condemn'd by the church , and though favoured by some learned men , both antiently and of late , is not yet sure cleare enough to come into our creed or liturgy : or to be profest and proclaimed by that gesture , when ever we receive the sacrament . the evidence or proofe of it being primarily that in the revelation , which by the rest of that book i am very apt to suspect may signifie any thing rather then what the letter of the words imports to us at the first view of them . but i shall not enlarge on this , nor the other ceremonies mention'd , but referre the reader to the learned satisfactory unanswer'd labour of m. hooker , on these subjects , and then aske him when he hath read him , 1. whether he repent him of that paines , 2. whether in his conscience he can thinke it necessary , or tending to edification to cast all these causelesly out of this church , or the whole liturgy for their sakes . sect 29 now for those things that are more intrinsecall to the liturgy , and parts of the service ; as 1. for the pronouncing of absolution , which christ so solemnly instated on the priest in his disciples ( by three severall acts , 1. unto peter as the mouth of the apostles , mat. 16. 19. then by way of promise to them all together , cap. 18. 18. then by way of actuall instating it on them breathing that power and the holy ghost on them together , john 20. 23. ) and which is so distinctly named by s. james , c. 5. 15. in the case of sicknesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not as we render they shall be forgiven him , as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and belonged only to gods act of pardoning , but ) impersonally absolution shall be given him ; and so constantly preserved and exercised in the universall church in publike and private , and approv'd ( as farre as our liturgy uses it ) even by those who affirm that power in the minister to be onely declarative , that any man conversant either in the gospell , or writings of the fathers , or modern authors , or that hath but seen knox'es scotch liturgy , and observ'd that part of it , about the receiving of penitents , would be amazed to see a directory for the publike worship of god ( which is a large phrase and containes the whole office of the priest ) and in it a title for the visitation of the sicke , and yet find never a word about absolution , no not in case of scruple , doubt , or temptation , pag. 67. or the death bed it selfe . this exercise of those keyes of of the kingdome of heaven , i. e. of the church , this pronouncing of gods pardon , and actuall giving the pardon and peace of the church to all her penitent children , especially that more particular act before the communion , and on the bed of sicknesse ; is , beside the obedience to christ , so necessary an expression of christian charity in every church to its poore members , and the denying of it , where it is due , so barbarous an inhumanity ( which yet i hope no man shall be the worse for , but those that do deny it ) that as the turning of publike censures out of this church , is a rare example of despight unto christs command , ( there being no nationall church from christs time to this to be found without it , till this of ours for these last three years ) so the sending of absolution after it , and the affirming it to be necessary to be done , and appointing all foot-steps of it to be turn'd out of the service , is a piece of disorder , as contrary to charity as to piety , to reason as religion , this being so far from the blame of an exuberancy in our service , that there is more reason to wish that there were more of this nature , then that that , which we have already , were omitted . 2. for the hymnes of the church , it will not be amisse perhaps to give you first the true notion of the word ; there being among the hebrewes three sorts of songs , 1. mizmor , a concise or short verse , 2. tehillah , praise , celebrating or depredicating of god , and 3. schir , a canticle , as the word is used in the title of that song of songs . and answerable to these three , we have col. 3. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , psalmes and hymnes , and songs , where the word hymne is answerable to the second of these , a praising and magnifying of god in and for some of his most remarkeable acts of mercy and power . thus was it the dictate even of nature it selfe among the heathens , to imploy a great part of their poetry , i. e. their piety ( for so orpheus the first and most famous writer of hymnes , was called theologus poeta , a poet that was a divine also ) in framing of hymnes to their gods ; though those of musaeus and linus , the other two theologi poetae , are not now to be met with . the like we have still of homer also , and i remember galen the famous physitian , in one of his books de usu partium , describing the composure of the foot , breakes out of a suddaine into an excellent acknowledgement , which hee calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a true hymne in laud of that god which made these curious bodies of men . this duty of naturall piety , christianity certainly hath not obstructed , but elevated it to a far higher pitch by superadding that greatest obligation taken from the redemption of mankind , to that old one of the creation . and thus in all ages of the church some hymnes have been constantly retained to be said or sung in the churches , i mean not only the daily lections of the psalmes of david ( which yet this directory doth not mention , but only commands a more frequent reading of that book , then of some other parts of scripture ) nor the singing of some of those psalmes in metre , ( which yet this directory doth not prescribe neither , save onely on daies of thankesgiving , or after the sermon , if with convenience it may be done , making it very indifferent , it seems , whether it be kept at all in the church or no , unlesse on those speciall occasions . ) but the alternate reading of the psalmes both by priest and people , ( psalmi ab omnibus celebrentur , let the psalmes be said by all , in the milevit . counc . can. 12. ) the constant use of some speciall psalmes , as the introite , and of other more purely christian hymnes , either framed by holy men in the scripture in reference to christs incarnation , or by the church since on purpose to blesse and praise god for his mercies in christ , which sure deserve a daily celebration from every christian , as well and as richly as any victory over enemies , though it be one of theirs over the king himselfe , can deserve of them upon any such day of thanksgiving . of this kind is the te deum , a most divine and admirable forme , called antiently , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a triumphant song , generally thought to be composed by saint augustine and s. ambrose , on the day that s. ambrose baptized s. augustine , and fitted to that purpose with an acknowledgment of the trinity , in reference to s. augustines conversion from manichaisme . if this be true , then sure is it one of those , the repeating of which moved s. augustine to so much passion , that he faith in his confessions , l. 9. quantum flevi in hymnis & canticis ecclesiae tuae , that and the like hymnes of the church fetcht many tears from him . of which i shall only say , that to any man that hath but an humble , faithfull , thankfull fervent heart to go along with it , it is as christian a piece of praise and prayer , as any humane pen could contribute toward the publike worship of god , which he that hath had the use of in the church , and now thinkes fit to banish out of it , shewes his own former coldnesse and non-proficiency under that means of grace , and that he never joyned in it with any zeale or earnestnesse , or else his retchlesse ingratitude to the church which hath allow'd him the benefit of it . sect 31 the like might be added of those two other in the administration of the sacrament of the lords supper , the former before the sacrament beginning with lift up your hearts , and ending with the holy , holy , holy , lord god of hosts , &c. a forme to be found with little variation , both in s. jameses , s. basils , and s. chrysostomes liturgy , the other , after the sacrament , glory be to god on high , &c. called antiently hymaus angelicus , the angelicall hymne , from the first part of it which was sung by angels , and both these such ancient , pure , excellent composures in themselves , and so fitly accommodated to the present businesse , and all that i have named , so farre from any appearance of evill , so free from any the least objection of any the most petulant malicious calumniator ( as far as i yet ever heard ) so well-becoming a congregation of saints , who by praising god in the church , should practice before hand , and fit themselves for the singing of hallelujahs perpetually in heaven , and in the meane time beare the angels company here ( who saint chrysostome tells us , sing all the hymnes with us : ) that 't is little better then fury , ( savouring much of the temper of that evill spirit on saul , that was exorcized with davids musicke , and therefore may be allowed to have malice to that and the like ever since ) to think it necessary to throw this piece of heaven out of the church . sect 32 3. for the doxology so constantly annexed to many parts of our service , in these words , ( wherein the people either are to begin or answer ) glory be to the father , &c. it is an ancient piece of very great consideration , the former versicle of it being , at 't is affirmed by good authorities , composed by the first councell of nice , and appointed by them to be used in the church , as a lesser creed , or confession of the trinity , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consubstantiality of the sonne and holy ghost , with the father ( at which it hath therefore antiently been the custome to stand up ; confession of god , being a praising of him ( as the word in other languages imports ) to which therefore that posture is most due ) which may well passe for no fable , because 't is cleare , that soon after that time , flavianus sang it aloud in the church of antioch , as appears by * zozomen , and * theodoret , ( and if we may believe * nicephorus , st. chrysostome joyn'd with him in it ; ) of this philostorgius the arrian historiographer tells us , an. 348. flavianus having gotten a congregation of monkes together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the first that began that forme of doxology , others using that other forme of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , glory to the father , by the sonne , in the holy ghost , making the son inferiour to the father , and the holy ghost to the sonne , as eunomius and eudoxius did , which it seems philostorgius himself most approv'd of , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith his epitomator of him ) others ( not as gotofred mends his copy , and reads it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as the oxford manuscript ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , glory to the father , and the son in the holy ghost . these two severall forms , and some say a third [ in the sonne and the holy ghost ] were it seemes proposed against athanasius in the councell of antioch , an. dom. 341. and by men of severall perswasions used in the church of antioch , as a character , by which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they exprest their severall opinions , saith zozomen , l. 3. c. 19. and l. 4. 27. & by so doing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every one applyed the psalme or hymne ( to the end of which , as now with us , it was , it seems , then annext ) to his opinion . in which narration of philostorgius , we have no reason to suspect any-thing , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that flavianus was the first that sang it , wherein his favour to the arians might make him partiall , or the truth might be , he was the first that sang it at antioch , for there athanasius was in a councell condemn'd , and so still the forme might in other places be used more antiently . this first verse being on this occasion brought into the church as a testimony , and pillar of the catholick verity against the arians , and annext by ancient custome to the end of the psalmes in the liturgy , st. jerome or some body before him , being moved by the noise of the macedonians ( who accepted against that part of it concerning the holy ghost , affirming that that doctrine of the divinity of the holy ghost was novell ) is said to have beene the author of adding the other verse or line to the former , in opposition to them , as it was in the beginning , &c. to signifie this to be the ancient catholick , no new private doctrine or opinion ; and yet that it was very near , if not as ancient as the former , may be guest by what theodoret , l. 2. c. 24. saith of leontius bishop of antioch , that he was wont to say to himselfe the arrian doxology so softly , that no word could be heard by him that stood next , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for ever and ever , ( the close of the second line ) and this saith he , while flavianus , who opposed him , was a lay-man . and if this be a time wherein such formes as these , ( which besides giving glory to god , do secure and defend the catholick doctrine of the trinity , against all antient or moderne arrians , and macedonians ) are necessarily to be cast out , as hinderances to growth and edification , sure the design is only to plant heresies in the church ( to which alone that may prove impediment ) but nothing else . sect 33 having said this , 't will not be needfull to adde concerning the fourth head , more then only the acknowledgement of my wonder and astonishment , why the same calamity and tempest that carried away this lesser creed , should also be able to raise so fierce a torrent , as to drive and hurry with it the three larger creeds also , especially that not only of the nicene fathers , but of the apostles themselves ; against the matter of which i have not heard , that the presbyterians have any objection , and sure the beads-mans divinity , that turnes the creed into a prayer , hath not only concluded the use of it to be a stinting of the spirit . what the effect of this part of reformation is likely to be , will not be hard to divine , even barbarisme and atheisme within a while , the turning god and christ , and all the articles of the creed out of mens braines also , and not ( as yet it is ) only out of their hearts ; what is the necessity of doing it , will not so easily be resolved even by him that hath imbibed the assemblers principles , unlesse it be to gratify the separatists , who are profest denyers of one article , that of the holy catholick church , resolving the end and the effect of the holy ghost's descent to have been only to constitute particular congregations , and none else . as for the great patterne of the presbyterians , the practise of geneva or scotland , that appears by knox's common prayer-book , to have allowed a set forme of confession of faith , and designed it , for the publick use as the first thing in that book of prayers , though the truth is , the apostles , or other ancient creeds being set aside , one of the geneva forming is fain to supply the place of them , which yet by the setting the severall parts of the apostles creed in the margent , both there and in the order of baptisme , appeares rather to be an interpretation of it , and so still the separatists must be the onely men in the church fit to be considered , or else apparently there is no such politicall necessity of this neither . sect 34 for the fifth thing , the so frequent repetition of the lords prayer , and prayers for the king in our service , this account may be briefly given of it . for the former , that in our common prayer-book , there be severall services for severall occasions , of the sacraments , &c. for severall dayes , as the letany ; for severall times in the day , not only morning and euening , but one part to be said earlier in the morning , and then toward noone a returne to another part , ( as the antient primitives had three services in a forenoone . 1. that for the catechumeni , consisting of prayers , psalmes , and readings ; then a 2. for the penitents , such as our letany ; and a 3. for the fideles , the faithfull , our communion service , ) and even that which is assigned to one time so discontinued by psalmes , and hymnes , and lessons , that it becomes in a manner two services , clearly two times of prayer . now our saviour commanding , when you pray , say our father ; we have accordingly so assigned it , to be once repeated in every such part of service , and i remember to have heard one of the gravest and most reverend men of the assembly , being asked his opinion about the use of the lords prayer , to have answer'd to this purpose , god forbid that i should ever be upon my knees in prayer , and rise up without adding christs forme to my imperfect petitions . and whereas this directory is so bountifull , as to recommend this prayer to be used in the prayers of the church , and yet so wary as but to recommend it , it is thereby confest that it is lawfull to retain a set forme , ( for that is surely so , and then the often using of a lawfull thing will not make it unlawfull ) but withall that christs command in points of his service shall no more oblige to obedience , then the commands of men , for if it did , this would be more then recommended . and now why that which may , say they , commendably ( must , say we , necessarily in obedience to christ ) be used in the prayers of the church , and being repeated oftner then once , shall be usefull to him who was not come at the first saying , or may be said more attentively by him who had before been too negligent , should be necessary to be used but once , when all mens zeale or understanding of so divine a forme or perhaps presence at that part of the service , shall not necessarily go along with it , i leave to more subtile divines to instruct us . this i am sure of , that god hath made a peculiar promise to importunity in prayer , to a coming often to him on the same errand , and luk. 18. 5. by a phrase in the parable seems to say , that he that comes oft to god in this manner , will at length force him to shame , if he do not grant his petition , for that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and from thence the fathers use a bold phrase in their liturgies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i put thee to shame , i. e. importune thee , basil . in liturg. and in the psaltery of the greek church , which hath many prayers mixt with it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unlesse thy owne goodnesse put thee to shame , &c. now that this will not be subject to the censure of vain repetitions , mat. 6. 7. which is the onely exception made against it , ( if the example of david , psal . 136. be not sufficient to authorize the repeating any forme often , which is as faultlesse as that was ) might largely be evidenced , 1. by the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there used , which both hesychius and suidas apply to an other matter , and explain it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , long , idle , unseasonable formes , such as battus used in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his long-winded hymnes so full of tautologies , which munster therefore rendreth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do not multiply words , unprofitably or unseasonably , 2. by the customes of the heathens which christ there referres to [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , use not , &c. as the heathens ] and which are evident in their writers , especially their tragedians ; where 't is plain , that their manner was to sound , or chant , for many houres together , some few empty words to the honour of their gods , such the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in their bacchannals , from the noise of which they were call'd evantes ; such in sophocles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and especially in the virgins chorus of aeschylus's tragedy , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where there are near an hundred verses , made up of meer tautologies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and an enumeration of the severall names of the gods with unsignificant noyses added to them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and within two verses the same again , and much more of the same stile . two notable examples of this heathenish custome ; the scripture affords us one , 1 king. 18. 26. where the prophets of baal from morning till noon , cry o baal , hear us , and it followes , they cryed with a loud voyce , and cut themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to their custome or rites ( that loud crying the same words so long together , was as much a heathenish rite , as the cutting of themselves . ) the other of the ephesians , act. 19. 34. who are affirm'd to have cryed with one voice for two houres space , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , great is diana of the ephesians , and 3. by the designed end that christ observes of that heathen custome , 1. that they may be heard by that long noyse , for which elius scoffes them , 1 king. 18 , 27. cry aloud , perhaps your god is a talking , or a pursuing , &c. 2. that their petitions may be more intelligible to their gods , to which christ opposes , your heavenly father knoweth what you have need of , and so needs not your tautologies to explain them to him . much more might be said for the explaining of that mistaken place , but that it would seem unnecessary to this matter , the exception being so causelesse , that the vindication would passe for an extravagance . sect 35 of the prayers for the king , the account will not bee much unlike , st. paul commands that prayers , and supplications , and intercessions , and thanksgivings be made for kings , &c. 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2. where though the mention of those severall sorts of prayers , signified by those foure words , might be matter of apology , for the making severall addresses to god for kings in one service , supposing them proportion'd to those sorts in that text , yet have we distributed the frequent prayers for him into the severall services , one solemne prayer for him , in the ordinary daily service , ( and only a versicle before as it were prooemiall to it ) another in the letany , another after the commandements ( of which though our book hath two formes together , yet both the rubrick and custome , gives us authority to interpret , it was not meant that both should be said at once , but either of the two chosen by the minister , ) another before the communion , where the necessity of the matter , being designed for the church militant , makes it more then seasonable to descend to our particular church , and the king the supreame of it ; just as herodotus relates the custome of the persians , l. 1. p. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they pray for all the persians , peculiarly for the king. to this practice of ours so grounded in the apostle , we shall adde , 1. the reward promised ( by the apostles intimation ) to such prayers ( if not , as i conceive , by those words , that we may live a peaceable and quiet life , &c. that peaceable and quiet life , of all blessings the greatest , seeming to be a benefit or donative promised to the faithfull discharge of that duty , of praying , and supplicating , and interceding and giving thankes for kings , yet certainly somewhat else ) in that high declaration made concerning it in the next words , for this is good and acceptable before good our saviour , whose acceptation is reward sufficient to any action , and yet who never accepts but rewards also . 2. the practice of the antient christians , set down by tertull. sacrificamus pro salute imperatoris pura prece , our prayers are sent up a pure sacrifice for the prosperity of the emperor , and that quoties conveniebant , in another place , at every meeting or service of the church , & precantes semper pro omnibus imperatoribus , vitam prolixam , imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus fortes , senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , quaecunque hominis & casaris vota sunt , praying alwaies for the emperours , and begging of god for them , long life , secure reigne , the safety of his house , couragious armies , a faithfull senate , a good people , a quiet world , all those severalls , ( which would make up more prayers then our book hath assigned ) all that either as man or king they can stand in need of ; and so athenagoras and others to the same purpose , especially when they have occasion to justifie the fidelity of christians to their unchristian emperours , having no surer evidence to give of that , then the frequency of their prayers for them , which they which thinke necessary to abbridge , or supercede , must give us leave by that indication to judge of somewhat else , by occasion of that to pick to observe their other demonstrations of disloyalty to those that are set over them by god ; and to any that are not guilty of that crime , nor yet of another , of thinking all length of the publike service unsupportable , i shall refer it to be judged , whether it be necessary , that the king be prayed for in the church , no oftner then there is a sermon there . sect 36 6. the communion of saints ( which if it were no article in our creed , ought yet to be laid up , as one of the christians tasks or duties ) consists in that mutuall exchange of charity and all seasonable effects of it , between all parts of the church , that triumphant in heaven , christ and the saints there , and this on earth militant ; which he that disclaimes , by that one act of insolence , casts off one of the noblest priviledges , of which this earth is capable , to be a fellow-citizen with the saints , and a ●llow-member with christ himselfe . the effects of this charity on their parts is , in christ intercession , and in the saints suffrages , and daily prayers to god for us , but on our part thankesgivings and commemorations , which 't is apparent the primitive christians used , very early solemnizing the day of christs resurrection , &c. and rehearsing the names of the saints out of their dipticks , in time of the offertory before the sacrament ; besides this so solemne a christian duty , another act of charity there is , which the church owes to her living sonnes , the educating them in the presence of good examples , and setting a remarke of honour on all which have lived christianly , especially have died in testimony of the truth of that profession ; and again , a great part of the new testament , being story of the lives of christ and his apostles , ( and the rest but doctrine agreeable to what those lives expressed ) it must needs be an excellent compendium of that book , and a most usefull way of infusing it into the understanding , and preserving it in the memory of the people , to assigne proper portions of scripture in lessons , epistles , and gospells to every day , every sunday , every festivall in the year ( which are none in our church , but for the remembrance of christ , and the scripture-saints ) to infuse by those degrees all necessary christian knowledge , and duties into us , the use of which to the ignorant is so great , that it may well be feared , that when the festivalls , and solemnities for the birth of christ , and his other famous passages of life and death , and resurrection and ascension , and mission of the holy ghost , and the lessons , gospells ( and collects ) and sermons upon them , be turn'd out of the church , together with the creeds also , 't will not be in the power of weekly sermons on some head of religion , to keep up the knowledge of christ in mens hearts , a thing it seems observ'd by the casuists , who use to make the number of those things that are necessariò credenda , necessary to be beleeved , no more , then the festivalls of christ make known to men , and sure by antient fathers whose preaching was generally on the gospells for the day ; as appears by their sermons de tempore , and their postils . to all these ends are all these festivals , and these services designed by the church , ( and to no other that is capable of any the least brand of novell or superstitious ) and till all this antidote shall be demonstrated to be turn'd poyson , all these wholesome designes , to be perfectly noxious , till ill or no examples , uncharitablenesse , schismaticall cutting ourselves off from being fellow-members with the saints , and even with christ our head , till ingratitude , ignorance , and atheisme it selfe , be canonized for christian and saint-like , and the onely things tending to edification in a church , there will hardly appeare any so much as politick necessity to turn these out of it . sect 37 7. for the reading of the commandements , and prayer before , and the responses after each of them , though it be not antiently found in the church , as a part of the service , ( but only retain'd in the catechisme ) till king edwards second liturgy , ( and therefore sure no charge of popery to be affixt on it ) yet seemeth it to me a very profitable part of devotion , being made use of as it ought . the priest after a premised prayer for grace to love and keep gods commandements , is appointed to stand and read every of the commandements distinctly to the people , as a kind of moses , bringing them from god to them ; these are they to receive in the humblest affection of heart , and posture of body , as means to try and examine themselves , and to humble themselves in a sense of their severall failings , and thereupon implore ( every one for himselfe , and for others , even for the whole kingdome ) first gods mercy for pardon for all that hath been committed against the letter of each commandement , or what ever christ and the gospell hath set down under any , or reducible to any of those heads . 2. grace to performe for the time to come , what ever may be acceptable to christ in that particular . this being thus distinctly and leasurely done to each particular precept , the heart enlarging to every particular under that , proves an excellent forme of confession of sinnes , and of resolution ( and prayer for strength ) to forsake them . and let me tell you , were gods pardon thus fervently and often called for by each humble soule in a kingdome , for every mans personall , and the whole kingdomes nationall sins , the atheisme speculative and practicall , the impiety , infidelity , want of love and fear , and worship of god. &c. in the first commandement , and so throughout all the rest , and the grace of god , to worke all the contrary graces in every heart , in the heart of the whole kingdome ; as humbly and heartily invoked , the benefit would certainly be so great , and so illustrious , that none but satan , who is to be dethroned , and part with his kingdome by that meanes , would ever deem it necessary to cast out this part of service , and have nothing at all in exchange for it . 8. for the order of the offertory , it must first be observed , that in the primitive apostolick church , the offertory was a considerable part of the action , in the administring and receiving the sacrament ; the manner of it was thus . at their meetings for divine service , every man as he was able brought something along with him , bread , or wine , the fruits of the season , &c. of this , part was used for the sacrament , the rest kept to furnish a common table for all the brethren ( and therefore in ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to celebrate the feast , is to administer that sacrament , being joyn'd there with the mention of baptisme ) rich and poor to eate together , no one taking precedence of other , or challenging a greater part to himselfe , by reason of his bringing more ; this is discernible in saint pauls words , chiding the corinthians for their defaults in this matter , 1 cor. 11. 21. every man , saith he , takes and eats before another his owne supper , ( i. e. ) the rich that brought more , eats that which he brought , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he were at home eating his own private meale , without respect to the nature of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were a common meale for all , and so while one is filled to the full , some others have little or nothing to eat , which is the meaning of that which followes , one is hungry , and another is drunken ; after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ceased , and the bringing of the fruits of the season , which were as a kind of first-fruit offering , was out-dated , whether by canon of the church , or by contrary custome , this manner was still continued , that every receiver brought somewhat with him to offer , particularly bread , and wine mixt with water . justin. mart. apol. 2. p. 97. sets down the manner of it clearly in his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the bread and the wine of the brethren , i. e. communicants , is brought to the priest or prefect , ( not as the latine interpreter reads praefecto fratrum ) as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were to be joyn'd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which belongs to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and he receiving it , gives laud and praise unto god , in the name of the sonne and the holy ghost , and all the people joyne in the amen , then do the deacons distribute that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bread , over which he hath thus given thankes , and then , saith he , over and above , the richer sort , and every one as he shall think good contributes , and that which is so raised , is left with the priest , who out of that stock succours the orphan and widow , and becomes a common provider for all that are in want . this clearly distinguisheth two parts of the offertory , one designed for the use of all the faithfull in the sacrament , another reserved for the use of the poore ; the former called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , oblations , in the councell of laodicea , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that of gangra , and proportionably , the repository for the first called sacrarium in the fourth councell of carthage , can. 93. ( and by passidonius in the life of st. augustine , sacritarium unde altari necessaria inseruntur , where those things are laid , and from whence fetcht which are necessary to the altar ) the other gazophylacium or treasury , the first st. cyprian calls sacrificia , sacrifices , the second eleemosynae , almes , l. de op . & eleem. parallell to those which we find both together mentioned , act. 24. 17. i came to bring almes to my nation and offerings . this , saith justin martyr , is our chrestian sacrifice , which will more appeare to him that considers that the feasting of the people , their partaking of the sacrifice , having their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was alwaies annexed to sacrifices , both among jewes and heathens , which the apostle calls partaking of the altar , and consequently that the sacrifice , and the feast together , the sacrifice in the offertory , the feast in the eating and drinking there , do compleate and make up the whole businesse of this sacrament , as farre as the people are concerned in it ; and all this blest by the priest , and god blest and praised by priest and people , and so the title of eucharist belongs to it . thus , after justin irenaeus . the offertory of the christians is accounted a pure sacrifice with god , as when st. paul , saith he , mentions the acts of the philippians liberality , he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an acceptable sacrifice ( and so heb. 3. 16. to doe good and to communicate forget not , such acts of liberality to those that want , for with such sacrifices god is well pleased ) and presently defines what this sacrifice was , primitiaecarum quae sunt ejus creaturarum , the first fruits of gods creatures . so tertullian , modicam unusquisque stipem menstruâ die adponit , every one brings somewhat every month , just parallell to our offertory at monthly communions ; much more might be said of this out of ancient constitutions and canons , if 't were not for my desire of brevity . effectually st. cyprian , locuples & dives es , & dominicam celebrare te credis , & corbonam non respicis , qui in dominicum sine sacrificio venis , qui partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit , sumis ? art thou rich , and thinkest thou receivest as thou oughtest , and respectest not the corban , feedest on the poore mens sacrifice , and bringest none thy selfe ? and saint augustine to the same purpose ; and 't is worth observing that many authorities , which the papists produce for the externall sacrifice of the body of christ in the masse , are but the detortion and disguising of those places which belong to the offertory of the people , and in the canon of the masse that prayer which is used for the offering up of christ , ( larded with so many crosses ) plainly betrayes it selfe to have been first instituted by relation to these guifts and oblations , as appears by the mention of abels sacrifice , and melchizedecks offering ( that of abels the fruit of the earth , mechizedecks a present onely of bread and wine to abraham ) and the per quem haec omnia semper bona creas ( by whom thou createst all these good things ) which belongs evidently to the fruits of the earth , but is by them now most ridiculously applyed to the body of christ . i have beene thus large in shewing the originall of the offertory , because it hath in all ages been counted a speciall part of divine worship , the third part of the christian holocaust , saith aquinas , 2a . 2ae . q. 85. art . 3. ad . 2. the observation of which is yet alive in our liturgy ( i would it had a more chearfull universall reception in our practice ) especially if that be true which honorius saith , that instead of the ancient oblation of bread and wine , the offering of money was by consent receiv'd into the church in memory of the pence in judas's sayle . now that this offering of christians to god for pious and charitable uses , designed to them who are his proxyes and deputy-receivers , may be the more liberally and withall more solemnly performed , many portions of scripture are by the liturgy designed to be read to stirre up and quicken this bounty , and those of three sorts , some belonging to good works in generall , others to almes-deeds , others to oblatious , and when it is received and brought to the priest , he humbly prayes god to accept those almes , and this is it which i call the service of the offertory , so valued and esteemed among all antients , but wholly omitted in this directory ( only a casuall naming of a collection for the poore by way of sage caution , that it be so order'd , that no part of the publike worship be thereby hindred ) upon what grounds of policy or pretence of necessity , i know not , unlesse out of that great fear , lest works of charity ( which the apostle calls an acceptable sacrifice , and with which god is well pleased ) should passe for any part of the service or worship of god , which after praying to him is an act that hath the greatest remark , and highest character set upon it , and when it is thus in the offertory , is accounted as pars cultûs , a part of worship , say the schoole-men . and beside , where it is used , as it ought , proves of excellent benefit ( when prudent faithfull officers have the dispensing of it ) toward the supplying and preventing the wants of all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the minister is thereby enabled to be the guardian of all that are in want , saith justin . m. apol. 2. and sure necessity hath little or no law or reason in it , when the rejecting of such customes as these proves the only necessary . sect 39 9. for private baptisme , that which our liturgy prescribes is , that all possible care be taken , that all children that are to be baptized , be brought to church , and not without great cause and necessity baptized at home in their houses . and yet when great need shall compell them so to do , then an order of administring it is prescribed , such as in case the child dye , it may not be deprived of the sacrament , and in case it live , it may as publikely be presented , and with prayer received into the church , and pronounced to be baptized already , which is equivalent , as if it had been baptized in the publick . the clear confest ground of this practice is the desire of the church not to be wanting to any the meanest creature , in allowing it that which christ hath given it right to , and to encourage and satisfie the charitable desires of parents , which in danger of instant death require it for them . this ground seems clearly to be acknowledg'd by the compilers of this directory , pag. 41. where 't is affirmed , that the posterity of the faithfull borne within the church , have by their birth ( not by their living to the next lords day , or till they can be brought to church ) interest in the covenant and right to the seale of it , ( which sure is baptisme ) and then what necessity there is , that they that are acknowledg'd to have right to that seale , should yet not be permitted to have it , ( as in case private baptisme be excluded , some of them infallibly shall not ) i professe my understanding too short to reach ; and as ignorant i must confesse to be also , why , when they come to the congregation , it should be utterly unlawfull for them to be baptized in the place where fonts have hitherto been placed , i. e. near the door of the church , as the directory appoints ; a new scandalous piece it seems of popery , and superstition , ( which is as dangerous as private baptisme , and therefore with it together forbidden ) and yet very ancient , and farre from any superstitious intent ; baptisme being at first in any convenient pond or river , as the gospell , and after that just . martyr tells us , and is noted by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is literally , to dope over head in the water , and by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a swimming or diving place , by which the fathers expresse the font. but when churches were built , then there was an erection also of baptisteria , at first without , but after within the churches , and those placed neare the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or porch of the church , on no other design undoubtedly , then to signifie the sacrament there celebrated to be a rite of initiation , or entrance into the church , ( as the chancell or upper part of the church was assigned unto the other sacrament to signifie it to belong to those only that were come to some perfection ) against which 't is not possible any thing should be objected of unfitnesse , but that the ministers voyce will not in some churches so easily be heard by the whole congregation , which if it may not be helpt , by raising his voyce at that time , will not yet infuse any popery or superstition into it the charge that is here so heavily laid on it , ( as well as that of unfitnesse ) of which if it be guilty , superstition is become a strange ubiquitary , ready to fly and affixe it selfe to any thing they will have it , and shall as justly be fast'ned by me on their negative , or prohibition of baptisme in that place [ it is not to be administred in the places where fonts , &c. ] as upon our positive appointing it . for sure if a significant rite , or designation of place , &c. without any other guilt , then that it is so , be superstitious , an unsignificant interdiction of it will be as much ; and if the positive superstition be to be condemned , the negative must be so also . sect 40 10. for the prescript forme of catechisme , it is placed by our church in our liturgy , and as fit to be placed there as any directions for preaching can be in theirs , ( which takes up so great a part in their religion , and consequently in their directory ) the previous instruction of youth being so much more necessary then that , as a foundation is then any part of the superstructure , that being necessary to the end only , but this over and above necessary to make capable of the other necessary . of this particular catechisme i might say somewhat , which would be worthy to be observed in these times , how much christian prudence the church hath shewed in it , in setting down for all to learn , only those few things which are necessary to the plainest and meanest for the direction of christian faith and practice ; and if we would all keep our selves within that moderation , and propose no larger catalogue of credenda to be believ'd by all then the apostles creed , as 't is explain'd in our catechisme , doth propose , and lay the greater weight upon consideration and performance of the vow of baptisme , and all the commands of god as they are explained ( and so the obligation , to obedience enlarged ) by christ , and then only adde the explication of the nature and use of the sacraments in those most commodious and intelligible expressions ( and none other ) which are there set down , i should be confident there would be lesse hating and damning one another ( which is most ordinarily for opinions ) more piety and charity , and so true christianity among christians and protestants , then hitherto hath been met with . but seeing , though this be fit to be said , yet 't is unnecessary in this place , this catechisme being not put in ballance with any other way of instructing youth in the directory , but only sold or cast away for nought , and no money , nothing taken or offered in exchange for it , i am superseded from this , and only left to wonder why ca●echizing of children in the faith and knowledge of their vowed duty , ( which i hope is no stinting of their spirits ) should be one of those burthens which 't is so necessary should be thrown off , and not so much as consider'd in this directory . sect 41 11. for confirmation , which ( being a thing wherein the bishop is a party , will , i must expect , be matter of some envy and odium but to name it , and ) being so long and so scandalously neglected in this kingdome ( though the rule have also been severe and carefull in requiring it ) will now not so easily be digested , having those vulgar prejudices against it , yet must i most solemnly professe my opinion of it , that it is a most antient christian custome , tending very much to edification . which i shall make good by giving you this view of the manner of it . it is this , that every rector of any parish , or curate of charge , should by a familiar way of catechizing instruct the youth of both sexes within his cure in the principles of religion , so farre , that every one of them before the usuall time of coming to the lords supper , should be able to understand the particulars of the vow made in baptisme for the credenda and facienda , yea and fugienda also , what must be believed , what done , and what forsaken ; and be able to give an intelligent account of every one of these , which being done , every such child so prepared , ought to be brought to the bishop for confirmation . wherein the intent is , that every such child attain'd to years of understanding shall singly and solemnly before god , the bishop and the whole congregation , with his own mouth , and his own consent , take upon himselfe the obligation to that , which his godfathers and godmothers in baptisme promised in his name , and before all those reverend witnesses , make a firme publick renew'd promise , that by gods helpe he will faithfully endeavour to discharge that obligation in every point of it , and persevere in it all the daies of his life . which resolution and promise so heightned with all those solemnities , will in any reason have a mighty impression on the child , and an influence on his actions for ever after . and this being thus performed by him , the bishop shall severally impose his hands upon every such child ( a ceremony used to this purpose by christ himselfe ) and blesse , and pray for him , that now that the temptations of sinne , begin more strongly , in respect of his age to assault him , he may receive grace and strength against all such temptations or assaults , by way of prevention and speciall assistance , without which obtained by prayer from god , he will never be able to do it . this is the summe of confirmation , and were it rightly observed ( and no man admitted to the lords supper , that had not thus taken the baptisme-bond from the sureties into his owne name , and no man after that suffered to continue in the church , which brake it wilfully , but turn'd out of those sacred coutts , by the power of the keyes in excommunication ) it would certainely prove , by the blessing of god there begged , a most effectuall means to keep men , at least within some tearmes of christian civility , from falling into open enormous sins ; and that the defaming and casting out of this so blamelesse gainfull order should be necessary or usefull to any policy , save only to defend the devill from so great a blow , and to susteine and uphold his kingdome , i never had yet any temptation or motive to suspect or imagine . instead of considering any objections of the adversary , against this piece , whether of apostolicall or ecclesiasticall discipline ( which i never heard with any colour produced ) i shall rather expresse my most passionate wish unto my friends , those who sincerely wish the good of this nationall church , that they will endeavour their utmost to revive these meanes of regaining the purity and exemplary lives of all its members , when god by restoring our peace shall open a doore for it . sect 42 12. for the solemnities of buriall , as they are certainly uselesse to them who are dead , so are they not designed by us but to the benefit of the living in lessons and prayers upon those occasions , as also for the freeing us from the imputation of rudenesse and uncivility ( which christianity teaches no body ) to those bodies which shall have their parts in the resurrection , and to their memories , which the obligation of kindred , friendship , at least the common band of christianity , make pretious to us ; and that it should be necessary , and tend to edification , not to pray such seasonable prayers , heare , and impresse upon our hearts such seasonable lessons , ( at a time when they are exemplified before our eyes , and our hearts being softned with mourning , are become more malleable ) to performe such laudable christian civilities , only for fear we should ( not pray but ) be thought to pray to or for them , over whom , or near whose hearse , or by or toward whom we thus pray , ( which that we do not , our prayers that then we use , are ready to testify ) is another unreasonable , able to evidence the power of prejudice and faction to any that is not sufficiently convinced of it . sect 43 13. for that of thankesgiving after childbirth , as it may be acknowledged , to be taken up in proportion to , or imitation of purification among the jewes , so is it not thereby lyable to any charge of evill ; for herein is a merveilous mistake among men , to think that because the continuing of circumcision was so forbidden by st. paul gal. 5. 2. therefore it should be unlawfull for any christian church , to institute any usage which had ever been commanded the jewes . for the reasons which made the retaining of circumcision so dangerous , will not be of any force against other customes of the jewes , as 1. that it was prest by the judaizing christians , as necessary to justification , gal. 5. 4. which is in effect the disclaiming of christ or of any profit v. 2. or effect v. 4. by him , a falling from grace , and renouncing the gospell , 2. that it was contrary to that liberty or manumission from the judaicall law which christ had purchased , v. 13. to have circumcision imposed as a law of gods still obligatory , when christ by his death hath cancelled it . 3. that some carnall professors , which thought by this meanes to escape the opposition , and persecution ; which then followed the doctrine of christ , and profession of christianity , did much boast that they put themselves and their disciples in a course to void the crosse , c. 6. 12. which is the meaning of that , v. 13. that they may glory in your flesh , i. e. in your being circumcised , as that is by saint paul opposed to glorying in the crosse , v. 14. i. e. the persecution that followed profession of the gospell , as c. 5. 11. he mentions it as the only reason of his being persecuted , that he would not preach circumcision : agreeable to which is that of ignatius in ep. ad magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. if we till now live according to the law of the jewes and circumcision of the flesh , we deny that we have received grace , for the divinest prophets lived according to jesus christ , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for doing so were persecuted : which they that desired to avoid , and therefore would be circumcised , or preach circumcision , those are the men saint paul so quarrels with , as those that would not suffer for christs sake , that were not much in love with that crosse of his . to which a fourth reason may also be added , that many of the ceremonies of the law did presignifie the future messias , and the teaching the necessity of such observances as not yet abolisht , is the professing christ not to be the messias . all which notwithstanding , it still remaines very possible , that a rite formerly commanded the jewes , not as significative of the future messias , but as decent in the worship of god , without any depending on it for justification , without any opinion that the jewish law obliges us , and without any feare of being persecuted by the jewes , or consequent compliance with them , may now be prescribed by the christian church , meerely as a humane institution , judging that decent or usefull now which was so then , and in this case , if nothing else can be objected against it , save only that god once thought fit to prescribe it to his owne people , there will be little fear of danger in , or fault to be found with any such usage . for it is an ordinary observation which paulus fagius in his notes on the targum ( a most learned protestant ) first suggested to me , that many of the jewish ceremonies were imitated by christ himselfe under the gospell . i might shew it you in the apostles , who were answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the missi or messengers among the jewes , and were by christ our high-priest sent abroad to all nations to bring in ( that peculium , which of all others he counted most his due , having paid so deare for it ) sinners to their saviour , as they were among the jewes , sent by the high-priest to fetch in the dues to the temple . so also the imposition of hands , a forme of benediction among the jewes , as antient as jacob himselfe , gen. 48. 14. in blessing josephs sonnes , and is often used by christ to that same purpose . and even the two sacraments are of this nature , baptisme related to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , washings used by them at the initiating or admitting of proselytes , and christs taking bread , and giving thanks , &c. after supper ( wherein the other sacrament was first instituted ) was directly the postcoenium among the jewes , not a peculiar part of the passeover feast , but a ceremony after all feasts , very usuall among them . so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the assemblies civill or sacred among the jewes , is made use of to signifie the christian church , which christ was to gather together . so the lords day , one day in seven , proportionable to their sabbath . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders among the jewes , are brought by the apostles to signifie an order in the church , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , colleges of many of them together , called by ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacred societies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , counsellors and assistants of the bishops , and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ep. ad trall : are parallell to the sanhedrim , or councell of elders that were joyned to moses in his government , to facilitate the burthen to him . the same may be said of the deacons which were an imitation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the treasurer or steward among them , and consequently the place , where the goods which they were to distribute were kept , is parallell to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the treasury , and so the bishop also , saith grotius , is a transcript of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of the congregation . and the patriarchs among christians are taken from the heads of the tribes among them , called ordinarily by the 72 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in the new testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . adde unto these the christian censure of excommunication answerable to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whether it were from sacred or onely from civill assemblies among them , it matters little , for the civill among them may be accommodated to ecclesiasticall among christians , as in some of the fore-mentioned is acknowledged , and as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies primarily any kind of assembly , and is so taken , matth. 6. 5. is appropriated to a place of divine worship in other places ) and the severall degrees of it in the christian church , answerable to their niddui , cherem , and schammatha ; and so for absolution also . all this i have said , and might adde much more to make the demand appear no unreasonable one , that it may be lawfull for the church to use a custome , which hath some resemblance of some ceremony in force antiently among the jewes , viz. that of the purification of women in our churching . which objection being removed there will remain no other , and then that it should be simply unlawfull or unedifying , to take notice of the deliverance of each woman , or to pay acknowledgement to god for it , and necessary to set up such schooles of ingratitude in the church , is more then ingenuous nature will suffer any christian to believe , upon the bare authority of these assemblers . sect 44 14. the communion of the sick , if it be superstition and popery also , ( as sure is implyed by the no mention of it at the visitation of the sick in the directory ) 't is sure of a very long standing in the church ; the canons of the councells about the lapsi and excommunicate , that generally take care that they should have the peace of the church in extremis ( answerable to our absolution at that time ) and if with expressions of penitent hearts they desire it , the sacrament also , are evidences so clear of this custome , that i shall not need produce any testimonies ; those that are moved with the practice of antiquity being sufficiently furnisht with them ; if any man be unsatisfied in this , let him read the famous story of the dying serapion in eusebius , l. 6. c. 36. and that it should be necessary to the edification of that church , that this viaticum , ( as the fathers call'd it ) should be denyed every hungring and thirsting traveller at that time , when it might yeeld him most comfort , and our charity most inclines us to allow it him , nay that the church should be thought to suffer by that in any eminent manner ( if it were ill ) which is done privately only to some particular , ( and order taken that all publikely should be warned to receive the communion frequently in the church , and so not want it on the bed , or trouble the minister then for it ) and consequently the church perhaps never hear of it , this is againe a new kind of necessity , to be fetcht from some under-ground fundamentall lawes of i know not whose laying , that the christian church never heard of till these times . sect 45 15. as for the service of the commination , fitted for the first day of lent , which by denuntiations against particular sins under the law , ( appointed to be read to , and attested by the people , with an amen of acknowledgement , that every such offendor is by the law cursed , not of prayer that he may be so dealt with in gods justice ) is designed to bring men to humiliation and contrition for sinne , the speciall duty of that day and the ensuing season , and closeth with most affectionate prayers for such penitents ; it is matter of some panick senselesse feares to some ignorant men ( which are very tender and passionate friends to their beloved sinnes , and dare not subscribe to the condemnation of them ) but very usefull to awake even those and all others out of this security , as a feaver to cure the lethargick to kindle a fire about mens eares , that they may see their danger , and make out to the use of all christian means of repentance and devotion , and laying hold on christ to avert it ; and if such a bug-beare as that of being thought to curse our selves and friends in the saying amen to the threatnings ( which will be true to all impenitents whether we say amen or no ) be sufficient to exorcize such an exorcist , to cast out of the church such a powerfull means of bringing sinners to repentance , or if bare prejudice of the assemblers without either hearing or objecting against it , be enough to make it necessary to be left out of our service , the divell will never be in danger from his enemies , as long as he may have but the spell of the directory to put them thus to flight for him . lastly , for the observation of lent , &c. if they be consider'd in generall as fasts , there will sure be no necessity to renounce them ; the jewes had their fasts as well as feasts ( and those set publick , not only voluntary private fasts ) and not only that great day of expiation appointed by god himselfe , but occasionall ones appointed by men , and yet , when appointed , as constantly observed as that other , the fast of tbe fourth month , of the fifth , of the seventh , and of the tenth month , zach. 8. 19. and under christianity , though in the time of christs presence with the disciples , they fasted not , yet the fasting of john's disciples , nay the twice a week of the pharisees themselves , is not ( though mention'd yet ) reprehended , but implicitly approved by christ , and of his own , saith he , they should not have that immunity long , the dayes should come when the bridegroome should be taken away ( and that is ever since christs ascension ) and then shall they fast in those dayes . 't were easie to justifie this through the writings , and by the practice of the whole church of god , till these dayes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let loose , till these dayes of animosities and epicurisme , have made the usage of fasts by papists , a command to us not to use them , and concluded the abating any thing of our gluttony to be an intrenchment on our christian liberty , and both those deceits together quarrell'd all christian times of fasting out of our practice first , then out of our kalender . this being said in generall of fasting , the application of this to these fasts of the church , will be indisputably satisfactory to any , that shall but consider the occasions of each of them , of the lenten-fast , the knowne forty daies example of abstinence in christ , whereupon saith st. jerome , vnam quadragesimam sec : traditionem apostolorum , &c. jejunamus , we fast the lent according to the tradition of the apostles , and epiphanius joynes with him to make the lent fast an apostolicall tradition , and others of the antients concurring for the practice of it , if not so punctuall for the tradition ; saint basil may speake for all in hom . 2. of fasting , that there was no age nor place , but knew it , and observed it . and then i know no necessity of despising christs patterne , and apostolicall practice , unlesse it be the same which obliges to the destroying of episcopacy ( which as it is an imparity opposite to the equalitie of presbyters , is clearly deducible from both those authorities , to which it seems this yeare is resolv'd to prove fatall ; ) that so there may be at length as little imitation of christ among us , as reverence to apostles . then for rogation week , though the originall or occasion of that cannot be deduced so high , but is by historians referred to claud : mamertus bishop of vienne in france , for the averting of some judgements , which on the observation of many inauspicious accidents and prodigies were sadly feared to be approaching , yet will it not be necessary to turne the fasts , or the letanies , or the services assigned to it out of the church , as long as dangers are either present , impendent , or possible , or indeed as long as there be sinnes enough among us to abode us ill , or provoke any wrath of heaven , any judgments on us ; and when all those occasions cease , i am content those services may be laid aside also , i. e. when we meet all together in heaven . next , the ember weeks are of great antiquity in the church called the quatuor tempora in the latine fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( from whence i conceive is the english ember ) in the greek , and ( beside the first institution of them for quarterly seasons of devotion , proportion'd to each part of the yeare , as the first fruits of every season , that the whole , and each division of it might be blest by it , and again beside their answerablenesse to those foure times of solemne fast mention'd among the jewes , that we christians may not be inferiour unto them in that duty ) an admirable use is assign'd to them in the church , in imitation of the apostles , act. 13. 3. by fasting and prayer , to prepare for the ordination of ministers , immediately consequent to every such week , that god would send , and furnish worthy instruments of his glory to serve him in that glorious office , and till ministers are acknowledg'd to be generally so good , that either they cannot or need not be better , till those are also grown immortall ( as the framers of this ordinance ) and so no use of care for succession , i shall suppose it not over-necessary to precipitate these out of the church of christ , but rather wish that there were in our liturgy some service appointed of lessons and prayers for this purpose , to be used constantly on the dayes of fast through those weekes . sect 47 thus have i , as briefly as i could , examined all the pretended exuberances of our liturgy , which have required it thus to be more then lanced even to a deliquium animae , to many fainting fits a long while , and at last to it 's fatall period , if our assemblers may be allowed of the jury , and this ordinance have leave to be the executioner ; and as yet to the utmost of our impartiall thoughts can we not discerne the least degree of necessity , of any the most moderate signification of the word , to own so tragicall an exit . the leafes which have been spent in this search , as it may seem unnecessarily , might perhaps have been better employed ; yet will it not be unreasonable to expect a favourable reception of them , when 't is considered , that by this meanes a farther labour is spared , there needing no farther answer to the whole body of the directory , or any part of it , when it shall thus appeare , that there was no necessity for the change , nay ( which i conceive hath all along been concluded ) that the continuance of the liturgy , unlesse some better offer or bargain were proposed to us , is still in all policy , in all secular or christian prudence most necessary . and therefore when we have considered the second particular in the ordinance , and to that annext a view of some severalls in the preface , the readers taske will be at an end , and his patience freed from the tentation of our importunity . sect 48 the second thing then in the ordinance is , that all the severals which this ordinance is set to confront , are statutes of edward the sixth , and of queen elizabeth , all which are without more adoe repealed by this ordinance ; which i mention not as new acts of boldnesse , which now we can be at leasure to declame or wonder at , but to justifie the calumniated sons of this church , who were for a long time offered up maliciously to the peoples hatred and fury , first as illegall usurpers , and adders to law , then as popishly affected , and the patterne of queen elizabeths time vouched to the confirming of this their charge , and the erection of her very picture in some churches , and solemnization of a day for her annuall remembrance , ( by those who will not now allow any saint , or even christ himselfe the like favour ) design'd to upbraid those wayes and reprove those thoughts . it seemeth now 'tis a season for these men to traverse the scene , to put off disguises , and professe openly and confidently , what 'till now they have been carefull to conceale , that their garnishing the sepulchre of queen elizabeth was no argument that they were cordially of her religion , or meant kindnesse sincerely to the queen elizabeths reformation . some seeds we know there were of the present practises transmitted hither from our neighbour disciplinarians in the dayes of q. elizabeth , and some high attempts in private zeale in hacket , and coppinger , and arthington , at one time , which when god suffered not to prosper , it was the wisedome of others to call phrensie and madnesse in those undertakers . and generally that is the difference of fate between wickednesse prospering and miscarrying , the one passeth for piety , the other for fury . i shall now not affirme , ( or judge my brethren ) but meekly aske this question , and leave every mans own conscience to answer ( not me , but ) himselfe in it sincerely , and without partiality , whether if he had lived in the dayes of q. elizabeth , and had had his present perswasions about him , and the same encouragements and grounds of hope , that he might prosper and go thorough with his designs , he would not then in the matter of religion have done just the same ; which now he hath given his vote , and taken up armes to doe . if he say , out of the uprightnesse of his heart , he would not , i shall then only aske why it is done now , what ill planet hath made that poyson now , which was then wholesome food , why q. elizabeths statutes should be now repealed , which were then so laudable ? if any intervenient provocation , or any thing else extrinsecall to the matter it selfe have made this change now necessary , this will be great injustice in the actors . or if the examples of severity in her dayes , ( the hanging of coppin and thacker , an. 1583. at s. edmundsbury , for publishing brownes book , ( saith cambden ) which ( saith stow p. 1174. ) was written against the common-prayer-book ) might then restrain those that were contrary-minded , i know no reason why the lawes by which that was done , should not still continue to restrain ; or at least why conscience should not be as powerfull , as feare . from all this i shall now take confidence to conclude , that were there not many earlier testimonies to confirme it , this one ordinance would convince the most seducible mistaker of these two sad truths . sect 49 1. that the preservation of lawes , so long and so speciously insisted on was but an artifice of designe to gaine so much either of authority to their persons , or of power and forte into their hands , as might enable them to subvert and abolish the most wholesome lawes of the kingdome , and in the mean time to accuse others falsly of that , which it was not their innocence , but their discretion , not their want of will , but of opportunity , that they were not really , and truly , and perfectly guilty of themselves , that so they most compleatly own and observe the principles by which they move , and transcribe that practice , which hath been constantly used by the presbyterians , ( wheresoever they have appear'd ) to pretend their care & zeale to liberty , that by that means they may get into power ( like absalom a passionate friend to justice , when he had an itch to be king ; or like deioces in herodotus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his ambition of magistracy made him content to be just ) which as soon as they attain , they inclose , and tyrannically make use of to the enthralling and enslaving all others ; even lawes themselves , the only bounds and bulwarks of liberty , which alone can secure it from servitude on one side , and licentiousnesse on the other ( which very licentiousnesse is the surest way to servitude , the licentiousnesse of one implying the oppression and captivity of some other , and being it selfe in a just weighing of things the greatest * slavery as much as the mans own unruly passions are greater tyrants then lawes , or lawfull princes ) are to be levell'd in their jehu-march , to be accused and found to be at last the only guilty things , and the same calamity designed to involve the pretended enemies of lawes and the lawes themselves . sect 50 the second truth that this unhappy ordinance hath taught us , is that which a while ago had been a revelation of a mystery indeed , which would without any other auxiliary have infallibly quencht this flame ( which now like another aetna and vesuvius is gotten into the bowells of this kingdome , and is there likely to rage for ever , if it be not asswaged from heaven , or determin'd through want of matter , by having devoured all that is combustible ) but now is a petty vulgar observation , that hath no influence or impression on any man , and therfore i scarce now think it worthy the repeating ; and yet to conclude this period fairly , i shall ; 't is only this , that the framers of this ordinance , that have so long fought for the defence of the establisht protestant religion , will not now have peace , unlesse they may be allowed liberty to cast off and repeale every of those statutes , that of the second and third of edward the sixth , that of the fifth and sixth of the same king , that of the first of qu. elizabeth , that of the fifth , that of the eighth of the same queen , ( though not all at once , yet as farre as concernes the matter in hand , by which you may be assured , that the fragments of those statutes which remain yet unabolished , are but reserved for some other opportunity , as ready for a second and third sacrifice , as thus much of them was for this ) by which the protestant religion stands established in this kingdome , and in which the whole worke of reformation is consummate . and all this upon no higher pretence of reason , then only a resolution to do so , a not being advised by their divines to the contrary , and ( to countenance the weaknesse of those two motives ) a proofelesse scandalous mention , or bare naming of manifold inconveniencies , which might as reasonably be made the excuse of robbing , and murthering and damning ( as farre as an ordinance would reach ) all men but themselves , as of abolishing this liturgie . lord lay not this sinne to their charge . chap. ii. sect 1 the preface to the directory , being the oratour to perswade all men to be content with this grand and suddain change , to lay down with patience and aequanimity , all their right which they had in the venerable liturgy of the church of england , and account themselves richly rewarded , for doing so , by this new framed directory , begins speciously enough , by seeming to lay down the only reasons , why our ancestors a hundred yeares agoe , at the first reformation of religion , were not only content , but rejoyced also in the booke of common prayer , at that time set forth ; but these reasons are set down with some partiality , there being some other more weighty grounds of the reformers framing , and others rejoycing in that booke , then those negative ones which that preface mentions , viz. the perfect reformation wrought upon the former liturgy , the perfect conformity of it with , and composure out of the word of god , the excellent orders prescribed , and benefit to be reaped from the use of that booke , and the no manner of reall objection , or exception of any weight against it ; all which if they had been mentioned , as in all justice they ought , ( especially when you report not your own judgements of it , but the judgements of those rejoycers of that age , who have left upon record those reasons of their rejoycing ) this preface had soon been ended , or else proved in that first part , an answer or confutation of all that followes . but 't is the manner of men now adaies , to conceale all that may not tend to their advantage to be taken notice of , ( a practice reproached by honest cicero , in his bookes of offices of life , in the story of the alexandrian ship-man , that went to relieve rhodes , and out-going the rest of his fellowes , sold his corne at so much the more gain , by that infamous artifice , though not of lying , yet of concealing the mention of the fleet that was coming after ) and to cut off the locks of that sampson whom they mean to bind , pare and circumcise the clawes of that creature they are to combate with ; i mean to set out that cause , and those arguments at the weakest , to which they are to give satisfaction . and yet by the way , i must confesse , that even these weake arguments which they have named , are to me of some moment , as first , the redresse of many things which were vaine , erroneous , superstitious and idolatrous , which argues that all is not now involv'd under any of those titles , nor consequently to be abolisht , but further reform'd only . 2. that they which did this , were wise and pious , which they that were , would never take pains to purge that which was all drosse , their wisedome would have helpt them to discern that it was so , and their piety oblige them to reject it altogether , and not to save one hoofe , when all was due to the common slaughter . 3. that many godly and learned men rejoyced much in the liturgy , which argues that all was not to be detested ; unlesse either these men now be somewhat higher then godly or learned , of that middle sort of rationalls , that iamblichus out of aristotle speaks of , betwixt god and man , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or unlesse it be confest that many godly and learned men may be mistaken in a matter of this moment , and then these may be also mistaken at this time . sect 2 having therefore made use of that artifice , mention'd some generall slight grounds of mens approving and rejoycing in the new-formed liturgy , the composers of that preface , i mean speedily to weigh them down , with a heape of contrary sad matter , and then to leave it to the readers judgement , whether they are not his friends , thus to disabuse him , and his silly good-natur'd ancestors , that were thus slightly flatter'd into a good opinion of an inconvenient , if not mischievous liturgy . great hast is therefore made , and some arts and preparations used , to work upon the affection more then judgement of the reader , and this is done by that rhetoricall pathetick stroke [ howbeit , long and sad experience hath made it manifest ] words of some consideration and efficacy , but that they have one weak part in them , an infirmity that this age is very subject to , and to murmurers , and passionate lovers of newes and change , how irksome and tedious soever the experience of this liturgy hath been , 't is notoriously certain that it hath not been said , save only againe to those evill eyes ; but on the other side , a continuall flote and tide of joy to all true english-men , to see and observe the prosperity and flourishing of this church , in a perpetuall swelling and growth , ever since the establishing of that protestant liturgy and religion together among us , till at last ( about the time when this vast calamity brake in upon us ) it was grown to such an height , as was certainly never heard of ( or by enemies themselves affirmed at any other time to have been ) in this kingdome , or ( were it not a little like boasting , to which yet you have constrein'd us , i should adde ) in any other part of europe also for these many hundred yeares . sect 3 but what is it that this so falsely supposed sad experience hath made manifest ? why , that the liturgy used in the church of england ( notwithstanding the paines and religious intentions of the compilers of it ) hath prov'd an offence , not only to many of the godly at home , but also to the reformed churches abroad . in which words we shall not take advantage of the confession of the religious intentions of the compilers of our liturgy , which signifies the offence here spoken of in their notion of it to be acceptum , non datum , taken when it was not given ; nor 2. oppose those religious intentions to the irreligious mistakes of others , and accusations of those things which were so religiously intended ; nor 3. compare the reputations of those persons which compiled that liturgy , whether in king edwards ( cranmer , ridley , p. martyr ) or in queene elizabeths dayes ( parker , grindall , horne , whitehead , &c. ) with the members of this assembly , much lesse the intentions of them , which in the mouth of enemies is acknowledged religious , with the intentions of these , which if we may measure by their more visible enterprizes , and the covenant , in which they have associated contrary to all lawes of god and men , we shall have temptation to suspect not guilty of over-much religion , or good purpose to the government of this kingdome ; nor 4. confront the number of those that are here confest to be pleased and benefited , against those others that are said to be offended , which were argument enough for that which is established , that considering the danger of change , it ought in all reason rather to stand to please one sort , and benefit them still , then to be pull'd down to comply with the other . but we shall confine our selves to that which the objectors principally designed as a first reason for which our liturgy must be destroyed , because , forsooth , say they , it hath prov'd an offence , &c. for the thorough examining of which reason , it will be necessary to inquire into these three things . 1. what they mean by offence . 2. what truth there is in the assertion , that the liturgy hath prov'd so to the godly at home , and to the reformed churches abroad . 3. how farre that might be a reason of destroying that which proves an offence . sect 4 for the first , the word offence is an equivocall mistaken word , and by that means is many times a title of a charge or accusation , when there is no reall crime under it ; for sometimes , in our english language especially , it is taken for that which anybody is displeased or angry at , and then if the thing be not ill in it self , that anger is a causelesse anger , which he that is guilty of , must know to be a sinne , and humble himselfe before god for it , and fall into it no more , and then there need no more be said of such offences , but that he that is or hath been angry at the liturgy , must prove the liturgy to be really ill , ( which if it could be done here , the matter of offence would never have been charged on it , for that is set to supply the place of a greater accusation ) or else confesse himselfe , or those others so offended , to have sinned by such anger . but then 2. if we may guesse of the meaning of the word by the reason which is brought to prove the charge [ for not to speak , &c. ] it is set here to signifie . 1. the burthen of reading all the prayers . 2. the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies , which hath occasion'd mischiefe by disquieting the consciences of those that could not yeeld to them , and by depriving them of the ordinances of god , which they might not enjoy without conforming or subscribing to those ceremonies . to proceed then to the second thing , what truth there in this assertion , and view it in the severalls of the proofe . sect 5 for the first of these , the burthen of reading the prayers ; if they were enough to prove the liturgy offensive , all christian vertues would be involv'd in that charge , because they have all some burthen and difficulty in them , and for this particular , seeing we speak to christians , we might hope that the service would not passe for a burthen to the godly ( who are here named ) i. e. to minds truly devout , as if it were longer then it is ; and that it may not do so , i am sure it is very prudently framed with as much variety , and as moderate length of each part , as could be imagined , and sure he that shall compare the practices , will find the burthen and length both to minister and people to be as great , by observing the prescriptions in the directory , in the shortest manner , as this that our liturgy hath designed . 3. for the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies . every of those epithets is a calumny ; for 1. they are not many , to the people i am sure , for kneeling and standing , which are the only ceremonies in the daily service , will not make up that number ( and for the rest , there is but a superaddition of some one in each service . ) as for sitting bare , if reason it selfe will not prescribe that civility to be paid to god in the house of god , ( where without any positive precept , jacob put off his shooes from his seet ) neither doth our liturgy prescribe it . 2. they are not unprofitable , but each of them tending to advance the businesse to which they are annext , kneeling to increase our humility , and joyn the body with the soule in that duty of adoration , standing to elevate , and again to joyn with the soule in confession of god and thankesgiving , and the rest proportion'd to the businesse in hand ; and 3. if not many , nor unprofitable , then not burthensome also . as for the disquieting the consciences of many godly ministers and people , who could not yeeld to the ceremonies ; i answer , that by what hath formerly been said , and the no-objection in this directory against any such , it appears that there is no ceremony appointed in our liturgy which is improper or impertinent to the action , to which it is annext , much lesse in it self unlawfull . and then for mens consciences to be disquieted , it argues that they have not , in that manner , as they ought , desired information ; as for ministers , we know that all that have been received into that order , have voluntarily subscribed to them , and consequently have receded from their own subscription , if they have refused to conforme . and we desire to know what tender respect will be had to the consciences of those , who will submit to your directory , and afterward refuse to conforme unto it . i am sure the denuntiations which we have heard of against the dissenting brethren , about the matter of jurisdiction and censures ( and now lately concerning the depravers of your directory ) have been none of the mildest , although those are your own fellow-members , that have assisted you as affectionately in the grand cause as any , and never made themselves liable to your severity , by having once conformed to you in those particulars . and so 3. for depriving them of the ordinances of god , &c. if that were the punishment appointed for the obstinate and refractory , 't is no more then the lawes of the land appointed for their portion , and in that sure not without any example in scripture and apostolicall practice , who appointed such perverse persons to be avoided , which is a censure as high as any hath been here on such inflicted . what ordinances they were of which such men were deprived , i conceive is specified by the next words , that sundry good christians have been by means thereof kept from the lords table , which must needs referre to those that would not kneele there , and why that should be so unreasonable , when the very directory layes the matter so , that none shall receive with them who do not sit , there will be little ground , unlesse it be that no posture in the service of god can be offensive , but only that of kneeling , which indeed hath had the very ill luck by socinus , in his tract coenâ domini , to be turn'd out of the church as idololatricall ( with whom to affirme the same will be as great a complyance , as kneeling can be with the papists . ) and by these as superstition at least , i know not for what guilt , except that of too much humility , as being in m. archer his divinity , as before i intimated , a betraying of one of the greatest comforts in the sacrament , the sitting fellow-kings with christ in his earthly kingdome , confessing thereby that some mens hearts are so set on that earthly kingdome , that the hope of an heavenly kingdome will not yeeld them comfort , unlesse they may have that other in the way to it ; and withall telling us , that he and his compeeres are those men . sect 6 having survey'd these stveralls , and shewed how unjustly the charge of offence is laid on the liturgy , and how little 't is prov'd by these reasons , i shall only adde , that the proposition pretended to be thus proved by these particulars , is much larger then the proofe can be imagined to extend . for part of the proposition was , that the liturgy was offence to the reformed churches abroad ; to which the [ for ] is immediately annext , as if it introduced some proofe of that also . but 't is apparent , that the proofes specified inferre not that , for neither the burthen of reading is offence to them , nor are their consciences disquieted , nor they deprived of gods ordinances by that means . in which respect 't is necessary for us to conclude , that the word offence , as applyed to them , is taken in that other notion , that they are displeased and angry at it . to which we then must answer , that although there is no guilt inferred from the undergoing this fate of being disliked by some , but rather that it is to be deemed an ill indication to be spoken well of by all , yet have we never heard of any forraigne church which hath exprest any such offence ; the utmost that can be said , is ( and yet not so much as that is here suggested ) that some particular men have exprest such dislike ; to whom we could easily oppose the judgment of others more eminent among them who have largely exprest their approbation of it . and 't is observeable , that calvin himselfe , when from franckfort he had received an odious malitious account of many particulars in our liturgy ( as any will acknowledge that shall compare the report then made , with what he finds ) though he were so farre transported as to call them ineptias , follies , yet addes the epithet of tolerabiles , that though such , they were yet tolerable . and therefore in the third place , i may now conclude , that if all that is thus affirm'd to prove the offence in the liturgy , used in the church of england , were ( after all this evidence of the contrary ) supposed true , yet is it no argument to inferre the justice of the present designe which is not reforming , but abolishing both of that and all other liturgy . were there offence in the length of the service , that length might be reform'd , and yet liturgy remain ; were there offence in the ceremonies , or mischiefe in the punishing them that have not conformed , those ceremonies might be left free , that conformity be not thus prest , and still liturgy be preserved inviolate . as for the forreigne churches , 1. i shall demand , whether only some are thus offended , or all . not all , for some of the wisest in these churches have commended it ; and if some only , then it seems others are not offended , and why must we be so partiall , as to offend & displease some , that we may escape the offending others ? not sure because we more esteem the judgments of the latter , for by the apostles rule the weaker men are , the more care must be taken , that they be not offended . 2. i shall suppose that their liturgy , or their having none at all , may possibly offend us , and then demand why they shall not be as much obliged to change for the satisfying of us , as we of them ? i am ashamed to presse this illogicall discourse too farre , which sure never foresaw such examination , being meant only to give the people a formall specious shew for what is done , a heap of popular arguments , which have of late gotten away all the custome from demonstrations , and then , si populus vult decipi , decipiatur , if the tame creature will thus be taken , any fallacy , or topicke doth as well for the turn , as if euclid had demonstrated it . sect 8 in pursuit of this popular argument it followes , that by this means , i. e. of the liturgy , divers able and faithfull ministers were debarred from the exercise of their ministry , and spoyled of their livelyhood , to the undoing of them and their families . to which i answer , 1. that if this be true , it is very strange that so few of this present assembly were of that number . for of them i may surely say many , very many in proportion , were not debarred of the exercise of their ministry , were not dispoyled of their livelyhood , &c. and if any one was , which i professe i know not , i believe it will be found , that the standing of liturgy brought not those inflictions upon him . the conclusion from hence will be , that either these present assemblers concurred not in judgment with those many able and faithfull ministers ( and then why do they now bring their arguments from them , whose judgement they did not approve and follow ? ) or else that they were not so valiant , as to appear when sufferings expected them , or else that they had a very happy rainbow hanging over their heads to avert from them that common storme . but then 2. it might be considered , whether those mentioned penalties have not been legally , and by act of parliament , inflicted on those who suffer'd under them , and then whether that will be ground sufficient to abolish a law , because by force thereof some men that offended against it have beene punished . 3. whether some men did not choose non-conformity as the more instrumentall to the exercise of their ministry , changing one parish for the whole diocesse , and preaching oftner in private families , then any other did in the church , and withall , wheter this had not the encouragement of being the more gainfull trade , of bringing in larger pensions , then formerly they had receiv'd tythes . 4. whether the punishments inflicted on such , have not generally been inferiour to the rigour of the statute , and not executed on any who have not been very unpeaceable , and then whether unpeaceable persons would not go neare to fall under some mulcts , what ever the forme of government , what ever the church service were , none having the promise of inheriting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the land of canaan , an happy prosperous life in this world , but they whose meeknesse and obedience to lawes have given them aclaime to that priviledge . 5. whether the number of those , who by ordinances have lately been so debarred of the exercise of their ministry , and spoyled of their livelyhood , have not been farre greater then all those together ; that ever the liturgy thus offended since the reformation . 6. whether this directory , should it be establisht , would not be so imposed , that they which obey it not , shall be subject to these or the like penalties . sect 9 't is added in the next place , to raise the cry , and encrease the odium , and to involve the prelates and the liturgy in the same calamity , ( for otherwise what hath the prelates labouring , &c. to do with the liturgy ? ) that the prelates and their faction have laboured to raise the estimation of the liturgy to such an height , as if there were no other worship , or way of worship of god among us , but only the service-book , to the great hindrance of the preaching the word . to which i answer , 1. that this or any other action of the prelates , if supposed never so true , and never so extravagant , is wholly extrinsecall and impertinent to the businesse of the liturgy , and the more impertinent , by how much the more extravagant , such actions being easily coerced , and reduced by and according to the rule , and such unreasonable enhaunsments separable , without any wound or violence to the liturgy . give the liturgy its due , not its usurped estimation , and we are all agreed . 2. 't is here acknowledged that this was but laboured , not affirmed that it was effected , and then this sure is too heavy a doom on the liturgy , for that their labouring ; we do not find that saint paul was stroke dead , like herod , because the lycaonians meant and laboured to do sacrifice unto him , act. 14. 16. but then 3. he that shall consider who they are which make this objection , will sure never be moved by it . for certainly they that have formerly set the prime of their wits and endeavours to vilify and defame the liturgy ; and now that they think they have power , have absolutely abolisht it , will go neer to be partiall when they are to judge of the due estimation of it ; they that declaime at bishops for advancing it , will they be just and take notice of their own contempts , which enforced the bishops thus to rescue and vindicate it ? i shall not expect it from them , nor till then , that they will deliver any more then popular shewes of truth in this matter . for 4. the prelates have not raised the book to an higher estimation then the law hath raised , that is , that it may be observed so as may tend to edification , nor do we now desire any greater height of value for it , then you for the directory , i shall adde , nor so great neither , for we do not exclude all others as unlawfull , as you have done , and then i am confident god will not lay that charge on us , which you do on the prelates , nor any man that shall consider how different our titles are , though our claimes not proportion'd to them . a piece of modesty and moderation which we challenge you to transcribe from us . 5. all this all this while is a meere calumny , if by the service book is meant the use of the prayers in the liturgy , for no prelate ever affirm'd , or is known to have thought , that there is no other way of worship of god , but that among us . but then 6. we adde that this way of publicke prayer by set forme , the only one establisht by law ; ( and so sure to be esteem'd by us before any other ) is also in many respects the most convenient for publick worship , of which affirmation we shall offer you no other proof or testimony , then what mr. calvin , whom before we named , hath given us in his epistle to the protector , in these words , quod ad formulam , &c. as for forme of prayers , and ecclesiasticall rites , i very much approve , that it be set or certain . from which it may not be lawfull for the pastors in their function to depart , that so there may be provision made for the simplicity and unskillfullnesse of some , and that the consent of all the churches among themselves may more certainly appear : and lastly also , that the extravagant levity of some , who affect novelties , may be prevented . so probable was my conjecture , that at first i interposed , that the men that had here imposed upon their fellowes so farre , as to conclude the abolition of liturgy necessary , were those that undertook to reforme geneva as well as england , to chastise ▪ calvins estimation of it , as well as that of our prelates . sect 10 as for that pompous close , that this hath been to the great hindrance of the preaching of the word , and to the justling it out as unnecessary , or at best inferiour to the reading of common-prayer , i answer , 1. that the liturgy , or the just estimation of it , is perfectly uncapable of this charge , it being so farre from hindring , that it requires the preaching of the word , assignes the place where the sermon shall come in , hath prayers for a blessing upon it . 2. that if any where sermons have been neglected , it hath not been through any default either of the length or estimation of the liturgy : for these two , if faction and schisme did not set them at oddes , would very friendly and peaceably dwell together , and each tend much to the proficiency and gain which might arise from either . prayers would prepare us to heare as we ought , i. e. to practice also ; and sermons might incite and stirre up the languishing devotion , and enliven and animate it with zeale and fervency in prayer . and constantly the more we esteemed the ordinance , and set our selves to the discharge of the duty of prayer , the more should we profit by sermons which were thus received into an honest heart thus fitted , and made capable of impression by prayer . these two may therefore live like abraham and lot , and why should there be any wrangling or controversie betwixt thy heards-men and my heards-men ? but seeing it is made a season of complaining , i answer . 3. that it is on the other side most notorious , that in many places the sermon hath justled out the common prayers , and upon such a provocation , ( and only to prevent the like partiality or oppression ) it may be just so farre now to adde , that as long as the liturgy continues in its legall possession in this church , there is no other legall way ( as that signifies , commanded by law ) of the publicke worship of god among us , and although that voluntary prayer of the minister before sermon , when it is used , is a part of the worship of god , ( as all prayer is ) yet is it not prescribed by the law , nor consequently can it without usurpation cut short or take away any part of that time which is by that assigned to the liturgy ; the free-will offerings , though permitted , must not supplant the daily prescribed oblations , the corban must not excuse the not honouring of parents , the customes which are tolerated , must not evacuate or supercede the precepts of the church . as for sermons , which in this period seem the onely thing that is here opposed to liturgy ; i hope they do not undertake to be as eminent a part of the worship of god among us as prayer . if they do , i must lesse blame the poor ignorant people , that when they have heard a sermon or two think they have served god for all that day or week , nor the generality of those seduced ones , who place so great a part of piety in hearing , and think so much the more comfortably of themselves from the number of the houres spent in that exercise , which hath of late been the only businesse of the church , ( which was by god instil'd the house of prayer ) and the liturgy at most used but as musick to entertain the auditors till the actors be attired , and the seates be full , and it be time for the scene to enter . this if it were true , would avow and justifie that plea in the gospell , [ lord open unto us , for thou hast taught in our streets ] i. e. we have heard thee preach among us . which sure christ would not so have defamed with an [ i will say unto them , go you cursed , &c. ] if it had been the prime part of his worship to be such hearers ; the consideration of that place will give us a right notion of this businesse , and 't is this , that hearing of sermons , or what else appointed by the church for our instruction , is a duty of every christian prescribed in order to practice or good life , to which knowledge is necessarily preparative , and so , like many others , actus imperatus , an act commanded by religion , but so far from being it selfe an immediate or elicite act of worship precisely or abstractly , as it is hearing , that unlesse that proportionable practice attend it , 't is but an aggravation and accumulation of our guilts , the blessednesse not belonging to the hearing , but the [ and keeping the word of god ] and the go you cursed , to none more then to those that heare and say , but doe not : and for the title of worship of god , whether outward or inward , outwardly exprest , or all prayer certainly and adoration of god is the thing to which that most specially belongs , as may appeare , psal . 95. 6. where that of worshipping is attended , with falling down and kneeling before the lord our maker . and even your directory , though it speak extream high of preaching the word , yet doth not it stile it any part of gods worship , as it doth the reading the word of god in the congregation , p. 12. because indeed our manner of preaching is but an humane thing , and the word of man. this i should not here have said , because i would be sure not to discourage any in the attending any christian duty ( and such i acknowledge hearing to be , and heartily exhort all my fellow labourers in their severall charges , to take heed to doctrine , to reproofe , to exhortation , to be as frequent and diligent in it , as the wants of their charges require of them ; and my fellow christians also , that they give heed to sound doctrine , that they require the law at the priests mouth , as of a messenger of the lord of hosts , and againe to take heed how they hear ) but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or impropriety of speech , that i say no more , that is in this matter discernible in the words of the directory , and the consequent dangers which experience hath forced us to observe in them , who place the worship of god especially in hearing , have extorted thus much from us , which may be usefull to give us a due valuation of sermon and prayer , the former as a duty of a christian , the latter a duty too , and an elicite act , a prime speciall part of worship also . sect 11 and whereas 't is added , that the liturgy by man is made no better then an idol . 1. that is a speech of great cunning , but withall of great uncharitablenesse : cunning , in setting the words so cautiously thus , not an idoll , but [ no better then ] ( as they , that will rayle , but would not pay for it , whose feare doth moderate the petulancy of their spleen , and coveteousnesse keep them from letting any thing fall that the law may take hold of , are wont to do ) and yet withall signifying as odiously as if it had been made an idoll indeed . whereas the plain literall sense of the words if it be taken , will be this , that an idoll is not worse then our common-prayer-book is to many , or that it is used by many as ill as an idoll is wont to be used , which is then the most bitter piece of uncharitablenesse , if not grounded on certaine knowledge , and that impossible to be had by others , as could be imagined . the truth is , this directory hath now proved that there is a true sense of these words , the compilers of which have demonstrated themselves to be those many that have made our liturgy no better then an idoll , have dealt with it as the good kings did with the abominations of the heathens , brake it in pieces , ground it to powder , and thrown the dust of it into the brook ; for abolition is the plain sence for which that is the metaphore . but then 2. 't is possible , the calme meaning of those odious words is no more then this , that many have given this an estimation higher then it deserves . if any such there be , i desire not to be their advocate , having to my task only the vindication of its just esteem ; but yet cannot resist the temptation which prompts me to return to you , that some men as neare the golden meane as the assemblers , have said the like of preaching , though not exprest in it so large a declamatory figure ; and i shall ask , whether you have not possibly given them some occasion to do so ( as great perhaps as hath been given you to passe this sentence on them ) at least now confirmed them in so doing , by applying or appropriating to the preaching of the word ( in the modern notion of it , and as in your directory it is distinguisht from reading of the scriptures ) the title which s. paul gives to the gospell of christ , saying , that it is the power of god unto salvation , and one of the greatest and most excellent works of the ministry of the gospell , p. 27. which former clause of power of god , &c. though it be most truly affirmed by s. paul of their preaching the gospell , and also truly applyed or accommodated to that preaching or interpreting of scripture , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the due application of the scripture-rule to particular cases , yet it is not true in universum , of all that is now adayes call'd preaching , much of that kind being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a mortiferous poysonous savour , not to them that perish , but to the most christian auditory it meets with ; and that the railing of every pulpit rabshakeh , the speaking evill of dignities , &c. should be stiled the power of god to salvation , i have little temptation to believe . and whether the latter clause be true also , i referre you to s. aug. ep. 180. ad honorat . where speaking of damages that come to the people by the absence of the minister , and consequently of necessaria ministeria , the speciall , usefull necessary acts of the ministery , he names the sacraments , and receiving of penitents , and giving of comfort to them , but mentions neither praying nor preaching in that place . i shall adde no more , but that some have on these , and the like grounds , been tempted to say , that you idolize preaching , because you attribute so much to any the worst kind of that , above what others have conceived to be its due proportion . and yet we hope you think not fit to abolish preaching on that suggestion , and consequently , that it will be as unjust to abolish liturgy on the like , though it should be prov'd a true one , this being clearly the fault of men , and not of liturgy , as that even now of the lycaonians and not of paul , especially when the many , which are affirmed to have thus offended , by idolizing the liturgy , are said to be ignorant and superstitious , whose faults , and errors , and imprudencies , if they may prove matter sufficient for such a sentence , may also rob us of all the treasures we have , of our bibles and soules also . for thus hath the gospell been used as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or charme , and that is but little better then an idoll , and so have some persons been had in admiration , and believed as if they were infallible , and so in a manner idoliz'd also , and that this should be a capitall crime in them , that were thus admired , would be a new piece of severity , that few of draco's lawes could parallel . sect 12 the next charge ( which is an appendent proofe of this ) is that the people pleasing themselves in their presence at that service , and their lip-labour , in bearing a part in it , have thereby hardned themselves in their ignorance , and carelesnesse of saving knowledge and true piety . to this i answer . 1. that 't is no fault to be so pleased with presence at that service ( the congregation of many saints is to any a pleasing company ) and therefore if it were immediate to , and inseparable from the liturgy , would not be a charge against it , nor in any probability hinder , but advance the desire , and acquisition of saving knowledge and true piety , which is there proposed , to all that are present at the liturgy . but if the phrase signifie being pleased with the bare presence , or the being present , and doing nothing of that they come for , as the lip-labour seems to denote the hard labour of the lip , and not joyning any zeale or intention of the heart , it is then but an uncharitable censure again , if it be not upon certain knowledge ; and if it be , 't is as incident to that order of the directories proposing , as to our liturgy . one may please himself with a bare presence at sermon , and either sleep it out , or think on some worldly matter ; one may say all or most of the ministers prayer after him , and sigh and groan at every period , and satisfy himself that this is a gallant work of piety , but truly i would be unwilling to be he that should passe this censure on any , whose heart i did not know ( for sure it is not necessary that any man should leave his heart at home , when his body is present , or employ it on some thing else , when his lips are busied either in our liturgy or that directory prayer , ) nor , if i did so , should i think that the directories order for worship should be rejected for this fault of others , if there were nothing else to be said against it . as for the peoples bearing a part in the service , which seems to referre to the responses , this hath had an account given of it already . sect 13 only in the whole period put together , this seems to be insinuated , that the saving knowledge , and true piety , is no where to be had , but in those sermons , which are not ushered in with the liturgy ; which we shall not wonder at them for affirming , who have a long time thus perswaded the people , that all saving knowledge is to be had from them , and their compliees , and blasted all others for carnall men , of which many discriminative characters were formerly given , as kneeling or praying at the time of entrance into pue or pulpit ; but now it seems the use of the liturgy supplies the place of all , as being incompatible with saving knowledge and true piety . if this be true , that will be a very popular plausible argument i confesse , and therefore i shall oppose unto it , that which i hope will not passe for boast either with god or angels , that of the sermons which have been preacht since the reformation in this kingdome , and commended to the presse and publick view , very few were preacht by those that excluded the liturgy out of the churches , and that since this directory came into use , and so made a visible discrimination among men , there hath been as much saving knowledge , i. e. orthodox doctrine , and exhortation to repentance , prayer , faith , hope , and love of god , selfe-deniall , and readinesse to take up the crosse , ( duties toward god ) and to allegiance , justice , mercy , peaceablenesse , meeknesse , charity even to enemies , ( and the rest of the duties toward man ) to be heard in the sermons of those that retain the liturgy , and as much obedience to those observable in the lives of those that frequent it , as is to be met with in the espousers of the directory . if it be not thus , i confesse i shall have little hope , that god will suffer such a jewell as the liturgy is , to continue any longer among us so unprofitably , and yet if men were guilty of this fault also , & the liturgy of the unhappinesse of having none but such clients , yet would not this be sufficient authority for any men to abolish it , any more then it will be just to hang him who hath been unfortunate , or to make any mans infelicity his guilt . i beseech god to inflame all our hearts with that zeale , attention , fervency , which is due to that action of prayer in our liturgy , and that cheerfull obedience to all that is taught us out of his word , and then i am sure this argument or objection against our liturgy will be answered , if as yet it be not . sect 14 the next objection is the papists boast , that our book is a compliance with them in a great part of their service , and so that they were not a little confirm'd in their superstition and idolatry , &c. where i shall 1. demand , is there any superstition or idolatry in that part of the service wherein we thus comply with them ? if so , 't is more then a complyance with papists , 't is in it selfe a down-right damning sin ; and if there be not , but all that is idolatrous or superstitious in their service is reform'd in ours , then sure this will be farre from confirming them in either of those , if they depend any thing upon our judgments , or our compliance . 2. 't is a little unreasonable , that they who will not believe the papists in any thing else , should believe their boast against us , and think it an accusation sufficiently proved , because they say it ; whereas this affirmation of the papists , if it be theirs , ( and not the assemblers rather imposed upon them ) is as grosse , though perhaps not as dangerous a falsity , as any one which the assemblers have condemn'd in them . for 3. the truth is notorious , that our reformers retain'd not any part of popish service , reformed their breviary and processionall , and masse-book , as they did their doctrine , retained nothing but what the papists had received from purer antiquity , and was as clear from the true charge of popery , as any period in either prayer or sermon in the directory ; which argues our complyance with the ancient church , and not with them ; the very thing that isaac casaubon so admired in this church of ours , the care of antiquity and purity , proclaiming every where in his epistles to all his friends , that there was not any where else in the world the like to be found , nor ever hoped he to see it till he came into this kingdome . and sure there is no soloecisme in this , that we being a reformed church , should desire to have a reformed liturgy , which hath alwaies had such a consent and sympathy with the church , that it will not be a causelesse fear , lest the abolition of liturgy as farre as god in judgment permits it to extend , ( the just punishment of them that have rejected it ) be attended with the abolition of the church in time , and even of christianity also . sect 15 as for the confirming of papists in their superstition by this means . i desire it be considered whether it be a probable accusation , viz. 1. whether the rejecting that which the papists have from antiquity , as well as what they have obtruded on , or superadded to it , be a more likely means to winne them to heare us or reforme themselves , then our retaining with them what they retain from antiquity , i. e. whether a servant ( much more whether a brother ) that is reprehended as much for his diligence , as for his neglects , for his good and faithfull , as for his ill and false services , be more likely thereby to be enclined to mend his faults , then he that is seasonably and meekly reprov'd for his miscarriages only ? it was good advice in that ancient epistle to polycarpus , ascribed to s. ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meeknesse is the best means to bring down the most pestilent adversary , and the resemblance by which he expresses it as seasonable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fomentations are most proper to allay any exasperation of humors . and 't is hippocrates's advice , that the physitian should never go abroad without some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lenitives or mollifying applications about him ; it seems there was nothing of so daily approved use as those . and that will avow this method of complying with adversaries , as farre as we may , to be a probable and a wise , as wel as a christian course , to bring them from their superstition , and not to confirme them in it . and another use there is wherein the papi●●s themselves confesse this complyance was politick , to take all scruple out of the heads and hearts of the people of england , concerning the lawfulnesse of this reformation , ( this is the opinion of the papists , exprest in a book call'd babel and jerusalem , or monarcho-machia protestantium , subscribed by p.d.m. but conceived to be patisons p. 314. ) that they might conceive , that the service and religion still continued the same , but was translated into english only , for their better edification , and so , saith he , it was indeed very politickly handled . 2. whether that which drives away all papists from all kind of communion or conversation with us , from all hearing of our preaching or doctrine , be more likely to work them over to our side , then that which permits them to come to our churches with us . for this is notoriously known , that as our liturgy now is , and was framed in qu. elizabeths dayes , the papists did for ten years together , at the beginning of her reign , come to church with us , and so continued , till the popes excommunicating the queen and our nation , made it so appear unlawfull for them . and perhaps but appear too , for an accoun● might be given of this businesse , that it is no way unlawfull ( by his own principles ) to a papist , remaining thus , to come to our churches , and be present at our liturgy , and ( if that be thought an objection or reproach against us , i shall then adde ) not only to ours , but to that service which is performed according to the directory also , the only difference being , that if both by them were conceived lawfull , ( as by mistake , i beleeve , in them neither now is ) our liturgy would bee more likely to attract them , then the directory ; and this we conceive not such a fault as to offer any excuse for it , ( for if s. paul by being a jew to the jew , could hope to gain the jew , why should not we ( without being papist to the papists , but onely christians in those things wherein they are so too ) expect to gain the papist also ? for supposing this to be , as you call it , a complyance with them , sure 't were a more probable gaining way , then to denounce enmity to all , whom they ever converst with ; i meane to the primitive liturgies for no other crime , but because they made use of them . who are best diviners in this matter , they , or we , experience may perhaps hereafter prove . in the mean , i cannot imagine , but liturgy and moderation , and charity , may be able to bring in as faire a shole of proselytes , to convert as many papists to us , or at least to confirme protestants , as an ordinance for sequestration of all their goods , and halter , and a directory will be able to doe , yea with an ordinance for the ordination of ministers by meer presbyters too , call'd in to assist them . sect 16 and whereas 't is added in that same section , that the papists were very much encouraged in that expectation , when upon the pretended warrantablenesse of imposing of the former ceremonies , new ones were daily obtruded upon the church . 1. i demand an occasion of that phrase [ pretended warrantablenesse of imposing of ceremonies . ] may any ceremonies be imposed or no ? if they may , then an act of parliament may certainly do it , and such was that which confirm'd our liturgy , and so the warrantablenesse not pretended ; if not , why then do you impose entring the assembly not irreverently , p. 10. and taking their places without bowing ? for that generall , and that negative is notation of some ceremony , if it have any sence in it . the phrase [ not irreverently ] prescribes some reverence , there being no middle betweene those two , and consequently the forbidding of the one being a prescription of the other . for i shall aske . is keeping on the hat irreverence at that time ? if it be , then pulling it off , or not keeping of it on is a reverence then required ; and if this be avoyded by saying , that this is only there directed , not commanded . i reply , that an ordinance prefixt for the establishing that direction , requiring that what is there directed , shall be used , amounts to a prescription . the same may be said of causing the man to take the woman by the right hand in marriage , in the directory , which is the prescribing of a ceremony , as much as if the ring had been appointed to be used there also . 2. i answer , that we know not of any ceremonies which have been obtruded or forced on any which the law hath not commanded , ( or if there had , this had been nothing to the liturgy , nor consequently to be fetcht in as a part of a charge against it ; ) that of bowing at the entrance into the church , is the most likely to be the ceremony here spoken of , and yet that is neither a new one ( never by any law or canen turn'd out at the reformation , but only not then imposed under any command , and since disused in some places ) nor yet was it lately imposed or obtruded on the church , but on the other side in the canon of the last so hated convocation , ( which alone could be said to deale with the church in this matter ) it was only recommended , and explained , and vindicated from all mistake , and then the practice of using of it left to every mans liberty , with the caution of the apostle , that they that use it should not condemne them that use it not , nor they that use it not , judge them that use it . 3. that the warrantablenesse of imposing the former ceremonies was no means or occasion of obtruding new daily , but rather an hedge to keep off such obtrusion ; for when it is resolved by law , that such ceremonies shall be used , 't is the implicite intimation of that law , that all other uncommanded are left free , and that , without authority , ( as the word [ daily ] supposes the discourse here to mean ) no other can be obtruded . for sure 't is not the quality of law to steale in illegall pressures , but to keep them out rather , to define and limit our liberty , not to enthrall us , to set us bounds and rules of life , not to remove all such . but then 4. that it may appeare of how many truths this period is composed ( every one of them with the helpe of one syllable a [ not ] set before the principall verbe , able to become such ) i shall adde that the very obtrusion of such ceremonies , if they had been obtruded , would never have encouraged a rational papist to expect our return to them , but only have signified that we meant by complying with them , as far as it was lawfull , to leave them without excuse , if they did not do so too , comply with us in what they might , and restore the peace and union of christendome by that means . this with any moderate papist would most probably work some good , and for the more fiery jesuited , i am confident none were ever more mortally hated by them , then those who were favourers of the ceremonies now mentioned , and for the truth of what i say , you are obliged to believe that passage in romes master-piece , which you appointed to be set out , wherein the king , and the late archbishop of canterbury , were by the popish contrivers designed to slaughter as persons whom they despaired to gain to them : but that any of the now assemblers were so hated , or so feared , or thought so necessary to be taken out of the way , we have not yet heard , but are rather confident that if a pention of rome , or a cardinalls cap , will keep them long together to do more such work as this , so reproachfull to the protestant religion , they should be so hired , rather then dissolve too speedily . sect 17 in the next place , 't is found out by experience , that the liturgy hath been a great means to make and encrease an idle and unedifying ministry , which contented it selfe with set formes made to their hands by others without putting forth themselves to exercise the gift of prayer . to this i answer , that those ministers are not presently proved to be idle and unedifying which have been content to use the liturgy . i hope there may be other waies of labour , beside that of extemporary prayer ( which can be no longer a labour then while it is a speaking . ) for 1. i had thought that these men might have acknowledged preaching and catechizing , the former at least , to have been the work of a minister , and that an edifying work , and that sure those men have been exercised in , who have retain'd the liturgy also . 2. study of all kind of divine learning , of which the haters of liturgy have not gotten the inclosure , may passe with fober men for a labour also , and that which may tend to edification , if it hath charity joyned with it , and that may be had too , without hating the liturgy . but then 3. i conceive that this directory is no necessary provision against this reproached idlenesse , or unedifyingnesse in any that were formerly guilty of them in the daies of liturgy . for sure the labour will not be much increased to the minister , that shall observe the directory , because either he may pray ex tempore , which will be no paines , but of his lungs and sides in the delivery , or else a forme being composed by any , according to the directory ( which is in effect a forme it selfe , ) he may thenceforth continue as idle as he who useth our forme of liturgy , and hee which hath a mind to be idle , may make that use of it , and that you acknowledge , when you interpose that caution p. 8. [ that the ministers become not hereby slothfull and negligent ] which were wholly an unnecessary caution , if this directory made idlenesse impossible ; and if a caution will serve turne , the like may be added to our liturgy also , without abrogating of it . and for the edifying , i desire it may be considered , whether the extravagancies and impertinences , which our experience ( as well grounded as that which taught these men this mystery of the idle unedifying ministry ) bids us expect from those who neglect set formes , do more tend to the edifying of any then the use of those prayers which are by the piety and judgment of our reformers composed , and with which the auditory being acquainted , may with uninterrupted devotion goe along and say , amen . sect 18 and whereas 't is added in this place , that our lord christ pleaseth to furnish all his servants whom he calls to that office with the gift of prayer . i desire 1. that it may be shewed what evidence we have from any promise of christ in his word , that any such guift shall be perpetually annext by him to the ministry ; i beleeve the places which will be brought to enforce it , will conclude for gifts of healing , making of psalmes , and other the like also , which ministers do not now adaies pretend to . 2. i would know also why christ , if he do so furnish them , may not also be thought to help them to the matter of their prayers ( in which yet here the directory is fain to assist them , and pag. 8. supposes the minister may have need of such help and furniture , ) as well as the forme of words , in which the liturgy makes the supply . 3. i shall not doubt to affirme , that if the gift of prayer signifie an ability of praying in publick without any premeditation , discreetly and reverently , and so as never to offend against either of those necessaries , every minister is not furnisht with this gift , some men of very excellent abilities wanting that suddaine promptnesse of elocution , and choice of words for all their conceptions others being naturally modest and bashfull , and not endued with this charisma of boldnesse , which is a great part , a speciall ingredient of that which is here called the gift of prayer . and even for those which have the former of these , and are not so happy as to want the latter , that yet they are not sufficiently gifted for prayer in publick , experience hath taught us by the very creditable relations of some , who have falne into so many indiscretions , that we say no worse in that performance . 't is true that god enableth men sufficiently in private to expresse their necessities to him , being able to understand sighs and groanes , when words are wanting , and as well content with such rhetorick in the closet as any , but this is not peculiar to ministers , and for any such ability in publick , there will not be the like security , unlesse the language of sighs and groanes , without other expressions be there current also , which appears by some , who are forced to pay that debt to god in that coyne , having through unthriftinesse provided no other ; and yet 't were well also if that were the worst of it , but the truth is , blasphemy is somewhat worse then saying nothing . sect 19 the last objection is , that the continuance of the liturgy would be a matter of endlesse strife and contention in the church , and a snare to many godly ministers , &c. to the end of that page . where 1. is observeable the temper and resolution of these men , of whom such speciall care is taken , which makes it so necessary for them , not only to strive and contend , 1. against establisht law. 2. about formes of prayer , ( which sure is none of the prime articles of the creed ) but also to strive for ever , which being observed , it seems 2. that they have a very charitable opinion of all us who are assertors of liturgy , that we will never strive or contend for it , for otherwise the strife may be as endlesse upon its taking away . and sure in ordinary judging ( if they be not sure that none are contentious , but their favourites ) we see no reason , why the introduction of a new way of worship , should not be more matter of strife , and so also a snare to more ( if any can be ensnared or scandalized , but they ) then the continuance of the old establisht liturgy . where , by the way , the snare they speak of seems to signifie that which catches and entraps their estates and not their soules , causeth them to be persecuted , &c. which is a notable paralogisme and fallacy put upon the scripture use of that phrase , if we took pleasure in making such discoveries . but then 3. we desire experience may be judge , and upon the sentence which that shall give , that it may be considered , whether upon the ballancing of the kingdome , it will not be found that a far greater number are now at this time offended at the directory , and thereby ensnared in their estates , if they lye within your power , then formerly at any time ( i shall adde in all times since the reformation , put together ) ever were by the liturgy . as for that passge which is added in the close of this section , that in these latter times god vouchsafeth to his people more and better meanes for the discovery of errour and superstition . ] though this sounds somewhat like his divinity who makes the power of resisting kings , to be a truth which god pleas'd to reveale in these latter times , for the turning antichrist out of the world , but hid in the primitive times , that antichrist might come in , yet i shall not now quarrell with it ( because 't is possible it may have another sence , and i would not deny any thing but what is apparently and inexcusably false ) but from thence assume , 1. that i hope god vouchsafeth these means to them , that use the liturgy also ; for if it must be supposed a sinne , to continue the use of it , 't is not , i hope , such a wasting sinne , as to deprive men of all grace , even of the charismata , which unsanctified men may be capable of , and of means of knowledge , which is but a common grace , and therefore i must hope that the phrase [ his people ] is not here meant in a discriminative sence ( like the montanists forme of nos spirituales , in opposition to all others , as animales & psychici ) to signifie only those that are for the directory , for then let them be assured , gods gifts are not so inclosed , but that oxford is vouchsafed as plentifull means for the discovery of errour and superstition , as london , and have , among other acts of knowledge , discovered this one by gods blessing , ( which again i shall mention ) that there may be as much errour and superstition in rejecting of all liturgy , as in retaining of any , in opposing ceremonies , as in asserting them , a negative ( as i said ) touch not , tast not , kneele not , bow not , as well and positive superstition ; as also that there be errors in practice , as well as doctrine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , infidelities against the commandements , and sermon of christ in the mount , as well as against the creed it selfe , and that imposing of lawes on the king and kingdome by the sword , abolishing liturgy , setting up directories by that sterne way of arguments , those carnall weapons of militia or warfare , when they are not only practised , but asserted for lawfull , are errours , damnable errours also , and such as are very near the ordinary notion of superstition , the teaching for doctrines the commandements of men , i would i might not say of — also . but then 2. all this being supposed of gods granting better means of knowledge now , then formerly , i shall yet interpose , that sure this is not a truth of an unlimited extent , for there have been apostles , which had better means then we , and they that were nearest them , ( and knew their doctrines , and practices , better then it is possible we should ) had so also , nay vniversall councells meeting in the holy ghost , and piously and judiciously debating , had by the priviledge of prayer , more right to that promise of christs being in the midst of them , and leading them into all truth , then an illegally congregated assembly ; and all these have been greater favourers of liturgy then any of equall authority with them have been of your directory ; and 3. if all were supposed and granted which you claime , yet still the means of knowledge now vouchsafed do not make you infallible , lay not any morall or physicall necessity on you to be faultlesse or errorlesse , and therefore still this may be errour in you as probably , as liturgy should be superstition in us . and for gifts of preaching and prayer , i answer , if they are and have been truly gifts , others of former times may by the spirit have had as liberall a portion of them , as we . for sure those dayes wherein the spirit was promised to be powred out on all flesh , are not these dayes of ours , or of this age , exclusively to all others ; of this i am confident , that some other ages have had them in such a measure , as was most agreeable to the propagating of the gospell , and if that were then by forming or using of liturgies , why may it not be so at this time also ? sect 21 having given you my opinion of these passage , and yeelded to them for quietnesse sake , a limited truth , i must now adde , that if they be argumentative , and so meant as a proofe that these assemblers are likely to be in the right , while they destroy liturgy , although all the christian world before them have asserted it , this will be a grosse piece of insolency and untruth together ; a taking upon them to be the only people of god , of these latter times , nay to have greater judgment , knowledge , gifts , then all the whole christian world , for all ages together , including the apostles and christ himselfe , have had . for all these have been produced together with the saffrage of jewes , heathens , mahometans also , to maintain set pormes ; and though it be true , that some of late have found out many superstition● that never were discover'd before , one or other almost in every posture or motion in gods service , yet this sure is by the helpe of an injustice in applying without all reason that title to those actions , and not by a greater sagacity in discerning , making many acts of indifferent performance , nay of piety it selfe , go defamed and mourning under the reproach of superstition , and not bringing any true light into the world , that before was wanting . this one odium fastned on all orthodox ministers in this kingdome at this time , of being superstitious , and the mistake of the true notion of the word which hath to that end been infused into many , ( but is by a tract lately printed somewhat discover'd ) hath brought in a shole of sequestrations of livings , which have been very necessary and instrumentall , to the maintaining of these present distempers . and now at length it proves in more respects then one , that what ever unsatiate hydropicall appetites are tempted to take away , is presently involved under that title , a name that hath an universall malignity in it , makes aay thing lawfull prize that is in the company . god will in time display this deceit also . sect 22 having mentioned these so many reasons of their abolishing our liturgy , i. e. their so many slanders against our church and church-men , all which if they were true , hang so loose and so separable from liturgy , that they cannot justifie the abolition of it ; at length they shut up their suggestions with [ vpon these and many the like weighty considerations , and because of divers particulars contained in the book , they have resolved to lay aside the book ] where if the many considerations unmentioned be of no more truth or validity then these , and so be like weighty considerations , i acknowledge their prudence in not naming them , and think that no part of the world is like to prove the worse for this their reservednesse , only by the way a generall charge is nothing in law , and in generalibus latet dolus , is a legall exception against any thing of this nature . but if they have any other which they conceive to be of any weight , they are very unjust and very uncharitable to us , thus to ensnare our estates ( the fault even now laid upon the prelates ) by requiring our approbation of their directory , and conformity of our practice to it ; and yet not vouchsafe us that conviction , which they are able , to satisfie us of the reasons of their proceedings . but the truth is , we shall not charge this on them neither , being made confident by the weaknesse of the motives produced , that they have not any more effectuall in store . and for the particulars contained in the book , if there were any infirme parts in it , any thing unjustifiable , ( which we conceive their conscience tells them there is not , having not in this whole book produced one , and yet their charity to it not so great , as to cover or conceale any store of sins ) yet would not this inferre any more then only farther reformation of the book , which is not the design against which we now argue . sect 23 and having proceeded to so bloudy a sentence upon such ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the gospell phrase ) testimonies and accusations so unsufficient and unproportionable to such a condemnation , they could not but foresee the opinion that would be had of the action , and the ill and odious consequents that would attend it , which therefore to keep off , is the next endeavour , by professing that what is done , is not from any love of novelty . and truly 't is well you tell us so , for otherwise the semblance of that love and other actions , might have perswaded us mortalls , who see but the outsides , so to judge . and still notwithstanding the affirmation ( which is not of much value in your own cause , unlesse we had more testimonies of the authors infallibility , then this preface hath afforded us ) the consideration of the matter and termes of the change from what and to what , of the no manner of advantage or acquisition by it to recompence all the disadvantages , the great temerity , if not impiety to boot , in separating from this nationall , and in scorning and defying the practice of the vniversall church , and the great illegality , that i say no worse , of your action and the preparatory steps of motion to it , may tempt us to affirme , that it must needs be a love of novelty , even a platonick love , as the phrase is now a dayes , a love of novelty , as novelty , without any other hoped for reward , without any other avowed design in seeking it ; for if there be any other which may be own'd , i am confident it hath already appeared by what hath been said , that this is not the way to it . but then 2. such a profession as this will not sure signifie much , to innovate , and yet to say we love nor innovation , to act with a proud high hand in despight of so much at least of god , as is imprinted in the lawes of man , and our lawfull superiours , and then to excuse it by saying we love not to do so , will 〈◊〉 little alleviate the matter before any equall judge . 't is certain there is something unlovely in the reproachfull name of sinne , how glibly soever the pleasures of it go down , yea and even in the sinne it selfe , it hath the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the two cups in homer , more truly then that to which he applyes it , its bitter and hatefull , as well as its sweeter lovelier parts , extemplo quodcunque malum committitur , ipsi displicet , and if men may leave and excuse to commit adultery so long , till they fall in love not only with the pleasure of it , but the very sinfulnesse of it , and the name and reproach also , we shall give them a good large space of repentance : the short is , the mention of novelty is an evidence that the composers conscience tells them , that what they now do is such , and 't is not their not loving it ( perhaps onely thinking , perhaps only saying they do not love it ) which will much lessen the fault , but rather define it to be an act against conscience , to be and continue guilty of so huge a novelty , when they professe they love it not . sect 24 the next envy that they labour to avoyd , is the having an intention to disparage the reformers , of whom they are perswaded , that were they now alive they would joyn with them in this worke . this is another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to blanch your actions with contrary intentions , to do that which is most reproachfull to the reformers , to obliterate , or which is worse , to defame their memory ( whom yet at the beginning you called wise and pious ) and then say you intended them no disparagement , nay to make them repent and retract after their death ( i. e. to put them in a kind of purgatory ) to undertake for them that they have changed their minds , and not only that they are now content to part with that finally out of the church , the short temporary losse of which , one of them ( arch-bishop cranmer in one of his letters publisht by miles coverdale ) laments as the severest part of the persecuters tyranny toward him , viz. that they would not permit him the use of the common-prayer-book in the prison ; but withall that they are grown zealots too , are content to act most illegally and seditiously to cast it out . the judgment of this matter we leave to any arbitration . 1. whether it be likely that they would joyn , against law to take that away , which they compiled , or make all prescribed formes unlawfull , who did not think any fit in publick , but those which were prescribed . 2. whether any man can have ground of such perswasion , when they dyed in the constant exercise of it , and have sent them no message from the dead of their change of 〈◊〉 3. whether it be not strongly improbable , that they of the first reformation , who in qu. maries dayes flying and living in franckfort , and there meeting with the objections that have been produced by our new reformers , maintained the booke against them all , would now if they were return'd to us from a longer exile , disclaime all that they had thus maintain'd . 4. whether it be not an argument of a strong confidence and assurance , ( which is the most dangerous mother or schisme and heresie imaginable ) of strong passions and weak judgment , to think that all men would be of their side ( as hacket thought verily that all london would rise with him , as soon as he appear'd in cheap-side ) upon no other ground of that perswasion mention'd , but only that they are of it , which is but in effect as the same hacket did , shewing no evidence of his being a prophet , but only his confidence , which produced all kind of direfull oathes that he was , and hideous imprecations on himselfe , if he were not so . that which is added by way of honour to those martyrs , that they were excellent instruments to begin the purging and building of his house , may be but an artifice of raising their own reputation , who have perfected those rude beginnings , or if it be meant in earnest , as kindnesse to them , 't is but an unsignificant civility , to abolish all the records of their reformation , and then pay them a little prayse in exchange for them , martyr their ashes ( as the papists did fagius and bucer ) and then lay them down into the earth again , with a dirge or anthem , defame the reformation , and commend the reformers , but still to intimate how much wiser and godlier you are , then all those martyrs were . sect 25 thus far they have proceeded ad amoliendam invidiam ; now to the positive motives , of setting up this great work of innovation , and those are 1. to answer in some measiure the gracious providence of god which at this time calleth upon them for farther reforma●●●● : what they should mean by the gratious providence of god in this place , i confesse i cannot guesse , ( if it be not a meer name to adde some credit to the cause ) unlesse it be the prosperity and good successe of their armes ; which if throughout this warre they had reason to brag or take notice of ( as sure they have not , but of gods hand many times visibly shewed against them , in raising the low estate of the king , 〈…〉 means , and bringing down their mighty strengths , as the septuagint makes god promise to fight against amalek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by secret hand , by invisible , ) yet sure would not that justify the taking up of those armes , much lesse be able to consecrate all other sins , that those armes may enable any to be guilty of . 't is the turks divinity , as before i intimated , to passe sentence on the action by the prosperity of the man , to make one killing of a father villany and sacriledge , because the design it aim'd at miscarrie● , and another of the same making an heroick act , that god was pleased with , because it brought the designer to the kingdome : and therefore , i beseech you , look no longer on the cause through the deceiveable and deceitfull glasses of your conceited victories , but through that one true glasse the word of christ in the new testament ; and if that call you to this farther reformation , go on in gods name ; but if it be any else that calleth you , ( as sure somewhat else it is you mean , for if it were gods word you would ere now have shew'd it us , and here have call'd it gods word , which is plain and intelligible , not gods providence , which is of an ambiguous signification ) if any extraordinary revelation however convey'd to you ; this you will never be able to approve to any that should doubt your call , and therefore i shall meekly desire you , and in the bowells of christian compassion to your selves , if not to your bleeding country , once more to examine seriously , what ground you have in gods word , to satisfie conscience of the lawfullnesse of such attempts , which you have used , to gain strength to work your reformation ; and this we the rather desire to be shewed by you , because you adde , that having consulted with gods holy word , you resolve to lay aside the former liturgy , which cannot signify that upon command of gods word particularly speaking to this matter , you have done it , for then all this while , you would sure have shewed us that word , but that the word of god , hath led you to the whole work in generall , which you have taken in hand , and therefore that is it , which as a light shining in so dark a place , we require you in the name of god to hold out to us . sect 26 after this there is a second motive , the satisfaction of your own consciences . this i cannot speak to , because neither i know them , nor the grounds of them , save only by what is here mentioned , which i am sure is not sufficient to satisfie conscience , ( phancy perhaps it may ) only this i shall interpose , that it is possible your own consciences may be erroneous , and we are confident they are so , and then you are not bound to satisfie them , save only by seeking better information , which one would think might be as feaseable a task as abolishing of liturgy . sect 27 next a third motive is mentioned , that you m●y satisfie the expectation of other reformed churches ; so this first i say , that this is not the rule for the reforming of a nationall church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and independent . and such i conceive , the last canon of the councell of ephesus , will by consequence conclude this of england to be ; and its ●●ing so is a sufficient plea. 1. to clear us from all shew of schisime in separating from the roman church ) to which we were not , according to the ephesine rule , subjected as a part ) though we reformed our selves , when the pope vehemently required the contrary , and would not himselfe be reformed ; and from the church universall , of which we still remain a member undivided . 2. to answer this motive of our assemblers , by telling them that in the reforming such a church ( as this of ours , if not by others , yet by them is acknowledged to be ) the care must be , to do what the head and members of the church , shall in the fear of god resolve to be fittest , and not what other churches expect ; for if that were the rule , it would be a very fallacious and very puzling one , the expectations of severall churches being as severall , and the choice of some difficulty , which of them was fittest to be answer'd . but then secondly , what the expectation of other churches have been in this point , or what the reasons of them , we do not punctually know , only this we do , that after your solliciting of many ( which is another thing , somewhat distant from their expecting ) we hear not of any , that have declared their concurrence in opinion with you in this : but on the contrary , that in answer to your letter directed to the church of zeland , the wallachrian classis made this return to you , that they did approve set and prescribed formes of publique prayer , as profitable and tending to edification , quite contrary to what you before objected of the offence to the protestant churches abroad , and now of their expectation , &c. ) and give reasons for that approbation , both from texts of scriptures , and the generall practice of the reformed church , avouching particularly the forementioned place of calvin , and conclude it to be a precise singulari●y in those men who do reject them . and now , i beseech you , speak your knowledge , and instance in the particular , if any church have in any addresse made to you , or answer to your invitation , signified their expectation that you should abolish liturgy , or their approbation of your fact , able to counterballance this censure from the pen of those your friends thus unexpectedly falne upon you . some ingenuity either of making good your assertion of the churches or else of confession that you cannot , will be in common equity expected from you . sect 28 the desires of many of the godly among your selves ( which you mention as a fourth motive for abolition ) wil signify little , because how many suffrages soever might be brought for the upholding of liturgy , those who are against it shall by you be called , the godly , and that number what ever it is , go for a multitude . but then again , godly they may be , but not wise , ( piety gives no infallibility of doctrine to the possesor ) at least in this point , unlesse you can first prove the liturgy to be ungodly ▪ nay they that rejoyced in it , were , as you say , godly and learned , and they that made it wise and pious , & therefore sure some respect was due to the wise , as well as godly in the abrogation . and yet it may be added farther , that the way of the expressing of the desires of those whom you mean by the godly , hath been ordinarily be way of petitions , and those it cannot be dissembled have been oft framed and put into their hands ( i say not by whom ) even in set prescribed formes , not thinking it enough to give them a directory for matter , without stinting their spirits , by appointing the words also . this shewes that the desires of those many of the godly , are not of any huge consideration in this businesse , and yet i have not heard to my remembrance of any petition , yet ever so insolent , as to demand what you have done ( in answer it seems to some inarticulate groans or sighes ) the abolition of all liturgy . sect 29 the last motive is , that you may give some publique testimony of your endeavours for uniformity in divine worship promised in your solemne league and covenant . to this the answer will be short , because it hath for the main already been considered . 1. that the covenant it selfe is unlawfull , which therefore obliges to nothing but repentance , and restitution of a stray subject to his allegiance to god and the king again . 2. that there is one speciall thing considerable of this covenant , which will keep it either from obliging or from being any kind of excuse or extenuation of the crimes that this action is guilty of , and that is the voluntary taking of that covenant on purpose , thus to ensnare your selves in this obligation , to do what should not otherwise be done ; we before told you , that herods oath would not justifie the beheading of john , and shall now adde , that if some precedaneous hatred to john , made herod lay this designe before hand , that herodias's daughter should dance , that upon her dancing he would be vehemently pleas'd , that upon her pleasing of him he would sweare to give her any thing she should aske , even to halfe his kingdome , and the same compact appoint her to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 petition , to take john baptist's head for her reward , ( as 〈◊〉 not unlikely , but that as herodias was of counsell with her daughter , so herod might be with herodias ) if the train i say , lay thus , sure herods oath would take off but little from the crimson dye of his murther , but rather superadde that sin of deep hypocrisie , of making piety , and the religion of oaths , a servant and instrument to his incest and murthering of a prophet . and then i shall no farther apply , then by asking this question , did you not take this covenant on purpose to lay this obligation upon you , and now pretend that for your covenants sake , you must needs do it ? if you cannot deny this , o then remember herod . but if you took the covenant without any such designe , but now find your selves thus ensnared by it , then rather remember the times to get out of that snare , and not to to engage your selves faster in it . 3. i answer , that if by uniformity be meant that among our selves in this kingdome , the taking away our liturgy by ordinance , while it remaines establisht by valid law , is no over-fit means to that end , nothing but a new act , and an assurance that all would be obedient to that act , can be proper for that purpose ; and i am sure there are some men in the world , whom if such an act displeased , the obedience would not be very uniforme ; what ever it may seem to be when better subjects are supp●sed to be concluded by it . but if it be uniformity with the best reformed churches ( as your covenant mentions ) then 1. that uniformity in matters of form or ceremony is no way necessary , ( communion betwixt churches may be preserv'd without it ) nor near so usefull , as that other among our selves , and therefore the bargain will be none of the most thriving , when that acquisition is paid so dear for , uniformity with strangers purchased with confusion at home , as bad a market , as unequall a barter , as if we should enter upon a civill warre , for no other gain , then to make up a peace with some neighbour prince ; which none but a mad statesman would ever counsell . but then 4. the covenant for such uniformity , obliges not to make this directory , which i shall prove . 1. by the verdict of those themselves which have taken the covenant , of whom many , i am confident , never conceived themselves thereby obliged to abolish liturgy , there being no such intelligible sence contained in any bran●h of the covenant , any such intention of the imposers avowed at the giving of it . 2. because we conceive we have made it manifest , that that part of the covenant which mentions uniformity with other best reformed churches , doth not oblige to abolish liturgy , not only because the generall matter of the covenant referres unto the government , and not to the liturgy , but because this of england , as it now stands establisht by law , is the best reformed , both according to that rule of scripture , and standard of the purest ancient church ; for which we have 〈◊〉 the testimony of learned protestants of other countries , preferring it before their owne , and shall be ready to justify the boast by any test or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that shall be resolved on fit to decide this doubt or competition between this of ours , and any that you shall vote or name to be the best . sect 30 the like challenge we shall also make in return to a tacit intimation of yours more then once falne from you in this preface , and in the body of the directory , p. 40. and 73. viz. that the church of england hath hitherto been guilty of superstition in her liturgy . to which we first reply by desiring , that you mention any one particular wherein that accusation may appeare to be true , ( and we hereby undertake to maintain the contrary against all the learnedst in that assembly ) which if you will not undertake to specifie and prove , you must acknowledge to be guilty of great uncharitablenesse in affirming . i shall not be so uncharitable as to wish that the judgment of the civill law may be your doome , and the sentence that belongs to superstition be the reward of your defamation , i shall not say so much as the lord reprove , by way of imprecation , but once more repeat , lord lay it not to your charge . sect 31 upon these grounds you proceed , that [ having not consulted with flesh and blood , &c. ] this sure in st. pauls phrase , gal. 1. 16. signifies not consulting with men , though apostolicall ; as consulting with them is opposed to immediate revelation from heaven , and then sure your assembly was very spirituall , and very heavenly , for with them you confesse to have consulted , but if you mean by the phrase , in a larger sense , earthly or humane interests , i shall only ask , whether all the actions which have proceeded from you are so visibly divine and unmixt with earth , so apparently uninterested , that your own testimony should be sufficient to give credit to this affirmation ? sect 32 having said this , you proceed to the conclusion , that you resolved to set up the directory , and in it to hold forth such things as are of divine institution in every ordinance , and other things be set forth according to the rules of christian prudence ; agreeable to the generall rules of the word of god. and now 't is a little strange , ( but yet that which my temper obliges me to desire may still be my fate , when i fall upon a controversie with any ) that we which have been at such distance all this while , should just now meet at parting , that such contradictory premises , should beget the same conclusion ; for there is not a better rule in the world , nor any which i would rather chuse to be judged by in this matter , then that which is here proposed by you ; only i desire a little importunately to be advertised , where it is that the compilers of our liturgy have swerved from it . where you have swerved , we have instanced in many particulars in our answer to the ordinance , and shall now once for all demand , what rules of prudence oblige you to turne those many severals there mentioned out of the service of the church , every one of them tending to edification directly , over and above the agreeablenesse of each to the generall rules of scripture , in particular , whether it be agreeable to christian prudence to abolish a liturgy , which hath been so piously and discreetly framed , by those who have seal'd our reformation with their bloud , and instead of it to bring in a voluntary way of serving god in a nationall church , where there be many thousand parishes , and no such promise of divine inspiration or enthusiasme , but that there may be still some number of those ministers , who will not be able to speak constantly in the congregation , so as in the presence of angels they ought to speak . the experiments that have given us reason thus to fear , and desire prevention of the like , we are again tempted to adde unto this paper , but we delight not to demonstrate them guilty of blasphemies , who have accused us of superstition . we desire this fault may be cured by some milder recipe . sect 33 as for that which in passing you say , that by your directory ministers may be directed to keep like soundnesse of doctrine , this indeed is a prerogative of the liturgy , ( which hath alwayes been used as an hedge to keep out errours , and to retain a common profession of catholick verities ) but cannot belong to your directory , which hath neither creed nor catechisme , nor one article of religion , or doctrine asserted in it , but leaves that wholly to the preacher whose doctrine that it should be sound at all , or agree with the doctrine of all other preachers , and so be like sound , here is no provision made . sect 34 we have thus call'd your preface also to some tryall , and found it of such a composure and temper , 1. so many variations from truth ( which one that desires to be civill , must be unjust if he do not call them so ) that we cannot with any pleasure give an accompt of our judgement of them . 2. so many unconcluding prem●ses , affirmations , which if they were all supposed true , would never come home to abolition , and among all the heap , so no one truth which is of importance or weight toward that conclusion , that now we conceive we have discharged the task , given the reader such a view of the inward parts of this spacious fabrick , that he will not wonder , that we are not so passionately taken with the beauty , as to receive at a venture whatsoever is contain'd in it ; for supposing there were never an unseasonable direction in all the book following , yet the reception of that , being founded in the abolition both of ours , and of all liturgy , the christian prudence agreeable to the word of god , which is here commended to us , obliges us to stop our ears to such slight temptations , and never to yeeld consent , to the but laying aside that forme of service , which we have by establisht law so long enjoyed , to the great content and benefit of this nation ; though god knowes some have not made so holy , others so thankful an use of it , as it deserved of us , some neglecting it , others slandring , and so many bringing worldly hearts along with them , which though they are great evils , under which this divine liturgy hath suffered , yet being the infelicities , not the crimes , the crosse , which hath made it like unto our saviour , in being spit on , revil'd , and crown'd with thornes ( for such he cals the cares of this world , the most contumelious part of the suffering ) and not at all the guilt ( being wholly accidentall and extrinsecal to it ) must never be exchanged , for the certain evils , naturall and intrinsecall to the no-liturgy , and withall the greater mischiefes which may probably follow this alteration ; for all which patience and submission , we have not the least kind of invitation , save only that of the noyse , and importunity of some enemies , which should it be yeelded to , would , i doubt not , be resisted and prest again , with the petitions of many thousands more , importuning the return and restitution of the liturgy again ; unlesse by this means the devill should gain an absolute and totall manumission , cast off all his trashes , and presently get rid of both his enemies , religion , and liturgy together . a postscript by way of appendix to the two former chapters . sect 1 the truth of all which we have hitherto spoken , if we have not sufficiently evidenced it already , will abundantly appear by one farther testimony , which is authentick and undeniable to them , against whom we speak . and it is , ( what the providence of god , and the power of truth hath extorted from them ) their own confession , in a book just now come to my hands , called , a supply of prayer for the ships that want ministers to pray with them , agreeable to the directory established by parliament , published by authority . from which these things will be worth observing , 1. that the very body of it is a set forme of prayer , and so no superstition in set formes . 2. that their publishing it by authority , is the prescribing of that forme , and so 't is lawfull to prescribe such formes . 3. that the title , [ of supply of prayer ] proveth that some there are , to whom such supplies are necessary , and so a directory not sufficient for all . and 4. that [ its being agreeable to the directory . ] or as it is , word for word form'd out of it , ( the directory turn'd into a prayer ) sheweth , that out of the directory a prayer may easily first be made , and then constantly used , and so the minister ever after continue as idle without exercising that gift , as under our liturgy is pretended , and so here under pretence of supplying the ships , all such idle mariners in the ship of the church are supplyed also , which it seems was foreseen at the writing that preface , to the directory , where they say , the minister may if need be , have from ●hem some helpe and furniture . 5. that the preface to this new work entitled , a reason of this work , containeth many other things , which tend as much to the retracting their former work , as judas's throwing back the mony did to his repentance . sect 2 as 1. that there are thousands of ships belonging to this kingdome , which have not ministers with them , to guide them in prayer , and therefore either use the common prayer , or no prayer at all . this shewes the nature of that fact of those which without any objection mentioned against any prayer in that book , which was the only help for the devotion of many thousands , left them for some months , to perfect irreligion and atheisme , and not praying at all . and besides these ships which they here confesse , how many land-companies be there in the same condition ? how many thousand families which have no minister in them ? of which number the house of commons was alwaies wont to be one , and the house of lords , since the bishops were removed from thence , and to deale plainly , how many ministers will there alwaies be , in england and wales , for sure your care for the vniversities is not so great as to be likely to worke miracles , which will not have skill , or power , or gift , ( which you please ) of conceiving prayers as they ought to do ? and therefore let me impart to you the thoughts of many prudent men ( since the newes of your directory , and abolition of our liturgy ) that it would prove a most expedite way to bring in atheisme ; and this it seems , you do already discern and confesse in the next words , that the no prayer at all , which succeeded the abolishing of the liturgy , is likely to make them rather heathens then christians , and hath left the lords day without any marke of piety or devotion : a sad and most considerable truth , which some persons ought to lament with a wounded bleeding conscience , the longest day of their life , and therefore we are apt to beleeve your charity to be more extensive , then the title of that book enlarges it , and that it hath designed this supply , not only to those ships , but to all other in the like want of our liturgy . your only blame in this particular hath been , that you would not be so ingenuous , as judas and some others , that have soon retracted their precipicous action , and confest they did so , and made restitution presently , while you , rather then you will ( to rescue men from heathenisme caused by your abolition ) restore the book again , and confesse you have sinned in condemning an innocent liturgy , will appoint some assembler , to compile a poor , sorry , piteous forme of his own , of which i will appeale to your greatest flatterer , if it be not so low that it cannot come into any tearmes of comparison , or competition , with those formes already prescribed in our book ; and so still you justify your errour , even while you confesse it . sect 3 2. that 't is now hoped that 't will be no griefe of heart to full christians ; if the thirsty drink out of cisterns , when themselves drink out of fountaines , &c. which is the speciall part of that ground , on which we have first formed , & now labour'd to preserve our liturgy , on purpose that weaker christians may have this constant supply for their infirmities , that weake ministers may not be forced to betray their weaknesse , that they that have not the gift of prayer ( as even in the apostles times there were divers gifts , and all ministers , had not promise to succeed in all , but one in one , another in another gift by the same spirit ) may have the helpe of these common gifts , and standing treasures of prayer in the church , and ( because there be so many of these kinds to be lookt for in a church ) that those which are able to pray as they ought , without a forme , may yet in publick submit to be thus restrain'd , to the use of so excellent a forme thus set before them , rather then others should be thus adventur'd to their own temerity , or incurre the reproach of being thought not able ; and then this providing for the weak , both minister and people , will not now , i hope , be charged on the liturgy , by those , who hope their supply of prayer will be no griefe to others . sect 4 3. that these prayers being enlivened , and sent up by the spirit in him that prayeth , may be lively prayers , and acceptable to him , who is a spirit , and accepts of service in spirit and truth . where 1. it appears by that confession , that as the place that speaks of worshipping in spirit and truth , is not of any force against set prayers , so neither is that either of the spirits helping our infirmities , belonging , as it is here confest most truly , to the zeale , and fervor , and intensenesse of devotion infused by the spirit , and not to the words wherein the addresse is made , which if the spirit may not infuse also , in the use of our liturgy , and assist a minister and cnngregation in the church , as well and as effectually as a company of mariners in a ship , i shall then confesse that the directory first , and then this supply , may be allow'd to turne it out of the church . sect 5 lastly , that in truth though prayers come never so new , even from the spirit , in one that is a guide in prayer , if the spirit do not quicken and enliven that prayer in the hearer that followes him , it is to him but a dead forme , and a very carcase of prayer , which words being really what they say , a truth , a perfect truth , and more soberly spoken , then all or any period in the preface to the directory , i shall oppose against that whole act of abolition , as a ground of confutation of the principall part of it , and shall only adde my desire , that it be considered what prayers are most likely to be thus quickned and enlivened by the spirit in the hearer , those that he is master of , and understands and knowes he may joyn in , or those which depend wholy on the will of the speaker , which perhaps he understandeth not , and never knowes what they are , till they are delivered , nor whether they be fit for him to joyne in ; or in plainer words , whether a man be likely to pray , and aske most fervently he knowes not what , or that which he knowes , and comes on purpose to pray . for sure the quicking and enlivening of the spirit , is not so perfectly miracle , as to exclude all use of reason or understanding , to prepare for a capacity of it , for then there had been no need to have turn'd the latine service out of the church , the spirit would have quickned those prayers also . chap. iii. having thus past through the ordinance and the preface , and in the view of the ordinance stated and setled aright the comparison betwixt the liturgy and the directory , and demonstrated the no-necessity , but plain unreasonablenesse of the change , and so by the way insisted on most of the defects of the directory , which are the speciall matter of accusation we professe to find in it , i shall account it a superfluous importunity to proceed to a review of the whole body of it , which makes up the bulk of that book , but instead of insisting on the faults and infirme parts of it ( such are , the prohibition of adoration toward any place , p. 10. that is of all adoration , while we have bodies about us , for that must be toward some place ; the interdicting of all parts of the apochryphall books , p. 12. which yet the ancient church avowed to be read for the directing of manners , though not as rule of faith ; the so frequent mention of the covenant in the directions for prayer , once as a speciall mercy of god , p. 17 . which is the greatest curse could befall this kingdome , and a great occasion , if not author of all the rest , which are now upon it , then as a means of a strict and religious vnion , p. 21. which is rather an engagement of an irreligious warre ; then as a pretious band that men must pray that it never be broken , p. 21. which is in effect to pray , that they may never repent , but continue in rebellion for ever . then as a mercy again , p. 37. as if this covenant were the greatest treasure we ever enjoyed . then the praying for the armies by land and sea , p. 38. with that addition [ for the defence of king , and parliament and kingdome ] as resolving now to put that cheat upon god himselfe , which they have used to their fellow-subjects , that of fighting against the king for the defence of him , ( beloved be not deceived , god is not mocked . ) then affirming that the fonts were superstitiously placed in time of popery , and therefore the child must now be baptized in some other place , p. 40. while yet they shew not any ground of that accusation , nor never will be able to do . then that the customes of kneeling and praying by , and towards the dead , is superstitious , p. 73. which literally it were , ( superstitum cultus ) if it were praying to them , but now is farre enough from that guilt . and lastly , that the lords day is commanded in the scripture to be kept holy , p. 85. the sanctification of which we acknowledge to be grounded in the scripture , and instituted by the apostles , but not commanded in the scripture by any revealed precept . ( the first that we meet with to this purpose , is that of ignatius epist . ad magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let us therefore sabbatize no longer : let every christian celebrate the lords day , which saying of an apostolick writer being added to the mention of the lords day in the new testament is a great argument of the apostolicke institution of that day , which the universall practice of the church ever since doth sufficiently confirme unto us , and we are content and satisfied with that authority , although it doth not offer to shew us any command in the scripture for it . and then you may please to observe , that the same ignatius , within a page before that place forecited , for the observing of the lords day , hath a command for common-prayer , and i conceive for some set forme , i shall give you the words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let all meet together to the same , whether action or place in prayer , let there be one common-prayer , one mind , &c. and clem. alex. to the same purpose , the altar which we have here on earth , is the company of those that dedicate themselves to prayers , as having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a common voice , and one mind , which cannot well be , unlesse there be some common forme by all agreed on . ) instead i say of pressing these or the like frailties upon this work , which will argue the composers of it to be men and fallible , i shall rather desire to expresse and evidence my charity ( & my endeavor to read it without any prejudice ) by adding my opinion , that there be some things said in it ( by way of direction for the matter of prayer , and course of preaching ) which agree with wholsome doctrine , and may tend to edification , and i shall not rob those of that approbation which is due to them , nor conceive our cause to need such peevish meanes to sustaine it ; being not thereby obliged to quarrell at the directory absolutely as a booke , but onely as it supplants the liturgy ( which if it had a thousand more excellencies in it then it hath , it would not be fit to do . ) and being willing to give others an example of peaceablenesse , and of a resolution to make no more quarrells then are necessary , and therefore contributing my part of the endeavour to conclude this one assoon as is possible : and the rather because it is in a matter , which ( if without detriment to the church , and the soules of men , the book might be universally received , and so the experiment could be made ) would , i am confident , within very few years , assoon as the pleasure of the change and the novelty were over , prove its owne largest confutation , confesse its own wants and faults ; and so all but mad men see the errour , and require the restitution of liturgy againe . this i speak upon a serious observation and pondering of the tempers of men , and the so mutable habits of their minds , which as they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily changed from good to evill , so are they ( which is the difference of men from laps'd angels ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily reduced also to their former state again , when reason comes to them in the coole of the day , when the heat of the kindnesse is past , and a satiety hastning in its stead , or if it prove not so well , yet falling from one change to another , and never coming to stability . how possible this may prove in this particular , i shall now evidence no farther , then by the parallel vehement dislikes , that the presbyteriall government hath already met with among other of our reforming spirits , very liberally exprest in many pamphlets which we have lately received from london , but in none more fully then in the epistle to the book entituled , john baptist , first charging the presbyterians ( who formerly exclaimed against episcopacy for stinting the spirit ) that they began to take upon them to establish a dagon in his throne , in stinting the whole worship of the god of heaven , &c. and in plain words without mincing or dissembling , that they had rather the french king , nay the great turk should rule over them , then these . the only use which i would now make of these experiments is this , to admire that blessed excellent christian grace of obedience ( and contentment with our present lot , whatsoever it be , that brings not any necessity of sinning on us . ) i mean , to commend to all , in matters of indifference , ( or where scripture hath not given any immediate rule , but left us to obey those who are set over us ) that happy choice of submitting , rather then letting loose our appetites , of obeying , then prescribing ; a duty , which besides the very great ease it brings with it , hath much of vertue in it , and will be abundant reward to it selfe here on earth , and yet have a mighty arreare remaining to be paid to it in heaven hereafter ; which when it is heartily considered , it will be a thing of some difficulty to invent or feigne a heavier affliction to the meek and quiet spirit , a more ensnaring piece of treachery to the christian soule , ( i am sure to his estate and temporall prosperity ) then that of contrary irreconcileable commands , which is now the case , and must alwaies be when ordinances undertake to supersede lawes , when the inferiour , but ore-swaying power , adventures to check the superiour . of which subject i have temptation to annex a full tyde of thoughts , would it not prove too much a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and be most sure to be so esteemed by them to whom this addresse is now tendred . the good lord of heaven and earth encline our hearts to keep that law of his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eph. 6. 2. which is a prime commandement , and that with a promise of secular peace and aboundance annext ( if not confined ) to it . to conclude therefore , and summe up all in a word , we have discover'd by this briefe survey , the reasonablenesse of this act of gods providence , in permitting our liturgy to be thus defamed , though in all reason the liturgy it selfe deserve not that fate , the no-inconveniencies so much as pretended to arise from our liturgy , to which the directory is not much more liable , the no-objection from the word of god against the whole or any part of it produced , or offered by you , the no-manner of the least or loosest kind of necessity to abolish it , the perfect justifiablenesse , and with all usefullnesse of set forms above extemporary effusions , the very many particulars of eminent benefit to the church , and of authority in it , preserved in our liturgy , but in the directory totally omitted , and that in despight of all statutes both of king edward , and queen elizabeth , by which the reformation of this church is establisht among us , and i trust shall still continue , notwithstanding the opposition of those who pretended kindnesse , but now runne riot against this reformation , we have shew'd you also the true grounds of our ancestors rejoycing in our liturgy , instead of the partiall imperfect account given of that businesse by your preface , the wonderfull prosperity of this church under it , contrary to the pretended sad experience , &c. and withall we have made it clear , that all the exceptions here proposed against the liturgy , are perfectly vain and causelesse ; as that it hath prov'd an offence , &c. the ordinary crime charg'd on those actions that are lyable to no other , and so that offence without a cause ; that this offence hath been by the length of the service , which will only offend the prophane , and withall , is as observeable in your service ; by the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies , which have been shewed , neither to be many , nor unprofitable , nor burthensome , by the disquieting of consciences , i.e. only of the unquiet , by depriving them of the ordinance , i.e. those who would rather loose the sacrament , then receive it kneeling , or reverently ; that the offence was extended to the reformed churches abroad also , and yet for that no one proof offered , nor church named , that was so offended : and if there were , yet still this supposed offensivenesse , no just plea for any thing but reformation . so also that by means of the liturgy , many were dibarred of the exercise of their ministry , the suggestion for the most part a meer calumny , and that which was true in it , ready to be retorted upon these reformers ; that the prelates have labour'd to raise the estimation of the liturgy too high , yet that no higher then you would the value of your directory , to have it the rule for the manner of publick worship , or if they did , this is the fault of those prelates , not of the liturgy : who yet were said but to have labour'd it neither , not to have effected it , and even that labour or desire of theirs , to have amounted no higher , then calvins letter to the protector would avow ; that this hath been to the justling out of preaching , which is rather a speciall help to it , and prescribes it , and allowes it its proper place , but hath oft the ill luck to be turn'd out by preaching ; that it hath been made no better then an idoll , which if it be a fault in the liturgy , is farre more chargeable on the hearing of sermons , that the people please themselves in their presence , and lip-labour in that service ; an uncharitable judging of mens hearts , and a crime to which your directory makes men as lyable as the liturgy , that our liturgy is a compliance with papists , and so a means to confirme them in their idolatry , &c. whereas it complies with them in nothing that is idolatrous , &c. and by complying with them , where they do with antiquity and truth , it is more apt to convince them of their errours , and by charity to invite , then by defiance , that it makes an idle ministry ; which sure the directory will not unmake , being as fit for that turne , either by forming and conning the prayer there delineated , or by depending on present conceptions , as the liturgy can be , that it hinders the gift of prayer , which if it signify the elocution , or conception of words in prayer , is not peculiar to the minister , and for any thing else , hindring it no more then the directory doth ; that the continuance of it would be matter of endlesse strife , &c. which sure 't is more reasonable to think of an introduction of a new way of service , then the retaining of the old ; that there be many other weighty considerations , and many particulars in the book , on which this condemnation is grounded , and yet not one of these mention'd , but kept to boil in their own breasts , if there be any , or which is more likely , falsely here pretended to inflame the reckoning ; that they are not mov'd to this by any love of novelty , and yet do that which is most novell ; that they intend not to disparage the reformers , and yet do that which is most to their disparagement , that they do this to answer gods providence , which never call'd them to this work ; to satisfie their own conscience , which if erroneous , must not thus be satisfied ; to satisfie the expectation of other churches , which expect it not , or if they did , might rather conforme to us and satisfy us , and the desires of many of the godly at home , whose piety is no assurance that their desires are reasonable , and yet are not known to have exprest any such desires ; that they may give testimony of their endeavours for uniformity , whereas with other churches , there is no such necessity of conforming in such matters , and within our selves , nothing is so contrary to uniformity , as this endeavour . and lastly , we have learnt from them , a rule by which they pretend to forme their directory , the agreeablenesse to the word of god and christian prudence , and are most confident to justify our liturgy by that rule , against all disputers in the world ; and having now over and above all this , a plaine confession under their own hands , in their supply of prayer , of justify all that we pretend to , and so being saved the pains of any farther superfluous confutation , we shall now leave it to the judgement of any rationall lay-man in the new assembly , to judge betwixt us and his fellow-members , whose pretensions are most moderate in this matter , whose most like christian , those that are to rescue and preserve , or those which to destroy . thus in the councell of nice , holden before constantine and helena , in a controversie of great importance , craton and zenosimus , not only lay-men but heathens were appointed judges or arbitrators only on this ground , because craton a philosopher would not possesse any worldly goods , and zenosimus in time of his consulship , never received present from any , saith jacobotius : thus also eutropius a pagan philosopher , was chosen umpire between origen and the marcionites , it being supposed , that such an one was as fit to understand their several claims , and judge according to allegations and proofes as any ; and if we fall or miscarry before such an aristarchus , i shall then resolve , that a covenant may wast a soule , ( even drive the man into the field with nebuchadnezar ) deprive it of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common principles of discourse , ( by which , till it be debauched , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , able in some measure , to judge of truth , proposed and debated before it ) and then i shall hope for more candor in the businesse from an intelligent heathen , then for him . my only appeale in that case shall be , to heaven , that the host of angels , may by the lord of that host be appointed , to guard and assist that cause , and those armies whose pretentions in this , and all other particulars , are most righteous , and most acceptable in his sight . doe not erre , my beloved brethren . now the lord of all mercies , and god of love and peace , grant us to be like minded in all things , that we may joyne with one heart , and tongue , to praise him , and worship him , to blesse him , and to magnifie him for ever . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70321-e1030 p. 202. ib. p. 163. ● . 106. p. 41. p. 42. p. 43. p. 44. p. 48. p. 49. p. 50. p. 55. * the same constantine in his palace imitating the orders of the church , amōg other things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tendred set prayers , euseb . de vit . const . l. 4. c. 17. and so it is said of the nobles about him , that they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prayers that the emperour liked , and ●ere all brought by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to pray the same prayers all of them , even in private . c. 18. precum sol . 202. 312. acts and moni pag. 1818. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 14. 12. mat. 10. 19. p. 10 de div . off ▪ c. 10. vide clav. in sacr. bos● . c. 1. * cum hi motus corporis fieri nisi motu animi praecedente non possint , eisdem rurs●● exterius visibiliter factis ille interior invisibilis augetur . aug. l. de cura pro mor. 5. chrysost lb. popului in ecclesia sedendi potestatem non habit . ideo reprehendi meretur , quia apud idola celebratur . telman in basil . t. 1. p. 195. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. p. 753. l. 40. edit . savil. * l. 3. c. 19. * l. 2. c. 24. * l. 18. c. 51. al scap. c. 2. apol. c. 30. ep. ad smyrn . dial. cum tryph. p. 260. l. 4. c. 34. apol. c. 39. de op & elec mos . p. 180. serm. de temp . 215. apol. 2. in fine . epist . 54. ad marcellam . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist . ad polycarp . ignatio ad scripta . notes for div a70321-e19890 p. 1. p. 2. vid. troubl . of frank. p. 30. &c. p. ● . p. 2. p. 3. p. 4. p. 4. p. 4. p. 5. p. 5. p. 5. p. 6. p. 7. busbequi . epist . notes for div a70321-e36050 p. 8. notes for div a70321-e37200 strom. l. 7. the conclusion . de concil , l. 2. c. 6. al. aphrod . in top. a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacie from the answers, or exceptions offered against them by the london ministers, in their jus divinum ministerii evangelici / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1654 approx. 549 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45476) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96486) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 741:4) a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacie from the answers, or exceptions offered against them by the london ministers, in their jus divinum ministerii evangelici / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [8], 191, [1] p. printed by j.g. for richard royston ..., london : 1654. errata: p. 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will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-11 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacie : from the ansvvers , or exceptions offered against them by the london ministers , in their jus divinum ministerii evangelici . by h. hammond , d.d. london , printed by j. g. for richard royston , at the angel in ivy-lane , 1654. to the reader . in erasmus's distribution of his owne writings into tomes , the 8th . we finde thus inscribed by him , octavum occupent apologiae . me miserum . et hae justum volumen efficient . it was his great infelicity , that the apologies and answers to exceptions and calumnies , which he was constreined to write , made up an intire large volume in folio . now though i have that pleasure in the temper of that person , which gives me security , by the romanists proverbe , never to be deemed one of their good catholicks , and so may probably partake of some part of his fate , yet 't were great insolence in me , who have not troubled the world with a tenth proportion to that were with he hath favoured it , to expect the tithe of that consideration , which is required to make one capable of that degree of infelicity , which lay a full load on him ; neverthelesse these few last moneths have given me a tast and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what i am to expect . for besides the reproaches of one learned gentleman ( to which , being barely such , i have no one word to retribute , but that of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which christ directs me to ) i have farther met with some variety ; many exceptions , though litle of contumely from these assemblies ; more , and in a very distant character from a large preface of animadversions on the d●ssertations sent me lately from oxford ; others also there are which i have not yet had leasure to weigh , but soon purpose and hope to do it ; and if either i discerne my selfe , or finde it the opinion of others , that what is already said in the tracts , which they oppose , be not sufficient to prevent , or remove the scruples proposed by them , i shall willingly dedicate some time of vacancy to that imployment . at the present , the exceptions of the london ministers have challenged the precedence , and here are offered to consideration . and because the praeface from oxford falls on the same sort of matter , episcopacy and ignatius's epistles , as they are defended in the dissertations , i purpose , god-willing , that an answer to that shall now follow , assoone as the printer can dispatch it . and that is all that i had to say to the reader by way of praeface . the table . chap. i. concerning the angels of the churches of asia , page 9. section 1. the grounds of affirming them to be bishops . ibid. sect. 2. of timothy , of onesimus , of policarpe , p. 15. sect. 3. of the negative argument from s. john's not using the word bishop . of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the revelation , p. 19 sect. 4. of s. johns writings . againe of diotrephes , p. 25 sect. 5. of s. john's being bishop of asia . of the apostles being bishops , p. 29 sect. 6. of the word angel , and star , pretended to be common to all ministers . of messenger , and embassadour . the singularity of the word angel , p. 35 sect. 7. of their exception to our arguing from symbols : of bishop and elder being the same , p. 38 sect. 8. of the singularity of each angel. the objections from the use of the plurall number , p. 41 sect. 9. of the elders at ephesus act. 20. p. 45 sect. 10. of expressing a number by singulars . a church by a candlestick . of the seven angels rev. 8. p. 47 sect. 11. of the epistles being sent to the whole church , not to the bishop only . of timothy , onesimus and polycarp , being bishops of some of the asian churches , without any charge of apostacy falling on them by this meanes , p. 50 sect. 12. of timothies being an evangelist , that it hinders not his being a bishop . p. 55 sect. 13. of the bishops at ephesus . of the plural number in the epistle to the angel of smyrna , p. 56 sect. 14. of beza's interpretation , of the praesident ▪ p. 57. sect. 15. of dr. reynolds interpretation , of the bishop in cyprian . of ordination by bishops not without presbyters , from the testimones of cyprian , and fermilian , p. 51 sect. 16. of the churches of asia being metropoliticall . of the paucity of believers , p. 54 sect. 16. of modelling churches according to the government of the roman state . of exemplars of metropolitans among the jewes . testimonies of the apostles instituting metropolitans , p. 67 sect. 17. of the objection against metropoles from the seven starres in seven churches , p. 71 sect. 18. of the use of the word bishop for archbishop in tertullian : of angel in christs epistle . p. 64 sect. 19. of division into parishes , and vnion into diocesses . of diocesan bishops in the apostles dayes . elders in every church , act. 14. elders of the church , act. 20. that place vindicated from exception . p. 75 chap. ii. of the equivalence of the words bishop and elder in the new testament . p. 92 sect. 1. foure sorts of equivalence of these words proposed , ibid. sect. 2 of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 95 sect. 3. of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder , p. 100 sect. 4. of reverence to antiquity , and the interpretations of the antients . of praelatists disagreement among themselves ; 102. sect. 5. inconveniencies objected , and answer'd . of more bishops in one city . no presbyters in the apostles dayes . the no divine right of the order of presbyters , p. 105 sect 6. a first confession objected and vindicated . of the ephesine presbyters being all the praelates of asia , elders , aldermanni , p. 108 sect. 7. a second confession of the bishops , phil. 1. 1. being bishops of that whole province , philippi a metropolis , and a colony , p. 110 sect. 8. a third confession , of timothies being an archbishop . of the qualifications , 1 tim. 3. 2 belonging to bishops . of the bishops being worthy of double-honour , though he never preach . of the word , and doctrine . of the presbytery , 1 tim. 4 , of rebuking and receiving accusation against an elder . p. 112 sect. 9. a fourth confession of titus being archbishop of creet , p. 116 sect. 10. a fift charge of contrariety to scripture answered . of visitation of the sick belonging to elders , james 5. p. 118 sect. 11. a last objection from act. 21. 18. and. 14. 3. and 11. 30. answered . elders for rulers or bishops . p. 122 chap. iii. concerning the opinion of antiquity in this question . page 129. sect. 1. the testimonies of clemens romanus , bishops and deacons the onely offices at the first . corinth metropolis of achaia . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies . the apostles care to prevent contentions about episcopacy . hegesippus's testimony of the contentions at corinth . clement a bishop , p. 129. sect. 2. the testimony of policarpe . that he was himselfe a bishop . his mention of ignatius's epistles , fit to give authority to them , being so confirmed as it is by a series of the antients , p. 139 sect. 3. a vindication of ignatius's epistles , vossius's edition of them , and the archbishops of armagh . some testimonies out of them , the cause of his so inculcating obedience to bishops . mr. causabones testimony considered , and the allegations from the archbishop of armagh . three reasons against these epistles answered ( no marriage without the bishop . ) of the reformed churches . of the church of scotland after the first conversion , p. 143 sect. 4. of salmasius's conceit that these epistles were written at the time of episcopacy first entring the church , p. 163 sect. 5. testimonies of iraeneus , the use of presbyteri for bishops , p. 165 sect. 5. testimonies of tertullian . seniores & majores nat● for bishops , so in firmilian . p. 169 sect. 6. s. jerom's testimony of bishops , &c. by apostolicall tradition . consuetudo opposed to dominica dispositio . s. jerom's meaning evidenced by many other testimonies to be , that bishops were instituted by the apostles . so by panorm●tan also . the testimonies of isidore , &c. the councell of aquen , and of leo vindicated . of ischyras's ordination . the testimony of the synod ad zurrium , and of the 4th councell of carthage . p. 171 sect. 7. the testimonies of ambrose and austin . consignare used for consecrating the eucharist , and that belonged to the bishop when present . p. 187 sect. 8. of the ch●repiscopi , p. 189 a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacy , from the answers or exceptions offered against them by the london-ministers in their jus divinum ministerii evangelici . the introduction . of the occasion of this worke , the state of the controversie , the heads of the prelatists plea , from scripture and antiquity , with some observations assistant to them . the considerable concernements of the question . being advertised from many hands , that the booke called jus divinum ministerii evangelici , which is lately published by some , who intitle themselves the provinciall assembly of london , hath undertaken to consider and confute many passages of the dissertations , three years since published in latine , in defence of episcopacy , against d. blondell and others , i have thought my selfe obliged to examine whether there be any thing objected by them in relation to those dissertations , which may reasonably move me to retract what was there either with diffidence proposed , or more confidently asserted by me . 2. and having diligently surveyed the whole booke , that i might omit no passage , wherein my interests might be in the least concern'd & being truly able to affirme from that view , that it hath yielded me no one syllable of usefull exhortation , no motive to retract any period , or alter any expression in those dissertations ( but as farre , as i doe perswade my selfe that this provinciall synod containes in it men of judgement and abilities to maintaine the truth and convince gaine-sayers , so farre i am forced to assume , that what i have written is testified to be truth , and by that priviledge competently secured against all opposers ) i might herein reasonably acquiesce , without farther importuning the reader or my selfe with impertinent vindications , onely trusting and adventuring the whole matter to the judgement of each intelligent reader , who is obliged by all rules of justice to compare either by his memory , or by his eye those passages in this booke , and the chapters in the dissertations to which they are confronted . 3. but i am againe told that many , who have read and are moved by the arguments and answers of this booke , and the authority of a provinciall synod , are yet disabled to be so just as to examine them by comparing them with the latine dissertations , and that we are fallen upon those times wherein whatsoever is not answered , is cried up as unanswerable ( an humour , of which , if i might be permitted to receive the fruits . i should have no temptation to complaine , there being so much a greater part of those dissertations , which was never attempted to be answered . ) i continue still under some seeming obligation to give an exact account of the whole matter as it lies in contest betweene this provinciall synod and those dissertations , and i shall hasten to doe it , when i have first by way of ▪ necessary introduction premised these two things . 4. first , the state of the controversy , as it generally lies between us , which is this ; whether the apostles of christ , when they planted churches in each city , left them in the hands of many to be governed by the common councell of those many , erecting an equality or parity of severall rulers in every city , to whom all others were subjected , and they to none : or whether they placed the superiour power and authority in some one , and subjected all others to him . other consequent differences there are arising from hence , ( and those of such weight and concernment to those with whom i now dispute , in case the truth be not on their sides , as will make this returne to their objections , no lesse than a duty of charity , as to brethren , if by the grace of god they shall judge it reasonable to make that use of it ) but this is the one basis of all , whether the apostles planted parity or imparity in the church , many equall governours in one city , or but one in each ; the former is the presbyterians interest to defend , the latter the prelatists ; and so the controversy stands between them to be debated and evinced by such evidences as a matter of fact is capable of , ( the right being by both sides acknowledged to follow that fact ) i. e. by the testimonies of those who are fit to be credited in this matter . secondly , the briefe heads of the plea , by which i have undertaken to maintaine the prelatists assertion , 1. by scripture , 2. by the records of the first times , the writings of those who were neerest the apostles , and either affirme what was done by the apostles , or how it stood practiced in the churches , all the world over , which were planted by them . as for the third way of arguing from the universall consent and practice of all churches for about 1400. yeares together , i. e. from about the yeare 140. till the reformation , this i doe not insist on , as i might with all evidence , because it is knowne and confest by the adversaries , and all that is by them pretended , is , that parity and equality being prescribed and practiced by the apostles soone after their death , and quite contrary to their plat-forme , prelacy was introduced into all churches ; it being their desire and demand now ( a little different from what m. calvin at first proposed to the churches of helvetia ) that all may be reformed and reduced to the state wherein the apostles left it . 6. in the managing the proofes proposed by mee , i have used this method , which seemed to mee most convincing . 1. to insist on some few testimonies under each head , which are sufficient to conclude the matter on the prelatists side ; and then to propose some observations , which may accord all other places both of scripture and antient writers , with those testimonies and that conclusion . 7. the speciall proofes of scripture are taken , first , from the power derived ( as from god the father , to christ , so ) from christ to the apostles ; not as to a common councell of sociall rulers , but as so many severall planters and governours of the church , each having all power committed to him , and depending on no conjunction of any one or more apostles for the exercise of it ; and this is largely and clearly deduced dissert . 3. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. and this power being by them derived to bishops in each city , in the same manner as they used it themselves ( which is also farther evidenced and vindicated , c. 5. &c. ) this was deemed a first competent proofe of this matter , and as a confirmation of it , it was observable , that the first bishops made by them , were in the very scripture called apostles , james the bishop of jerusalem , &c. diss . 4. c. 3. 8. a second principall proofe of scripture is taken from the severall mentions of the so many churches of asia , and the so many angels assigned to them , one to each , as a singular governour or bishop in the revelation . and in discourse of these wee have found great evidence of the fact to authorize us to improve the conclusion a little higher , than was necessary to the defence of the maine cause ; viz. to affirme of these angels , that each of them was an archbishop or metropolitan , and having done so to discerne upon undeniable grounds that there were many other such , mentioned in the scripture ( though not under that title ) as james the brother of the lord , metropolitan of all judea , titus of all crete , with an hundred cities in it , &c. 9. and the wayes of according all other scriptures with these have been briefly these . 1. by observing this difference betwixt cities and metropoles , as the true cause and occasion of the mentions of many bishops in ( not of ) one city , meaning thereby the bishops of all the cities under that metropolis as phil. 1. 1. act. 20. 17. secondly , by examining the nature of all the words , which i conceived to be used in scripture for bishops , as ( beside apostle and angel forementioned ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ruler , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doctor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pastor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , president , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder ( and in the fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chiefe priest , and sacerdos , priest● ) each denoting dignity and authority , and all cleared to be in their own nature applicable , and by the circumstances of the context to be actually applied to the singular governours in each city ; most of them constantly so , and that one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if not constantly so , yet very rarely otherwise . and this is done dissert . 4. c. 7. and so to the end of that diss . thirdly , by observing the paucity of believers in many cities in the first plantations , which made it unnecessary that there should by the apostles be ordeined any more than a bishop and deacon ( one or more ) in each city , and that this was accordingly done by them at the first , is approved by the most undeniable antient records . such as those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the profoundest histories , out of which * epiphanius makes this observation ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where there wanted bishops , and there were found persons worthy of the office , bishops were constituted ; but where there was no multitude , there none were found among them to be constituted presbyters , and they satisfied themselves with a bishop alone in a place ; onely the bishop could not possibly be without a deacon , and accordingly the apostle tooke care that the bishop should have his deacons to minister to him . that which is thus cited by epiphanius out of those antient records , is found clearly affirmed by * clemens romanus , an apostolicall person , and witnesse of the apostles practice ; that they being sent out by christ ; as hee by his father , went out preaching the gospell , and proclaiming it through regions and cities , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they constituted their first fruits into bishops and deacons , of those which should afterward believe . to both which wee shall againe adde what ephiphanius prefaceth in that place ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that when the preaching was new , the apostle st. paul wrote agreeably to the present state of affaires . we have here so cleare an account of the reason of the apostles immediate subjoyning of deacons to bishops , phil. 1. 1. and 1 tim. 3. ( viz. because those were the onely two orders then constituted in every church ) that these two places ( which are made use of by the adversaries against us ) are most punctuall evidences of the truth of ours , and of the unseasonablenesse of their pretentions . 10. as for the testimonies out of the first antiquity ; the ground-worke i have chosen to lay in ignatius his epistles , because the testimonies thence are so many and so evident , and the writer so neere the apostles time ( that holy men being martyr'd in the 10. of trajan , to whose reigne s. john lived ) and most of his epistles written to the very churches of asia planted by st. john , and the bishops of many of them named by him , and of one bishop the presbyters under him , that if that one authors testimonies be attended to , there is an absolute decision of the whole matter on the prelatists side ; to which purpose i have also vindicated these epistles from all that hath been objected to them in these late yeares , and asserted their authority by as antient and authentick evidences , as can be vouched for any antient piece , next the holy scriptures themselves , and contented my selfe with the most pure and uncorrupted copies and editions of it . 11. in accord with these testimonies i have also produced many others out of clemens romanus , hegesippus , polycarpe , papias , polycrates , iustin , jrenaeus , clemens alexandrinus , t●rtullian , and as many of the first times as have said any thing to this matter , and found a full consent in all , and in most irrefragable suffrages , which conclude this whole controversie on the prelatists side . to which i have also added some few observations of unquestionable truth , as 1. that of the continuance of the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder , to signifie bishop ( in our modern sense ) among some of these most antient church writers ( whereas the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is never used by any , but for a singular governour . ) secondly , that of the distinct congregations of iewish and gentile christians in the same city ( the grounds of which are evident in scripture ) and consequently of the severall governours or bishops over them ( which was usefull for the removing some seeming difficulties in the catalogues of the first bishops of rome , anti●ch , &c. ) and some other the like , not for the serving the necessities of our cause , but as supernumerary , and ex abundanti . and upon these and such like heads of probation we have built our plea , descending also to a particular survey of saint hierom's testimonies , which are by the adversaries principally made use of against us . and if what is thus copiously deduced in the dissertations , together with answers , and refutations of the principall objections of doctor blondel , and walo messalinus , doe really stand in force , and appeare not to be refuted now in whole , or in part , by these men , who have often attempted to refute them , i shall then leave them seriously , and christianly to consider but this one thing , and to returne their anger not to me , but to themselves , what security of grounds they can build upon in their present practices , particularly in their assuming to themselves that power or authority which doth not belong to them ; for 1. if the praefecture in each church were ( as by christ to the apostles , so ) by the apostles given to the singular governour or bishop ( by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constituted over all ) and from that time to this , regularly continued in a succession of bishops in every church ; and secondly , if those which are now called presbyters , were by those , who first instituted them , placed in a second rank as of dignity , so of power , and never had all that power committed to them , which to the bishop was committed , particularly not that of ordeining the meanest deacon , much lesse presbyters with power of ordeining other presbyters ; and thirdly if they , on whose authority they most depend ( s. * hierome the presbyter , &c. ) doe expresly assure them , that the presbyters in their times had not power of ordination , but acknowledge the bishop superior to the presbyter in that ( and it is not imaginable how that power should be conveyed to any presbyter now , which was not vested in any at that time , nor pretended to be so in above a thousand yeares after them . ) and lastly , if no man may take that which is not given him from heaven ( or give that which he hath not ) which the scripture yeilds to , as a rule by which both john baptist , john 3. 27. and christ himselfe , luk , 12. 14. was to be judged , and the apostle , heb. 5. 4. hath applied that generall rule to this particularity , of priesthood in the church , viz. that no man may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assume an honour to himselfe , but who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , called by god , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , advanced by god , saith theophylact ) either immediately or mediately , either by the apostles , or by those which received it successively from them ( all others being truly affirmed by the * antients 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to leap into the honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( and to corrupt the rule or law by which they should be guided ) then i say , upon what solid grounds can they satisfie conscience , who without all pretence of necessity ( which by some is here made use of as an excuse ) the regular way being open and plaine before them , have run before they were sent , assumed that power to themselves , which belongs not to them , nor was ever by any , which had it , bestowed upon them ? i doe not foresee any more here necessary to be premised to our future debates , and shall therefore hasten to them , as to an unpleasant progresse , that i would willingly be at the end of , and commit all to the grace and unerring judgement of him , whom we all professe to serve and obey in this , as in all other things . chap. i. concerning the angels of the churches of asia . section i. the grounds of affirming them to be bishops . for the vindicating of the dissertations from all the exceptions which are offered against them in the booke , which i have now before me ; it is no whit necessary that i give the reader any the most cursory view of the whole booke ; i shall therefore fall in , though abruptly , on the sixt chapter of the second part of it . for although in some of the former chapters of that part , some indeavours are used to assert presbytery against episcopacy by arguments so frequently produced by that party , that they were every one foreseen ; and in the dissertations largely evidenced to have no validity in them , yet it falls out somewhat to mine owne and the readers ease , that i am not personally called into the lists , till the beginning of the sixt chapter ; which by the signall of some latine words in the margine out of dissert . 4. c. 4. sect. 4. have markt me out as the person against whom that chapter was intirely designed , and i shall readily answer the call , and not refuse the paines to examine every section of that chapter . 2. the subject of this chapter is the pretended ( as they please to stile it ) episcopacy of the seven asian angels , and thus they begin their assault ; the second scripture ground brought to prove the divine right of praelacy , is from the angels of the seven churches of asia ; these angels , say they ( the assertors of prelacy ) were seven single persons , and ( as one hath lately written ) not onely bishops , but metropolitans and archbishops . this is said with so much confidence that all men are condemned as blind or wilfull that endeavour to oppose it : and it is reckoned as one of the great prodigies of this unhappy age , that men should still continue blind , and not see light enough in this scripture to build the great fabrick of episcopacy by divine right upon . 3. this is , it seemes , the first crime chargeable on mee as author of the dissertations , that i am confident of my assertion , and condemne all others as blind or wilfull that indeavour to oppose it . and although this be no competent way of disproving what is asserted , for it is no universall maxime or datum among the objecters that confident asserting should be lookt on as a character of falsity , yet i , that would much more be ashamed to have beene presumptuous than mistaken , and deeme it not a sinne to have erred modestly , am concerned to avert the envy of this their prooeme , and to give this essay , how farre any the most moderate speeches may be disguised and deformed by a disadvantageous interpretation . 4. these words [ in tantâ luce — ] lie thus in the dissertations ; [ ad tertium accedo — i proceede to the third thing , that which concernes the angels in the apocalypse , that by them are noted so many prefects of the chiefe cities or churches in asia , whom you may call not onely bishops , but primates , enarchs , or metropolitans . each of these things must be briefly taken notice of . first , that each of these were single and properly called bishops . so andreas caesariensis pronounceth of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the seven ephori ( inspectors or bishops , so called from the greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inspectors , directly equivalent to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) parallel to the number of the seven churches are in that place of the ap●calypse called angels . this title of angel is sufficiently knowne from malach. 2. 7. to belong to the chiefe priest of the jewes , for hee is called the angel of the lord of hosts , as the person from whom the law was to be derived to the people . further more these angels in that vision of johns are likened to so many starres , which , seeing christ is said to beare or carry in his right-hand apoc. 1. 16. 20. & 1 , 2. an argument of competent validity may be drawne from thence , that this dignity and power of them in the church is , if not immediately instituted , yet approved and confirmed by christ ; especially when in these so many parts of this epistle , christ himselfe hath written to every of them under this title of honour and dignity . in the presence of so much light that some men should still continue blind is to be numbred among the prodigies of this worst and most unhappy age . for as to that which from the one word [ yo● ] in the plural . c. 4. 24. i finde objected by some against so many single mentions of the angels ( one in every church ) that will immediately vanish , &c. 5. these words thus intirely set downe have a face very distant from that so much confidence and censoriousnesse that i am here charged with by the provinciall synod . for 1. for the conclusion deduced from the mention of these angels , 't is not the divine right of prelacy ( which phrase might yet have beene reconciled with rules of sobriety and modesty , as well as the jus divinum of presbytery ) but christs approbation and confirmation of this dignity and power of bishops , which conclusion hath evident grounds in those texts which mention christ's holding them in his hand , and his addressing an epistle to them , supposing onely , what is undertaken to be evidenced by other mediums , that these angels were single persons in each church . 6. secondly , that which is by me so confidently affirmed , is not , as this learned assembly is pleased to suggest , that these angels were metropolitans or archbisops . that they were such , is afterwards as a distinct matter in the next chapter proposed in a much more moderate style , statim credibile fiet , it will straitwayes become credible , and with no more shew of confidence then the premises which are there at large set down , will authorize . 7. these be two competent essayes to begin with , by which we may proportion our expectations ; but there is yet a third which hath somewhat more of injustice in it , to mention my so much confidence in asserting , but never to take notice of the grounds produced , whereon this confidence ( as farre as it extends ) is built , the want of which is so constantly the one thing , which renders confidence unseasonable or blameable , that it is not in the power of any man to have apprehended grounds as proper to induce a conclusion , and to suspend the beliefe and confidence of the truth of that conclusion , which is so inferred . the injustice , i say , is there not taking notice of the mediums , whereon the confidence is founded , very competent to inferre a conclusion in that stile , wherein it was there inferred , if they had been pleased to advertise their readers of it . 8. the inference lies thus ; the angel of each church of asia was a single person , therefore not a colledge or consistory of presbyters , and the singularity of the person is there supposed to be evidenced sufficiently by that which is so many times repeated in the text , the angel of the church of ephesus , the angel of the church of smyrna , and the like , by the testimony of andreas caesariensis , the principall annotator or interpreter of the revelation , transcribed by aretas in expresse words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the number of the bishops equall to the number of the churches ; and by the answer rendred to that one objection which is brought by the presbyterians against the singularity of the person of each angel. 9. secondly , this singular person was a bishop in that notion of the word which signifies a precedence of power and dignity over all others in that church . this againe was made evident , both by the forementioned singularity of his power and person in each church , and farther by the propriety of the title bestowed on him , an angel , such as among the jewes the chiefe priest was styled ; malac. 2. to which matter i shall now superadde one testimony which photius hath out of diodorus siculus concerning the jewes ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him they call the high priest , and deeme him to be to them an angel or messenger of the commands of god ▪ ( a commissioner of heaven , impowered from thence for the execution of his office among them . ) 10. this by the way , gives us the reason of the denomination , because as angels doe not onely carry up our prayers to god but also bring downe gods commands to us , so did the high priest under the law. this dialect is also said to be derived from the hebrewes to the aegyptians , who call their chiefe priest angel also . and then how fitly the parallel runs betwixt the high priest among the jewes , and the bishop , in the christian church , taken in the prelatists notion of him ; was a theme which seemed not to need any length of harangue to performe or illustrate it . and yet after a section spent to cleare that one difficulty of the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you , in the plurall c. 2. 24. ] there are two sections added more for the farther fortifying of this evidence . 1. from the councell of chalcedon ; act. 2. which * from timothy till the time of their session numbers 27. bishops in one of these sees , that of ephesus , all ordeined there ( and timothy we know being ordeined by the laying on of st. pauls hands 2 tim. 1. 6. will divolve it to that orginall , apostoliacll institution ) and 2. from polycrates , † who was borne soone after st. iohns dayes , and is a witnesse of a competent antiquity , and affirmes himselfe to be the * eight bishop of that see ; from both which testimonies of the catologue , and number of bishops , ascending to st. timothy , as the first of that ranke ( who certainly was constituted there before the epistle of christ to the angel of that church ) the conclusion is obvious and irrefragable , that either timothy or some successor of his was personally the angel to which the epistle was addrest , and i professe not to wish for a greater evidence to justifie a prelatist in his desire to live in obedience to that order so signally confirmed by christ . 11. the like is in the next section produced out of irenaeus l. 3. c. 3. concerning the angel of the church of smyrna . irenaeus lived in the time of polycarp that antient primitive martyr , and being a youth had the honour to see that venerable old man , and of him he affirmes , that he was * not onely a disciple of the apostles , and converst with many that saw christ , but that also hee was sent to asia , and constituted bishop in the church of smyrna ; and if there needed any more light after so cleare and authentick a testimony ( which againe concludes either polycarpe , or some successor of his to be the angel of the church of smyrna to whom christ addresseth his epistle ) there is another added out of tertullian , a writer of great antiquity and reputation for knowledge in the records of the church in these words . * as the church of smyrna relates polycarpe to have beene constituted there by john , as the church of rome affirmes clement to have been ordeined by peter , so in like manner the rest of the churches exhibite the records of those whom they have had their bishops constituted by the apostles and conveyers of the apostolicall seed to them . and more particularly of the churches of asia , the subject of our present discourse . * we have the churches fed by john , and the course of bishops being driven to the originall , acknowledge john ( the apostle ) to be the author of them . here certainly is light enough to make some confidence excusable in a prelatist , and to make his wonder seasonable , that any that have eyes , should in so cleare a sunshine want the use of them , and to thinke it no very auspicious omen that they doe . yet because i had much rather assist , then upbraid other mens infirmities , i have here given them an instance how easie it had been for them to have informed themselves and their respective charges of the grounds of the prelatists confidence , that the epistle of christ to the angels of the seven asian churches was an evidence of his approbation of the order of bishops in our moderne notion of that word for a single overseer in every church . 12. and if there be any obscurity still remaining in the premises , because the councell of chalcedon ( and policrates ) makes timothy , who was ordained by paul the first bishop or angel of the church of ephesus , but tertullian divolves the originall of the course or catalogue to st john , the answer is easy , that there were two sorts of christians in ephesus , and throughout all asia , the first of gentile converts , brought into the faith by st. paul the apostle of the gentiles , and over them it was that timothy was by him placed in ephesu● their bishop ; the second of jewish proselites converted by st. john ( by compact designed to goe to the jewes , as his province gal. 2. 9. and those peculiarly the asian jewes , as appeares every where in * eusebius story , and by the relation of his death in that place , given us by † polycrates , an early bishop there ) and the author of the constiuations out of an antient tradition tells us that another of the same name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) was by that apostle ordained bishop of the iewish christians there , as timothy by s. paul of the other congregation of gentile christians . an observation which is largely educed and exemplified in the * dissertations , and of which there is no small use for the dilucidating of obscurities in antient story , and the clearing of this controversy betwixt us and the presbyterians ; but i must not here take liberty to inlarge on it unnecessarily , having beene thus farre forced to expatiate somewhat above proportion to the length of their owne period , wherein my confidence and censoriousnesse were shortly accused , how deservedly , i hope hath now been made manifest . section ii. of timothy , of onesimus , of polycarpe . the next period in their charge against mee runs thus . it is farther added , that some of the antient fathers mention the very men that were the angels of those churches . some say timothy was bishop of ephesus , when john wrote his epistle to it ; others say onesimus , others say that policarpe was bishop of smyrna ; and from hence they conclude with a great deale of plansibility , that the angell of the churches were seven individuall bishops . 2. here is as yet no great charge offered , but a confession rather , that i had some temptation for the confidence , of which i was formerly accused , my conclusion being acknowledged by the adversaries to be inferred with a great deale of plausibility . but i have not so much reason to depend on their civilities , as to omit the inserting here , what may be usefull to prevent mistakes , and shall therefore thinke it necessary to set downe intirely , what it is which i have affirmed in this matter . 3. and 1. i have yet no where said that timothy was bishop of ephesus when john writ this epistle to that church ; my words are expresly otherwise , ex quibus patet vel timotheum ipsum vel aliquem ei succedaneum hunc ipsum angelum fuisse , quem c. 2. 1. christus alloquitur . by which it appeares ( having formerly set down my grounds to induce this conclusion , that either timothy himself , or some body that succeeded him , was that very angel to whom christ addrest his speech , c. 2. 1. but that is not to affirme it of timothy , but purposely to absteine from affirming any thing that could be denyed or doubted , and onely to affirme it either to timothy or some successor of his , which evidently and infallibly it must be , if there be truth in the premise from which it was inferred , the words of the councell , and the father , that after timothy , the first , succeeded of continuall series of bishops there . 4. what my opinion is in this matter , i shall now freely tell them , though before i had not occasion to doe it , together professing it to be onely my opinion , and so still affirming nothing in a matter of some uncertainty , or farther than the grounds , on which my opinon is founded , shall appeare able to support it . my opinion briefly is , that timothy was then bishop of ephesus at the time of addressing that epistle to the angel of that church ; and the grounds are these . 1. that st. johns banishment and prophesying are by epiphanius twice expresly affirmed to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the times of claudius caesar ; then secondly , that as it is by chronologers set downe to be in the 13. of claudius , that timothy was left by paul at ephesus , when hee went into macedonia ; 1 tim. 1. 3. act. 20. so it is generally resolved that timothy suffered at ephesus under nerva , and that agreeable enough with his age , who appeares to be young when paul first placed him bishop of ephesus . if these grounds have truth in them , then timothy cannot be doubted to be bishop of ephesus , when st johns vision was received ; and though 't is true , that ireneus seemes to assigne another date of these visions , at least of some of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the end of domitians reigne ( which what it is to be deemed to signifie , is * elsewhere explained ) yet still that is within the compasse of timothies life , if hee suffered not till nerva's reigne . and so much for that of timothies . 5. secondly , that onesimus was bishop of ephesus at the date of that epistle , is no where so much as intimated to be my opinion , much lesse affirmed by me . and therefore i need reply no more to that . yet because ignatius in his epistle to the ephesians mentions onesimus their bishop ( and that testimony is produced by me dissert . 2. c. 25. sect. 9 ) i shall here freely give them my opinion also of that matter . 6. first , that there is little ground of question , but that one of that name , onesimus , was bishop of ephesus in the tenth yeare of trajan , wherein ignatius wrote that epistle . 7. secondly , that by one indication there is some small reason to guess , that this onesimus was then lately come to that dignity ; i meane ignatius his words of gratulation to that church , that god had given them the favour to obtaine or have such a bishop ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 8. thirdly , that according to epiphanius his setting down the time of john's banishment and visions , in the dayes of claudius , there must be above 50 yeares distance between the date of this epistle of christ , and that of ignatius , and consequently that it is not so likely that onesimus , that was their bishop in the later , should be that very angel in the former . 9. fourthly , that as i can have no cause to consent with ado ( in lib. de fest . apost . ad 14. cal. mart. ) that this onesimus in ignatius was hee that is mentioned by st. paul to philemon , so nor to adhere to the roman martyrologie , that he whom paul mentions , was constituted bishop of ephesus after timothy . 10. and therefore fiftly , it must be remembred , that both the greeke menologies , and simeon metaphrastes ( who celebrate his memory on march 13. ) acknowledge not that onesimus to have been at all bishop of ephesus , and that others also of the antients make him to have been bishop of beraea , and martyr'd in domitian's reigne : and dorotheas in synopsi expresly affirmeth that gaius succeeded timothy in ephesus . 11. from all which it followes , that onesimus mentioned by ignatius , was some later bishop of that city , who bare that very ordinary greeke name , and so that his being bishop of ephesus no way belongs to that time of the angel in the revelation , not interferes with their opinion , who thinke timothy to have beene that angel ; the appearing incompetibility whereof was it , i spppose , that brought in here the mention of onesimus . 12. this was here seasonable enough to be confronted to their words in this place , and will be of use to be remembred in the processe of their discourse . 13. thirdly , for polycarp's being bishop of smyrna , as there is left no place for the doubting of that ( if either irenaeus , that lived in his time and saw him , or if tertullian , who lived not long after , and was a curious antiquary , may be believed in their joynt affirmations of a knowne matter of fact ) so it is againe no where affirmed by me , that hee was the very man , to whom that epistle to the angel of smyrna was sent , and if that were their meaning , they have againe misreported my words . 14. all that i had said , i thinke was proved irrefragably ; that in two of those churches mentioned in the apocalyps ; timothy and poylcarpe are by anthentick testimonies affirmed to be constituted bishops , the one by st. paul , the other by st. john , and that is a competent argument added to others , to inferre that the angel of each of those churches was a single person , and so a bishop in the prelatists , not in the presbyterians notion of the word , an assertion which i need not feare will yeild any advantage to the adversaries , and so i as briefly commit it to them . section 3. of the negative argument from st. john's not using the word bishop . of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the revelation . in the next place by way of answer to this plea of the prelatists , we are referred to three writings of their party , smectymnuus , the vindication of smectymnuus , the humble addresses of the divines at the isle of wight , wherein , say they , these things are fully , clearely , and satisfactorily handled . 2. but it being certaine that every one of these three was publisht some yeares before the dissertations , i should thinke it strange that the particulars there insisted on by me , should by divination be thus answered before their conception , being able truly to professe , that though i am not unwilling to make use of any mans aid for defending truth , yet none of those writings , to which any of those three were given in answer , were by me made use of in those compositions . 3. but we are superseded the trouble of examining any of these three , by the leave that is craved to borrow from them what may be usefull for the turne , and then in like manner i shall more willingly receive from these , what shall appeare to answer , or prejudge our plea , than undertake new troubles in farther unnecessary search of it . 4. first , then they desire it may be considered , that s. john , the penman of the revelation doth neither in it , nor in any of his other writings so much as upon the ( by ; i suppose , for the printer failes me ) name bishop . hee names the name presbyter frequently in the revelation , yea , when he would set out the office of those who are neerest the throne of christ in his church , rev. 4. he calls himselfe a presbyter , ep. 2. and whereas in s. john's dayes some new expressions were used in the christian church , which were not in scripture , as the christian sabbath began to be called the lords day , and christ himselfe the word , now both these are found in the writings of st john ; and it is strange to us that the apostle should mention a new phrase , and not mention a new office erected by this time ( as our brethren say ) in the church , especially if wee consider that polycarpe ( as it related ) was made bishop by him ; and no doubt if hee had been made bishop in a prelaticall sense , we should have found the name bishop in some of his writings , who lived so long as to see episcopacy setled in the church , as our adversaries would make us believe . 5. we are now to consider what degree of conviction , or argument , to the prejudice of our pretensions , can be fetcht from this large consideration . and first it is most evident and notorious among all artists , that an argument from authority cannot conclude negatively that there were no bishops in st john's time , because st. john doth not mention bishops . it is the same way of arguing , as if they should conclude that there was no god in the time of writing the canonicall chapters of hester , because god is not found once mentioned in those chapters . and yet of this inartificiall kinde is the whole discourse of this paragraph , the premisses barely negative throughout all the consideration ; and so nothing is conclusible from it to the prejudice of us , or benefit of our adversaries . 6. secondly , all that this consideration pretends to , is terminated in the bare name of bishop , that is it which they pretend is not to be found in st. john. but 1. they knew that the word angel is oft in st john , and by us contested , by the singularity of the person one angel in each church ( and other characters ) to conclude the office of bishop as irrefragably , as if the word bishop were there specified . nay of this wee have a competent experience , that if the word bishop had been found there , it would by presbyterians be as readily expounded to signifie a presbyter , or colledge of such ( for so certainly they have done in other places ) and truly with as much reason and satisfaction to any impartiall judge , as they have affirmed the word angel in each church to denote such . and therefore 7. thirdly , i shall demand , would the apostle st. john's using the name bishop , be at all usefull to the prelatists interests , to conclude that there was such an office in the church in his time , or would it not ? if not , then sure it is not to our prejudice , that hee hath not mentioned that name , and then this whole consideration is perfectly to no purpose . if it would , then sure st. pauls and st. lukes frequent mentions of them ( i may adde st. peter also ) will supply st. john's omissions , and conclude there were bishops in their time , and that was long before st. johns death , if it had been considered . 8. fourthly , when it is said that st. john frequently names the name presbyter in the apocalyps , 't is not imaginable that they should thinke the author of the dissertations could receive any prejudice from thence , when hee hath avowed to believe that those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , mentioned in those so many places of the revelation , were the 24. bishops of judaea sitting in councell at jerusalem their metropolis , encompassing james the bishop there together with the foure living creatures , denoting the foure apostles that were joyned with them in the councell , and the 7. lamps , the emblemes of the 7. deacons attending ; of which matter till they have disproved what is commodiously deduced dissert . 4. c. 20. sect. 10. i shall have no need farther to inlarge , it being perfectly uselesse to our present inquiry , that either the word bishop or elder should be used by s. john , for a single prefect in the christian church , supposing ( as now we do in the objection , and t is but a begging of the question in the respondent to suppose the contrary ) that the word angel is a notation of it . 9. by this it appeares fiftly , how little wee incommodated by the position of these elders in the revelation placed neerest to the throne of christ in his church , for supposing , as i doe , that christ is by way of vision represented there under the person of the bishop of jerusalem sitting in councell , and encompassed ( on each side ) with a semicircle of thrones , on which sat the 24 bishops of judea , i can well allow these 24. ( call them elders , or what you please ) to be neerest to that middle throne , whereon christ is seated . and truely if it should be otherwise interpreted of presbyters in the moderne notion of the word , it would be hard to make the other parts of the vision to beare proportion with that phansy ; for i must suppose , according to st. john's words , that in the vision these thrones were set up in heaven ; and then i shall demand , was that a representation of any councell or judicature on earth ▪ or not ? if it were not , then nothing can be inferred thence in favour of presbyters , more than of bishops , for of both these we speake , as of officers on earth ; but if it were , then applying it to presbyters , it must follow , that in the midst of them there is some other ( invironed on each side by them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sitting upon that throne of principall dignity , before whom also they on the other thrones must fall downe v. 10 . ( or else the parallel will not hold throughout ) and the least that can be signified hereby , will be superiority of dignity in him that sits on that middle throne above all the 24. elders , which will be deemed to exceede the case of a prolocutor or moderator of an assembly , which is the ut most that the presbyterian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality can admit of , but much more commodiously agrees to the metropolitan of all iudea , sitting in a nationall councell with the bishops about him , for of these we doubt not to affirme that they were as much inferior to him , as this representation doth pretend them to be . 10. as for the sence affixt to it by the assemblers , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are presbyters in the moderne notion , and that he that sits in the midst of them is christ , this is against all analogy , and rules of interpreting , a mining and confounding the originall with the copy , the type with the antitype , interpreting one part of the visi●n , as if it were in heaven ( for it was there where christ did sit as judge ) and the other as if it were on earth , for sure the presbyters in this notion are to be considered as there ; and this is a very sufficient prejudice against their interpretation ( if there were not enough besides ) and such as no way presseth our way of setting it , as hath been already manifested . 11. sixtly , for his calling himselfe a presbyter ep. 2. i answer , that as farre as this allegation hath truth , it hath no force in it at all against our pretentions . he doth indeed call himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the elder , we fitly render it ) noting thereby ( according to analogy with the solemne notion of the word both among sacred and prophane writers , set downe at large dissert . 4. c. 19. ) a person of authority in the church of christ ; an apostle first , and then the supreme governour of the whole iewish church in asia , which is but proportionable to saint pauls beginning his epistles with paul an apostle ( or commissioner ) of iesus christ ( placed in that power in the church by christ himselfe ) and with the same style in the front of saint peters epistles , onely with this characteristick note peculiar to saint iohn in his gospell and epistles , of omitting the expression of his owne name ; and then all that this text is of force to doe , is to prove that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not import a presbyter ( in our moderne use of the word ) governing in common with other presbyters , but rather a singular governor of the church , such as bishops are by us contested to be ; and so the greek scholiasts have expressed it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the word elder he calls himselfe bishop . and this , 't is certaine , is for the interest of the author of the dissertations , and no way to his prejudice , if it had been adverted by them that produce it . 12. seventhly , when 't is said that in saint iohn's dayes some new expressions were used in the christian church , which were not in scripture , as the lords day , and the word , i professe not to comprehend what advantage to their praetensions could be designed or aimed at in this part of the consideration : for 1. how can it truly be said , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord's day , which is in the revelation , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word , which is in saint iohn's gospell , were not in scripture ? i must suppose the meaning is , that they were not in any other writings of scripture , except saint iohn's : but then 2. that doth not infer them to be new expressions in saint iohn's dayes , as these dayes are distinguisht from the dayes of the other apostles , whom iohn survived , but only that they were idiomes or characters of speech that saint iohn delighted to make use of . 13. thus indeed 't is ordinarily observed of his expressing of christ by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word , which yet is taken from the ancients of the jewish church ( the chaldes paraphrase being knowne frequently to use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word of the lord , and plato seems to have been acquainted with the expression , which caused amelius to sweare at the reading the beginning of s. john's gospell , that that barbarian was of their plato's mind , that the word of god was in order of a principle ) and perhaps not peculiarly to him appropriate , for * budaeus a very learned critick in greek affirmes saint luke to have used it in this notion , cap. 1. 2. and if he doth not , yet still 't will be but a peculiar part of john's style , which if he had written his gospell in the same yeare that saint matthew did his , he would doubtlesse have made use of , the phrase being certainly in the world before that time ( and so not new , as they would have it ) and the usage of it in the church being in all reason to be derived from john's use of it ( who was from thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the divine ) not john's use of it from the new admission of it into the christian church . 14. and for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord's day , as it is not certaine that it is the christian sabbath ( i meane the weekly lord's day , ) which is meant by that title once used in the revelation , but as probably the feast of easter , the annual commemoration of christ's rising from the dead ( and accordingly andreas caesariensis sets it indifferently , yet so as it seems rather to incline to the later , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lord's day bearing the memorial of the resurrection of christ ) so in what notion soever it be taken , it was against saint iohn's use of the word that gave it authority in the following dialect of the church , not the churches usage ( that we any where can discerne ) from whence saint iohn derived it ; and so this will be an instance as ineffectual as the former , to inferre the conclusion to which it is designed : for indeed bating the unskilfulnesse of the argument , ab authoritate negative , already mentioned , what a strange way of concluding would this be ? s. iohn useth the words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word ] and [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord's day ] ( supposing also , that 't is true which is added ) and no other writer of the scripture useth them but in stead of them , [ the sonne of god ] ( messias , christ ) and the [ first day of the week ] therefore if there had been any office of bishops erected in the church in saint iohn's time , it is strange that saint iohn should not mention the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop : 't is at the first hearing cleare enough , that there is no strangenesse in this , both because saint iohn undertooke not to set downe a dictionary of all words or customes which were in his time in the church , and because there is no proportion held betwixt the members of the comparison , as hath been shewed . and it will yet be lesse strange , because 1. it is easily supposeable and not strange , that he should have no occasion at all to mention that office , or that mentioning it , he should doe it in his owne chosen expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 angel , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder ( as in other greater matters he is acknowledged and allowed to doe ) by either of those signifying the same thing as expressely as the using of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop would have done : and 2. it is otherwise as manifest by saint paul and saint luke , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop , and the office belonging to it were before the time of saint john's writings used in the church , as it could be , if saint iohn had made expresse mention of it . 15. and lastly , for the highest round in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the special part of the consideration , our affirmation that polycarp was made bishop by saint iohn , that doth not ( any more than all the rest ) inferre it necessary that saint iohn should mention the name bishop : saint iude , i hope , is supposed by the assemblers to have constituted some presbyters in the church , and yet he in his epistle hath made no mention of any such name or office . and so much for that first consideration . section iv. of saint john's writings . againe of diotrephes . a second consideration now followes to be added to this , that there is not any the least intimation in all s. john's writings , of the superiority of one presbyter over another , save onely where he names and chides diotrephes , as one ambitiously affecting such a primacy . 2. a consideration of the same unhappy constitution with the former , 1. a testimonio negativè againe , saint iohn had no occasion to mention it , therefore there was in his time no such thing , and 2. in respect of the matter just the same againe , put only in other words , there 't was , [ no mention of bishop in all saint john's writings , ] here , [ no superiority of one presbyter over another in all saint john's writings . ] and so it can adde no accumulation of weight to the former . 3. but then 2. ( bating againe those two infirmities in discourse ) what if it were granted that at the time of saint john's writing , there were not in the whole church of christ any one presbyter , superior to another presbyter , what hath the author of the dissert : lost , or they gained by this ? he makes no doubt willingly to yeild to any inforcing reason that is or shall be produced to conclude that at that time , there was above de●cons but one degree in the church , and yet to be never the lesse qualified to maintaine his praetensions , nay he is knowne to have expressed it as his opinion probably inferred , and not easily confuted ( and that by which , if it be true , or because there is no evidence to the contrary , all the presbyterian praetensions , founded in the doubtfulnesse of words in scripture , are utterly excluded ) that there were not in the space within compasse of which , all the bookes of the new testament were written , any presbyters in our moderne notion of them , created in the church , though soon after , certainely in ignatius's time , there were ; and then if the consideration now before us were of any force at all , this would be the one direct and proper use of it , to adde more confidence to this opinion , and so to confirme , not to invalidate our praetensions . 4. thirdly for diotrephes and saint iohn's chiding of him for ambitiously affecting a primacy over other presbyters , there will appeare to be more than one misadventure in it . for 1. it is apparent in the text that this di●trephes ( whom * walo messalinus a good friend to the praetensions of the assemblers , describes so , as will conclude him a me●re presbyterian , noluit , saith he , agnoscore superiorem aliqu●m in presbyteros habentem potestatem , he would not acknowledge any superior having power over presbyters ) contended for superiority , not onely over his equals , but over saint iohn himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , faith that apostle , he 〈◊〉 not us , yeilds no obedience , gives no heed to our letter of directions ; this certainly belongs not to the superiority or dignity of bishops , which reserves the primacy to the apostles intire , and no way clasheth with it , and onely pretends to that power and office of duty , which for the preserving of unity , and the good of the flock , the apostles thought fit to intrust and commit to them . 5. secondly , diotrophes was not ( as farre as appeares , or we have reason to conjecture ) ordeined to any office of power in the asian church , committed to that apostles care , but of himselfe without any mission , nay expressely against the apostles consent , was willing to assume and exercise this power , and is but an example of corah's sedition and presumptuous humour ( and that is inevitably the case of the presbyterian , unlesse he can shew his commission for the power he pretends to ) all one with that of the gnosticks censured by saint iude under the style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gainesaying of cora●● , and this no way belongs , or is appliable to the practice of the bishop , who by commission from the apostle , not by any ambition or presumption of his owne , regularly ascends to this degree of office and dignity in the church , and useth it as regularly also , in subordination to all his superiors . 6. on this occasion the dissertations have offered a dilemma to these disputants , which i should be willing to heare answered by them , in this forme , either diotrephes exercised in the church the power of the bishop , in the notion of a singular praefect , assuming power over the presbyters , or he did not ; if he did not , then is this consideration presently at an end , diotrephes is falsly accused , and the innocent bishop unjustly wounded through his sides , who it seems was no bishop : but if it be said he did , then i demand , why is not diotrophes checkt by s. john for that presumption of affecting a power over his equals ? and why doth the whole charge lye another way , that he received not s. iohn's letters , nor paid due obedience to them ? or why is that very thing charged so heavily on the bishops in our age , and punisht so severely in them , which the apostle living and seeing , and upon occasion taking notice of diotrephes his insolence , doth not so much as reprehend or accuse in him ? 7. for as to the epithet which he bestowes upon him , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that loved the praeeminence , supposing that were the title of his fault , yet that extends not the apostles speech to censuring or blaming the use of that power , but onely the ambition and affectation of it , which were otherwise lawfull to be enjoy'd ; as when t is noted in the pharisees , that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , love or affect the uppermost seats in the synagogues , which otherwise simply to have sat in , had implyed no crime of theirs , for to this very end , that some body should sit in them , they were certainly erected , and 't is known that there was among them a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 head of the consistory , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 governor of the synagogue , to whom that seat belonged by god's appointment . 8. nay for the very desire , as farre as is exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 tim. 3. 1. desiring and coveting , it is allowed by the apostle to be terminated in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the office of a bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a good , and consequently a desireable worke , and if diotrephes be supposed guilty of any other , it may safely be yeilded to have been a fault in him , without praejudice to the good office which he so vitiously and criminously affected , according to that of * theodoret , that the apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accuses not the desire simply , but the desire of rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and teacheth to desire , not the honour , but the vertue , not to covet the dignity , but to seeke the worke of the dignity , the taske to which it belongs . by all which , and much more added in the * dissertations , it is evident , how little advantage hath accrued to the assemblers from their mention of diotrephes out of saint john , and by consequence from their second consideration . section v. of st. john's being bishop of asia . of the apostles being bishops . now succeeds a third consideration . viz. that the same authors that say that s. john made polycarpe bish . of smyrna , & that s. peter made ignatius bishop of antioch , do also say that st. john himselfe sat many yeares bishop of ephesus , and was the metropolitan of all asia , which ( say they ) is an evident demonstration to us , that these authors did not use the word bishop in a prelaticall sense . for it is certaine that the apostles cannot be properly called bishops ; for though they doe eminently containe the episcopall office , yet they were not formally bishops . for this were to degrade the apostle , and to make their office ordinary and perpetuall , this were to exalt the bishop above his degree , and make him an apostles , and to make the apostle a bishop . it doth not much differ from madnesse , to say that peter or any one of the apostles were properly bishops , as learned whitaker saith , whom wee shall have occasion to cite to this purpose hereafter . 2. whether this consideration be likely to contribute any thing to their advantage , save onely by amusing the reader , and keeping him longer in expectation , that somewhat may possibly be produced to the disparagement of our plea , i desire may distinctly be considered by these degrees . 3. first , i acknowledge that stile [ the same authors — ] to belong truly to antient writers produced by mee in the dissertations , who , as they doe affirme st. john to have constituted policarpe bishop of smyrna , diss . 4. c. 5. sect. 5. and st. peter to have placed ignatius bishop of antioch . diss . 5. c. 1. sect. 18. so they consent also that st. john sat bishop of ephesus and metropolitane of all asia : so * eusebius frequently , that after his returne from his banishment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he administred or governed the churches there , i.e. in asia ; and ( as he cites it lib. 3. cap. 31. out of policrates his epistle ) died there . so the antient writer of the martyrdom of timothy , † in photius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being recalled by nerva's decree , he sat downe at ephesus , and himselfe personally , with seven bishops his adsessors ( those in all probability the bishops of the seven churches in the revelation ) hee governed the metropolitan city of ephesus that prime metropolis of all asia , to the bishop whereof , saith † chrysostome , was intrusted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole nation of asia ; these testimonies may suffice for the substance of the affirmation that st. john governed the church of ephesus , and under it all asia , which is the notion wee now have of a bishop metropolitane and primate . 4. as for the word bishop , how can it be inconvenient to bestow that upon him , when hee discharged the office , nay when christ himselfe that great exemplar and originall of this power , is expresly called the bishop of our soules , as well as the apostle ; when the office from which judas fell , and to which matthias is assumed , is by st. luke out of the septuagint called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishoprick , act. 1. 20. when accordingly from the scripture usage the fathers of the church have continued the style , apostolos i. e. episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit , the lord chose apostles , i. e. bishops and governours of the church , saith * cyprian , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , peter and paul were the first or chiefe in rome , the same persons , apostles and bishops , saith * epiphanius , and apostoli episcopi sunt , firmante illud petro apostol● — the apostles were bishops , as is confirmed by peter in these words . his bishoprick let another take , saith † hilarius sardus , and againe , areall apostles ? ●tis true , saith hee , quia in ecelesiâ unus episcopus , because in each church there is one bishop . and , nemo ignorat episcopos servatorem ecclesi●s instituisse , ipse enim priusquam ascenderet , imponens manum apostolis ordinavit eos episcopos . no man is ignorant that our saviour instituted bishops in the church , for before he ascended to heaven hee laid his hands on the disciples and ordained them bishops ; saith the * writer of the questions on the old and new testament , and , sanctus matth●us episcopatum sortitus est , st. matthew was bishop , saith gildas . and to shut up all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — it is manifest that the apostles were bishops , st john in asia , st. andrew in achaia , st. thomas in india ; saith * gabriel philadelph : and agreeably when st. john of whom we now speake , calls himselfe in the front of two epistles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elder , the greek scholiast , resolves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the word elder he calls himselfe bishop . and so there is no newes in thus affirming . 5. but then secondly , when they take this for an evident demonstration , that these authors did not use the word bishop in a prelaticall sense , this is very farre distant from a demonstration , having not arrived to the lowest degree of probability or credibility . for what is a bishop in the prelaticall sense , but a single person governing in chiefe in a city or wider circuit ? and such certainly was st. peter at rome , s. john at ephesus , &c. as long as they continued to execute that power of the keyes ( the donation of which instituted them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 steward 's in gods house , governours of the church ) in this or that city or region , and ordained other bishops there . thirdly , therefore when 't is added , that it is certaine that the apostles cannot be properly called bishops , i reply that it is most certaine they may , not onely because these so many antient writers , through severall ages have called them so , and may not , with any justice from us , be accused of impropriety , but because the donation of the keyes did as properly make them bishops , as the commission to goe preach to all nations , being added to it , made them apostles . to which purpose let these few things be considered , 1. that it is here by the assemblies acknowledged , that the apostles did eminently conteine the episcopall office , which though it be a little hastily expressed , and should be , i suppose , that the apostolicall office did eminently containe the episcopall , yet there is no doubt , but this is the meaning of it , that the apostles had all the episcopall power in their hands , and over and above , something more , and if they had episcopall power , then sure in respect of that , they may as properly be called bishops , as in respect of their apostolicall commission , which they had also , they may be properly called apostles . thus we know that they that have first the power of deacons bestowed on them , and after of presbyters , are questionlesse deacons still , though they be also presbyters , and they which from the office of presbyters are advanced to bishops , are certainly presbyters still , though they be also bishops , and doe not lose the former power by being advanced to the latter , are not lessened by this increase of their dignity . 7. secondly , that when an apostle is differenced from a bishop , it is either by his extraordinary power granted him for the planting of the church , or by the vniversality of his diocese , the [ all the world ] to which his commission extended , whereas the ordinary bishop's power and diocese are more limited . but then these differences are of no force in this matter , they onely conclude that the apostle is more than a bishop in those two respects , not that in other sufficient respects he is not a bishop . 8. thirdly , when the apostles had each of them ( not onely all together in a consistory ) that unlimited power , in respect of the extent to all the world , given to them by christ , wee know that after his ascent they parted and distributed this province among them , assigned every one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his proper place or lot , to which he should betake himselfe for the planting of the faith of christ ; and then there will be no doubt but that hee , who according to his line ( in st. paul's phrase ) had planted the faith in such a city or province , and sat downe , and confirmed , and farther instituted ( which is the meaning of labouring in the doctrine , as well as in the word ) and govern'd them , and exercised all episcopall acts among them , might in so doing be stiled a bishop in that city or province , and that as truely and as properl● as he that could doe all the latter and not the former ( building on another mans foundation ▪ go●erning and instructing , where another had planted the faith might be said to be . 9. nay fourthly , we know , that although by canons of the church there is provision made , upon prudentiall considerations , that no man shall be made a bishop sine titulo , without a title or particular see , to which hee is assigned , yet before those canons forbad it , such bishops there were , and those never doubted to be properly bishops , though they were not affixt to any diocese ; and then nothing can hinder but that the apostle , who had each the whole world for his title , though hee were never affixed to any particular diocese or province , might be most properly styled a bishop for all that . but this is ex abundanti , more than is needfull to our present praetentions of st. john , who , we know , was after his returne from banishment affixt to asia , and seated at ephesus the chiefe metropolis there , to superintend in the jewish part of the asian church over all the bishops and metropolitans there . 10. to this i might adde fiftly , that the bishops in every city were successors of the apostles , as is largely deduced diss . 3. c. 3. sect. 14. &c. which they could not truly be , if the apostles , whom they succeeded , were not in vested with that power , wherein they succeeded them , i. e. were not first bishops before them . but i shall not inlarge of this , having no need of more evidences in this matter . 11. fourthly therefore , when it is added , that if the apostles be affirmed to be properly bishops , this were to degrade the apostles , and to make their office ordinary and perpetuall . this is but a shortnesse of discourse , of which a very few words will suffice to admonish any , for there is no more strength in that consequence , than there would be in affirming that such an one is a man , therefore he is not a living creature , or that he that saith he is a living creature , degrades him from being a man ; for as to that of [ ordinary and perpetuall ] 't is no way inconvenient , that the apostles , who had somewhat temporary and extraordinary for the first planting of churches ( in respect of which especially they were called apostles ) might also have somewhat , which was of ordinary perpetuall use in the church , wherein others might and should succeed them , and that is it unquestionably which wee meane by the word bishops , when we ascribe it to them or any of them , or to christ himselfe , the source and originall copy of that power in the church . 12. fiftly , when another inconvenience is accumulated on this , ( much to the former purpose , but in more words ) this were to exalt the bishop above his degree , and make him an apostle , end to make the apostle a bishop . 1. it is evident , that if the forementioned exception were true , viz. that it were the degrading the apostle , it could not farther be truly said , that it were the exalting the bishop above his degree , for supposing one to be above the other , the degrading one would make the other e●uall to him without any new act of exalting him ▪ if the apostle have already descended to the bishop , sure the bishop need not , cannot ascend to the apostle ; i cannot goe up staires to him who hath prevented me by his dignation or misfortune , and is already come or fallen downe● to me . secondly therefore this makes not the bishop an apostle , which is a degree higher than he , ( though in respect of the episcopall power common to them with the aposles it is nothing strange in the antient writers for the first bishops of the churches ; james the bishop of jerusalem , thaddaeus , luke , barnabas , marke timothy , titus , clemens , ignatius , to be called apostles , as is evidenced at large in the * dissertations ) but onely supposes the apostle to be a bishop , which he may well be ( as the greater conteineth the lesse ) though the bishop be no apostle , as it is confest that the lesse containes not the greater . 13. and lastly for the citation out of dr. whitaker , i have no directions to the place , which may inable me to examine it ; and i know circumstances of the context , or the designe of the speech may much alter it , from what it signifies to me at my reading it thus cited ; but if it be distinctly thus , and incapable of a more commodious interpretation , i cannot consent to the truth of it , or comprehend upon what grounds of reason he should so severely censure those scriptures and fathers , which have been produced to affirme that the apostles were bishops , and particularly st. john and st. peter . and indeed when it falls out , that each of those two apostles peculiarly calls himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an elder , or as they render it presbyter , i shall demand ; did either of those speake properly or no ? if they did , were either of those little distant from , mad-men ? if so i shall be content to be under any censure in their company . and therefore if they spake not so properly , i shall be content with them to have spoken improperly also : but if apostles may be called presbyters without any of these inconveniences of degradation in them , any ins●lence in the presbyter , or madnesse in the speaker , my onely remaining quaere is , why they might not , without all this adoe , be called bishops also , meaning by bishops , as i now meane ? for i am sure that is the same thing that i understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder in those three places , and they , who differ from me herein , do yet understand it of presbyters ( and so had said in the second consideration expresly , that st. john calls himselfe a presbyter ) and then all the spice of madnesse consists in this , thinking a bishop capable of that exaltation , that a presbyter in perfect sobriety is capable of . and so much for the third consideration . section vi. of the word angel , and starre , pretended to be common to all ministers . of messenger , and embassadour . the singularity of the word angel. the fourth consideration is , that the word angel ( which is the title given to those supposed bishops ) doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction , or praeeminence , but is a common name to all ministers , and so is used in scripture . for all ministers are gods messengers and embassadours sent for the good of the elect , and therefore the name being common to all ministers , why should we thinke that there should be any thing spoken to one minister , that doth not belong to all ? the same may be said of the word starre ( which is also a title given to those supposed metropolitans ) it is evident that all faithfull ministers are called starres in scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the churches in all purity of doctrine , and holinesse of conversation ; there is nothing in these titles that argue these ministers to be bishops in our brethrens sense : insomuch as had they not been called bishops by some authors that succeeded them , ( who spake of former times in the language of their owne times ) this way of arguing would have been counted ridiculous . 2. ●o this consideration i might , if it were needfull , reply , 1. that the word angel is no where used for any other officer or minister in the church , save onely the prophets ( such as haggai . c. 1. 13. and john baptist , mat. 11. 10. ) and the chiefe priest , mal. 2. 7. 3. secondly , that , as to the words messenger , and embassador , there is in ordinary speech some considerable difference betweene them , the latter having in it a connotation of dignity , sustaining the person of the king , from whom he is sent immediately , which is not applicable to the former ; and agreeably when it is used of st. paul and timothy , in whose name that epistle is written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wee are embassadors , 2 cor. 5. 20. ] there is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , or , in the name , and authority of christ , and againe wee pray you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we well render , in christs stead , as his proxies , for to embassadors are ; which being there applied to s. paul an apostle , and to timothy , one imployed by him immediatly to preach and plant the faith , and after to governe in the church , may be proportion belong to the bishops their successors peculiarly . 4. thirdly , that as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a messenger , or nuntio , so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apostle ( according to the origination of it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be sent ) signifies also without any considerable difference , but yet is never thought fit , either in scripture , or in the style of the church to be applied to ordinary ministers , but onely to those sent immediately by christ , as he by his father to plant and rule churches , and to those who first succeeded them , or were imployed by them in that great office . 5. but that which wholly frustrates the designe of the consideration , is this , that the singularity of the person , ( one angel in each of the seven churches ) is all that wee argue from , in this matter ; for as to the power and authority in each church , that is certainly pretended to ( and not declin'd ) by the presbyterian as well as the prelatist , the onely question is , whether it be placed in one over the rest , or in more than one , ruling together in common , and from the style of christs epistle to the angel of the church of ephesus , and the like in each of the seven , wee thinke we conclude regularly , that it was one , it being certaine that the singular number is not the duall or plurall , and that [ angel ] is a person , not an aggregate body or multitude . 7. and to the same purpose againe wee conclude not from the mention of the starres , not from their light or shining , but from their number , but seven in all , no more than there are churches , i. e. one onely in each church ; and we know there is difference betweene a star and an asterisme or constellation , one single light , and a conjunction of many ; and accordingly mr. brightman , that is resolved not to finde this truth in that text , is forced to deale plainely , and to tell us , that the epistles are not each of them sent to any one angel , but to the colledge of pastors , nec uni alicui angelo mittuntur , sed toti , ut ita dicam , collegio pastorum , in apoc. c. 2. 1. which being sufficiently contrary to the evidence of the text , which reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the angel , in the singular , he thinkes fit to adde his reason for it ; non enim unus erat angelus ephesi sed plures , nec inter istos aliquis princeps , for there was not 〈◊〉 angel of ephesus , but many : nor any one among those principall or chiefe , which is the begging of the question , or proveing his assertion onely by asserting it ; whereas beza finding himselfe more prest by the force of the place , is forced to render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the angel , i. e. to the president , quem nimirum oportuit inprimis de his rebus admoneri , who was in the first place to be admonished of these things . 8. what the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the use of the antient church properly signifies , is showne at large out of justin martyr , dionysius bishop of corinth , marcellus ancyranus and the councell of ephesus , dissert . 4. c. 17. directly the same that we meane now by bishop ; but that i pretend not to thinke beza meant by it ( his prolepses and espoused principles leading him another way ) all that i observe from the citation , is , that by the singularity of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the angel ] not angels , he was forced to confesse a single person to be understood , which is contrary to mr. brightman , and those that comprehend a colledge of presbyters under the title , which being yeilded , i doubt not but our other evidences already produced ( which must not be at every turne repeated ) from the catalogue of bishops in the church of ephesus , &c. and the judgement of the vniversal church concerning those single persons , will conclude them indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not in beza's notion , but in justin martyrs ( who was much a more competent judge ) i. e. the very bishops which we pretend them to be : and truly i cannot discerne any weake part ( which may hazard being counted ridiculous ) in this way of arguing . section vii . of their exception to our arguing from symbols : of rishop and elder being the same . the last consideration now remains in these words , these titles of stars and angels are mysterious and metaphoricall , it is said rev. 1. 20. the mysterie of the seven stars — and certainly it cannot be safe or solid to build the structure of episcopacie by divine right upon mysterious and metaphoricall denominations , theologia symbolica non est argumentativa , especially if we consider that there are abundance of cleere texts that make bishops and presbyters to be one and the same ; and it cannot be praise-worthy for any men ( though never so learned in the esteem of the world ) to oppose certain allegorical and mysterious titles to so many expresse testimonies of scripture . 2. to this the answer will be satisfactory , though it should be but briefe , that we doe not found our argument in an allegorie . for 1. though the word stars applyed to the governors of churches be onely figuratively so applyed , yet the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( if the authors of this consideration may be believed in that which immediately preceded ) signifies ( not an angel from heaven , or incorporeal substance , but ) a messenger or embassadour , such as , say they , all ministers are , and agreeably in that which is here annexed to prove the allegorical or mystical phrases ( from rev. 1. 20. the mistery of the seven starres ) it is evident , that onely the word [ starres ] is symbolical or mystical , and as evident that the angels are not , for it is in the explicating and not in the forming of the figure , that the angels of the churches are mentioned , as the things which are signified by the mistery of the starres , as the churches themselves by the lamps ; and therefore as it would be absur'd to say that a symbol is explicated by a symbol , one mystery by another , or proportionably that the churches , by which the lamps are exprest , are a mystical allegorical phrase , so it will be as unreasonable to affirme of the angels , that they are a mistery or allegorie , because of the starres it is affirmed that they are such , when indeed the word angel is the interpretation and unfolding of the mysterie , which is as far from being the mistery , as the light is from being darknesse , which it expells out of the horizon , and is purposely sent by god to doe so . 3. but then secondly , 't is yet more manifest , that if the word angel were here used figuratively ( as it is evident it was not , and was so confest , when it appeared usefull to the objectors that it should not ) yet it being the singularity of the person , wherein our argument is founded , our argument is not founded on that which is mystical , for certainely this number is a plaine grammatical notation of a singular person , and that is proofe enough that it was not a collective body , a presbytery or consistory , that is meant by it . and in this all the controversie betwixt us and the adversary consists , whether it was in many or in one in each church , that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was vested , and that is sufficiently decided by that which is cleare and un●igurative in this text , and cannot be imagined otherwise , but by forcing some figure on it , by which one angel may be set for more ministers , which if it be done , would not by their rule be argumentative . 4. thirdly , whereas it is suggested , that this which we conclude from hence , is opposite to many expresse testimonies of scripture , i have no more to say in this place , where this is onely affirmed , but not attempted to be proved , but to professe my perswasion and assurance ( the truth of which must be in the processe of this discourse contested ) that there is no such thing , but on the contrary , that the whole scripture , and practice , and writings of the first ages of the church , and the succeeding through all the world , agree directly with what i conclude from the singularity of the angel ; and when in the following words the testimonies are expressed to be those which make bishops and presbyters to be one and the same , this also will immediately vanish , when it is remembred , what is largely deduced in the dissertations , that the word bishop in the scripture is never used for a presbyter in our moderne notion of the word , but constantly for the one single governor in a church or city , and that if there be any truth in that which is here affirmed , presbyters must be taken in a notion distant from that in which now we use it , and signifie , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath already been said to doe , the singular bishop in each church , and 't is certaine such an identity of the names , will never be deemed contrary to what we have concluded from the angel , but directly confirme it for us . 5. and although here is no occasion in this place to prove and make good this assertion in each part of it , ( the first positivè , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or bishop in scripture alwayes signifies the singular bishop ; the second suppositivè , that if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishop , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder , be one and the same in scripture , it must be by interpreting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder , so as to signifie a bishop in all place ▪ ) yet 't is certaine , that this is already done at large in dissert . 4. cap. 6. sect. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. and shall here againe be repeated and vindicated , when the proper place requires it , which i foresee it will speedily doe . 6. in the meane , i must take leave to expresse my present sense , and hope that others will not thinke it too hasty , that no one of these five considerations , nor consequently all of them together , have at all praejudged our conclusion ( now in hand ) inferred from that of the epistle of christ to the 7. angels of the 7. churches . section viii . of the singularity of each angel. the objections from the use of the plurall number . these considerations being thus laid as their foundation ( and i suppose being already removed from superseding or hindring our superstructure ) the next part of their method is , having mentioned our objection from the singularity of each angel's person , to whom christ's message or epistle is sent , and the conclusion of an high prelatist from hence , that these angels are not onely bishops but archbishops , to apply solid and every way sufficient answers to this objection . 2. in this proposall of our objection , i shall not need to inquire who this high prelatist is ; the former intimations and directions have perswaded me that i am lookt on as this objector , though it be sufficiently knowne that the most reverend archbishop of armagh , lord primate of ireland , hath many yeares since deduced this conclusion in every part from this text , and might , if they had pleased , have secured me from the opinion either of novelty , or singularity in the assertion . 3. but i shall most willingly assume the burthen , and proceed to the view of the solid and every way sufficient answers , which are said to be given to this objection , which though they be , it seemes to be fetcht out of smectymnuus , &c. yet it happens well , that we shall ( without need of consulting those larger volumes ) find them here with more ease , reduced to two heads , one , that the word angel signifies not a singular person , the second , that if it did , it will not at all advantage the episcopal cause . 4. these two , i confesse , if either of them be solidly proved , will utterly drive us from our hold : the onely question at present is , whether in either part the proofes be solid , and of this we must now inquire , and first of the former of them . 5. this they thus propose , that the word angel is not to be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not individually , but collectively , for all the pastors and ministers of the respective churches . 6. but before their proofes for such an assertion ( that the angel of such a church , which is certainly an individual , as much as the bishop of such a diocese , is not yet to be taken individually ) they first adde their confession that this answer is called a poore shift , a vaine conceipt , &c. but promise such reasons for the justification of it , which cannot be answered . 7. to the view of these unanswerable reasons therefore we shall now hasten ; and the first reason is , because our saviour speakes to the angel often in the plural number , rev. 2. 21. but unto you i say , and the rest of thyatira , and so rev. 2. 10. and 13. by which , say they , it is evident , that by the word angel is not meant one singular person , but the collective body of rulers . 8. to this first reason i shall answer , by separating that one text of thyatira from the other two , and all that are of the same nature with them , and speake first of these two , and remind them 1. that in an epistl● unquestionably addrest to a particular person , others under his care and charge may be , and are occasionally mentioned , so in that to titus , paul●s owne sonne , i. e. under the particular character of the beloved person converted by him ; in the conclusion we finde these words , grace be with you all , i. e. not with him as he must signifie a whole presbyterie , but all the sincere lovers of christ , and saint paul , they that love us in the faith , in the former part of the verse . 9. secondly , that though the one angel of the church be the person to whom each part of the epistle is addrest , yet in it are set downe the sins and fate of the whole church , , i. e. of all the believers in it ; thus when the people of israel or judah were fallen into foule sins and provocations against god , it was ordinary for god to send a prophet to the king of either of them , and admonish him what reformations were to be wrought , and what judgements were a comming in case of neglect . in which kind of messages of the prophet delivered to the king , 't is certaine that the whole people were concerned , and so without question was it here , rev. 2. 10. the devill shall cast some of you , i. e. some members of that church , into prison , &c. and so ver . 13. among you , i. e. among you of that church or city . 10. and indeed if each of those churches had been governed by a consistory of co-equal presbyters , and those ( as is pretended by our adversaries ) signified by the angel , yet there would be as little reason to doubt , but the sins of the people , as well as the clergy were here reprehended by christ , and the judgement threatned to one as well as to the other , and to this can be no reason to inferre the angel to be no singular person , the church ruled by one , making up a multitude , as well as if it were ruled by a presbytery . 11. as for the place , cap. 2. 24. concerning thyatira , that hath a different appearance , for the greek copie ordinarily reading it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but i say unto you ( in the plural and to the rest which are in thyatira ] the [ you ] in the plural , is by the objectors thought necessarily to belong to the angel of that city , as [ the rest ] to the community of the people . to this place therefore we have formerly answered , that the reading in the antient manuscripts , particularly in that belonging to the kings library at saint james's , leaves out the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ] and reads thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but to you i say the rest which are in thyatira ] and this takes away all force from the objection , for the former part of the epistle belonging to the angel , who permitted jezabel , and to them that committed fornication with her , the [ but ] in the front separates the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you the rest ] from the angel , and those other formerly spoken to , and therefore the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you , cannot possibly be the angel , wherein all the strength of the objection consists . 12. but this answer , though taken notice of , is disliked : for , say they , he that shall view the antecedent and consequent , and consider that ver . 23. it is said , i will give to every one of you , &c. and then followes , but i say unto you , and then in the conclusion of the verse , i will put upon you no other burthen , will confesse that the old copies are better than that which is said to be tecla's manuscript . 13. and here i shall desire the reader to beare me company in obeying their directions , and observe what the antecedents and consequents can afford to the prejudice of that antient copy . 't is most true , that v. 23. we read , i will give to every one of you , and that then it followes v. 24. but i say unto you , and in the conclusion of the verse , i will put upon you — but i demand , what will they conclude from hence ? that by the word [ you ] in all these places the same persons are to be understood , and that those persons are the interpretation of the angel v. 18 ? these two things they must conclude , or else they will faile in their designe , which is to shew that by the word angel the collective body of rulers is meant . but the first of these is evidently false , whatsoever reading be retained , for besides that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but ] doth clearly separate the second [ you ] from the first , and makes them distinct persons , the very matter of the speeches will convince it : for in the 23. v. the [ you ] are those that were corrupted by iezabel v. 20. 22. who are now to be exemplarily punisht and destroyed , i will kill her ( i. e. iezebels ) children with death ( as also those that had committed fornication with her v. 22. ) and all the churches shall know that i am the searcher of hearts , and i will give to every of you according to your workes ; but the second [ you ] and so also the third , are the quite contrary to these , as many as have not this doctrine , and who have not knowne these depths of satan , and consequently , who are not to be punished , nor so much as admonished , but onely confirmed in their present practice , to hold fast what they have already . 14. so contrary is it to all appearance of truth , that the antecedent and consequent should favour their pretension . 15. this matter is so evident ( the contrary conditions and fates of the [ you ] in v. 23 and the [ you ] in v. 14. ) that if the ordinary reading were to be retained [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and that rendred [ to you and the rest in thyat●ra ] so as to difference [ you ] and [ the rest ] another antecedent to the relative [ you ] must necessarily be sought out , and then that can be no other but the churches incidentally mentioned v. 23. who had not been charged for this crime . for as for the angel v. 18. if hee were not so remote ( 6. verses off ) and if the singular number could be the antecedent to the plurall [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you ] ( as it cannot ) yet still he is charged for suffering the woman jezabel , and so is numbred among the gulity persons , that are to repent or be punisht , and not to have no other burthen laid on them , save only to hold fast what they have , as is said of the second [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] v. 24. 16. but the truth is , that of making the churches the relative is so inconvenient ( and yet no other way imaginable to reconcile the ordinary reading ) and the whole sense is so much more cleare and current in the reading of the king's m s. [ but to you the rest in thyatira ( those that had not beene guilty of the misbehaviours censured , and threatned in the former verses ) that i professe i cannot discerne any appearance of reason to quesion the truth of it , much lesse to conceive that the ordinary copies are better , which yet however they read it , must oppose the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] to those before mentioned , and so cannot apply it with any appearance of probability to the angel , or consequently pre-judge ours , or confirme their pretensions . section ix . of the elders at ephesus act. 20. a second reason to prove the angel to be a collective body , is this , because it is certaine that the church of ephesus was a collective body ▪ and that there were many presbyters to whom st. paul , at his finall departure from them , committed the charge of that church . and these presbyters are called bishops , and were all of them stars of the same magnitude , and angels of the same order without a difference or distinction . 2. but this is a way of proving a thing which is denyed , by another which they know is equally denyed by him , against whom they dispute , and therefore that argument can be of no force with us . 3. 't is most true indeed , what they begin with , that the church of ephesus was a collective body , for so 't is certaine every church is , whether governed by one or more rulers ; but the church is not the angel , any more than the candlestickes are the stars , but punctually distinguished from them rev. 1. 20. but this i suppose was a mistake hastily fallen from them , and i shall not pursue it any farther . 4. their argument , i conceive , depends upon the plurality of elders [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which were at ephesus act. 20. when paul takes his leave of them , and calls them bishops . but to this they know i have answered clearly , that as in other places of scripture , so in that , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , being all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishops , denote ( not the many presbyters of the one city of ephesus , but ) the many bishops of that and other cities of asia , which at that time by s. paul's summons sent to ephesus , the chiefe metropolis of asia , were called and met together at miletus . 5. to this purpose * irenaeus is a witnesse beyond exception , who speaking of these elders or bishops , addes , ab epheso & proximis civitatibus convocatos esse , that they were assembled from ephesus and the next cities , in which as the faith was planted , as well as in ephesus ( even in all asia ) so there is no reason to doubt but there were bishops in them , as well as in ephesus ( seven such churches we know are here mentioned in the revelation ) and that paul was as carefull to take his leave of them ( as many as could conveniently come to miletus in his hasty progresse ) as of the bishop of ephesus hee is justly deemed to have been . 6. other arguments and authorities i need not here accumulate for this notion of elders act. 20. because here is no appearance of reason offered to prove their , or impugne our assertion . this perhaps will be afterward attempted , and then i shall , as occasion requires , farther enlarge : in the meane it sufficeth that it yet no way appeares , that ephesus was governed by many presbyters , and not by one bishop , and therefore this second offer of reason is as deficient as the first , to prove the angel of that church to have been a collective body . section x. of expressing a number by singulars . a church by a candlestick . of the seven angels rev. 8. their third reason is , because it is usuall with the holy ghost , not onely in other bookes of scripture , but in this very booke of the revelation , in mysterious and prophetick writings , and visionall representations ( such as this of the starres and golden ●candlestick is ) to expresse a number of things or persons in singulars . and this in visions is the usuall way of representation of things , a thousand persons making up one church is represented by one candlestick , many ministers making up one presbytery by one angel. thus rev. 8. 2. it is said that john saw seven angels which stood before god. by these seven candlesticks ( i suppose it should be seven angels ) dr. reynolds doth not understand seven individuall angels but all the angels ; for there are no seven individuall angels , but all the angels ; for there are no seven individuall angels that stand before god , but all doe , dan 7. there are many more instances brought in the bookes forementioned . 2. to this third reason i have no obligation or notice to give credit , any farther than the evidences perswade , for many of which , though we are referred to smectymnuus , &c. yet having received promise from these , that they would borrow a few things from those others ; i shall with reason hope that what they have upon choise borrowed , leaving , as they say , much more behind , is the most satisfactory and solid of any thing by them produced ; and consequently if there be no force in these instances to oppugne our conclusion , we shall not expect to finde more convincing ones by travailing farther , and gathering up out of those dispersions , what they have refused to take up and offer to us . 3. the thing they would prove is , that 't is usuall with the holy ghost in this ( as in other mysterious prophetick bookes ) to expresse a number of things or persons by singulars . their proofes are but three , and the first is of no force , because the word church denotes a singular thing , as well as candlestick that represents it ; for though a thousand men make up one church , yet one church is but one thing , considered as a church , and proportionably as one candlestick in the singular is set to denote each church , so there are seven candlesticks to represent the seven churches . 4. as for the second , that of the angels , that that signifies many ministers , that cannot be offered as a proofe , being it selfe the matter of the question . and indeed though church be a collective body , and so one church is knowne to consist of many men , yet angel is not of that nature , one angel neither signifies many men , nor many angels . 5. and whereas the parallel is set betwixt the word candlestick , and the word angel , that they ( each ) are singular words , by which multitudes are represented , that is a mistake , for the parallel lyes betwixt church and angel ( and on the other side betwixt candlestick and starre , as appeares rev. 1. 20. ) and both these are individual things , the church an individual church , and there be seven such individual churches , and the angel an individual angel , and there be seven such individual angels , and there can be no more pretense that one angel should signifie many ministers , than that one church should signifie many congregations . 6. lastly , for the third proofe , that of seven angels , rev. 8. 2. if that were granted to doctor reynold's authority , that the [ seven angels ] there signifies all the angels , yet would it not at all contribute to the proofe of the point in hand , which is , that many shall be signified by a singular , for we know that seven are not a singular , but the custome indeed being ordinary to use a certaine definite number , for an uncertaine or indefinite , and the septenary being a perfect number , and so fittest for the turne , 't is more tolerable that the number of seven may represent some greater number , one plural a larger plural , than that a singular one should doe so . 7. and yet secondly , there is no great reason to doubt , but that the seven angels are indeed very seven angels , and no more ; this i collect , 1. from the seven trumpets that were given them , ver . 2. and the specifying them by that character , the seven angels , which had the seven trumpets , ver . 6. secondly , by the severall employments assigned them in the subsequent parts of the vision which brings them upon the scene one after another , the first angel , ver . 7. the second angel , ver . 8. and so to the seventh . thirdly , by the distinction that is evidently made between those seven angels and another angel , ver . 3. and another came and stood at the altar : which makes it certaine that the former seven did not signifie all the angels , unlesse after all , there could yet be one more . fourthly , from the mention of the seven spirits , cap. 1. 4. which are said to be before gods throne , that sure is all one with standing before him here , and it being certaine that angels are spirits , i have no reason to doubt but that these seven angels are those seven spirits , and so still a definite number of seven , and no more . fifthly , from the mention of the seven eyes , zach. 4. 10. which seeme to be interpreted to this sence , rev. 5. 6. seven eyes which are the seven spirits of god sent into all the land. 8. and though in some of these places other men have had other notions , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is more to be appr●ved that we understood angels by that phrase , cap. 1. saith andreas c●sariensis , and of the whole matter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there are seven which have the greatest power , the first borne princes of the angels , saith clemens alexandrinus . in which words of his , the first borne princes are evidently taken from dan. 10. 13. where the hebrew reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the principal or first rulers or princes , of which michael is the first , and thence called archangel . 9. and so in tobit , cap. 12. 15. we find seven holy angels which present the prayers of the saints , which description of them and their office , to present the prayers of the saints , if it be thought unagreeable to their standing here before god or being before his throne , it will soone be reconciled by that speech of christ , that the angels of the infant tender christians alwayes behold the face of god , and by that meanes are qualified to make their wants knowne unto him , which is all one with presenting of prayers . 10. sixthly , from the mention of the seven lamps , rev. 4. 5. ( styled lamps , in reference to the like number of lamps on the candlestick in the sanctuary ) which burne before the throne , as cap. 1. they are before the throne , for of these it is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the seven ( by way of eminencie , or the seven principal ) spirits of god. 11. seventhly , from the no appearance of the least reason produced to the contrary ; for as to that which is introduced with a [ for ] and supplyes the place of a reason , it is evidently a bare assertion of the contrary , [ there are no seven individual angels that stand before god ] without any offer of proofe , that testimony out of dan. 7. that all doe , being far from concluding that there are not such seven principal angels which these so many evidences assure us there are . 12. in that of dan. 7. 10. upon that solemne occas●on of god's judgements exprest by a fiery streame , thousand thousands are said to minister to him , and ten thousand times ten thousand to stand before him . but how doth that hinder but at another time , seven principal angels may be employed by him , and in order to that stand before him too , and when we so oft reade of such seven , what question but they were individual angels ? and so much for the third reason . section xi . of the epistles being sent to the whole church , not to the bishop onely . of timothy , onesimus and polycarp , being bishops of some of the asian churches , without any charge of apostacy falling on them by this meanes . there is a fourth behinds still , that though but one angel ●e mentioned in the fore-front ▪ yet it is evident that the epistles themselves ( though we are farre from thinking that in formal denomination , the angels and the candlesticks are the same ) are dedicated to all the angels and ministers in the church , and to the churches themselves , as appeares , r●v . 1. 10. rev. 2. 7. 11. 17. and therefore when it is said in the singular number , i know thy workes , this thou hast , repent and doe thy first workes , &c. all these and the like places are not to be understood as meant of one individual person , but of the whole company of ministers , and also of the whole church , because the punishment threatned is to the whole church , rev. 2. 5. 16. 2. now we have no warrant in the word to thinke that christ would remove his gospell from a church for the sin of one bishop , when all the other ministers and churches are farre from those sins . 2. to this i shall need make no reply , having done it sufficiently already , by concession that the angel being the ruler of a church , the whole epistle belongs to him and the church promiscuously , and agreeably those expressions , which are used in the singular number , doe not all belong to the bishop , but to the church wherein he praesides : but certainly this is farre from inferring that the bishop and church are all one , or that the word angel signifies the collective body of the church , for , besides that the text is expresse in making a signall difference between the starres and the candlesticks , the angels and the churches ( and the assemblers are here forced to confesse that the angels and candlesticks are not the same ) the confounding them will be as disadvantageous to them as to us , and i shall as regularly be able to conclude that the word angel signifies not the presbytery , but the whole diffusive body of the church , as they can pretend to doe upon their owne postulatum , that the angel denotes not the bishop but the whole church , it being as certaine that they make a difference between the church or multitude of believers , and the presbytery that is set over them to rule , as we doe between the same church and the bishop . 3. thus have we viewed all the reasons produced by them to assert or confirme their first answer , and shewed divers wayes how no manner of validity there is in any one or all of them , to evidence it to be a solid and every way sufficient answer . and therefore there was some use of the next part of the method , to call in the authority of other men to countenance this interpretation , master brightman , master perkins , master foxe , ( who citeth primasius haymo , beda , richardus , thomas , &c. ) doctor fulke , master meade , gregory and saint austin ; but although they have thought fit to set downe these names , yet having omitted to adde their testimonies , and indeed having resolved to forbear , because smectymnuus hath done it already , i shall confesse my selfe willing to leave this chase , and in stead of leading the reader so wearisome a walke , to examine the severall comments here named ( and but named ) give him more shortly my conjecture what truth may be in them . 4. master brightman , i know ( and some others 't is possible ) may have interpreted the angel to signifie the whole college of pastors , and truly i should much sooner take up an interpretation upon the bare word of these assemblers , than i would upon no better evidence from m. brightman ; he was one learned man , long knowne to be unkinde to our pralates , and here are many , for ought i know , as learned , though under the same praejudices . 5. some others here cited , i cannot believe are brought to testifie this , but onely that what is said to the angel in each part of the epistle , was said to the whole church , and not onely to the bishop ; and if that be all they say , it is that which we cannot doubt to affirme with them , and have oft confest to understand christ's epistle so , without any incommodity to our praetensions . 6. if i mistake in these conjectures , i desire pardon , and shall hope to give a better account , when i reade the testimonies in the authors from whence they are cited . for in these derivations of testimonies , the assemblers citing them from smectymnuus , smectymnuus from master foxe , master foxe from primasius , &c. there is great possibility of mistake , and therefore i shall follow the example before me , forbeare adding any more of this matter . 7. in the next place they are pleased to take notice as of an objection against their interpretation , that some authors say , timothy was bishop of ephesus when our saviour wrote this epistle , others that onesimus was bishop , others that polycarp was bishop of smyrna at that time , and therefore these angels must needs be taken individually for so many single persons . 8. of this objection , which they have thus formed for us , there is onely thus much of truth , that out of authentique records we bring undeniable evidences for timothies being constituted by st. paul bishop of ephesus , for onesimus being placed in that see at the time of ignatius's writing to the ephesians , that polycarpe was constituted bishop of smyrna by s. john , of all which we have spoken enough already . 9. but of all or any of these being bishops in those cities at the very time of christ's addressing this epistle to the angels of each , this had no where been our affirmation , nor would it have beene usefull to us in any considerable degree , if we had grounds positively to affirme it . all that is needfull to us is this , that by the antient records , which evidence them to have been so early bishops in two of those churches , to which christ's epistle was sent , and bishops in the notion wherein we now use the word , we are secured of the truth of ou● collections , when from the mention of the seven angels of the 7. churches , we assert the ecclesiasticall power in the hands of a single bishop in each church to be owned and confirmed by christ ; and supposing some other persons , and none of these three to have beene those very numericall angels to whom those epistles were written , this conclusion of ours stands yet as firme , as if we could demonstrate it of those very numericall persons , there being no reason to doubt but the same manner of government continued all the scripture times ; and to timothies successour and onesimus's predecessor , being as certainly bishops , as either onesimus or timothy himselfe ; when withall we have already produced mentions from the antients of the catalogues of those bishops which succe dede timothy in that see. 10. having thus set right the objection for them , so as it is owned by us to be an objection against them , it will now soone appeare what force there is in their answers to it , and those are three . 11. first , that they that say that timothy was then bishop , offer no little injury to him , for they thereby charge him to be guilty of apostacy , and of losing his first love , and so out of a blind zeale to episcopacy they make that glorious saint to stand charged as an apostate . the like injury is offered by objections to onesim●s . 12. but first you see whatever our opinion is exprest to be we have not affirmed either of these , as to the person either of timothy or onesimus , but left it uncertaine who the angel of the church of ephesus was , whether either or neither of these , but some successor of the one , and predecessor of the other , and so what charge soever falls on that angel , it falls not necessarily on either of these . 13. secondly it is already agreed betwixt the parties , affirmed by them , and acknowledged by me , that the epistle being addrest to the angel of ephesus , the church or diffusive body , the christians in it , were concerned in the contents of it ; and then whatsoever charge be found in the epistle , of how heavy a nature soever , even of apostacy it selfe , yet there is no necessity the angel or bishop should be personally guilty of it , and so whosoever the bishop was , though timothy himselfe , our zeale to episcopacy hath not beene so blind or transporting , as to put us on any uncharitable censure , to affix any unhandsome character upon so glorious a saint . 14. lastly , to remove this answer yet one degree farther from being satisfactory , it no where appeares that apostacy is in that epistle laid to the charge , whether of the church or angel ; the first part is all in commendati●n of their former zeal , and the later , wherein their charge consists , v. 4. is only this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which is not ( as is suggested ) losing their first love , but remitting it ; their love to christ had formerly been strong as death , pure and vehement , such as had cast out all feare of dangers , and evidenced it selfe in couragious confession , but now , though it were not quite lost , yet it was remitted , lessened in the degree , not so intense as formerly , and therefore when they are bid remember from whence they are fallen , that fall doth not necessarily signifie apostacy or renouncing of christianity , for then it had been an impertinent threatning to remove their chandlestick v. 5. ) but a falling from the former degree , a cooling of the intense heat , which had been so laudable in them . and so still there is more invalidity in this first answer . section xii . of timothies being an evangelist , that it hinders not his being a bishop . the second is , that they have already proved that timothy was an evangelist in a proper sense , and therefore cannot be called bishop of ephesus in their sense . 2. to this i reply , 1. that timothies being an evangelist no way prejudgeth his being a bishop in our ●ense , an evangelist is one commissionated by any of the apostles ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to preach the gospell to any city or people ; and a bishop is one commissionated by the like apostle to praeside in , and governe a church already planted . and what hinders but that he that hath beene employed in the former capacity to plant , may elsewhere or in the same place be appointed to governe , and so the evangelist be a bishop ? 3. whatsoever objections can be brought against this , i shall not doubt will be easily answered , but there is no offer of any here , and therefore it will not be pertinent farther to treat it in this place . 4. secondly , it must againe be remembred , that what is here said of timothy is proper to his person , both from onesimus and polycarpe , and all other angels , whether succeeding timothy in ephesus , or praesiding in the other 7. asian churches , and therefore though timothy by being an evangelist were rendred uncapable ( which yet he was not ) of being the bishop of ephesus in our sense , yet those other seven angels at the very time of the writing this epistle of which none have been proved to be evangelists , may still be bishops in our sense . 5. thirdly , i shall demand upon the assemblers principles , who allow a primus presbyter , a prolocutor in their consistory or councell of presbyters , might timothy be that first presbyter in the church of ephesus , or did his being an evangelist hinder him from being so , when he was by st. paul exhorted or appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to abide in that city ? i cannot imagine they will say he could not , who give both st. peter and st. john leave to call themselves presbyters ; but if he could in their opinion , then why might he not be a bishop in our sense ( notwithstanding that he was an evangelist ) as well as a presbyter in theirs ? i foresee not what answer can be adapted to this dilemma . section xiii . of the bishops at ephesus . of the plurall number in the epistle to the angel of smyrna . there remaines a third branch of the answer , that it will not follow because onesimus was bishop of ephesus in st. john's dayes , that therefore he was the onely person to whom christ wrote his epistle ; for st. paul tells us there were many bishops at ephesus ( besides the supposed onesimus ) and christ may very well write to him , and to all the rest as well as him . the like may be said concerning polycarpe , for our saviour speakes to the angel of the church of smyrna in the plurall number , rev. 2. 10. and therefore hee may truly be said to write to all the other angels that were at smyrna , as well as to one . 2. here is nothing in this branch but what hath beene distinctly forestall'd , and spoken to largely already , it will suffice that we repeat the heads , and leave the reader to view the places , where they are more explicitly handled . and 1. though st. paul should tell us that there were many bishops at ephesus , as there might be from other cities occasionally met there , yet it would not follow that there were more than one bishop of that city , or consequently that christ in a peculiar addresse to the angel of that city could write to more bishops there . 3. but then secondly , the whole truth is this , that s. luke ( and not st paul ) tells , that upon st. pauls summons sent to ephesus , many bishops met him at miletus ; ephesus being the chiefe metropolis was the fittest meanes to convey the summons to the cities neer it , and from them and not onely from them , and not onely from ephesus came the bishops to him , as hath been declared out of irenaeus . 4. thirdly , for our saviour's speaking to the angel of the church of smyrna in the plurall number , that is not punctually true , for though the letter be written and inscribed to the angel , yet , as hath oft been said , the whole church is concerned in the contents of it , and so speaking to the angel in the singular , he may yet speake to the church or any members thereof , in the plurall number . and so much againe to demonstrate the ineffectualnesse of the first head of answers . section xiv . of beza's interpretation , of the praesident . the second followes upon a supposition ( but not grant ) that these angels were personae singulares , and that the word angel is to be taken individually , yet they conceive this will not at all advantage the episcopall cause . for 1. mr. beza ( no great friend to episcopacy ) acknowledgeth that by these words to the angel is meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the praesident , as whom it behooved specially to be admonished touching those matters , and by him both the rest of his collegues , and the whole church likewise ; but then he addeth , but that episcopal degree which was afterward by humane invention brought into the church of god , certainly neither can nor ought to be from hence concluded . nay , not so much as the office of a perpetuall president should be of necessity as the thence arising oligarchical tyranny ( whose head is the antichristian beast ) now at length with the most certaine ruine , not of the church onely , but of the word also , maketh manifest ; by which quotation it is evident , that though beza held the angel to be a singular person , yet he held him to be angelus praeses , not angelus princeps ; and that he was praeses pro tempore , just as a moderator in an assembly , or as a speaker in parliament . 2. to this i reply , 1. that mr. beza's interpretation , as it was foreknown and formerly mentioned by us , so was it not in reason to be of any force or authority with us , if it be but upon the score intimated here , that he was not onely no great friend , but a knowne profest enemy of episcopacy , and so was obliged to be , by the course wherein he was engaged at geneva . all that his authority concludes , is , that to avoid a plaine testimony , which is not for his turne , a man may be induced to affirme that confidently , for which he hath no ground of proofe , nay , wherein all wayes of evidence , that th● matter is capable of , are absolutely against him . 3. thus 't is certainly in this matter , for when beza hath here acknowledged that the angel was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 president , who will be the most competent judge or witnesse , to determine what was meant by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praesident ] in the primitive church , what kind of praesidency he had , whether onely of place or order , and that onely for a time , or of superiority of power and office , and that perpetuall ? in all reason this is to be fetcht from those first writers which speake of it , and either use the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 president , for such a bishop , as we now assert ( a singular person in every church , having a power for life over all the officers and members of the church , and succeeding some apostle , or apostolicall person in that power ) or else in other words affirme the same thing . 4. of this , store of evidences are * elsewhere produced , in the explication of the severall titles , by which this singular prefect was antiently knowne , whether of apostle , in a secondary use of that word , of angel , of bishop , of elder , of ruler , of pastor , of doctor , of steward , of president , of priest ; against which the bare authority of mr. beza's name , who hath fancied a temporary president or prolecutor , and brought no manner of reason to confirme it , will have very little validity in it . 5. what is proved by the bare testimony of beza , is farther confirmed by a like citation out of the reverend divines at the isle of wight , who by the example of the king sending a message to both houses , and directing it to the speaker of the house of peeres , which inferres not that 〈◊〉 the speaker is alwayes the same person , or the governour , or ruler of the two houses in the least , conclude , that notwithstanding this direction of christ's epistle to the angels , yet they might be neither bishops , nor yet perpetuall moderators . 6. but the authority of those divines , which had this answer from beza , addes nothing of weight , because nothing of proofe to it ; as for their similitude , it concludes nothing but this , that these divines thought fit to make use of this instance of a speaker in parliament , to shew the thing possible to have been , not to prove that so it was , and the matter of our present inquiry , is not , what a kinde of president christ and his apostles might , if they would , have left in each church , but what really they did ; and that must be contested by the best records of those times , not by a similitude of a speaker in our parliaments . and that is all i neede to say to that section . section xv. of dr. reynolds interpretation , of the bishop in cyprian . of ordination by bishops not without presbyters , from the testimonies of cyprian , and fermilian . after the authority of mr. beza , backt with that of the divines at the isle of wight , is added , in the second place , the authority of dr. reynolds , who as he hath a letter in print against the divine right of episcopacy , so he acknowledgeth also in his conference with hart , dial. 3. that this angel was persona singularis : for he saith , 2. the whole place of dr. reynolds is set down at large by the archbishop of armagh in the front of his learned dissertation of the originall of bishops and metropolitanes , and i shall not neede here to recite it , being of some length , and indeed nothing in it defined or exprest of his opinion , that the president , when he was made such , either continued to be equall with the rest of the presbyters , or lasted but for a time , so as the prolocutor of an assembly doth ; i am sure he affirms him to have had the presidentship ( not among , but ) over elders ( which i suppose must imply some power ) and that this was he that in the primitive church the fathers called bishop , and applies to him the mentions of bishops made by st. cyprian ( and cornelius ) of whose notion of bishops , that it 〈◊〉 not to a bare prolocutor of an assembly , nay , that in nothing it differeth from ours , i am sufficiently assured , and so will the reader by what is cited from him dissert . 3. c. 3. § . 13. and because from some other intimations in this book i see there is neede of it , i shall here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of many , mention this one evidence more . 3. in the 60 epistle to rogation a bishop , who had beene wronged and contumeliously used by a deacon of his church , and had written an account of it to cyprian and the * annuall councell of bishops with him , cyprian returnes this answer , that it was his humility to make this complaint to the councell , cum pro episcopatus vigore , & cathedrae authoritate haberes potestatem , quâ possis de illo statim vindicari , when by force of his episcopall power , and by authority of his chaire , hee had power himselfe to inflict punishment on him immediatly , and that punishment afterward specified , ut eum deponas vel abstineas , either to depose him or suspend him . 4. here it was a part of rogatian's episcopall power , without any joyning with him , to judge and censure the inferiour officers of the church , and they were bound honorem sacerdotis agnoscere & episcopo praeposito suo — as it followes in that epistle , to acknowledge the honour of their priest , and with full humility make satisfaction to the bishop which is set over them . all power in the hands of one set over all , call'd promiscuous●ly priest and bishop in cyprian's style . 5. and therefore when in the appendix to this book , these men to prove that ordination by bishops without the assistance of presbyters was alwayes forbidden and opposed , tell us of aureliu's being ordained by cyprian , and his collegues ▪ ep. 33. and then assure us from 8p . 58. that by his collegues he meanes his presbyters ( where yet there is no other proofe of it ▪ but the using of these words in the inscription of the epistle , cyprianus ▪ cum collegis , and ego & collegae , cyprian with his collegues , and i and my collegues ) this is a great , but discernible fallacy put upon the reader , as will soone appeare 1. if we but observe that the 33 epistle , where he tells of aurelius , was written by cyprian to his presbyters , and so they are the persons whom he advertiseth , what he and his collegues had done , and so sure were not those collegues that did it with him . or secondly , if for the understanding cyprian's notion of collegues , ep. 58. we shall but looke forward to the next epistle 59. for that will fully discover it , being this , cyprianus & caeteri collegae qui in concilio affuerunt numero lxvi . where cyprians collegues are evidently the 66. bishops that were in councel with him . 6. the like might be also observed of the testimony out of firmilian , which they there subjoyne , of the seniores and praepositi that have power of ordeining , by whom , say they , the presbyters as well as the bishops are understood ; but againe 't is cleare by the expresse words of the epistle , that by them are meant the bishops in their annual councel , necessari● apud nos fit ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unu● conveniamus — 't is necessary that every yeare we the elders and governors should meet together to dispose and order those things which are committed to our care , adding concerning the church ( in opposition to hereticks ) that all power and grace is placed in it , ubi praesident majores natu , qui & baptizandi & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem , wherein the elders praeside , and have power of baptizing , absolving and ordeining , an evident description of the bishops . but this by the way , as an essay , what their testimonies out of the fathers , scattered sometimes in this book , would be found to be , if this were a place to examine them . 7. lastly dr. reinolds acknowledges another praesident even among bishops , the bishop of the chiefest city in the province , and so a metropolitan . all which are contrary enough to the praetensions of the presbyterians ( what amends he hath made them in his printed letter i know not ▪ ) 8. yet after all this , there lyes no obligation upon us to regulate our doctrine by doctor reinolds's scheme in this matter , being sufficiently instructed by the primitive records and practice , what kind of power and dignity belonged to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or praesident among them , the very same that we now pretend to be the bishops due , and if christ's letter were addrest to the angel , as to such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or praesident , 't is all that we desire , to erect our fabrick of spiscopacy on this one place , if there were not ( as there are ) others able to support the weight of it . 9. and so we see what reasons have been brought to make good their second head of answers , of which we had promise that they were solid and every way sufficient answers , and yet in the issue there is nothing so much as offered toward it , save onely the testimony of master beza , the divines at the isle of wight ( which is by interpretation themselve● ) and doctor reynolds , who yet is not perfectly of their party neither . section xvi . of the churches of asia being metropolitical . of the paueity of believers . having thus done , they say it is objected by some men that the seven cities , in which these seven asian churches had their seat were all of them metropolitical , and so had relation to the rest of the towns and cities of asia , as unto daughters rising under them , and that therefore these churches were metropolitical churches , and their angels metropolitical bishops . 2. how this comes to be styled an objection i cannot well guesse , or what it is , against which it is thought to be objected . the truth of it , as farre as any episcopal person i know , is interessed in it , is this , it is not onely evident of the angels of the seven asian churches , that they were bishops , which is sufficient for us against the assemblers , but there is over and above that , all reason to deem them starres of a first magnitude , i. e. bishops of mother-cities , metropolitanes and that very pertinent to be urged in this matter of the asian angels , not to secure the proofes of episcopacy taken from thence , but to render a reason why in all asia but seven churches and their bishops are named there . to this purpose the discourse is inlarged ( above what it needed to have been ) dissert . 4. 5. to set downe the nature of metropolitanes , the exemplars of them among the jewes , the expresses of the institution in the apostles writings , and the signal evidences of it in the primitive church , and the antient canons in the councel of nice and antioch , and ephesus , all owning them as primitive and apostolical institutions , and all this exemplified in jerusalem , in antioch , in rome , in alexandria , in gortyna of creet , and at length in all the seven churches of asia . 3. what is there thus set down , if it have not perfect truth in it , i shall be very glad to see the weake parts of that discourse discovered , and therefore though i never proposed or meant it as an objection of ours against the presbyterians , having no need of such auxiliaries , and the whole matter being sufficiently proved without , and this onely added ex abundanti , yet i shall most willingly attend their motions , and see what answers they will adapt to this objection , as they call it . 4. and 1. they answer , that it will hardly be proved that these seven . cities were all of them metropolitical cities in s. john's dayes , and the scituation of most them lying neerer together on the sea side makes it very improbable . 5. to this i reply , that for five of them , ephesus , smyrna , sardis , pergamus , and laodicaea , pliny , that lived and wrote in the beginning of vespatian's reigne , is a competent witnesse , that they were cities wherein the roman proconsuls sixt their courts or seats of judicature , and administred justice there to all the cities about them , and that is the interpretation of a chiefe city or metropolis , in the secular account , and agreeably vlpian mentions ephesus as the chief of these metropoles . and for the other two , philadelphia and thyatira , the latter of these by * ptolomee , the former by the councel of constantinople sub menâ is punctually affirmed to be a metropolis . to these are added other evidences and reasons , and the lord arch-bishop of armagh hath written ( besides his original of metropolitanes ) a very learned dissertation of the lydian asia , on purpose to cleare this matter . 6. and when a thing is so largely proved already , and when a satisfactory proofe of it in any one of the seven cities is abundantly sufficient to the asserting of metropolitanes , ( for then the angel of that one was a metropolitan ) 't is then certainly a very incompetent confutation barely to say , that it will hardly be proved , that these seven cities were all of them metropolitical cities in saint john's dayes , for if it be proved , it matters now how hardly , and if any one were so in s. john's dayes , it matters not , if possibly some other were not , that one was a metropolitical angel , which is all we need insist on . 7. and for the argument to make it improbable , drawn from the situation of the cities , that is as infirme ; for this , as all other controversies of matters of fact , must be waged by authorities of those which were likely to know the truth , and to testifie aright , and to those we have all reason to adhere , and not to be moved by arguments that seeme probable to those that live 1600. yeares after , and are not perhaps so perfect masters of the geographie of the place as duly to be able to judge even what is in that respect most probable . 8. nay for the distances of these cities , though i have not now mr. brightman by me , yet my notes out of him tell me , that in his scale of furlongs , pergamus was distant from smyrna 540. furlongs , i. e. about 68. english miles , and ephesus from smyrna 320. i. e. about 40. miles , and thyatira from pergamus 80. english miles , which is a distance very reconcileable with their being metropoles . 9. but they are content to suppose this was true , and then have answers ready another way , 1. that it is no good argument from the greatnesse of the cities to inferre the greatnesse of the churches , for though the cities were great , yet the churches were but small , and the number of believers very few in comparison of the rest of the people . 10. to this i reply , 1. by concession , that in all places and times the greatnesse of the church cannot absolutely be concluded from the greatnesse of the city , because it is possible that a great city may have utterly resisted the faith , and a lesser city received it ; or againe a greater city , that hath received the faith in some of the members , may yet have fewer believers in it , than another city , which is not so great . this therefore is not our way of concluding , from the bare greatnesse of the cities , to infer the great number of believers in them . 11. our way of concluding is this ; paul had spent three yeares , act. 20. 31. in this lydian or proconsular asia , ver . 18. in this time he had pursued his worke very diligently and zealously , not ceasing to warne every one night and day with teares , and herein his harvest was proportionable to his labour ; after two years space and upwards spent at ephesus , it is said , ver . 19. that by the continuance of his preaching and gathering disciples , all they that dwelt in asia , heard the word of the lord both jews and greeks , and though many were hardned and believed not , and spake evil of that way , ver . 9. yet ver . 17. by some extraordinary workes of his , which were made knowne to all the jews and greeks dwelling at ephesus , feare fell on them all , and the name of the lord jesus was magnified , a conversion in a manner general , and therefore it followes , and many that believed — ver . 18. and so mightily grew the word of god and prevailed , ver . 20. whereupon saint paul himselfe speaking of these successes , calls it a great dore and an effectual , 1 cor. 16. 9. which at ephesus , v. 8. was opened unto him . 12. from hence we conclude , and sure safely may , 1. that in asia generally , and especially in ephesus there was a great number of christians , before this time of christs epistle , ( which is not a concluding it barely from the greatnesse of that or any other cities of asia ) secondly from hence , together with ephesus's being in the secular account ( the notitiae imperiales ) a metropolis , where the assizes were kept , we conclude that ephesus was in the christian account also a metropolis , and the chiefe of all asia ; and this i hope is not so improbable infirme a way of concluding , as the other imposed on us seemed to be . 13. thirdly , from hence , and from other exemplifications of it ( as that trallis and magnesia , which appeare to be under the metropolis of ephesus , are by ignatius written to as all episcopal sees , in our present notion of the word bishop ) we conclude that other cities of asia beside these seven , had received the christian faith , and were certainely taken care for by paul , which had planted it among them , and agreeably had rulers setled in them , i. e. bishops subordinate to the metropolitans . and all these inferences i doubt not will appeare regular enough , and i should farther enlarge on them , if there were any thing in the answer , which could render it needful or seasonable . 14. as for the paucity of christians in those times in comparison of the rest of the people , that cannot be pertinently opposed to our pretensions , because still the number of christians in a great city might beare the same proportion to the number of the christians in the smaller cities , that the people in the one did to the people in the other , one thousand bearing the same proportion to one hundred , that an hundred thousand doth to ten thousand . 15. and it being the affirmation of clemens , that the apostles in each city , where they received any proselytes , though never so few , before their parting constituted a bishop ( with his deacon ) who was to be governor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of those that should after believe , it followes unquestionably from thence , that in the cities which had but few christians , bishops might be and were constituted , and those very regularly depending on the greater ( their metropolitical ) cities , from whence the faith was derived to them , ( as from ephesus , where paul chiefly resided , to the cities about it ) and all this without any need of ballancing the parties , or considering what comparison the number of the christians in one , or the other , bore to the number of the unbelievers in either city . and let this serve by way of reply to the first branch of the second answer . section xvi . of modelling churches according to the government of the roman state . of exemplars of metropolitans among the jewes . testimonies of the apostles instituting metropolitans . their second answer is , we doe not believe that ever it can be proved that the apostles did modell the government of the church , according to the government of the roman state . this was the after policy of christian emperours and bishops , but no part of apostolicall policy ; and therefore it doth not follow , that because there were divers cities under the jurisdiction of those 7. cities , that therefore there should be divers churches subordinate to the 7. asian churches . 2. that the apostles , which designed to plant a church in the heathen world , should doe it in that manner as would be most advantagious to their end , will not i hope be accounted strange . this generally was by betaking themselves to the cities , rather than the villages , and first to the greater cities , unto which was the most frequent resort , that by that meanes the faith might be most compendiously and successefully propagated . if a greater city resisted their preaching , or fewer saints were gathered there , i do not then pretend to prove , or to believe that that was constituted a metropolitan church with superiority over others of greater antiquity , or larger growth in the faith whatsoever the dignity of it were in the secular account ; but when a whole nation is converted , and the greatest and most populous cities first , and from thence the sound gone out into all the region , and lesser cities in it , that then the apostles , which certainly constituted bishops in every believing city ( and therefore what is reported to have been done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every church , acts 14. 23. is appointed to be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every city , tit. 1. 5 ) should set up the principall sees in those most christian cities , which had formerly the priority in the romane state , as it is the wisest method , and fittest for the wisest planters to take , so we have all reason to believe it was done particularly in the lydian or proconsular asia , in which there being many more christian cities , than those seven , to whom christ's epistle is addrest , those are in all reason to be accounted the chiefe of that region , and those which are not named , lesse princi●all than they : which concurring with what we finde recorded in pliny and ptolomy of the account of them in the imperiall noticiae , if it demonstrate not , is yet matter of exceeding great probability , and may perswade with any reasonable man , as long as there is nothing in any degree such , which is offered to be confronted against it . 3. if that which scandalizeth the assemblers ( for we are left to divine what it is ) be the unfitnesse that the apostles should modell the church according to the roman state . i shall first demand how it is possible to imagine a plantation of a church in any , whether jewish or heathen state , without doing somewhat equivalent to this ? for suppose joseph of arimathea to have ( as * gildas saith ) converted the britannick church in tiberius's time , is it to be imagined that he should meddle with the civill power of this nation , as it stood in respect of it's separation from other nations , toto divisa orbe , or with the divisions or distributions of this nation within it selfe , into cities , and provinces , &c. or goe about to innovate any thing in that matter ? is it not certaine that it was no part of the christian faith to be such a judge or divider ; but on the other side that all should remaine as it did ( in that respect ) before the coming of christianity ? and therefore supposing 1. that this nation were governed by a king of its own ; is it not certain that this nationall church should follow the boundaries of the nation , and so be modeld according to the government of the ( formerly heathen ) britannick state ? and supposing againe ( what hath already been proved by the testimony of clemens , and by comparing act. 14. 23. with tit. 1. 5. ) that a bishop were constituted in every church , in each city , will there be any reason of doubting but that those cities being subordinate one to another , according to the customes of the nation , the churches in those cities , and the bishops in those churches shall be so also ? this i hope will not be deemed an impious compliance with heathenisme , or conformity with the world , nay , though the emperour of rome ( by his conquests here ) were the author of these distributions . 4. but then secondly , it is already cleared in the dissertations , that this ecclesiastick division of cities into mothers and daughters , metropoles and inferiour cities , was by the apostle copied out from the jewes , as when god commands by moses , that judges and officers should be ordained in every city , deut. 16. 18. and that in matters of weight and doubt they should resort to jerusalem ; to the judge and sanhedrim there , according to which it appeares that jerusalem was the metropolis of those other cities , and so is evident , act. 9. by the story of saul carrying letters of commission from the sanhedrim there to the consistories in damascus , and by many other evidences . so likewise numb . 3. when three families of the levits , the sonnes of aaron , were separated for the service of the tabernacle , and an head or prince or president of every of these , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 24. 30. 35. eleazar aaron's sonne is constituted over all these , and styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of the heads of the levites , this is clearly a patterne of the metropolitanes in the christian church , which may therefore owne it's derivation from thence , and not from the heathen models of government , which yet it was not reasonably to disturbe , being found so concordant to , and commodious for it . 5. and that what was done in this kind , was done by the apostles themselves and apostolicall persons , the first founders of churches , and not onely by the after policy ( as is suggested ) of christian emperours and bishops , might have appeared abundantly by these few testimonies , of they had been worthy to be taken notice of . first , of the councell of nice an. domini 325. not many yeares after the conversion of constantine , the first christian emperour , can. 6. which takes care for the preserving the priviledges of the metropolitanes ( by name that the bishop of alexandria should have power over the churches in aegypt , lybia and pentapolis , that in antioch and the rest of the provinces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priveleges should be preserved to the churches ) begins with this rule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let the antient customes continue in force , which certainly referres to that which was long before the christian emperours , and ( without any reason of doubting ) to the first constitutions of those churches by st. marke , and st. peter , and then the canon goes on to exact this by way of conformity with other places , with rome it selfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for this is the custome of force with the bishop of rome , and upon these grounds the canon requires 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 universally , that if any man be made a bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the judgement of the metropolitan , he ought not to be bishop — 6. so in the 9. canon of the councell of antioch , in the yeare 341. which begins thus , that the bishop , which presides in the metropolis , ought to know the bishops in every province , and to take care of the whole province , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because all that have businesse , resort from all sides to the metropolis ( which is the very thing we now contend , to be the reason of conforming the ecclesiastick to the civill models ) and then proceeds to forbid other bishops acting any thing of such a nature without him , this is backt with these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the antient canon of our fathers , which hath been in force , referring againe to the immemoriall custome of all churches since the first plantation , and not the after-policie of christian emperours and bishops , as is here suggested . 7. lastly , in the last canon of the great councell of ephesus , in the yeare 431. ( which is the defining a speciall matter of metropoliticall right ) where the occasion of the controversie is rehearsed , how the bishop of antioch invaded the priviledges of the cypriots , contrary to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the antient custome , and the decree is made that the bishops of cyprus shall retaine them inviolate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the canons of the holy fathers , and the antient custome ; the canon extends it selfe to all other dioceses and provinces , that no bishop shall meddle with another province 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was not upward and from the beginning under his , i. e. his praedecessors power , where it is most evident that the metropolitical power , and primacy ecclesiasticall is derived from the beginning of the plantation of each church , and consequently that this was a part of apostolicall policy , and not onely an after policy of christian emperours , &c. 8. and upon these grounds of probation , i shall be competently secured that this is proved , which they doe not believe ever can be , and have no other argument to prove their negative , but their not believing the affirmative . section xvii . of the objection against metropoles from the seven starres in seven churches . of the same temper is their third answer , that they are fully assured that it can never be made out , that any of these asian angels were archbishops or bishops over other bishops , or bishops over divers settled churches . the seven starres are said in scripture to be fixed in their seven candle-stickes or churches , not one starre over divers candle-stickes or churches . 2. what they are already fully assured of , that it can never be made out , i shall have little confidence to perswade them was formerly done to their hands ; otherwise i should hope that by what had long since been said , and hath now been more largely deduced in reply to their last answer , they might find cause to alter their judgements , and retract their so definitive sentence of full assurance . 3. as for the onely appearance of reason , which is here superadded , viz. that the seven stars are found fixed in seven , not one over divers churches , this i conceive not to be of any force . for it being by us granted and presumed that each of the seven asian angels was bishop of his particular church , one of ephesus , another of smyrna , &c. it is perfectly reconcileable herewith , that in case these seven were not the onely cities and churches in asia ( as it is certaine they were not , all asia , consisting of many more cities , being before this converted to the faith ) all the other might have dependance on these seven . 4. for this we know , that two bishops in england , that were each of them , first in one city , for example in canterbury or yorke , had yet each of them a superiority or metropoliticall power over divers other cities , and when any record styles one of them bishop of canterbury , as the scripture doth angel of ephesus , we should sure acknowledge it a very infirme inference from the words of that record , to conclude that being bishop of canterbury he could not be metropolitan of london , rochester , &c. 5. and this is the very parallel to the present instance , and if it were not invalid enough , by being a bare negative argument [ they are not said in scripture to be one starre over divers churches ] ( all things that are , are not said in scripture , those angels have not therefore no names , because they are not there recorded ) this parallel instance , which supposes the contrary to their pretensions , would be sufficient to invalidate it . section xviii . of the use of the word bishop for archbishop in tertullian : of angel in christs epistle . a fourth answer , or rather confutation , is added , that if this opinion were true , then tertullian did not doe well in saying that st. john made polycarpe bishop of smyrna , but he should rather have said that he made him archbishop . and our saviour christ had not given to these seven angels their due titles , for he must have written to the angel of the church of ephesus , together with all those churches in the cities subordinate to ephesus . and so likewise of the other six . 2. to this i reply , that the affirming the seven angels to have been metropolitanes , no way obligeth us to find fault either with tertullians or our saviour's style . not with tertullian's , for 1. an arch-bishop is a bishop , though dignified above some others of that order . secondly , supposing smyrna to be a metropolis ( as no doubt , if it were , tertullian knew and supposed it to be ) then his styling polycarp bishop of smyrna , is aequivalent to his calling him a metropolita● or archbishop , as acknowledging canterbury to be a metropolitical see in england , the affirming william laud to be constituted bishop of canterbury , is all one , as to affirme him archbishop . 3. thus when * chrysostome saith of titus , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an intire island and the judgement of so many . bishops was committed to him , what is this but to affirme titus arch-bishop of crete ? and yet * eusebius , who believed this , and adverted to it , as much as chrysostome , uses this phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was bishop of the churches of creet , calling him bishop distinctly , though by the mention of the churches in the plural , 't is evident he meant the same that we doe by arch-bishop . 4. so againe * eusebius of irenaeus , that he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was bishop of the provinces of france , which must needs signifie archbishop of lyons , for so he was . and 't is certaine that other of the antients use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arch-bishop , of those which were no otherwise qualified for that title , as when saint cyprian the bishop of carthage , under which the whole province of africk is comprehended , is by the * councel of constantinople called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arch-bishop of the region of africk . 5. the same answer will competently suffice , for the reconciling christ's style and ours , for supposing ephesus to have been a metropolis , the writing to the angel of that church , implyes writing to those other churches in the cities subordinate to ephesus , and need not be more fully exprest , as when the apostle wrote to the church of corinth , and not onely so , but to all the saints ( and so all the churches ) in all achaia . 2 cor. 1. 1. 't is certaine that the former epistle was written to those very same churches ( viz. all under the metropolis of corinth ) and yet it is inscribed to the church of god which is at corinth , 1 cor. 1. 1. without mentioning of achaia , save onely in a general indefinite phrase , with all that in every place call on the name of jesus . 6. secondly , the word in christ's epistle being not bishop but angel , is not at all lyable to this exception , for why may not an arch-bishop be as fitly called an angel , as a bishop would be ? nay if it be remembred what was formerly cited out of clemens alexandrinus , strom. 6. that there are seven angels which have the greatest power , by him styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first-borne rulers of the angels ; parallel to the phrase in dan. 7. 10. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head , lords or chiefe princes , or , as we ordinarily stile them , the archangels , of which number michael is there named to be one , there will then be more than a tolerable propriety of speech in christ's style , a most exact critical notation of their being arch-bishops , and withall a farther account of tertullian's calling polycarp a bishop of smyrna , though he were arch-bishop , just as the archangels in daniel are more than once called angels in the revelation . 7. for a close of this mater they are pleased to adde their character , not over-benigne of those by whom this device , as they style it , was found out for the honour of archpiscopacy , [ that they did aspire unto that dignity . ] 8. if hereby be meant the lord primate of ireland in his discourse of the original of bishops , this character can have no propriety in it , he having quietly enjoyed that dignity many yeares before the writing hereof . if it be designed for a reproach to me , i shall elude the blow by not thinking it such . for as at a time when episcopacy it selfe was by the parliament abolisht , ( and that act of severity actually put in execution ) it had been a great folly in any to hope that he should ever attaine to that office of dignity in the church , ( and what ever other follies i have been guilty of , truly that was none of them ) so i thinke there could not a point of time more commodiously have been chosen in the space of above 1600 year●s , wherein a man might have better secured a discourse for bishops and metropolitanes , from the censure of aspiring to either of those dignities , that was that , wherein that book was published . 9. to this if i adde by way of retortion , that it is evident that they which write this jus divinum ministerii evangeliei , doe aspire every one of them to their part of a ruling presbytery , which their brethren that have not those ambitions are farre from thinking to have any divine stamp upon it , i shall have given an account of the unskilfulnesse of their reproaches , as well as of the invalidity of their answers . 10. as for the feare which their discourse on this matter suggests to their more moderate brethren , that if a jus divinum be stampt on archbishops and primates , and patriarchs , they may be forced by the same proportion to put a divine stamp upon the pope himselfe , i perswade my selfe that i have given the ingenious reader a satisfactory account of the inconsequence hereof , in a discourse of schisme , to which i shall refer him , if he need , or desire farther trouble or direction in this businesse . section xix . of division into parishes , and vnion into diocesses . of diocesan bishops in the apostles dayes . elders in every church , act. 14. elders of the church , act. 20. that place vindicated from exception . after all this , they adde a fourth ( whether answer or suppletory consideration ) for the conclusion of this discourse concerning the asian angels , and i shall follow them to that more cheerfully , because it lookes like a conclusion . 2. it is this , that it can never be provid that these asian angels were bishops in a praelaticall sense , much lesse arch-bishops and metropolitanes . for it is believed upon all parts , that believers in great cities , were not divided into set and fixt congregations and parishes , till long after the apostles dayes , and that parishes were not united into dioceses till 260. years after christ . and therefore sure we are that there could not be diocesane churches and diocesane bishops formerly so called in the apostles dayes ; these angels were congregationall , not diocesan . in the beginning of christianity the number of believers , even in the greatest cities were so few , that they might well meet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same place . and these were called the chu●ch of the city , and therefore to ordaine elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one in scripture . 3. to the praeface of this conclusion , that it cannot be proved ] it is againe very sufficient to answer , that when a proposition hath already been proved so farre , that no answer hath been rendred , which at all satisfies , or invalidates the force of the proofes , it is very unlike artists to say , that it cannot be proved . nay , although some inconvenience were producible , which would presse our assertion yet the old rule would require it's place , incommodum non solvit argumentum , the mention of an inconvenience insuing , doth not take off the force of an argument . 4. but we need not that warinesse here ; the reason which is here annext to prove that it cannot be proved , is of no force against us , for 1. as congregations and parishes are synonimous in their style , so i yeild that believers in great cities were not at first divided into parishes , while the number of the christians in a city was so small , that they might well assemble in the same place , and so needed no partitions or divisions . 5. but what disadvantage is this to us , who affirme that one bishop , not a college of presbyters , presided in this one congregation , and that the believers in the region and villages about , did belong to the care of that single-bishop of the city-church ? may not these be ruled by a bishop as well before , as after the division into parishes ? or is this division more necessary to the government by one bishop in each city , than to the government of more presbyters in every city ? in all reason the division of this one into severall parishes should make presbyters more necessary after than before such division , that each parish might have one presbyter , to officiate among them in things of daily use ; and upon that account i suppose it was , that when the number of believers was so farre increased , that all the christians of a city could not meet commodiously in one place , and when the regions and villages so abounded with proselytes that in respect of them also it was necessary , then the bishop of each city thought fit to const tute presbyters , in our moderne notion of them , many in every city , and many in every region , one in every village , though as yet the word parish , in our moderne sense , was not come into the world. 6. and so this is farre from being argumentative against us , it is rather usefull to confirme what is asserted by us , that it is against the whole scheme which the scriptures or first writers give us of churches , to imagine that in every city there was by the apostles a college of presbyters constituted , when as they agree to assure us a bishop and his deacon were sufficient at the first ( so thin ) plantations . 7. so againe when they take it for granted that parishes were not united into dioceses till 260. yeares after christ ; i shall aske 1. whether they were sooner divided into classes , &c. and if not , what they have gained to their jus divinum by this observation ? 8. but then secondly , 't is cleare that there might be dioceses before this division into parishes , in our moderne notion ; for what is a dioces● but a church in a city with the suburbs and territorie or region belonging to it ? and this certainly might be , and ●emaine under the government of a single bishop , as well before , as after any more minute distributions into such , as we now call parishes . 9. for it is one thing for the church of this city to be divided from the church of every other city , another thing for the same church to be divided into many assembles ; the first is it which is required for the setting up of government ; and of any such church so bounded there may be a bishop , and that whole church shall be his diocese , and so he a diocesa● bishop , though as yet this church be not subdivided into more severall assemblies . 10. and therefore when they adde , that there could not be diocesan churches and bishops formerly so called in the apostles dayes , unlesse they have some little aequivocation in the word diocesan , it is most certaine they have no reason on which to found their confidence , for that there was a church in each city , and it's territory ( howsoever governed by one or more ) is most certaine , and equally affirmed by them and us , and equally their interest and ours , that it be affirmed . as for the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that hath oft varied , and hath sometimes been of a larger , sometimes of a narrower signification , and so hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the originall of our parish also , but i hope our contentions must not be alwayes about words , when the matter is sufficiently agreed on among us , and the words sufficiently explained to expresse that matter . 11. and therefore when they adde these angels were congregationall , not diocesan , the reply is obvious , they were every of them angels of a church in a city , having authority over the region adjacent , and pertaining to that city , and so as church and congregation are all one ( as in ordinary use in all languages they are ) they were congregationall and diocesan also . 12. what followes of the paucity of believers in the greatest cities , and their meeting in one place , as also of a church and city being all one , is willingly granted by us , and hath not the least appearance of being usefull to their pretentions , or hurtfull to ours , and therefore i have no temptation to make any the lest reply to it . 13. that which next followes , though it concerne us not to examine it , our interest being equally secured , be it true or false , yet i cannot but take some notice of it in passing , because it is a little extraordinary . 14. afterwards , say they , we conceive that believers became so numerous in these great cities , as that they could not conveniently meet in one place ; thus it was in the church of jerusalem , act. 2. 41. and 4. 4. and 5. 14. and thus possibly it might be in most of these asian churches in st. john's time . 15. here certainly the word [ afterwards ] is relative , and referrs to the antecedent in the former paragraph , and that is , [ in the beginning of christianity ] hereupon i demand , what time is that which they call [ the beginning of christianity ? ] is it that wherein christ continued on the earth ? if so , they will easily believe us , that we doe not think , that diocesan bishops were placed in the church , within that period if it be the time immediately following the resurrection of christ , when the apostles began to preach and propagate the faith , then how come they to divide that time , which is spoken of act. 2. 41. from that time of the beginning of christianity , by this word [ afterward ] for t is certain what is there storied of the 3000. converts , is the effect of the first sermon preached by any of the apostles immediately upon the descent of the holy ghost upon them , and the gift of tongues , the wonderment whereof brought those so many auditors together . 16. so secondly when they say of this point of time , act. 2. 41. the believers were so numerous that they could not conveniently me●t in one place , this is contrary to the evidence of the text , which saith expresly v 44. that all the believers were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the last paragraph , they interpreted , meeting in ●ne and the same place . the like might be said of the other places . act : 4. ●4 . and 5 14. for certainly , as yet though the number of believers increased , yet they were not distributed into severall congregations . but this by the way , being assured that this disquisition is perfectly extrinsecall to the matter in debate betweene us , because as at jerusalem the antients are cleare in affirming , that soone after christ's ascension , * peter and james and john chose james the just , the brother of the lord , and constituted him bishop or jerusalem , which is all that we need pretend to from the story of that church , so it matters not much at what point of time that was done , whether at the very beginning or afterwards , much lesse how soone it was that that church was distributed into severall divided assemblies , the creation of the bishop not at all depending on that , as hath formerly been shewed . 17. hence will it appeare to how very little purpose are those cautions added , and observations made in the remaining part of this sixt chapter . 18. thus , say they , possibly it might be ( i.e. the believers be so numerous in great cities , that they could not conveniently meet in one place ) in most of these asian churches in st. john's time . but yet notwithstanding all this , there are three things diligently to be observed ; first , that these meeting places were frequented promiscuously and indistinctly , and that believers were not divided into set and fixed churches or congregations in the apostles dayes . 19. but first i demand , is there any truth in this observation ? was not the church of jerusalem in the apostles dayes a set and fixed church , so as to be perfectly severed from the church of alexandria and ephesus ? was not james the brother of the lord bishop of the one , and not of the other ? 20. secondly , why was this for the presbyterians interest to be so diligently observed ? if one of these churches were not thus divided and severed from others , how could it be governed by a presbytery , as they pretend it was ? must it not be a determinate fixed body that is governed by any , whether bishop or presbyters ? i professe not to be able to discerne by my most diligent observation , why this was so necessary to be so diligently observed . 21. secondly , ( say they , it must be as diligently observed ) that notwithstanding these different meeting places , yet the believers of one city made but one church in the apostles dayes , as is evident in the church of jerusalem , which is called a church not churches , act. 8. 1. & 15. 6. & 22. 16. and so likewise it is called the church of ephesus , and the church of thyatira , &c. not churches , &c. 22. this observation i acknowledge to have perfect truth in it , and not to be confutable in any part ( save onely that the two latter texts are certainly misquoted , and not rectified in the errata ) and therefore instead of rejecting , i shall imbrace it , and from thence conclude , that there is no manner of incongruity in assigning of one bishop to one church , and so one bishop in the church of jerusalem , because it is a church not churches , being forced to acknowledge that where there were more churches there were more bishops , and so likewise one angel of ephesus , and of thyatira , &c. this i suppose was not the thing they meant to inferre from hence , nor indeed doe i conceive it necessarily inferred from ( onely very agreeable to ) the onenesse of each church , without other arguments to joyne with it . but i am still to seek , and emand what advantage accrues to their cause , or disadvantage to ours by this observation ? 23. but then thirdly they adde , that this church in the city was governed in the apostles dayes by the common councell of presbyters or bishops . 24. this indeed were worth their diligent observing , if it could be descried , and would abundantly recompence them for the no-profit their two former observations brought them in , if it could be obtained by all their diligence . but this being the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the onely thing in question betwixt us , whether the church in each city was in the apostles dayes governed by the common councell of presbyters or bishops , or by one single bishop , called sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder ( as that signifies simply a governour , not with restriction , a member of a college of governours ) this i say being the onely question in debate betweene us , it must not be any farther yeilded to them , than their proofes and evidences will enforce it ; and these of what virtue they are , must now appeare by the view of them . and the first they produce is this . 25. the apostles went about ordeining presbyters in every church , act. 14. 23. 26. but surely this is an infirme argument . every church signifies without question more churches than one , viz. derbe , lystra , iconium , antioch , v. 20. 21. and if in each of those one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be supposed to be ordeined , that certainly will satisfie the importunity of that text , and the mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders in the plurall , viz. foure elders in those so many churches . and if because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the singular number , they therefore thinke that those plurall elders must be ordeined in each of those churches . this is too grosse a mistake for scholers to be guilty of , it being certaine that that is not the importance of the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any more than of the english [ church by church ] or [ in every church ] i.e. more elders in more churches , one in every one . 27. their next proofe is from act. 20. 17. paul called for the elders of the church of ephesus ( one of these seven churches ) and calls them bishops , and commits the whole government of the church to them ; the like may be said of the other six churches . 28. what may be said of ephesus , i grant may be said of the other six churches , but the text no where affirmes it of ephesus , and so the analogy will no way prove it of the rest . all that the text saith , is this , and from miletus he sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church . this is not to say the elders ( as that signifies presbyters in our moderne notion ) of the one city , and so church of ephesus , but the elders , i.e. bishops either of the asian church of that whole region , or at least of the ephesine province , the neighbouring ▪ bishops of the churches or cities that were under that metropolis of ephesus , who by st. paul's sending his summons to ephesus , the chiefe city of the one , and chiefe metropolis of the other ( which consequently had daily meanes of communicating intelligence to those other cities ) might thus most commodiously be advertised of st. paul's comming , and provide to meet him at miletus . 29. that this is no strain'd interpretation or answer , is elsewhere evidenced , and may summarily appeare by these two testimonies , one of irenaeus here formerly mentioned , l. 3. c. 14. ab epheso & reliquis proximis civitatibus convocatos esse , that they were called from ephesus and the rest of the neerest cities adjoyning to it , this is an expresse evidence , which being allowed puts the whole matter out of question . and although in a matter of fact , a testimony of so credible a person that lived so neere the times , being an auditour of polycarpe the first bishop of smyrna , and is not contradicted by any contemporary , is of a competent authority , and need not any other topickes to assist it , yet for the removing all possible prejudices from it , and rendring it yet more indubitable , i shall a little farther enlarge for the confirming of it . 30. and 1. the apostle at his meeting with them , v. 18. begins in this style , yee know from the first day that i came into asia , after what manner i have been with you at all seasons ; an addresse to them , either as to the elders of asia indefinitely , as many as could conveniently come to miletus at that time , or at least as to more than to the elder ( or elders , if that could be truly pretended ) of one city of asia , peculiarly , or exclusively to all others . 31. so againe v. 25. and now behold i know that yee all , among whom i have gone preaching the kingdome of god , shall see my face no more ; this evidently addresses the speech not onely to the inhabitants of one city , but to all those ( as many as were then present ) among whom hee had gone preaching the faith of christ , and that we know was done by him to the other cities , and not onely to that of ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in passage ( though not so solemnly as at ephesus ) going through all the region and preaching the gospell to all , saith oecumenius on 2 joh. and so t is expresly said act. 19. 21. that after the two yeares and three moneths spent at ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he staid and spent some time in asia , and accordingly v. 26. demetrius truely saith , that not onely at ephesus but almost throughout all asia , paul had perswaded and turned away the people . 32. secondly , then the faith being before this time successefully propagated through all asia , and not onely in this one city of ephesus , there were without question churches accordingly gathered and compacted in many other cities , as well as in ephesus , before this time of paul's parting never to see them againe . and not onely in the other metropolis , ( six more of which are owned by the objectors , smyrna and the rest rev. 1. ) but also in the lesser cities , which were not metropoliticall , and yet more especially in those cities which were neerest ephesus , and which as belonging to that metropolis , had frequent resort thither to the assises which were there kept act. 19. 38. and so must be supposed to have received speciall influences from the apostle's residing there for the space of two yeares and three moneths , act. 19. 8. 10. 33. to which purpose it must againe be remembred , that as tim●thy is by eusebius styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishop of the province that belongs to ephesus , l. 3. c. 4. which is all one as to make that a metropolis over other cities , and accordingly in the order of metropoliticall sees at the end of codinus , the bishop of ephesus is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , primate of all asia , so ignatius in tra●an's time is by joynt consent of the antients affirmed to have written epistles to two churches , magnesia and trallis , which are known to be cities under this metropolis of ephesus , and to have named the bishops of each , damas of the one , and ●olybius of the other . 34. and as there is no question among any but that ignatius wrote such epistles to those churches ( salmasius cites that to the * trallians expresly as the epistle of ignatius , which certainly he would never have done , if he had doubted whether ever ignatius wrote to them ; and indeed all that is questioned by him and d. blondell is but this , whether the epistles now extant under his name be genuine or no , not whether ignatius , as all writers accord , wrote seven epistles , of which these which we now speake of , are two ) so there is no ground of imagining that they were of a later plantation , than that which is here recorded to be wrought by st. paul , act. 19. all asia having then heard the faith , v. 10. and received it in a remarkable manner v. 20. and a great dore , saith st. paul being opened to him at ephesus peculiarly , which must needs have influence on the cities next adjoyning to it in a speciall manner . 35. to this i shall adde thirdly , that as * aristides saith of ephesus , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the common magazine or store-house of asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their refuge for all wants , so it must needs be the fittest way of conveying intelligence speedily to all the cities of asia , especially the proximae civitates , as irenaeus said , the cities next adjoyning , and so most commodious to assemble those other bishops to paul at miletus and not only him , or those that are supposed to have resided at ephesus . 36. and accordingly we finde in eusebius , that the epistle of antonius ●ius concerning the christians , which was to be communicated to all asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was proclaimed or divulged at ephesus , in the common meeting of asia , as the readiest way to make it universally knowne . 37. all which being premised , and withall that there is no reason to imagine , that st. paul at the time of his fimall parting , ( taking his solemne last leave ) of them v. 38. should not so much consider , as to call for , or desire to see any of the rest of his sonnes , the governours of the inferiour churches , to whom he had committed that numerous flock ( which was now so universally in such danger of wolves ) save onely those of the one church , of that one city of ephesus ( supposing there had been more than one there . ) this will be a very competent confirmation of irenaeus his testimony , that indeed thus it was , as he hath delivered , that the bishops of the cities neerest adjoyning to ephesus ( as many as by summons from thence could speedily be called together , in all reason the bishops of the cities which were under that metropolis ) were sent to meet the apostle at miletus , and accordingly met him there . 38. the second testimony is that maxime of the greeke scholiast on 1 pet. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the booke of the acts calls the bishops elders , which being avow'd by me in the dissertations , and cleared through all the places in the acts , they ought , by all lawes of disputing , either to have endeavoured the refuting of what is there said , or the proving that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders must needs there signifie presbyters in the moderne notion , which having not here attempted to doe , there is no kinde of force in what is here dictated , nothing said but what had beene long since largely and clearely answered ▪ 39. yet because in the next chapter , where this place of the acts is viewed againe , one argument i see produced in favour of their pretensions , which they found in an observation of mine , i shall thinke my selfe concern'd to give an account of it . 40. it is this , pag. 85. if the apostle by the elders of the church had meant the bishops of the church of all asia , he would have said , not the elders of the church , but of the churches . it is an observation made use of by one of those that makes use of this answer we are now confuting , that when the scripture speakes of churches in cities it alwayes useth the singular number , as the church of jerusalem , the church of corinth , &c. but when it speakes of provinces where there are many cities , then it uses the plurall number , as the churches of judaea , and the churches of asia , rev. 1. 11. according to this observation , if the apostle had meant of the bishops of all asia , he would have said the elders of the churches , whereas he calls them elders of the church , v. 17. and so must meane the elders of the church of ephesus , and so meere presbyters , not bishops . 41. but herein is a manifest mistake ; for the observation is not made as is here suggested , of churches in cities and provinces , that the former of them are constantly to be understood where there is mention of a church in the singular number ( without any name of particular city added to it ) and that when a province is mention'd , 't is alwayes done by churches in the plurall number ; this is the sense on which their argument is founded . but if the reader consult the dissertations p. 190. he shall finde there is no such thing , 't is onely this , that in the new testament there is mention made of churches in the plurall number , the churches of judaea , of samaria , of galilee , of syria , of cilicia , of galatia , of asia , of macedonia , whereas in other places there was as frequent mention of a church in the singular , the church in jerusalem , in antioch , in cenchrea , in corinth , of the thessalonians , of ephesus , of smyrna , of pergamus , of thyatira , of sardis , of laodicaeā . 42. the cause of that difference is there said to be this , that judaea , &c , was the name of a province , in which there being many cities , there were consequently many churches and bishops in them , whereas one city with the territory adjoyning to it being ruled by one single bishop , was to be called a singular church , and therefore that which is said to be done in every church , acts 14. 13. is said to be done in every city . tit. 1. 5. the sum of which observation is onely this , that one city , with the territory adjoyning to it never makes above one church in the scripture style , whereas a province or country , or nation consists of many cities , and so of many episcopall sees or churches . 43. this was all that was said in that place , or that was usefull to be said in order to the end ( to shew the originall of metropolitanes ) there . and what a wresting of a plaine obvious observation is it , to conclude it from hence to be my assertion , that when ( that must be , whensoever , or else the conclusion cannot be deducible from it ) the scripture speakes of a province , it is in the plurall number ? it doth sometimes do so , and that was all that was usefull to me . if it had done so but once , though twenty times it had done the contrary , it had been sufficient ( for some reasonable account there must be for the doing it once , and what could that be , but the number of the cities and so of churches in each province or nation ) much more when there were so many examples of it . 44. but this is not to affirme that it alwayes doth so , especially when being left at large without any restraint , not the church of ephesus , or the like , but indofini●ely the church , it is very capable of another interpretation . for sure when i wrote that , i had not forgotten my creede , or in it the name church in the singular number , which by the adjunct of catholike must needs be more than the church of one city . and having read mat. 16. where the whole church of christ is called my church in the singular , a like phrase to that of the church of god , which the bishops here are commanded to feed , and in the one epistle to the ephesia●s having six examples of the word church in the singular , each signifying evidently the universall church , i might very well be allowed to discerne the word church in the singular , without any addition of ephesus or the like , which restraines it in all the examples there produced , to be appliable to a farre larger body , than the church of one city , and consequently be quit from all obligation of making the elders of the church , act. 20. 17. the elders of the one city of ephesus . 45. there is little doubt i suppose but the church of the whole world , consisting of many churches , as the parts thereof , may be , and is in scripture called the church in the singular , and so certainly may the church of a nation or a province , especially if it be united together under one primate or metropolitane , as it is certaine the churches and cities neer ephesus , nay over all asia were , according to the plaine words of st. chrysostome , who when * others affirme of timothy that he was by paul ordained bishop of the metropolis of ephe●us , expresseth the same thing thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is manifest that timothy had a church committed to him , or indeed an intire nation , that of asia . the like is ordinarily observable of crete , a whole island with an hundred cities in it ( in each of which titus was appointed to ordeine a bishop or elder ) which yet is styled in the subscription of the epistle to titus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of crete , and the subscription never questioned upon that score by any , that it spake improperly herein . 46. and consequently there can be no harshnesse in this interpretation , paul sent to ephesus and call'd the elders of the church to come to him to miletus , and in his oration addrest to them called them bishop of the flock and of the church of god , meaning them singular praefects of severall cities of the church of asia , especially of those which were neerest ephesus , the chiefe metropolis of the whole nation . 47. and so much in answer to that objection , in defence of their argument from the elders of ephesus , as they call them . 48. another proofe of the same is there added pag. 85. thus , the syriack translation reads it , he sent to ephesus , and called the elders of the church of ephesus , so hierome , presbyteros ecclesiae ephesinae , so concilium aquisgranense . 49. what authority st hierome's testimony is to carry with us in this matter , hath been elsewhere largely shewed , and we may hereafter have farther occasion to declare it , and our reasons of it . at the present it is willingly confest that st. hierome on tit. 1. doth indeavour to prove that in scripture , bishop and presbyter is the same , and from him isidore hispalensis de officiis eccl. l. 2. hath the same , and both have according to that prolepsis changed the words of the text in the acts , and instead of what there we reade , sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church , they read , sent to ephesus and called the elders of the same church , expressing themselves to meane of the church of ephesus . and the councell of aken ( aquisgranense ) having transcribed nine chapters from isidore verbatim , consequently doe the like . so that the authority of isidore and that councell being as great as st. hierome can make it , from whom evidently it proceeds , may yet be allowed to yeild to the farre greater authority of polycarp's auditor irenaeus , who hath sufficiently cleared it to the contrary . 50. as for the syriack tanslation , it is not here recited exactly accordingly to the truth , for in that , thus the words lie : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and from miletus he sent and called for the elders of the church of ephesus , where is but one mention of ephesus , not two , as is here suggested from the translation , that it reades , he sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church of ephesus . the short of it is , ephesus being but once named in that verse , the greeke placeth it in the begining 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from miletus he sent to ephesus , and this being the originall must certainly over-rule all translations , and accordingly all translations but one to read it , onely the syriack hath mis-placed the word ephesus , put it in the later part of the period , quite against all syntaxis , and for doing so , are here cited , and their testimony made use of to assist presbytery , when the manifest truth in the originall , and by all other translations acknowledged , would not allow them any the least advantage . 51. after they had produced these two arguments , to prove that the church in the city was governed in the apostles days by a common-councell of presbyters , the reader would hardly expect that which now next followes in these words . from all this we gather , that the asian angels were not di●cesan bishops , but congregationall presbyters , seated each of them in one church , not any of them in more than one . 52. this conclusion , as the words lie , consists of two parts , 1. that each of these asian angels , under the title of congregationall presbyters , was seated in one church ▪ this , if it were meant , as the words sound , were the granting to us all that we contend , and would hardly be reconciled with the third observation , that the church in the city was governed by the common councell of presbyters ; for sure each of those presbyters is not a common councell ; but i rather believe they have not so soone disclaimed their praemisses , and therefore that it is more reasonable to interpret their words by their principles , than their meaning by their words , and so that by congregationall presbyters they meant so many colleges of such presbyters , seated each of them , i. e. each of those colleges in one church ; and if that be their conclusion , i must acknowledge it to accord perfectly with their praemisses , which being already answered , there remaines no force in the conclusion . 53. and for the second part , that not any of them was seated in more than one , understanding it againe as the words sound , it is no way contrary to our pretensions , for we doe not thinke that the angel of ephesus was seated in smyrna , or in any church but that of ephesios , and the territory thereof ; and although as that was a metropolis , other cities were under it , and so other bishops subordinate to the bishop of ephesus , yet was not any other city the seat of that metropolitane , but onely ephesus , whereof he takes his denomination , as although rochester be under the metropolis of canterbury , yet the archbishop of canterbury is not seated at rochester , but some other bishop affixt to that city and diocese . as for any other meaning of it , proportionable to that which we were faine to affixe to the former , i confesse my selfe ignorant what it can tend to , for it is as if they should say , not any councell of presbyters was seated in more churches than one . which is as if they should say , no one body is in severall places . and i know no prelatist that either directly or by consequence hath affirmed it is . 54. what remaines in the last paragraph of this chapter , is onely to state the question betwixt us , which is all the while no more but this , whether tertullian and irenaeus that call polycarpe and onesymus bishop of smyrna and ephesus , meane bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a peculiar sense , or in a generall phrase , as all presbyters are called bishops . and this i acknowledge to be the onely question between us , and if bishops doe signifie bishops , i cannot doubt but the cause is by them adjudged on our side ; and why it should not , they have , to conclude , onely this offer of argument , that bishops and presbyters had all one name in the apostles dayes , and long after in irenaeus's time . 55. i am truly weary of the length of this chapter , and cannot but by consent have some compassion on the reader , and therefore i shall bring the matter to this short issue . this reason of theirs is no reason , unlesse the word bishop , both in the apostles dayes and long after irenaeus's time , signified a presbyter in our moderne notion ; for if both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop and elder signified bishop in our notion , this againe gives the cause to us from them . and upon these termes i am content to leave it , if ever they finde in irenaeus that episcopus signifies a presbyter in our moderne notion , i will confesse them conquerours , but this they have not offered here to doe , and i have some moderate assurance they never will. and so much for that chapter . chap. ii. of the equivalence of the words bishop and elder in the new testament . section i. foure sorts of equivalence of these words proposed . the next place where i find my selfe call'd forth , is about the midst of their seventh chapter , toward the bottom of pag. 92. onely for the conclusion of this discourse , &c. for although in the former part of that chapter they undertake to vindicate their chiefe proofes of scripture , act. 20. 17 , 28. phil. 1. 1. 1 tim. 3. 1 pet. 5. and to make replies to the answers given to them , and although it is most certaine that in the dissertations every of those places are answered , and shew'd to be fully reconcileable with our praetensions for praelacy , yet they have not pleased to take any notice of what is there said , which if they had done , i might , without insolence , undertake to shew , that it had prevented all appearance of force in any of their replies ; and therefore being by this meanes perfectly freed from all obligation to view any paragraph of that former part of the chapter , and having already said somewhat to the chiefe of their places , act. 20. and fore-seeing a fit opportunity for the rest , i shall for mine own , and the readers ease , punctually expect and obey the summons , appeare when i am call'd before them , but no sooner , avert their charge , and not multiply debates above what is necessary . thus then they begin , that there is a doctor , a high praelatist , &c. that in a late booke of his hath undertaken to make out these two great paradoxes , 1. that wheresoever the word bishop is used in the new testament , it is to be taken in a praelaticall sense . 2. that wheresoever the word presbyter is used in the new testament , it is to be understood , not of a mere presbyter , but of a bishop properly so called . and whereas we say that the scripture-bishop is nothing else but a presbyter , and that there was no bishops distinct from presbyters in the apostles dayes , this author on the contrary saith , that the scripture-presbyter is a true bishop , and that there were no single and meere presbyters in the apostles dayes . for our parts we do not thinke it necessary to take a particular survey of all that is said in justification of these paradoxes , onely we desire it may be considered . there is so much of the sense of some passages in the dissertations set downe in these words , that i am forced to believe , that i am the author here charged for these two paradoxes . that they are so styled by those who are contrary minded , and who have assumed a power , which , if either of these propositions be true , they must be obliged to part with , i cannot thinke strange ; and if i should style their assertions as perfectly paradox ( i.e. as contrary to all the antients sense or doctrine in this matter ) when they say that the scripture-bishop is nothing else but a presbyter , &c. this were certainly an introduction fit to be confronted to theirs , as being equally argumentative . but because this verball eloquence hath little of efficacy in it , and will never be a meanes of evincing the truth of our pretensions , by affirming the contrary to be errours or paradoxes , and because what is affixt to me , is not intirely my sense , though it recite it in some part , and approach neere to it , i shall here begin with a briefe relation of what is affirmed by the dissertations in this matter , and then inquire what is here produced to invalidate it . dissert . 4. c. 6. the method leading to the consideration of the word [ bishop ] and [ elder ] in the scripture , the first thing taken notice of was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equivalence of these words in the opinion of many . to which purpose theodoret , chrysostome , oecumenius , and st hierome are cited , as favourers of this opinion , but this with some difference of the one from the other . and for the distinct stating of the question , foure senses were set downe , wherein it was possible that this equivalence of the words might be understood . 1. that both bishop and elder should signifie one and the same , viz. a bishop in our moderne notion . 2. that both should signifie the same thing , viz. a presbyter . 3. that both of them should signifie promiscuously , sometimes a bishop , sometimes a presbyter , i. e. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should sometime signifie a bishop , sometime a presbyter , and in like manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie sometime a bishop , sometime a presbyter . 4. that the word bishop should alwayes signifie a singular bishop , and the word elder sometimes a bishop , and sometimes a presbyter . of these foure senses of the equivalence of these words , it was sure no error to conclude , that they were not all of them true , each being exclusive of the other three ; and although some of the antients might be brought in favour to one , more than to the other , yet this was eminently observable , that those that favoured that species , which is most for the presbyterians interest to be accepted , doe yet assert the cause of the prelatists as confidently as any . so theodoret , who seemes most to assert the second species , doth yet propugne the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the superiour dignity of bishops above presbyters , and affirmes * those who were in his time called bishops ( the singular praefects of cities ) to have been styled apostles in the scripture-times , and that epaphroditus was called so by st. paul , as being bishop of the philippians , and so saith he , titus was apostle of the cretanes , and timothy of the asiaticks . so when chrysostome , and theophylact , and oecumenius approve of the third species , and affirmes bishops to be called presbyters ( and deacons also ) and on the contrary presbyters to be called bishops , yet of each of them it is notorious , that they asserted the superiority of bishops over presbyters , not onely in their owne , but in the apostles time . and to that purpose the concession and testimony of peter moulin was produced , that the most famous bishops of the antient church , chrysostome , &c. did not thinke it any diminution to their dignity that the words bishop and elder were at first conceived to be used in the same sense , which observation being premised , and thereby the prelatists pretensions competently secured , which soever of those senses should be accepted , so long as they that were authors of the assertions be permitted to give their owne interpretation of them ; it was then , i thought , perfectly seasonable and safe to discusse the question freely , and to set downe what to me appeared most probable , without prejudice to any other dissenter , and upon those termes , and not otherwise , these two propositions were offered to farther consideration of learned men . 1. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in scripture constantly signifie a singular bishop . 2. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either constantly signifies a bishop also , or else commonly a bishop , and sometime , but rarely , a presbyter . these are somewhat different from the two paradoxes affixt to me , and in these termes i shall now resume them againe , and cleare them to be no paradoxes . and begin first with the former of them , concerning the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop . and this is already done , 1. by considering the originall notation , and use in the old testament , of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then by going over every place in the new testament , where the word bishop is used . section ii. of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 naturally signifying an overseer , and used by aristides for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the governour , the same that justinian calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ruler of provinces and metropoles , and by cicero ad articum rendred speculator & custos , one that lookes to , and guards a province ( and so fitly styled angel , who 's generally deemed to have those two offices , and is in the scripture called an eye , and vulgarly a guardian ) doth in the greeke of the old testament sometime render the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is common to god , lord , angel , and generally denotes dominion ; sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a praefect or commissary , intrusted with the administration of some affaire , whether in army , as a commander , numb . 31. 14. in mechanicall working , as a master-workeman , 2 chron. 34. 12. 17. in a city , a ruler or prince , nehem. 11. 9. peculiarly the chiefe of the priests v. 10 in the ministery of the temple as eleazar ( the ruler of the levites ) num. 4. 16. and lastly in the house of the lord , the ruler set over that , 2 kin. 11. 18. and the result of all this is , that it generally signifies an office of charge and dignity and power and superiority over others , all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are all used to render the same word that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth , and so is most fitly qualified to signifie the like , viz. a praefecture in the christian church under the new testament . accordingly there we finde it applied , 1. to christ himselfe , the bishop of our soules , who though he ministred to his disciples , yet owned the title of lord and master , as that which from them belonged to him , joh. 13. 13. secondly , to the apostles act. 1. 20. and for all other places where it is used , it is evidently capable of a sense very agreeable to these premisses , being never once used in the new testament , but where it will be very commodious to render it bishop in our moderne notion of the word for a singular prefect in each church , not a collegue in a presbytery . this is at large shew'd by a survey of every of those places ; first , that of act. 20. 28. where the apostle takes leave , and exhorts the bishops set over the flock by the holy ghost : they are there bid to feed the church of god , i.e. the christians of the severall cities of asia , or neer about ephesus , as was in the last chapter evidenced out of irenaeus , auditor to polycarpe made bishop of smyrna by st. john , and therefore may well be resolved to be the singular bishops of those cities , and not onely of the one city of ephesus , as was largely shewed in the last chapter . the second place is that of phil. 1. 1. where after the mention of all the saints in christ jesus which are at philippi , is added , with the bishops and deacons ; where although some of the greeke commentators , which at the same time assert episcopacy , do for that very reason , because there could not be many bishops in one city , understand that place of presbyters in our moderne notion , and adde that the words * bishop and presbyter , yea and deacon too , were not as yet distinct , but promiscuously used , the one for the other ; here the word bishops for presbyters , as elsewhere the presbytery is used for bishops , 1 tim. 4. 4. adding this reason * , because presbyters ordeined not a bishop ; and although many expedients were ready at hand to keepe the text from being usefull to the presbyterians , in case it were granted that by bishops the presbyters were meant , as that epaphroditus their present bishop ( as is acknowledged by theodoret , chrysostome and theophylact , who are most favourable to that interpretation ) was with st. paul at the writing that epistle , c. 4. 18. yet i have the authority of epiphanius to affirme , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there signifies peculiarly bishops , and i doubt not but it may doe so , referring it to all the bishops of the severall cities belonging to that metropolis . for such was philippi , both as the first-fruits of all macedonia , first converted to the faith , 2 act. 16. 9. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a prime city of that province of macedon , v. 12. of it selfe , before it's conversion , and so saith * photius distinctly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and accordingly polycarps epistle to them is inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the whole province that belongs to philippi ; in which there being diverse cities , and bishops in them , the epistle to st. paul is to be conceived written to them all , ( as the epistle to the corinthians appeares to have been written to the saints of all achaia ) and being inscribed to philippi , was to be communicated to those others , as the epistle to the colossians was to be communicated to the laodicaeans , col. 4. 16. and that which the laodicaeans had received ( whether , as tertullian seemes to believe , that to the ephesians , or any other ) in like manner to be communicated to the colossians , and the epistle of the church of jerusalem to the church of antioch did belong and was communicated to all the churches of syria and cilicia . act. 16. 4. and then all that the immediate subjoyning of the deacons in that place , will conclude , is onely this ( which is farre from yeilding the presbyterians any profit ) that as * epiphanius saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the churches being but newly planted , there were not presbyters as yet constituted among them , onely a bishop with one deacon or more in each city , in like manner as it was at jerusalem act. 6. where after james's assumption to the bishoprick , which the ecclesiasticall writers tell us of , the seven deacons are soone instituted , no presbyters being created in the middle , betwixt the bishop and them , that either scripture or antient record informe us of . and † clemens , st. pauls fellow labourer , mentions it as the generall practice , that the apostles preaching through regions and cities constituted their first fruits into bishops and deacons of those which should come in to the faith . thus farre is this from being a forced interpretation being perfectly regular , and conformable to what we read of those times , out of the best and antientest records of them ; and if in any circumstance we should be lyable to mistake , yet for the maine , the reader will hardly thinke it possible , when he remembers this very church of the philippians to be one of those expressely named by tertullian , among whom in his time , apostolorum cathedrae suis adhuc locis praesidebantur , the chaires of the apostles were yet extant praesiding in their due places , which concludes some bishop or singular praefect to have succeeded the apostles in this church ( as in those other , thessalonica , &c. ) and by theodoret , whose authority is most used against us in this matter , to prove that the bishops were presbyters here , epaphroditus is expresly affirmed to be that bishop . the next place is that of 1 tim. 3. 1 , 2. if any man desire the office of a bishop he coveteth a good worke : a bishop therefore must be blamelesse — where there is no reason of doubting , but the bishop is the singular praefect or governour of the church ; for the onely appearance of the contrary being againe ( as in that to the philippians ) the immediate subjoyning of deacons and their qualifications , v. 8. that presently vanisheth , if againe we remember the observation of epiphanius , which he had out of the most antient records , and was found exactly conformable to the expresse words of clemens romanus , the contemporary of the apostles , that at the beginning of the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before the government was compleate in all the offices , the apostles and apostolicall persons placed in the church by them , such as timothy to whom here he gives the directions , created no more but a bishop and deacon ( one or more ) in each church , the present state of things neither requiring nor being well capable of any more , in respect of the paucity of the christians to be governed or instructed , and of those which were fit to be made presbyters . and although theodoret againe ( with some few others ) interpret the place of presbyters , yet 't is as evident , he doth it not to the disadvantage of bishops , adding in the same place , that the bishops especially should observe these lawes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as those which had atteined to a greater honour . meanewhile s. chrysostome interprets it distinctly of * bishops , as i have done , and in that notion of bishops which severs them from presbyters , such as governe in each city , and addeth the qualifications to be such , as being spoken of bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe agree to presbyters also . and accordingly theophylact interprets it of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the president and ruler , without any mention of presbyters . there remaines but one place , and that of the very same nature with this last , and must certainly be regulated by it , tit. 1. 7. for a bishop must be blamelesse , as the steward of god ( answerable to that notion of the word bishop in the old testament for the ruler set over the house of the lord , 2 kin. 11. 18. i. e. the steward , to whom the keyes of the house were committed , isa . 22. 22. ) that this is the singular bishop in every city , signified before v. 5. by the elders , which titus was left in crete to constitute , is the joynt affirmation of st. chrysostome , theophylact and oecumenius on those words of v. 5. elders in every city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. by elders he there meanes bishops , as in the epistle to timothy , appointing them to be constituted in every ●ity , for he would not have the whole island administred by one , but that every ●ity should have it's proper pastor ( or bishop ) that so the labour might be the lighter , and the care more exact . in crete there were certainly many cities , eusebius mentions an hundred , of all which , * saith he , titus was made bishop by st. paul , that under him , saith † theodoret , he might ordeine bishops : to which * chrysostome and theophylact adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he might have power to judge or censure those bishops , as a metropolitan and prima●e over them . there is now no other place wherein the word bishop is used , and by this briefe view of these , i hope the first proposition is competently rescued from meriting the censure of paradox , whether that signifie novell or strange ; this being so conformable both to the nature and use of the word , to the tradition of the antient church , and the importance of each scripture , where it is used , that bishop should signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the singular pastor or governour in each city or church . section iii. of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder . now to the second proposition , which pretended not to so much positivenesse , but is set down in a greater latitude of defining , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either constantly signifies a bishop also , or else commonly a bishop , though sometimes , but most rarely a presbyter . of this i shall now need to praemise but these few things . first , that the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commonly rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder in the old testament , doth denote most properly , and signifie most constantly ( as in all languages the word is found vulgarly to doe ) a ruler or governour . this is so largely deduced and demonstrated in the annotation on act. 11. 30. that i shall not indeavour farther to manifest it . secondly , that as in some places of the new testament the word is necessarily to be understood of bishops , so in every other place it is very fitly capable of that interpretation ; this is againe so particularly evidenced to the latine reader , diss . 4. c. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. and to the english reader annot. on act. 11. b. and 14. a. that i cannot deeme it reasonable to tire my selfe farther with transcribing it . thirdly , that if any one or more places shall be thought by any man to belong to presbyters in our moderne sense , as that of jam 5. 14. or the like , i shall onely desire , that he will bring any convincing proofe or authentick testimony , that in that or those places it so signifies , and i shall most willingly grant it to him , and be so farre from thinking it , in the least degree , disadvantagious to our pretensions , that i shall not doubt to evidence it a demonstrative argument to confirm them , but shall not need to insist on that , till such proofe be offered . fourthly , that by this it is already most evident , that my assertion was not truely cited p. 92. in these words , that wheresoever the word presbyter is used in the new testament , it is to be understood not of a meere presbyter , but of a bishop properly so called ; certainly neither my words nor sense extended to the wheresoever — and , it is to be — being onely in a disjunctive forme , either constantly so , or sometimes but rarely otherwise . fifthly , that if i were not misreported , and the paradox were as high and as positive , as it is represented , yet i conceive not the reason why they that have with great confidence affirmed that both bishops and elders do alway signifie in scripture their presbyters and no more , ( for if either of those words do but once signifie a bishop , their jus divinum , and whole cause falls to the ground irrecoverably ) should be so much at leisure from excusing themselves , to accuse that for a paradox in others , which is not imaginable to be more an extreme on one side , then theirs is on the other ▪ lastly , that if they doe not thinke it necessary to take a particular survey of all that is said in justification of these ( which they thus please to style ) paradoxes , which is in effect , as if they should professe to deny and declaime against the conclusion , without attempting to satisfie any reason , by which it is inferr'd ; it might be as just in me to tender them answers of the same making , and so to supersede any farther dispute in this matter . but i shall not imitate their method , but rather prepare to attend them in it , and having thus farre served them , by undertaking the taske which was due to them , in giving the reader a briefe view of the grounds of my assertions , which were too long for them to take notice of , i shall now trace their steps , and follow them which way soever they lead . section iv. of reverence to antiquity , and the interpretations of the antients . of praelatists disagreement among themselves . first then , say they , we desire it may be considered , that these assertions are contrary to antiquity , which yet notwithstanding our brethren doe so highly magnifie and boast of it in this controversy , and for receding from which , as they say we do , they doe most deeply charge us . that these assertions , as farre as they are owned by me , and are assertions , are so distant from being contrary to antiquity , that they are founded in the records of the most antient reverend authority , hath appeared most plainly by what hath now been said , and had before been laid , as the ground of the interpretations , in the fourth dissert . if they , which gathered the conclusion from thence , would have vouchsafed to take notice of the praemisses . the utmost that can be with truth pretended , is , that some of the texts , which we have insisted on here , and so likewise some of those where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders are mentioned , are not by all the antients interpreted just in that manner , as i thinke they may safely and most probably be interpreted , and so as they will best accord with the opinions which those very antients appeared to have concerning the originall of episcopacy . in this i hope i have not offended against the antient church , or if i had , as i should have expected other accusers , than those i have , so should i waite for no other judge but my selfe , and immediately submit to any penance for it . but they which truely reverence antiquity , discerne also wherein this reverence is terminated , not in adhering to every interpretation of each text of scripture given by any antient commentator or interpreter , for truely that is absolutely impossible , severall of them being known in interpreting of texts very frequently to differ one from the other ; this can be no newes to any man , who hath but lightly viewed them , or but occasionally consulted tirinus , or such like later commentators , who have collected the interpretations of the antients , and marshalled their names , and told us how many have been for one , how many for another sense of such a text. and in affaires of this nature , wherein they have neither taught doctrines , nor testified traditions , but onely exprest their single opinions , or conjectures of an apostles meaning in words capable of more senses than one , i know no praelatist that ever denyed later writers liberty to recede from one , and adhere to some other of the antients , or if more convincing reasons appeared for any fresh interpretation , never given before , the like liberty hath been allowed ; and indeed if it were not so , our studying of the originalls , inquiry into the nature of words and phrases , observation of customes among the antients , and all wherein learned men differ from unlearned , consideration of the context and argument , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of each difficult place , and all the other skills and advantages of a good interpreter would all be unusefull first , and then dangerous , would tempt one oit to recede from some former writers , to forsake the roade and method ( so ordinary ) of transcribing other mens labours , and by inciting him to say any thing which had not oft been said before , ( which if it have , why doth he againe trouble himself and others to repeat it ) would infallibly involve him under the burthen and guilt that is here laid on me , of being contrary to antiquity . but i am unwilling to discourage them from any sort or degree of reverence to antiquity , and on condition they will be fairely tried by it in any notion by which they can imagine to define that reverence , or the word antiquity , i will forgoe all my novell interpretations , and say no one word which the antients have not distinctly said before me , and refer the whole fate of the cause to this judicature . their second consideration is , that they are contrary to all that have ever written in defence of episcopacy , from whence they conclude that till their brethren ( i. e. we praelatists ) agree among themselves , they need not spend time to answer the private opinions of one doctor . to this i answer , that it hath alwayes been deemed lawfull to any man , which hath undertaken the defence of a christian cause , asserted constantly by the church , to choose his arguments ( as combatants do their weapons ) such as he thinkes are fittest for his managery , and will most probably ( in his opinion ) convince the gainsayers ; no obligation lying upon him by the lawes of these agones , to use those arguments ( and no other , nor otherwise improved ) which all other writers of that side have done before him ; for if this were the manner of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the legail combate , to what end should any second writing on the same subject ever appeare to the world ? that which had been formerly said , needed not to be transcribed and said againe , but either the booke might be re-printed or translated into a language more intelligible ( as i have here been fame oft to doe ) and though i might truly say , that for those more minute considerations or conjectures , wherein this doctor differs from some others , who have written before him ( as to the manner of interpreting some few texts ) he hath the suffrages of many the learnedst men of this church at this day ( and as farre as he knowes , of all that imbrace the same cause with him ) yet i doe not thinke it necessary to prove my agreement with others of my brethren by this onely medium ; it being certaine that they who believe the same conclusion upon severall mediums or wayes of inferring it , are in that , and may be in all other conclusions at perfect accord and unity among themselves . all that i can conclude from this and the former consideration ( the double charge laid on me of contrariety to antiquity , and other asserters of episcopacy ) is onely this , that the authors of them are ill pleased , that i use any other arguments , or answers but what they were willing to assigne me : otherwise if there had been lesse , not more truth , or evidence in my way of defending the cause , they would have had the greater advantage against me , and i doubt not , have been , in the space of three yeares , at leisure to have observed it . section v. inconveniencies objected , and answer'd . of more bishops in one city , no presbyters in the apostles dayes . the no divine right of the order of presbyters . but they are , in the third place , pleased to object some inconveniences which the defending of these paradoxes must necessarily bring upon me ; and to these i shall more diligently attend . first , say they , he that will defend these paradoxes must of necessity be forced to grant that there were more bishops than one in a city in the apostles dayes , which is to betray the cause of episcopacy , and to bring downe a bishop to the ranke of a presbyter . to this i reply by absolute denying of this consequence ( for supposing the scripture-bishop to be alwayes a bishop , and so the scripture elder also , how can it follow from thence that there are more such bishops in any one city ? ) t is most evident that this is no way inferr'd upon either , or both of my assertions , nor is here one word added to prove it is , to which i might accommodate any answer . t is on the contrary most manifest , that whensoever i find mention of bishops or elders in the plurall , as act. 20. phil. 1. &c. i interpret them of the bishops of asia , and the bishops of macedonia , bishops of judaea , &c. ( and render my reasons of doing so ) and consequently affirme them to be the bishops of divers ( sure that is not of one ) cities . the second inconvenience is , that i must be forced to grant that there were no bishops over presbyters in the apostles days , for if there were no presbyters , there could be no bishops over presbyters . here is an evident mistake , for i no where say , that there were no presbyters in the apostles dayes , but onely that in the apostles writings the word [ bishops ] alwayes signifies bishops , and the word [ elders ] either never , or but rarely , presbyters ; now besides that it is possible for those to be in the time of the apostles writing , which yet for want of occasion are not mentioned in those writings ( and i that love not negative arguments à testimonio , should never have thought fit to conclude there were no presbyters within the time wherein the severall bookes of scripture were written , upon that one argument , because i could not find them mentioned there ) besides this , i say , t is certaine that the apostles times are somewhat a larger period than the time of the apostles writings , and therefore that what is spoken onely of the later , was not meant to be extended to the former . for 1. the apostles continued alive some time after writing their epistles , and secondly , some of the apostles survived others ; john , of whom christs will was intimated , that he should tarry , and not die till after the comming of christ , and that kingdom of his , commenced in the destruction of the jews , did accordingly live till trajanes time , and by that time i thinke it probable that the number of believers daily increasing , there were , as the wants of the church required , presbyters ordained in many churches : and accordingly in the dissert . p. 229. when i speak of this matter , i expresly except s. john , and p. 211. i make use of a testimony of clemens alexandrinus , on purpose to conclude that this apostle ordein'd presbyters in asia , after his returne from the island , to which he was banished , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and to the same matter i * elsewhere apply that of ephiphanius , out of the profoundest , i.e. antientest records , that as moses and aaron tooke to them first the princes of the people , and at length the sanhedrim of the seventy elders , so the apostles first constituted bishops , and in processe of time presbyters also , when occasion required , as the bishops assistants , and councell , and that upon account of this analogy with the sanhedrim , they were styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders and ignatius making mention of presbyters , as of a middle degree in the church betwixt bishops and deacons in his , i. e. in trajan's time , and that in his epistles to severall of those asian churches , smyrna , ephesus , magnesia , philadelphia , trallis , i thinke the argument of great validity to conclude , that in that province that apostle had in his life time instituted this middle order . and therefore i that had so carefully prevented , was not to be charged with this crime of affirming there were no presbyters , or bishops over presbyters ( which certainly there were , if there were presbyters under them ) in the apostles dayes . and third inconvenience they adde , that by consequence i must affirme that ordo presbyteratus is not jure divino . but that is no more consequent to my assertion , than it was my assertion , that there were no presbyters in the apostles dayes , and therefore i that am guiltlesse of the assertion , cannot be charged with the consequents of it ; john i know was an apostle , and john , i believe , ordained presbyters , and thence i doubt not to conclude the apostolicall institution , i.e. in effect , the divine right of the order of presbyters , though not of the government of the church by presbytery ; and so i am still cleare from the guilt of that crime which the worst of papists would abhominate , which they are resolved i must have layen under , if i had questioned the divine right of presbyters , though they can more than question the divine right of bishops , and never have remorse or compunction , or dread any charge or ●entence for it . sect. vi. a first confession objected and vindicated . of the ephesine presbyters being all the praelates of asia , elders , aldermanni . after these inconveniences briefly touched ( and almost as briefly by me averted ) they proceede to take notice in the fourth place , of some confessions of mine , which the justification of my opinion have forced from me . by this method thinking ( as at length they say ) to render episcopacy , that is thus maintained , or else my way of maintaining it , odious and contemptible to all sober , and godly , and moderate christians , i.e. to all those , who for the attaining of those titles , good opinion , and good words from them , shall be invited to contemne , or hate those , whom they are yet pleased to call their brethren . and this i confesse is the most compendious way of confuting that which would not otherwise be confuted . what those confessions of mine are , which are like to render my assertions so odious , i must next take a view , and consider with what justice this is said by them . the first is , that the ephesine . presbyters , whom paul sent for to miletus , were all the praelates of asia . to say that the ephesine presbyters , in their sense of the phrase , are praelates of asia , were , i confesse , a ridiculous , and so , if they please , a contemptible confession , but i have yet been under no such torture from their arguments , as should constrain such confession from mee . what i say is sufficiently known to be my free opinion , ( and no forced confession , such as the necessity of a desperate enterprise might extort from me ) that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders of the church , who by summons sent to ephesus , the chiefe metropolis of all asia ( and by that convenient way communicated to other cities ) were assembled to paul at miletus , act. 20. 17. were , as irenaeus assures mee , the bishops of the other cities in those parts , and not only of the one city of ephesus . what harshnesse there can be in this assertion , to be rejected as odious at the first hearing , i confesse i divine not , that those cities had bishops , as well as ephesus , cannot be strange , or that paul desired to speake with them before his finall parting . and that the bishops may be called elders , will be as little strange , if it be but remembred , what is at large shewed in the dissertations , that the word elder had in the old testament denoted dignity and praefecture in single persons , as when abraham's oeconomus , who was set over his servants , is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elder of his house , and ruler of all that was his ( by elder and ruler signifying the same thing ) and so the elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the moabites , num. 22. 7. are the princes of moab , v. 8. and the elders of israel are the heads , or praefects of the principall families of israel , exod 6. 14. the rulers of the people c. 16. 22. the elders of the tribes , deut. 31. 28. and all this , and much more , before they were called into a councell , or senate , to assist moses , as appeares num 11. 16. and proportionable to this hath been the use of the word among all nations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elder alwayes hath the rule , and all obey him , saith * diodorus siculus , and so seniors ] in all languages is a title of honour and dignity . and peculiarly among us , as when aethelstane the halfe king ( as he was called ) of the east angles , was saluted by the title of * aldermannus , i.e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder of all england , and so aethelwod and aelwin , so in king aelfred's lawes c. 34. there is mention regis aldermanni and presbyteri regis ; and accordingly mat. 20. 25. those words of the princes of the nations exercising dominion over them , are by the saxons interpreted ealdo●men wealdaqthat ; hisa ðeodo , elders have dominion over their nations , and luke 9. 22. the elders and chief of the priosts are by them rendred ealdrum and ealdormaannum . all taking the word elder for a title of dignity and praefecture ( and from that notion of it the pre●bytorians are not observed to decline . ) and then finally that the addition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the church , though in the singular , cannot make it unfit for these elders to denote the bish●ps of asia , or neere ephesus under that metroplis , hath been already accounted for at large . and so still i hope they , and all godly and moderate brethren need neither hate , nor contemne episcopacy , nor the defenders of it , upon pretense of this ( so farre from incommodious or inconvenient ) confession . section vii . a second confession of the bishops , phil. 1. 1. being bishops of that whole province , philippi a metropolis , and a colony . like unto this first , is the second which they take notice of , that the bishops of philippi , whom s. paul salutes ch. 1. were not the bishops of that city onely , but of the whole province , whereas theophylact saith that philippi was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a little city subject to the metropolis of thessalonica . that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops , phil. 1. 1. denotes the bishops of the cities of macedonia , which were under this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chiefe city , or metropolis , as s. luke calls it , acts 16. 12. is already evidenced to be no strange or violent ( i hope as little odious ) confession . i neede not farther repeat , or inlarge on that , but beare in good part , whatsoever fate is decreed by them to attend that confession . as for the objection which is here subjoyned , and to which they were directed by dissert . 4. c. 10. sect. 12. they might , if they had been so pleased , have taken the antidote with the poyson , observed , and tendred to the reader the answer , which in the five following sections is solemnely rendred to it , and confuted that answer , if they had discernd any infirme part in it . first then , the answer is , that that description of philippi in the argument prefixt to theophylact's notes on that epistle , was taken out of an antient geographer , and belonged to that city , as it was built by philip , having been formerly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : not to the later times , under the romane empire , and that it is no new , or strange thing , that under the romans those cities should become metropoles , which formerly had not been such , to which agrees that of the councell of chalcedon , can. 12. which mentions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cities honoured by the imperiall letters with the name and dignity of metropoles . and indeed the saying of * strabo is of evident truth , ordinarily experimented , that provinces were often confounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by cause of the romans distributing them not according to the distributions of regions or nations ( such as the geographers antiently had made use of ) but after another manner , according to the cities , in which they kept their courts or assises , as before was said of the cities of asia . accordingly when s. paul first comes to philippi , st. luke mentions it under the title of the prime city of the province of macedonia , and is not that more to be heeded , speaking so expresly of that city at that time , then that geographers description , which no way discovers to what time it belongs , and cannot belong to this time of the planting the faith at philippi , if s. luke may be believed ? secondly , the same st. luke saith of it at that time , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a colony of , i.e. a city replenished by the inhabitation of the romanes ; and of those colonies in chiefe cities , there is no question but they were especially chosen to be places of their assises , whither the neighbouring cities resorted for justice , and so were metropoles in the civill accounts . thirdly , of this city of philippi 't is as evident , that it was the first converted of all macedonia , and that from thence he went after to thessalonica ; and so the right of primogeniture , which ordinarily gave claime to the metropoliticall dignity in the ecclesiasticall account ( as in the case of antioch and jerusalem appeares ) belonging to philippi , over and above the forementioned praecedence thereof in civill account , there is no reason to doubt , but this was a metropoliticall church , an elder sister to thessalonica , and each a mother to the churches of lesser cities of macedonia that belonged to them . according to which it is , that polycarpe in his epistle , mentions st. pauls epistles in the plurall , written to these philippians , which learned men interpret of the epistles to the thessalonians , and it cannot commodiously be understood any other way . sect. viii . a third confession , of timothies being an archbishop . of the qualifications , 1 tim. 3 2. belonging to bishops . of the bishops being worthy of double honour , though he never preach . of the word , and doctrine . of the presbytery , 1 tim. 4. of rebuking and receiving accusation against an elder . the third confession is , that timothy was archbishop of ephesus , that when paul sets downe the qualifications of bishops , though he mention none but such as are common to a presbyter with a bishop , yet he is to be understood to speake of bishops in a praelaticall sense , and not at all of presbyters ; and when he saith the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour — , this is , saith this author , the bishops that rule well — thereby holding out this great errour , that a bishop that ruleth well is worthy of double honour , though he never preacheth ; and when st. paul bids timothy not neglect the gift that was given him by the laying on the hands of the presbytery , that is , saith he , of episcopacy ; and when the apostle chargeth him not to rebuke an elder , — and not to receive an accusation against an elder , — this is to be understood of bishops , saith he , and not of meere presbyters . to this accumulative crime affirmed to be confest by me in so many particulars , i answer by avowing my confession thus farre , 1. that i take timothy to have been bishop of ephesus , and conclude it from 1 tim. 1. 3. then that ephesus was a prime metropolis of asia , from the testimonies of pliny and vlpian , and generally the church-writers : and from those two put together , i hope i may gaine liberty to confesse , that timothy was archbishop of ephesus . secondly , that paul 1 tim. 3. 1 , 2. speaking of episcopacy , as of a good worke or office , and the qualifications required in the person to be promoted to it speakes of a bishop in the praelaticall sense ; so i am sure chrysostome doth understand him , and the testimony was lately cited out of him , and theodoret that understands it otherwise , yet applies it first to bishops , and saith on that occasion , that their degree in the church is superior to that of presbyters . and if no higher qualifications be required of a bishop , than are fit to be required of a presbyter ( which yet i no where say , and the argument taken from the no-other qualifications here specified , than onely for the bishop and the deacon , are of no force to induce it , both because it is a negative argument , and there is another reason for the omitting presbyters , because in this infancie of the church there was not any such need of them , the bishop with his deacon , one or more , were sufficient in every city , and besides the qualifications assigned the deacon , may be common to him with the presbyter , as well as those assign'd the bishop ) yet that is no prejudice to the superiority of the office , or to my interpreting that text of the bishop ; for sure i may as conveniently say , that the bishop is named without the presbyter , at a time when there were bishops , but as yet no presbyters in the church , and that when there were presbyters instituted , their qualifications were to be regulated by the rules given of bishops , as it can be imagined to be fitly said by them , that the place is meant of presbyters ( when the apostle names bishops expresly , and when by many other evidences we know , that then there were bishops , but by no footsteps can discerne that then there were presbyters ) upon no other reason , but that the qualifications are common to presbyters . thirdly , for the mention of the elders that rule well , 1 tim. 5. 17. i doubt not but it may very commedicuoly be interpreted of the bishops through all his province , for as there the style is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praeside or rule , so 't is certaine , that in the use of the church this was the title of the bishops , as hath formerly been shewed out of justin martyr and others , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 double honor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the priviledge of primogeniture , being assigned as his portion , is an evidence thereof . and the inconvenience that is here urged against that interpretation , is perfectly of no force . for 1. if from hence it might be concluded that a bishop is worthy of double honour , though he never preacheth , then from their interpreting it of the presbyter , it will as much follow to be their o●inion , that the presbyter is worthy of double honour though he never preach . but then secondly the truth is , that neither of these conclusions follow either the one or the other interpration , for the first phrase of labouring in the word , and the other of labouring in the doctrine ( which by these are confounded , and so exprest undistinctly by preaching ) denote two severall things ; the former the planting of the faith where it is not yet received , which is constantly exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preaching the gospell , and the word ; the latter signifies taking paines in a church already gathered , for the confirming and farther instructing of believers . and then as he that doth one of these , may yet possibly not doe both , occasion not requiring , and so not be so eminently worthy of the double honour , as he that actually doth both ; so certainly , he that rules well in any church , and beside the care belonging to rule , undergoes that other double hard travell ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ) of preaching the faith to infidels , and confirming , and instructing believers , doth very highly deserve the double honour and alimonie ; and this as it is the exact meaning of that text , so it utterly supersedes all force of this objection or exception against our understanding it of the presidents or bishops in the praelaticall sense . fourthly , for the word presbytery , 1 tim. 4. 14. by which they say , i understand episcopacy , i answer , that i interpret it of some combination either of apostles or apostolical persons and bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in theodoret's phrase , such as were vouchsafed the apostolicall grace , i. e. of paul assuredly , 1 tim. 2. 6. and perhaps of barnabas , perhaps of some other apostolical person with him , in like manner as both peter and john style themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , and * ignatius styles the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the presbytery or eldership of the church , and as of ignatius himselfe s. chrysostome affirmes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the hands of more apostles than one were laid on him , in his ordination to the bishoprick of antioch . to which matter the scholion of chrysostome is expresse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he speakes not here of presbyters but bishops , adding the reason , because presbyters did not ordaine bishops , and so theophylact and oecumenius . lastly for the other two places of not-rebuking and receiving an accusation against an elder , though in those places it were clearely for my interest to interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a presbyter in our moderne sense , for then as * epiphanius saith , there is an evidence of proofe that the bishop hath power over the presbyter ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) timothy over the elder , saith he , but never the elder over timothy : yet i confesse my selfe inclined by other considerations to foregoe that advantageous sense of the place . because timothy being placed in the prime metropolis had power over the bishops of lesser cities , and that , as hath oft been shewed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power of ●udging as well as of ordeining bishops , which is * elsewhere evidenced to be the opinion of s. chrysostome , in order to the understanding of this place . and so still the crime is not very great or reproachfull , which i am said to have confest , it amounts no higher than the former confession had done , that timothy was archbishop of ephesus ; and yet this you see without any necessity to extort it from thee , save that of speaking freely what i conceived most probable ; for otherwise nothing could be more for the advantage of the maine cause i defen● , than that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders should signifie presbyters in these two places . sect. ix . a fourth confession of titus being archbishop of creet . their fourth charge is , that i am forced to confesse that titus was archbishop of creet , and that he received no commission from s. paul to ordaine single elders , but onely for ordeining bishops in every city . it seems , say they , this author slights the postscript , where titus is called the first bishop of creet , and slights all those antient fathers that are cited by his owne party , to prove that he was bishop of creet : but he must be an arch-bishop , and so must timothy also , or else these assertions of his will fall to the ground . now that they were neither bishops nor arch-bishops hath beene sufficiently proved ( as we conceive ) in the former discourse . that titus was arch-bishop of creet , i confesse again that i cannot but believe , till i am shewed how the contrary were possible , i. e. how he that was fastned in ( and , as * eusebius saith , had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the episcopacy of ) a whole island , which had an hundred cities in it , and was there placed , that he might ordeine bishops under him in each of those cities , tit. 1. 5. 7. and , as the antients adde , exercise jurisdiction over them , should be other than an arch-bishop . that this was his condition , hath been shewed already , and for the inconveniences that it is prest with , they will prove very supportable . for i shall not at all be obliged thereby to slight either postscript or fathers , but give the disputers example to pay them all reverence , being very well able to discerne the bishop through the archbishop , & having never imagined that the styling michael an archangel was denying him to be an angel . he certainly was an angel , and that of an higher degree , or else could never have been justly called an archangell ; and 't is just so with titus , if i had not thought him a bishop , i could never have affirmed him an archbishop , and they that in common speech give him the title of bishop , doe no way intimate their thoughts to be contrary to mine , for every archbishop is certainly a bishop , though every bishop be not an archbishop . and therefore if all the danger of my assertions falling to the ground be consequent to this of titus or timothies proving to be no archbishop , i shall deeme them competently safe , for each of them were unavoidably such , timothy archbishop of ephesus , the prime metropolis of all asia , and titus of the whole island of creet , and accordingly to those two , peculiarly as such , directions are given for the ordeining bishops and deacons in every city . and the proofes which were offered to the contrary , have i suppose already been answered , and being not here thought fit to be recited , the replyes shall not be so impertinent , as to appeare without their antagonists . onely because it is here inserted as part of my inconvenient confession , that titus received no commission from saint paul to ordaine single elders ( which i believe i no where say , any otherwise than that the commission , cap. 1. 5. was to create bishops in every city ) i shal freely tell them my opinion of that , viz. that a greater power may very fitly be said to comprehend under it the lesser of the same kinde , and consequently that both timothy and he which had commissions to ordaine bishops in every city , had also by the same commission power to ordaine single presbyters , where those were usefull to be ordained , as is evident by the qualification of deacons and widows after-mentioned in one certainly , and , as i conceive , in both epistles , for that supposeth their commission to extend to the ordeining of those , who yet had not been named in them , if we may guesse by that of titus , cap. 1. 5. and so much also of that part of my confession , which is as free and unforced , as the former had been , and i believe as fafe to the affirmer . sect. x. a fift charge of contrariety to scripture answered . of visitation of the sick , belonging to elders , james 5. but the fift and last charge is more severe than any of the former , that these paradoxes , as they stile them , are contrary to the very letter of the scripture , as we have made it evident in our arguments against the jus divinum of episcopacy , and would farther manifest it , if we thought it necessary . this i confesse of contrariety to the very letter of the scripture ( rightly understood ) i , lookt upon as so high a charge , that i verily expected somewhat extraordinary to binde it on me , and i suddenly resolved ( as i read the first words of that section ) to examine those scriptures that should now be produced , ponderingly and exactly , and either confesse my owne conviction , or give competent reasons why i was not convinced by them . but i soon found my expectations frustrated , for as here is no one such scripture mentioned , so for their arguments against the jus divinum of episcopacy , i know not where to seek them , and never heard ( and verily believe there is no such thing ) that they had formerly written any such book against bishops , wherein the dissertations or any assertions of mine therein , were so much as arraign'd by them , much lesse evidenced to be contrary to the very letter of scripture : if i had , i assure them i should then have been as ready to have made my reply , as now i have been to attend them thus farre . and for their evidencing this in any tract publisht by them before the dissertations were written , by which notwithstanding the dissertations were to be concluded , i have no reason to thinke that to be their meaning , because these assertions of mine are by them affirmed to be paradoxes , contrary to all that have ever written in defence of episcopacy , and therefore could not , unlesse it were by divination , be taken notice of , and prevented by them . after they had exprest their opinion that it was not necessary for them farther to manifest the contrariety of my paradoxes to the very letter of the scripture , they yet farther proceed in these words , for when the apostle saith , james 5. 14. is any man sick among you ? let him call for the elders of the church — who is there that can be perswaded to believe that all these elders were b●shops ( in the sense that bishops are taken in in our dayes ) is this the p●oper worke of bishops to visit the sick ? and besides , if the apostle by elders had meant bishops in that sense , he would have said , let him call for the elders of the churches , not of the church , unlesse our brethren will say that there were divers bishops in every church in the apostles dayes , in which there were many sick persons . what the [ for ] in the front here signifies , i shall not goe about to conjecture , the antecedents would incline me to believe that it pretends to introduce a reason , which might make it evident that my assertions are contrary to the very letter of scripture : but that sure it doth not any way attempt or appeare to doe , unlesse the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders of the church be supposed here to signifie presbyters in our moderne notion of the word : but then that is so farre from being granted , that it is knowne to be the onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the matter of question betwixt us all this while , and so was to be proved not supposed or presumed in this matter . but bating them this begging of the question , i shall proceed to satisfie their wonderment , that i should goe about to perswade any , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , in this place of saint james , were bishops in that sense that we now understand and use the word . and 1. i shall not doubt to avow , that for all that space , that in any church there were no other officers ordained , but onely the bishop and deacon , it must of necessity be resolved the proper worke of bishops to visit the sicke . that there was at the first , when the faith was but thin planted , such a time hath already been evidenced out of clemens romanus , and the profoundest antequities that epiphanius could meet with , and that then this office must either be neglected , or performed by either bishop or deacon , will not need any farther proofe . as for the the deacons in their institution , we finde not that to be any part of their office , and indeed the suitablenesse of absolution to that state of dangerous sicknesse , and the mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his having committed sins , and the command of giving it ( in case he be qualified for it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , absolvetur ei , absolution shall be given him , doth render the deacon incompetent for that worke , and so , where there are no presbyters , must needs divolve it on the bishop . and this account hath more than probability , no lesse than perfect evidence in it , if we onely suppose what hath been so oft cleared from the antients to be matter of fact , that where the number of believers was small , and none qualified for the office of presbyters , there the apostles constituted no more but a bishop and a deacon in each city . for whilst this was the state of that city , i shall suppose a man sick , and by the force of s. james's exhortation , desirous of absolution , &c. who is there supposeable in that city to give it him but the bishop ? and whom else can he call to him for this purpose ? and then who can doubt but this is the worke , in it selfe very agreeable , and in this supposed case peculiar and proper to the bishop ? so that unlesse this supposition be false , nay impossible to be true , i may safely say , this was or might be the bishops worke , to visit the sick , &c. and indeed , if it were not , how could it be by the bishop , when other parts of his office became his fuller employment , committed to the presbyter ? for 1. he could not commit this to others , if he first had it not in himselfe ; and secondly , this was the onely reason of ordaining inferiour officers in the church , that part of the bishop's taske might be performed by them ( as when the whole burthen , which was too heavy for moses , was distributed among other men ) which in this particular could not be , if before this assignation of assistents , it were not originally the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worke or proper taske of the bishop . to this may be farther added the reall dignity , because necessary charity of this performance of visiting the sick , &c. and this arising both from the intimation of gods owne finger , pointing out this a most agreeable season for all spirituall admonition and comfort , a molle tempus fandi , wherein a word seasonably spoken , may most probably find the due reception , and wherein the prayers and blessing of the most apostolical person , or the most highly and justly dignified in the church , & in the favour of god , may come in most opportunely , & in this respect we see in that place , that the prayers of the great prophet elias are made use of by s. james , to exemplifie the practice , which in this particular he recommended to the church . and i must needs tell the objectors , that as meane an opinion as they seem to have of this work of visiting the sick , i cannot but affirme on the contrary , that if it were duely and advantagiously managed , it were extreamely usefull and beneficiall to the good of soules , and as proper for a bishop personally to performe , when his other publick necessarie taskes ( wherein many more are concern'd , and wherein he hath no proxies to supply his place ) permit , as any one part of his divine office , differing from the rest only in this , ( and in that respect yeilding the precedence to them ) that other parts of his office are , or may be at the same time extensive to many , whilst each act of this is terminated in some one , whose soul yet ought to be more pretious in his eyes , than all other acquisitions in the world . accordingly it is in the * dissertations evidenced out of polycarp's epistle ( who was somewhat after the time of james the author of this epistle ) that part of the bishop's office it was then esteemed to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to visit all the sick , in like manner as in justin martyr he is made the curator of all that are in want , the grand distributer of all the liberalities of the church . as for the onely objection that is here tendered against this interpretation of the place , from the singalar [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the church ] not of the churches , the answer is obvious , that this epistle of james being written to all the jewes in dispersion , jam. 1. 1. these could not make up any one particular church of any single denomination , but yet all conjoyne very fitly in that one vniversal style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church . in this respect we know 't is called the catholick epistle of james , because written to the whole church of the jewes , all the believers of that nation , wheresoever disperst out of their countrey . now these inhabiting in divers cities , it is as certaine there were divers bishops in this circuit , and so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elders of the church , are most commodiously set to expresse these severall bishops , belonging to this complexe body , the church of the dispersion . not that there were more of these in one city , for that consideration would never have caused the plural expression , because were there never so many , the sick person needed not have called more at once ( and upon that score 〈◊〉 shall demand of them that argue from the number , was every sick man in their opinion , to call for the whole presbytery ? ) ●or againe because there were not as many churches as elders , but onely because these many particular churches , of which there was an equal number of elders , were very fitly comprehended under the one general 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church in the singular number . sect. xi . a last objection from act. 21. 18. and 14. 3. and 11. 30. answered . elders for rulers or bishops . there yet remaines one sort of objections more against these paradoxes , in these words . besides , when it to said , act 21. 18. paul went in with us unto james , and all the elders were present , it is supposed by our episcopall men , that james was at this time bishop of jerusalem . now we demand , who were these elders ? were these also bishops of jerusalem ? will this answer consist with our brethrens judgement ? so likewise when it is said , act. 15 4. and when they were com● to jerusalem , they were received of the church , and of the apostles and elders , we demand , what is meant by the church ? is it not meant the church of jerusalem , to which place they are said to come ? and if so , then we ask● farther , what is mean● by the elders ? must it not be answered , that by elders are meant the elders of jerusalem ? and then let any man 〈◊〉 us , how these elders can be said to be bishops in a prelatical sense , especially according to the sense of our brethren , who make james to be at this time the onely bishop of jerusalem . adde farther , it is said , act. 14. 3. wh●n paul and barnabas had ordained them elders in every church , act. 11. 30. they sent reliefe to the elders , &c. can any imagine that this reliefe was sent onely to bishops , and that paul and barnabas ordeined no presbyters in any church , but only bishops ? is not this to offer manifest violence to the scriptures ? and instead of upholding of episcopacie , is not this sufficient to render it odious and contemptible to all sober , and godly , and moderate christians ? but we forbeare . it seems we have still remaining another heape of inconvenient confessions that we labour under ; and upon them , more socratico , they make their demands ; and although i might justly wonder why they which have reade the dissertations , and know what answer i give to every of their demands , should be at the trouble to aske them againe , yet because i am resolved not to be weary of attending them , i shall answer them as punctually as they could wish , and patiently support all the odium that will result from thence , among all sober , and godly , and moderate christians . here onely i desire two things may be remembred , which have already been evidenced , 1. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder● in the style of the old testament , in the continued use of all languages , being an expression of power and dignity , is in the new testament upon all reasonable accounts as properly applicable to the rulers and governours ecclesiastical , as the word apostles , or bishops , or presidents , or rulers , or any the like would be thought to be , and withall very fit to expresse single rulers in each particular church ( in case any such may otherwise appeare to be mentioned in scripture ) there being no propriety in the word , or peculiarity in the usage of it , to incline it to joynt power of collegues ruling in common . accordingly evidences have been produced in the dissertations to shew the continuance of this usage among authors after the scripture-time , that it long remained in the language of the antients , policarpe , papias , irenaeus , clemens alexandrinus , and tertullian , many of which are knowne and by the adversaries acknowledged to assert episcopacy in our moderne sense , and yet use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , to denote sometimes the apostles , sometimes the singular bishops in each church . and therefore the affirming this one thing , so attested and confirmed , viz. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may very conveniently be interpreted bishops , as oft as the circumstances of the text will beare it , will not , i hope , still be so unfo●tu●ate as to fall under the censure of paradoxe and odious , being indeed a plaine obvious observation , which hath nothing of difficulty or harshnesse in it . having praemised this , i shall onely adde , that the apostles being by all praelatists ( i hope convincingly ) affirmed and proved to have ordeined bishops in every city of converts and proselites to the faith , and there being many such cities in judaea , besides jerusalem , and consequently many bishops in those cities , one in each , it can be no new thing to conclude , that when we read of bishops in the plural within that pale of iudaea , these are the bishops of iudaea , and so in like manner when we finde the bishop of ierusalem mentioned separately , and then those others with him , ( exprest by any title which signifies bishops , be it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it matters not ) and with all , these never exprest to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders of the church of ierusalem , but either elders simply , or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in or at ierusalem , denoting onely the place , where , at that time , they were present , it will be as little harsh to inferre , that at such time there were assembled or met together at ierusalem , iames the bishop of that metropolis , and the other bishops of the whole region , the bishops of iudaea with him . from hence there will now be no difficulty to make a briefe answer to each of their demands , 1. that act. 21. 18. the elders which were present with iames the bishop of ierusalem , were the bishops of iudaea which were then , upon the emergent affaires of the church , present at ierusalem , whether all of them assembled in councel , to receive an account of saint pauls transactions and successes among the gentiles v. 19. or many of them on any other ecclisiasticall concernment . but that which puts it out of question , that it was all of them in councell , is , what followes v. 25. where they referre to the decrees which had been conciliarly delivered v. 15. by them , who are now there present , we have written and concluded . and what paradox can there be in this , that all the bishops of judaea should be in councell at hierusalem , and st peter and st. iohn with them , and that st. paul should come and give an account of his travailes and actions in their presence . the same answer certainly belongs to the place next mentioned c. 15. 4. where after mention of their reception by the church followes [ and of the apostles and elders ] by the church is meant the believers that were at jerusalem , whether inhabiting there continually , or now occasionally present there . by the apostles , james the brother of the lord , the then bish●p of the metro●olis , together with peter and john the known apostles of christ , this james by them set over that church , saith * clemens and † hegesippus , and by s. paul himself reckoned among the apostles , gal. 1. 19. and so in the title of his epistle , and named before peter and john the two prime apostles , as being in this his see , gal. 2. 9. and exprest to pronounce the decree in the councell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i judge , act. 15. 19. and this confirm'd by the testimonies of those antients that the presbyterians make the most frequent use of , theodoret and * st. hierome ; the former expresly affirming of those times , that they which were after styled bishops , were then called apostles , and the latter styling this james particularly , apostolum decimum tertium , the thirteenth apostle . and then what can be more agreeable to the context ( to make the councell complete , a councell for the churches of syria , &c , to appeale to ) then to render the elders the bishops of all judaea , which were certainly fitter for the turne to joyne in the councell , and give law to other cities , then the bare presbyters of the one city of jerusalem could have been esteemed , if any such there had been in the church so early . for though of the apostles , who had an universall jurisdiction , and of the bishop of jerusalem ( as that was the prime metropolis not only of judaea , but syria also ) with the bishops of the whole province in councell with him , some reasonable account may be given , why they should be consulted by the church , of antioch , and give binding decrees in that matter , to all that were subject to that metropolis , yet supposing the church of jerusalem to be governed by presbyters , and that ( as these say ) the elders mentioned in the councell were none but the presbyters of that particular church , there could no reasonable account be given , why they should joyn with the apostles in this worke , wherein not jerusalem , of which alone they were presbyters , but antioch and other cities of syria and cilicia were immediately concerned , and concluded by the sentence of james , that must be , ( according to their opinion ) of one of the presbyters of jerusalem . in the next place what is said of act. 14. 23. and act. 11. 30. is somewhat unhappily put together , and yet not rectified in the errata . for 1. the ordeining elders in every church to which act. 11. 30. is affixt , is not mentioned there , but act. 14. 23. and the sending reliefe , which in the syntaxes must be affixt to act. 14. 23. is not to be met with there , but ●●ct . 11. 30. but this were imputable to some haste either of scribe or compositor , were there not a second incongruity interweaved in it , viz. that when paul and barnabas had ordeined them elders , &c. ( which was not done till act. 14. 23. ) they sent reliefe to the elders , ( which was done act. 11. 30. ) which is an evident 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which i cannot discerne how it was usefull for them to be guilty of . as for their quaeres raised on these two texts , the answers are obvious , and here to be translated out of the dissertations as formerly , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders act 11. 30. are the bishops of the severall cities of judaea , not the pre●byters of that one city jerusalem . for 1 the famine that occasioned this charity of the antiochians , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not upon jerusalem alone , but all the world , i.e. in the scripture-stile , lu. 21. 26. rom. 10. 18. over the whole land of judea , according to the manner of the septuagint , who oft render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the earth or the land , when it signifies the land of judaea , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world , as isa . 10. 23. and 13. 5. 9. and 24. 1. and accordingly josephus saith of this time of claudius's reigne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there was a great famine over judaea . secondly , the charity is distinctly said to be designed by the donors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the brethren that dwelt in judaea , in no wise confined to jerusalem , nor consequently can the elders to whom it was sent , and in whose hands it was put , be any others than the elders , i.e. say we , bishops of all judaea . thirdly , it is very agreeable to the office of bishops , as we find the practice in the primitive church , to be the receivers and stewards and dispensers of the wealth of any sect , which was brought in to the church , whether by the offertory of the faithfull in the sacrament , or by the liberality of other churches , inlarged to those that were in want . it being justin martyr's affirmation of the first times , that all the offerings were brought to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or president , and that he was thereby made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the curator of all that were in want . and when what is sent to the bishop is supposed to be sent to him , as the oeconomus or steward of the church , not for the inriching himself , but to provide for those that wanted , i cannot imagine why this may not be as conveniently supposed , as that it should be sent to the pre●byters onely . so in like manner the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. 14. 23. are bishops againe , and such and only such ( as farre as we have any footsteps of it ) were at that time ordained in the churches , one in every city where the gospell was received with one or more deacons to attend him . and to this as the words so often mentioned out of clemens romanus are most evident , that the apostles of christ preaching through cities and regions , constituted their first fruits 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for bishops and deacons , so the context in this place of the acts is very agreeable : for here when paul and barnabas had preacht and converted a competent number at derbe , v. 12. and returned to the cities of lystra , iconium and antioch v. 22. co●firming the soules of the brethren i.e. the faithfull , there it followes , before their parting , that they ordained elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every church , that sure is in every of the churches here named , not many in each , but elders in all , one bishop in every church , which again is no news for me or any praelatist to affirm , when in the epistle to titus , st. paul's direction is conformable to his practice , appointing him to ordaine elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , city by city , or in every city , c. 1. 5. and presently calling the elder so to be ordained bishop , as in the epistle to timothy he is also called . thus much paines i shall not grudge to have taken , if it be but to rescue a small booke , very innocently meant , from the charge of two su●h paradoxes , as they are called by those , who have not thought fit to believe them , and are as unwiling that others should , and therefore conclude their discourse against them with tragicall expressions of offering manifest violence to the scriptures , of being sufficient , instead of upholding episcopacy , to render it odious and contemptible , &c. and when they have said so much with so little weight of reason to justifie it , they will then part with all meeknesse and perfect temper [ but we forbeare ] i.e. abstaine to adde more , when they had said as much ill as could be . i am sorry there was still any more bitternesse within , to be supprest , when there was so much vented . however it is , we are now at end of a second post , and to have time to breath a while after some lassitude . chap. iii. concerning the opinion of antiquity in this question . sect. 1. the testimonies of clemens romanus , bishops and deacons the onely offices at the first . corinth metropolis of achaia . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifie . the apostles care to prevent contentions about episcopacy . hegesippus's testimony of the contentions at corinth . clement a bishop . some things there are yet behind in their appendix , wherein i discerne my selfe to be concern'd , in some directly and immediately , in others by remoter obligation , as when some of those testimonies of antiquity , which are in the dissertations manifested to be perfectly reconcileable with our pretensions , and some of them evident confirmations of them , are yet by these writers crudely taken up , and made use of , as testimonies on their side , without ever taking notice of that which is said in the dissertations to cleare the contrary . of the former sort , wherein i am more immediately pointed at , there are foure things . first , concerning one testimony of st. hierome . secondly , concerning ignatius his epistles in generall , and the appeales that i make to h●s authori●● , which they will not allow to have force with them . thirdly , concerning one testimony cited by them out of st. ambrose on ephes . 4. and answered by me ▪ but that answer disliked and rejected by them . fourthly ▪ concerning the chorepiscopi . of the second sort , are the testimonies out of clemens romanus , polycarpe , irenaeus , and tertullian , especially the two former of them . i shall therefore briefly survey every one of these , and i suppose i have pitcht on the most convenient method ( and that which will give the reader the clearest view both of the judgement of antiquity concerning episcopacy in generall ( to which their appendix professeth wholly to be designed ) and more particularly of the truth of those two propositions which have been accused as paradoxes in me , but will now appeare not to be such ) by taking these testimonies , as they lie in the order of time , wherein the authors lived , and then that of st. hierome , which happens to be first mentioned by them , p. 102. will fall to be one of the last to which we shall make reply . first then for clemens , they thus begin , sure we are that clemens , who lived in the first century , in his famous epistle to the corinthians ( an undoubted piece of antiquity ) makes but two orders of ministery , bishops and deacons . and having set downe the place which testifies this , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and rendered it thus , christ iesus sent his apostles through countries and cities , in which they preached and constituted the first fruits ( approving them by the spirit ) for bishops and deacons to those who should afterwards believe . from hence they observe , p. 105. that bishops and deacons were the onely orders of minist●ry in the first primitive church . and that the apostles appointed but two officers ( that is bishops and deacons ) to bring men to believe , because when he had reckon'd up three orders appointed by god amongst , the jewes , high-priest , priests , and levites : coming to recite orders appointed by the apostles under the gospell , ●e doth mention onely bishops and deacons . and here one would think were little for the presbyterians advantage , even no more than one of my paradoxes would have afforded them , which , from this very testimony and some other , concluded that which was then so strange for them to heare ( yet now can be confest by them ) that the apostles at their first plantations contented themselves with bishops and deacons , one of each , or perhaps more of the latter in every city . but when these men thus grant the conclusion from this place , which i inferr'd , i have yet no reason to boast of their liberality , because i suppose it their meaning , that by bishops clemen●● meant pre●byters , though this they do not so much as say in twice repeating of their conclusion . and yet certainly it needed more than saying , proving by some evidence or argument , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops in that place signifies any thing else but bishops . all that they offer toward a reason for this , must be contained in these words of theirs that follow in the former place . the occasion of that epistle seemes to be a new sedition raised by the corinthians against their presbyters , p. 57. 58. clemens to remove their present sedition tells them how god hath alwayes appointed severall orders in his church , which must not be confounded ; in the jewish church he appointed high-priest , priests and levites , and then tells them for the time of the gospell that christ jesus sent his apostles as before , citing the words of clement already set down . but certainly this doth not prove bishops in that epistle to be no more than presbyters , but may as fitly be argumentative for me , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders in that epistle signifie bishops . the onely imaginable medium of proofe , which can be usefull for their turne , i shall suppose to be this , that corinth was but one city , and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders at , and of corinth , must needs be presb●ters , because according to our opinion there were not more bishops in one city . but to this i answer , 1. that what clemens saith in the testimony now produced , he speakes not of corinth peculiarly , but of the cities , and regions in generall , which the apostles converted , and of them in the plurall number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through regions and cities , and then in those many cities , there may well be many bishops , and yet certainly no more than one in one city . secondly , that this epistle of clemens to the corinthians was not to the christians of that one city , but to the whole province of achaia , of which corinth was the metropolis , and wherein the proconsull of achaia resided , and kept his courts , act. 18. 12. 15. so the title of the epistle inclines , being inscribed to the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which denotes the whole province , then called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as when in polycarps epistle , the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is not onely that of the city philippi , but of the province belonging to it , and in the other part of the title of this epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of god dwelling about rome , ] in the church of rome , and all that belonged to that metropolis , called by ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place of the region of the romans , i. e. the city , and the whole region about it ; * and so when eusebius mentions dionysius the famous bishop of corinth , he calls him bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the province of , or about corinth . and that this is the truth of it , and no conjecture of mine may appeare by one character in the epistle ; he tells them that they had formerly received epistles from st. paul. this directs to resolve that these to whom this epistle was addrest , were the same to whom st. paul's were formerly sent , and it is evident that those were the saints or christians in all achaia , 2 cor. 1. 1. and the same is doubtlesse implied by the phrase in every place , 1 cor. 1. 2. not in every place simply of the world ( for it was no catholick epistle , but a particular admonition for particular faults , incest , &c. ) but in that whole porvince or region of achaia . so that which apollos is said to have done among them ( apollos hath watered ) 1 cor. 3. 6. appeares by the story act. 18. 27. to have belonged to all achaia . and so what the apostle writes to them of sending their offertory to judaea , 1 cor. 6. 1. 2 cor. 8. and 9. doth appeare by rom. 15. 26. to appertaine to all achaia , macedonia , saith he , and achaia have pleased to make a contribution , and 2 cor. 9. 2. i know your forwardnesse , that achaia hath been ready above a yeare agoe . where the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] and [ achaia ] must needs be of the same latitude , and so againe it is c. 11. 9. compared with v. 18. and so those of st. paul , and consequently this of clement was not to the city of corinth alone , but to all the churches of achaia , and if among them there were more bishops than one , there will certainly be no newes in that , and if those bishops ( according both to the nature of the word , and the use of it in those dayes before and after clement ) were styled sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also , then all is very agreeable to all that we contend for , that there was one bishop , not a college of presbyters in clements dayes in every city . and this is directly the importance of clements words , as they lie in the epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , christ was sent out from god , and the apostles from christ ( as my father sent me , so send i you ] and then to shew that the bishops were in the same manner sent , i. e. commissionated by them , he addes , that they , i. e. the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 went out preaching , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. therefore preaching through regions and cities , they constituted their first fruits — for bishops and deacons , cities and regions in the plurall , and bishops and deacons proportionable thereto . and when he addes that they were thus made of their first fruits , i. e. of those that were first converted by them , and to this end , that they might be officers of those which should after believe ( supposing that there were not many now that did so ) this is directly a description of those times , of which epiphanius speakes , saying , that when the gospell began to be preacht , there was yet no neede of presbyters , but bishops and deacons served the turne . and accordingly deacons in those dayes were immediately made bishops , as is sufficiently knowne of clement the writer of this epistle , who was st. peters deacon and bishop after him , as is cleared in dissert 5. c. 1. sect. 11. and so much for that first testimony . one thing onely more from hence they are desirous to conclude , that in the first and purest times the custome was to choose bishops in villages , as well as in great cities , grounded upon this , that here the apostles are said to have appointed bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but there is no ground of this conclusion in this testimony , for 1. here is no mention of villages , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not greek for them , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 't is the former , not the latter which here we finde . it is evident what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when it is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cities , viz. provinces , which have each of them many cities in them , and when it is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 villages , it sitly denotes regions , in which there are many villages . so saith * strabo of asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the romans made that region a province , and so in the ecclesiastical writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a province made up of many cities , each of which had a bishop over them , as when in the * councel in trullo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cyprian is said to be archbishop of the region of the africanes , region there signifying the whole province under that metropolitane , and so * cyprian himselfe makes it his observation , jampridem per omnes provincias & singulas urbes instituti sunt episcopi . antiently through all the provinces and each of the cities , bishops were instituted . where the bishops in the several provinces , as those differ from the bishops in each city , are undoubtedly archbishops . and if that place so very agreeable to this of clemens may be allowed , to give us the meaning of it , we see what it will be , and how distant from these mens conclusion that the apostles instituted bishops in every city , and in each region or province , and in the metropolis or chiefe city of it , a metropolitane or archbishop . but then 2. if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should signifie , as they would have it , a company of villages or little townes lying neer together , so as to be here used in opposition to the cities , yet could it not be from hence concluded , that the apostles constituted bishops in those villages . the words are , they preached through regions and cities , and constituted their first fruits ( earlyest converts ) into bishops and deacons , which will be perfectly true , though all the bishops and deacons constituted by them , had their fixt seats of residence in the cities ; for that they constituted bishops in the regions , is not here affirmed . much more might be said in this matter , to shew that the utmost concessions that the adversaries could demand from hence , would no way hinder or disadvantage our pretensions , but onely give the chorepiscopi a greater antiquitie in the church , than either they or we have reason to thinke they had , of which whole matter the reader may see a full discourse , dissert . 3. c. 8. sect. 25. &c. and of it somewhat we shall anon have occasion to repete from thence . the second testimony of clemens is set down by them in these words , that the apostles knowing by jesus christ , that there would a contention arise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the name of bishop , & being indued with perfect foreknowledg they appointed the aforesaid ( that is , the aforesaid orders of bishops and deacons ) &c. here they require two things to be noted 1. that by name is not meant the bare name of bishop , but the honour and dignity , as it is taken , phil. 2. 9. ephes . 1. 21. heb. 1. 4. rev. 11. so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the controversie among the corinthians was not about the name , but dignity of episcopacy ; for it was about the deposition of their godly presbyters , pag. 57. 58. 2. that the onely remedy appointed by the apostles for the cure of all contentions arising about episcopacy , is , by committing the care of the church to bishops and deacons : afterwards the church found out another way , by setting up one bishop over another ; but clemens tells us , that the apostles indued with perfect foreknowledge of things ordained only bishops and deacons for a remedy of schismes . to this they adde ( to supersede farther citations our of this epistle ) it would be too long to recite all that is said in this epistle for the justification of our proposition , let the reader peruse pag. 57. 62. 69. 72. and take notice that those which are called bishops in one place are called presbyters in another , and that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throughout the whole epistle . what this whole epistle will yeild toward the proof of their proposition , which is , [ that after christs ascension the church of god for a certaine space of time , was governed by a common councel of presbyters without bishops ] i thinke it reasonable for any that hath not read it , to conjecture by these two testimonies , which these , who assert the proposition , and here undertake to prove it , have thought fit to cull out of it , having withall nothing more to collect for their turne from the rest of the epistle , particularly from the comparing those foure pages , 57. 62. 72. but only this , that they which are called bishops in one place , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders in another . now this last they know is the very thing that i contend ( as from the scripture , so ) from this and other antient writings , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ bishop and elder ] are words of the same importance , all the question is , whether at the first both imported bishops or both presbyters in our moderne notion . that there is no one circumstance so much as offered by them to consideration , which may incline it their way , is evident by their owne words , neither of their two notes pretending to it , only their conclusion affirming , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , words of the same importance . the whole matter therefore will still divolve to this one quaere , whether , when clement saith of the apostles that they constituted none but bishops and deacons , by bishops a college of presbyters in every city be to be understood , or rather one bishop , with his deacon or deacons in every city . for the clearing of this one difficulty ( for this being evinced , all that their two notes affirme , is directly on our side against them ) i shall here intirely set downe the whole place last produced , of which they have left out one halfe . it is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . our apostles knew by our lord jesus christ ( that must be by revelation from him ) that there would contention arise upon the name or dignity of episcopacie ( i. e. about the authority of bishops in the church , some opposing it , and casting them out of their offices , as here in the church of the corinthians , and through all achaia was actually come to passe at this time , and occasioned this epistle to them ) for which cause therefore the apostles having received perfect foreknwoledge ( that there would be such contentions on this occasion ) did ( for the preventing of them ) constitute the forementioned ( bishops and deacons of those which should come in to the faith in their new plantations ) and after them ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in barnabas's epistle , sect. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people that should be after , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 13. 42. that which should follow the next after ) gave a series or catalogue , or manner of succession ( i. e. set downe a note of them which in each church should succeed the present incumbent ) that when they dyed , other approved men might succeede to their office or ministery . what can be more manifest , than that the dignity , which the apostles conferred on the bishops in each city and province , which in the former testimony hath been cleared to belong to single bishops , not to any college of presbyters , was by them foreseen , that it would be matter of contention , occasion of sedition in the church : for the prevention of which , they used the probablest meanes imaginable , named successors to the present bishops in every church , who should supply the vacant places , as soon as they fell , and so prevent suing and contending for them , and were by the speciall spirit of god directed , who those successors should be ; so that the opposing their succession , or casting them out afterwards , must be a great sin , even of resisting the spirit of god , who had designed them to this inheritance . which , next to christ's bearing them in his right hand , rev. 1. 20. is the greatest character of dignity , and evidence of christ's approving of the order , and care of continuing it , as the originall of union ( not division ) in the church . there is not by these men one word of objection offered against this conclusion , thus formerly deduced in the dissertations , and therefore i need adde no more for the vindicating this testimony , yet will it not be amisse here to interpose the words of hegesippus , one that was present at the time of that sedition , and gives an account of it in * eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of the corinthians continued in the right , untill primus was bishop of corinth . which is a testimonie as antient as that of clement , and tells us what bishops they were which clement speakes of , such as primus was at corinth , i. e. one singular governour in a city . the same will be yet more manifest , if we consider what by all authors is affirmed of clemens himselfe , the writer , at the time of writing this epistle , that having been saint paul's peter's deacon ( ignat. in ep. ad trall . ) he was no bishop of rome , by the joynt suffrage of irenaeus and all the antients , even of saint jerome himselfe in his catalogue , and by him styled an apostolical person on isa . 52. a companion of the apostles ( in interp. com. orig. in rom. ) and by clemens alexandrinus , strom. lib. 4. an apostle in the sense that theodoret saith , those whom in his time they called bishops , had been at first called apostles . accordingly of him , saith irenaeus in his catalogue of the successive governors of the church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the third place from the apostles clemens came to the bishoprick , which how it is easily to be accorded with those who truly make him peters immediate successor , see dissert . 5. c. 1. sect. 6. &c. other testimonies there are producible from this epistle of clement , which are all to the same purpose with the former ; as when he findes an image of the ecclesiasticall state under bishops and deacons , in the prophecie of isaiah , cap. 60. 17. where in the greek translation , then in use , he had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will constitute their bishops in righteousnesse , and their deacons in faithfulnesse , speaking of the judges and their ministers and officers in every city . and so againe when he exhorts them to give due honour to the elders among them , talkes of their sedition against their elders , and casting them out of their episcopacy , in one place ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and removing them from that honoured office ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in another , and the like ; all of the same importance , and to be interpreted by the former . sect. ii. the testimony of polycarpe . that he was himselfe a bishop . his mention of ignatius's epistles , fit to give authority to them , being so confirmed as it is by a series of the antients . in the next place followes their testimonie out of polycarpe , introduced in this manner , the like record we have of polycarpe that famous disciple of john the apostle , who lived also within the first century , and wrote an epistle to the philippians , in which he makes also but two orders of ministery , bishops and deacons , and perswades the philippians to be subject to their presbyters and deacons , as to god and christ . to this testimony from polycarp there is no reason i should deny any part of my assent , being so perfectly such , as the cause which i defend requires ; if there be with him but two orders of ministery , bishops and deacons , and he perswades the philippians ( i.e. that whole province , the same to which saint paul had written , consisting of many churches , all under that metropolis of philippi ) to be subject to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders and deacons , and sets the former of them , in the comparison , to answer god the father the supream monarch of heaven ; and the latter to be the parallel to christ who came out from heaven upon his fathers messages , then what reason have i to doubt , but that these elders and deacons are the very same which saint paul had called bishops and deacons , phil. 1. 1. which that it belonged to the severall bishops of that province of macedonia , hath before been sufficiently vindicated . and therefore without farther debating this testimony , i shall adde some few things concerning this polycarp , which will helpe conveniently to cleere the whole matter . first , that as it is most true , that is here said of him , that he was a famous disciple of iohn the apostle , so this is added to his titles by the authonti●k epistle of the church of smyrna , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this was the most wonderfull person in our times , being an apostolicall and prophetical doctor , and that he was a most glorious martyr , is the designed matter of that whole epistle . secondly , that this famous , most admirable apostolical doctor and martyr , was the bishop of smyrna , and so constituted by the apostles , as will appeare by three testimonies , each of them irrefragable . 1. by the epistle of that church of smyrna , written on purpose concerning his martyrdome , a reverend piece of antiquity , fit to compare with any that remaines in the church . and there we finde in the close of his titles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was bishop of the catholike church , which is in smyrna , i. e. both of iewish and gentile christians there . so polycrates ( the eight bishop of ephesus , borne within a while after saint iohn's death ) in his epistle to victor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , polycarp the bishop of smyrna and martyr . so irenaeus , lib. 3. cap. 3. speaking of him , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was constituted by the apostles bishop of the church of smyrna in asia . and then what possibility can there be , that he being thus a bishop , nay metropolitane himselfe , ( as hath formerly been shewed ) writing to another metropolis , and commanding to obey the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and deacons , should meane any thing else but bishops by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , that this polycarp , as in this epistle he acknowledgeth to have received an epistle from ignatius ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you wrote to me , and to ignatius also ) so he tells them that he had sent them a collection of the same ignatius's epistles . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the epistles of ignatius sent to us by him , and as many others as we had by us , we have sent to you , as you required , which are subjoyned to this epistle , by which you may receive great benefit . by this passage it is cleare , that as ignatius wrote one epistle to polycarpe , another to the church of smyrna , whereof polycarpe was bishop , both contein'd under the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sent to us , ( as it is explain'd by eusebius in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ignatius wrote to the church of smyrna , and severally to polycarpe the ruler thereof ) so he wrote divers others also , which at that time , before ignatius's death were by the philippians desired from polycarpe , and by polycarpe transmitted to them , and so cannot with any sense be affirmed to be forged , and affixt to his name after his death . how these epistles were from polycarpe brought down to the hands of irenaeus , who lived in polycarp's time , and saw him an old man , and so testifies in his epistle to florinus ; and cites a notable passage out of ignatius , which we now have in his epistle to the romans : how , soone after irenaeus , * origen cites them again , calling him martyr and bishop of antioch , the second after peter , and setting down the very words which we now have in the epistle to the ephesians ; how , after origen , † eusebius sets down the whole story of writing them , together with a distinct catalogue of seven , to ephesus , to magnesia , to the trallians , to the romans , to the philadelphians , to the smyranaeans , and to polycarpe : and in like manner athanasius , citing from ignatius words which we now finde in his epistle to the ephesians , and theodoret in many passages out of that to the ephesians , to the trallians , to the smyrnaeans ; and at last st. hierome ( on whose authority the presbyterians so much depend ) according exactly with eusebius , to give these seven ep●stles of ignatius a full authority with all ; all this i say hath been at large deduced and evidenced in the dissertations ; and this , one would thinke , might have been sufficient to have given ignatius some place among their testimonies for the opinion of antiquity in this matter , especially when that very epistle of polycarpe , which for the bare name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders used by him , they cite , and give him his just honour , doth give testimony to the epistles of ignatius , as cleare , and as universally , and fully confirmed by others , as any , by which that epistle of ●olycarpe or clemens , or any other antient writing stands in the church . but all this , it seemes , is of no weight with them , and therefore after the two testimonies of clemens , and one of polycarpe , backt with the like number of three more , a saying of bishop bilson ( very unlikely to be to the praejudice of bishop● , if it were here seasonable to examine it ) and the like of gratian , and the third of the lord digby , they are then at leisure to remember what out of ignatius is objected against them ; had he by any possible colour of any passage in him , been capable of doing them any service , he might then , as his epistles were written before polycarps , have also been called out and cited before him ; but all those epistles being so diametrally contrary to their pretensions , as every man knowes they are , he is now to be lookt on and answered , as temptations are wont to be , to be mentioned only , that he may be rejected by them . section iii. a vindication of ignatius's epistles , vossius's edition of them , and the archbishops of armagh . some testimonies out of them . the cause of his so inculcating obedience to bishops . mr. causabones testimony considered , and the allegations from the archbishop of armagh . three reasons against these epistles answered . ( no marriage without the bishop . ) of the reformed churches . of the church of scotland after the first conversion . thus therefore they proceede , p. 107. against all that hath been said in this proposition , it is objected , that the blessed st. ignatius , who lived in the first century , hath in his epistles clearely and fully asserted episcopall government , as it is distinct from presbyteriall , and that therefore there was no space of time , wherein the church of christ was governed by the common councell of presbyters without bishops properly so called . i doe not conceive that they have said any thing of any availe , for the proving their proposition , and presume that neither from clement nor polycarpe it hath appeared that they have gained any thing ; and therefore against all that they have said there is no need that i should make any objection . but in a farre larger style i think it were no insolence to say , that against all that was ever imagined by any to be producible out of antiquity in behalfe of presbytery , the bare testimonies of this one apostolicall martyr , ignatius , will be abundantly sufficient , being put in the other scale , to weigh them all downe and decide the controversie on the prelatists side . it were here unreasonable at large to recite all these testimonies , being already set downe particularly dissert . 2. c. 25. and the notoriety of the fact being such that a speciall objection against the epistles is , that he every where asserts episcopacy . and therefore the onely way that could be invented for the supporting the presbyterians interest against such direct testimonies , so ( every where ) inculcated , and so impossible to be reconciled with their assertions , is this which they give us , p. 108. in these words . in answer to this we must intreat the reader to take notice that in the primitive times there were abundance of spacious and supposititious workes put forth under the names of the apostles and blessed martyrs , which were none of theirs , &c. the like fraud hath been used in ignatius's workes , &c. here first 't is a little strange that the spurious and supposititious workes of the apostles and martyrs should be said to be put forth in the primitive times , unlesse that phrase primitive , be taken in a very great latitude , i had thought that it had been in after times , when errors were gotten in , and sought patronage and covert from the primitive fathers , that these spurious brats were borne , and affixt to great names ; and by this meanes indeed they are generally descryed , by their impudent mentioning of some matters of fact , which fell out in those latter times , and so discovered the imposture . but this mistake importeth not much to our present controversy ; if what is here confidently affirmed , [ the like fraud was used in ignatius's workes ] can be any way proved to have truth in it , either in respect of the primitive or after-times , i shall not quarrell upon such niceties . i shall therefore examine their proofes which follow . and first , say they , it is certaine the epistle of the blessed virgin mary to ignatius , and of ignatius to the blessed virgin , and two other epistles of ignatius to john the apostle are spurious and counterfeit . to this i most willingly yeild , that the epistles under ignatius's name to the blessed virgin and st. john may very probably be deemed none of his , and so they are generally rejected by those who mainteine ours , as well as their interests . i shall onely adde that there is no one word in them concerning bishops , nor were they ever produced by any prelatist in defence of them . next then , say they , as for his other twelve epistles , five of them are by invincible arguments , as we conceive , proved by vedelius to be written by a pseudo-ignatius . eusebius and hierome make mention but of seven . here also will easily be granted by us whatsoever is demanded ; for though vedelius a divine of geneva since the casting out of their bishop and setting up of the new government , might well be lookt on as a partiall arguer or judge concerning ignatius's writings , yet it being true , and by me formerly acknowleged that eusebius and st. hierome mention but seven epistles of his , i shall also be ready to yeild to the utmost that vedelius contended , that there be no more then seven genuine epistles of ignatius , not that every of the other five can be proved to be suppositious , but because the antient testifications of the church doe not make it so evident , that those other five are all his , as of the other seven they doe . according to this concession it is , that in the dissertations all the testimonies which are produced in defence of episcopacy , are taken out of those seven epistles which st. hierome , the presbyter , and onely trusted friend of the presbyterians , doth acknowledge to be his . but of these seven also they have somewhat to say , in these words : and for those seven , though with scultetus , vedelius and rivetus we doe not renounce them as none of his , yet sure we are , they are so much adulterated and corrupted , that no man can ground any solid assertion about episcopacy from ignatius's workes . i hope i shall not now be lookt on , as an intemperate asserter of episcopacy , if in this third step also i goe so farre with the presbyterians as to yeld that i shall rest contented even , with those parcells of those seven epistles , which these most rigid censors , even vedelius himselfe , which published him at geneva , is content to acknowledge for his . if this be allowed me i shall need demand no more ; the matter is evident , any man may consult vedelius's edition , and finde testimonies as cleare for our turne , as could be wisht , in those parts of those epistles which he allowes of . but for the purging of ignatius , as of all other antients , i suppose the method , which vedelius used , proceeding for the most part , by his owne conjecture and phansie , is not likely to be the best ; the one course which any judicious man would require or depend on , hath been used in this matter , since vedelius had done his best ; i meane the most antient copies in europe have been consulted , and god's providence hath been eminently discernable in the result of that inquiry . isaac vossius , a knowne learned man of that part of the reforme● church , which is governed by presbyters , hath met with an antient manuscript in the medicaean library , which hath none of the suspected epistles , and is perfectly free from those passages , which were formerly among sober men made matter of suspicion against the epistles ; and as in them we finde those very passages intire , which the antients have cited out of them , so from them againe all the testimonies are fetcht , which we desire to make use of in this matter . so that if ever ignatius wrote those epistles which from polycarpe downward the antients generally agree that he wrote , i have no reason to feare or doubt but his authority , and the testimonies i have brought from him , will be of full value and force in this matter . when this copy out of the medicaean library was first transcribed by vossius , the greatest enemies of episcopacy were much taken with it ; d. blondel confesses that he presently got a transcript of it , compared it with the testimonies , which the fathers ( polycarpe , irenaeus , origen , eusebius , athanasius , ierome , chrysostome , &c. ) had cited out of ignatius , and finding them all to agree with this copy , confesseth of himselfe that he was glad for this age of ours , that we had now gotten that very copy that 1300. yeares ago , eusebius had used , and expected great light from thence . but at length this proved not for his turne , the author spake so much of bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in season and out of season , that he set himselfe to form arguments against it , which are answer'd at large in the dissertations . but beside this greeke copy of vossius's edition , it fell out very opportunely , that the most reverend archbishop of armagh about the same time met with some antient latine copies in england , which he thought fit to publish , although the translation were rude and barbarous , and that latine edition of his was found every where agreeable to that greeke of vossius , freed , as that , from all interpolations , and by this concurrence of these providences , there is all reason to think that we have at last the epistles of ignatius , as purely set out as either that of clemens , or polycarpe , or any other antient writing . and in this purity it is that we now appeale to it , and have the three orders in the church , bishops , presbyters and deacons , and the obedience and respects due to them , as evidently and irrefragably asserted in very many places , as any truth of scripture can be expected to be . after all this , most distinctly deduced in the dissertations , they yet proceed , we will not , say they , for our parts trouble the reader with a large discourse about this subject . if he please he may read what the archbishop of armagh , what rivet , vedelius , and cooke in his censura patrum , and what salmasius and d. blondel say about it , who all of them bring divers arguments to evince the invalidity of these epistles . there is a — doctor that hath undertaken to answer the objections of the two last , but this doctor should doe well to answer also what the archbishop of armagh , hath written about these epistles , who proves at large that six of them are nothae , the other six mixtae , and none of them to be accounted omni ex parte sincerae & genuinae , who also tells us out of casaubone , that among all the ecclesiasticall monuments there are none in which the papists put more confidence , than in ignatius's epistles . this being the summe of their charge on me in this place , that having answer'd all the arguments of blondell and salmasius ( i hope satisfactorily , or else they were very unkinde not to expresse their dislikes of some one answer ) i have not yet answer'd the arguments of the archbishop of armagh against these epistles , i shall hope , that when either i have done that , or given competent reason , why i need not do it , i shall not need to travaile any farther in this argument ; yet to omit no paines which they can but thinke of prescribing me , i shall take the whole matter of this their last section before me , and consider every part of it . and 1. for rivet , vedelius and cooke in censura patrum 't is evident , that their exceptions and censures belong to the former printed copies of ignatius , that especially which had beene set out by mastraeus a papist , against whom vedelius his edition and exercitations were chiefly designed . but then vedelius having called this volume to a very strict examination , 't is evident that that copy , which he had thus purged , cannot be still lyable to his and the like exceptions , which before were made against the former copies . as for salmasius and blondell , their exceptions have , as is here confest , been already examined , and i need say no more of them till those answers be some way attempted to be invalidated , which here they are not , but instead of it , i am called to answer the archbishop of armagh his arguments . lastly , therefore for the archbishop of armagh ; it is first somewhat unexpected , that what he had said , as the ground and occasion of making a new edition , setting out this very antient copy , and by it purging ignatius , who had before been so corrupted in his opinion , should now be proposed to me to be answered , who use that very copy , which that archbishop set out , and acknowledge it was formerly as corruptly set forth , as he conceived it to be . is it not visible that the archbishop's whole designe in two impressions of those epistles , was to set them out free from all corruptions and mixtures , and interpolations , which they had before been under : and that all his discourses in his prolegomena , were to prove the former editions to have been corrupt , and so that the●e was great need of seeking out better copies , and that he verily thought he had now found such ? and then what can be required of me to answer in his writings , who am directly of his opinion in all the substantiall parts of the whole matter ? as for lesser doubts , as whether that one to polycarpe be among the genuine or no , though with eusebius and st. hierome i believe it is , and have given the reasons of my opinion , yet i need not controvert this with any , because the other six will still serve my turne abundantly , and the testimonies out of the most purged geneva , or amstelodam-editions of those six , will sufficiently vindicate episcopacy in our present notion of it to be then received , and of the apostles erecting in the church . a few of these testimonies i shall here set downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the reader may know the unquestionable opinion of ignatius , and how farre i am from necessity of using any corrupted copy of those epistles . first , then in his epistle to the smyrnaans , we have the three orders set down distinctly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and againe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the like in 3. places to the ephesians , in 3. to the magnesians , in 4. to the philadelphians , in 4. to the trallians . so secondly we have their particular bishops mentioned , as such , polycarpe of smyrna , in the epistle to the magnesians , onesimus of ephesus in his congratulation to the ephesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they had such a bishop , adding ▪ burrhus his deacon : damas of the magnesians , together with the names of two of their presbyters , bassus and apollonius , and sotion the deacon , all in the epistle to the magnesians . polybius of the trallians , in the epistle to them . thirdly we have his affirmation concerning bishops through the whole world , that they are constituted as , or by the minde of christ , i. e. sent by him , as he by his father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jesus christ is the mind or by , or according to the mind of the father ( sent and commissionated by him to reveale his will to us ) and so the bishops constituted through the world are the minde , or by the minde of christ . fourthly , he tells us that all in the ●hurch , particularly presbyters , must yeild obedience to the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all follow the bishop , in the epistle to the smyrnaeans , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that being subject to the bishop yee may be sanctified in all things , in ep. ad . eph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yee ought to pay all reverence to the bishop , adding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he had observed their pious presbyters to doe , though their bishop were yong in ep. ad magnes : and againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be subject to the bishop , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 give heed to the bishop , in ep. ad philad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be subject , and it is necessary to be subject to the bishop , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . farewell yee that obey the bishop , in ep. ad trall . fifthly , he oft addes , that nothing ought to be done in the church without licence of the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let none without the bishop doe any of the things that belong to the church , instancing in baptisme and the other sacrament , in ep. ad smyr . and so in the epistles to the philadel●hians and trallians . sixthly , that a convenient reverence and respect is also due to the presbyters , and to the deacons , as is every where taken notice of by him , almost in every epistle . and all this and much more we have in the copies , which are now come , most uncorrupt , unto us , and there is no imaginable way to avoid the force of these testimonies , and the authority of that holy martyr for episcopacie , but the una litura , expunging or casting away the whole volume of epistles . for the truth is , his whole designe , before his departure from the world , being this one of divine charity , to fortifie the severall stocks , to which he wrote , against the poyson of hereticks , the gnosticks , so early creeping in , and despising the governors of the church , ( as they had done the apostles themselves ) and the doctrine of the apostles being by him knowne to be deposited with the bishops in each church , and having particular assurance of the sanctity , and foun● faith of the present governors of these churches , to which he writes , he thinkes fit to make use of this one most compendious course , most immediately tending to his end , to keep them all in obedience to their bishops and officers under them , and to make the contrary ( as it was indeed ) the sure marke of haereticks , whom they were to avoid . and so this is it which hath so fill'd all the epistles ( except that one to the romanes ) with continuall discourse of the bishops , &c. and it is evident that in that present conjuncture of affaires , nothing could with more reason and ●tnesse have been insisted on . meane while that i may returne to the place from which i have a while diverted , it is so certaine and evident of the learned archbishop of armagh , that he never disputed against the validity and authority of these epistles thus purged , that it cannot be unknowne to them that thus dispute , what arguments he hath urged for the authority of them , and in like manner what and how satisfactory answers he hath given to the speciall exceptions of others , which very thing occasioned a particular letter of reply to him from d. blondell , which by that archbishops favour i received , and made my rejoinder to it in the * dissertations . this i hope may be sufficient to have said in this matter , instead of undertaking so unreasonable a taske of answering any thing asserted by that archbishop . as for that which followes out of him and m. casaubone of baronius and the papists making such use , and placing such confidence in these epistles above all other ecclesiasticall monuments , it is speedily answered also out of what is already said , that they were the former corrupt editions , which were abroad in baronius's time , with all those supposititious additions & interpolations , which the papists are either by mr. casaubone , or that archbishop said to have made use of ; there being no one word or period in this volume , to which my appeale is made , which yeildeth any advantage to the papists in any point , nor is it , nor can it be pretended by any that it doth , unlesse by those in whose opinion the mainteining of bishops is reputed for such . and therefore that very learned man , m. casaubone , is so far from rejecting all these epistles , that he distinctly promiseth nonnullaru●n ex illis antiquitatem se novis rationibus tuiturum , that he will , if god permit , defend the antiquity of some of them , by reasons which others had not taken notice of : exerc. 16. cont. baron . sect. 10. and this promise of his is cited by the archbishop , dissert . de epist ign. pag. 136. so farre is it from all appearance of truth , which is cited as the opinion of these two learned men . after all this ▪ three reasons they will briefly off●r , why they cannot build their judg●ment concerning the doctrine of the primitive church , about episcopacy upon ignatius's epistles . 1. because there are divers things quoted out of his epistles by athanasius , gelasiu● , and theodoret , which are either not to be found in these epistles or to be found altered and changed , and not acco●ding as they are quoted ▪ this is r●vets argument , and pursued at large by the archbishop , to whom we referre the reader . being among their other readers referr'd to the archbishop of armagh for the validity and pursuit of this first reason , i shall to him very securely make my appeale , what force there is in it , against the volume of epistles now twice in severall formes published by him . and in the ●rolegomena to the former of them , pag. 15 , 16 &c. this is most evident that the passages cited by athanasius , gelasius , and theodoret , which were not indeed to be found in the former printed greek copies , are exactly discerned and evidenced by him to be in the old latine interpreter , which he therefore thought fit to publish both out of caius college and bishop montacutes library . the same hath he farther shewn , cap 4. pag. 19. &c. out of the same and other of the antients , eusebius , hierome , &c. and set downe the places in columnes , by way of parallel , to demonstrate the agreement of this copy with the genuine ignatius . and is it not a little strange , that i should be now referred to that archbishop for the pursuit of this argument , which he hath so distinctly proved to be of no force against the copy which now i use , but to concurre in demonstrating the purity of it ? their second reason they draw from his over-much extolling himselfe in his epistle to the trallians , where he saith that he had attained to such a measure of knowledge , that he understood heavenly things , the orders of angels , the differences of archangels , and of the heavenly host , the differences between powers and dominations , the distances of thrones and powers , the magnificencies or magnitudes of aeones or principalities , the sublimity of the spirit , the excellencies of cherubims and seraphims , the kingdome of the lord , and the incomparable divinity of the lord god almighty . all these things i know , and yet am not perfect , &c. now who is there that can believe that such arrogant boasting can proceed from such an holy man , and humble saint , as ignatius was ? and who would believe that the writer of this appendix , which had cited the archbishop of armagh in his prologomena to his first edition of ignatius , and so could not but be able to have consulted that edition , should thus thinke to defame , and blast the whole volume of epistles , for one such periods sake , which is not to be discerned in this , or that archbishops latter , or in vossius's edition of them , to which onely he must know we make our appeale for episcopacy ? in these copies the words are quite distant from what is here cited , and in effect , directly contrary to them , evidences of the greatest humility , now when he was so neer the honor of martyrdome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for i am not , because ( or in that ) i am in bonds able also to understand heavenly things , the positions of angells , their assemblies of principalities ( or of the rulers of them ) both things visible and invisible . besides this , i am yet also a disciple , &c. what arrogance , i pray , or boasting is there in this ? and yet he addes no more in that place but onely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for many things are wanting to us that we may not be left behinde by god , thinking himselfe utterly unworthy of the honour ( and fearing he may yet misse of it ) to suffer martyrdome for him . and so much for the second reason . the third ( which , say they , is most for our purpose ) is from his over eager and over-anxious defence of the episcopal hierarchy , which he doth with such strange and hyperbolical expressions ( as if all christianity were lost , if prelacie were not upheld ) and with such multiplyed repetitions , ad naus●am usque , that we may confidently say as one doth , certo certius est has epistolas vel supp●sitias esse , vell ●oede corruptas , and that they doe neither agree with those times wherein he wrote , nor with such an holy and humble martyr as he was . we will instance in some few of them . what reasons and designe ignatius had to exhort the christians , to whom he writes to o●edience to their governors , in the church , hath already been said at large , this being the onely expedient , that , at that time , could be thought on , to keep out most dangerous heresies out of the church . and therefore what that holy mart●r did in that kind , when he was carryed from his owne church , never to returne to it againe , cannot be lookt on , as the seeking any great things for himselfe , and so contrary to either his piety or humility , but as a desire full of both those , that the church of god might enjoy truth and peace , after the beasts had devoured him . as for the strange and hyperbolicall expressions , mentioned in the objection , and exemplified in the two following pages , the reader must againe be told , that what they had done most unreasonably before , is here practised againe at large , severall places brought out of the former corrupt editions of ignatius , of which no one word is to be found in the new editions out of the most antient copies greek and latine , from which alone it is evident that we produce all our testimonies for episcopacy , and so have produced very few of those , which they are thus pleased to finde fault with . the places which they urge , are eight , i shall not need to set them down , but give the leader a much shorter , and yet as satisfactory an account of them . two are cited from the epistle to the trallians , and neither of them are in any part to be found in our editions . two are cited from the epistle to the magnesians , and the first is not at all in our editions , nor the second any farther than thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as christ being one with his father did nothing without him , either by himselfe or by his apostles , so neither do ye act any thing without the bishop and the presbyters , nor endeavour that any thing should appeare reasonable to you which is private , or of your owne devising a speech in every sillable of it , very well becomming that holy martyr , written by him at a time , when the truth being by the apostles deposited with the bishops , all private devises of their owne were most justly to be suspected . the fift is in the epistle to polycarpe , and is in our copies thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it becomes the men that marry , and the women that are married , to consummate their union with the consent of the bishop . and i wonder what age of the church there hath been from that time to this , which hath not been of the same opinion . for what is by bishops committed to presbyters , that is not done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the mind of the bishop ( as elsewhere in those epistles appeares of baptisme and the lords supper , neither of which , saith he , are to be meddled with without the consent of the bishop , and many testimonies out of antiquity are * elsewhere produced in perfect conformity therewith . ) and consequently , if in the christian church , marriage hath alwayes been consummated by the priest or presbyter , then cannot this speech of ignatius have any blame in it . and that thus it hath been through all ages , there is little matter of question ( and no word here produced by the objectors to the contrary ) * tertullian will be a good competent tostimonie for the next centurie , speaking of the felicity of the christian marriage , quod ecclesia conciliat , & confirmat oblatio , & obsignat benedictio , angeli renuntiant , &c. which the church makes , the sacrament of the lords supper confirmes , the benediction of the priest seales , and the angels pronounce valid . and in * another place , penes nos occultae co●junctiones , i. e. non prius apud ecclesiam professa , juxta moechiam & fornicationem judicari periclitantur , marriages that are not done publickly before the church , are in danger with us , to goe for adultery and fornication . the same is every where to be found in the decretal epistles of euaristus , about ignatius's time ( which makes it a tradition from the apostles and their successors ) of soter not above 50. yeares after , of callistus neer fifty yeares after him , of silvester an 100 yeares after him , of siricius 70. yeares after silvester , of hormisdas 130. yeares after siricius : and though some of these be by d. blondel thought to be of later dates than the titles of them would pretend , yet the authority of most of them is unquestioned , as to this matter . and the antient piece lately publisht by sirmund concerning the heresie of the predestinati , written , saith he , 1200. yeares since , speakes of it , as a knowne custome and canon of the church , over all the world , for , saith that antient author , if marriage be unlawfull , emendate ergo ecclesia regul●m , damnate qui in toto orbe sunt , sacerdotes , nuptiarum initia benedicentes , consecrantes , & in dei mysteriis sociantes , amend then the rule the of church , and condemne the priests which are in all the world , who blesse the beginnings of marriage , consecrate , and joyne the parties together with the holy sacrament . and the fourth councel of carthage , before the yeare 400. hath these words , sponsus & sponsa cum benedicendi sunt à sacerdote — when the bridegroom and the bride are to be blest by the priest , can. 13. and for latter ages the matter is out of question . and so it will be much more reasonable , from this passage in ignatius , being found so perfectly concordant with other passages of the times so neer him , to resolve the rule of the church concerning sacerdotal benediction in marriage to be received from the apostles and their successors , than from finding this speech in one of ignatius's epistles , to cast away the whole volume . as for that which is added at the end of this testimony from the epistle to polycarpe , my soule for theirs , that obey the bishop , presbyters and deacons , there can be no fault in that , supposing as hath been said , that the bishops at that time , & the presbyters & deacons living regularly and in union with them , had the true safe way among them , wherein any man might walke confidently , all danger being from the heresies that crept in , and brake men off from that unity of the faith . the sixth place from the epistle to the philadelphians , of the princes and emperors obeying the bishop , is certainly inserted by forgery in the former , for not one word of it , or like it , is to be found in our editions . so likewise for both parts of the seventh place out of the epist●e to the smyrnaeans , they are not to be found in our editions . the last onely is to be met with there , but that in a much more moderate straine , than the former , in words and sense very agreeable to wholsome doctrine , and the exigencies of those times , wherein there was no visible way to keep out the tares of false teachers , but by requiring all to be kept to the managery of the true husbandman . and accordingly i have cited this very speech out of ignatius for the asserting of prelacie ( and if there were no such , the epistles might passe well enough with these , as with all other men , they would have needed no vindication , having no adversary ) the words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — all of you follow the bishop as christ jesus did his father ( i. e. as elsewhere appears by the like expression , with [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] added to it , be at perfect unity of doctrine , &c. with the bishop , as christ was with god the father ) and the presbytery as the apostles , and reverence the deacons as those that are appointed by god , ( viz. mediately by the apostles . where it may be observable , that the obiectors which find such fault with this speech of ignatius in their quarrelling with it , leave out this latter part of presbytery and deacons ; they cannot finde in their hearts to quarrell , or accuse him for bidding them follow the presbytery as the apostle , the onely crime was to bid them follow the bishop ( not , as christ in the dative , i. e. as they follow christ , but ) as christ followes his father , the onely p●acular offence , to recommend unity with , and obedience to the bishop . but that by the way . it followes in the place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let no man without the bishop doe ought which belongs to the church , let that be accounted a firme eucharist , which is done by the bishop , or him whom the bishop shall permit . where the bishop appeares there let the multitude be , as where christ is , there is the catholick church , it is not lawfull without the bishop ( i. e. as before , without commission from him ) either to baptize or administer the eucharist , but what he approves of ( thus in these publick ministrations ) that is well pleasing to god , that it may be sa●e and firme whatsoever is done ; it doth well that men know god and the bishop . ( as their ruler under god , with whom his truth is by the apostles deposited ) he that honours the bishop , is honoured by god , he that doth any thing clancularly without him , serves the devill ( performes a very acceptable service to him ; for so in a very eminent manner the hereticks of that age , the gnosticks did , which secretly infused their devilish leaven , and deadly poyson into mens hearts , by which they took them quite from christ , but could not have done so successefully , if this holy martyr's counsell here had been taken . ) what inconvenience can be imagined consequent to our affirming that ignatius was the author of these words , i confesse not to comprehend ; of this there is no question , but that it is the ordinary language of the antient church , and accounted necessary in an eminent degree , to preserve unity and truth in the church , and to hold up the authority of governours among all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presbyters and deacons must doe nothing without the minde of the bishop , can. apost . 40. and the reason is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he is intrusted with the people of the lord , so in the 56. canon of laodicaea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presbyters must do nothing without the minde of the bishop , and so in the councell of arles , can. 19. the presbyters must doe nothing in any diocesse sine episcopi sententia , without the bishops minde , and sine authoritate literarum ejus , without authority of his letter● . all that is here offer'd by them to make the like words in ignatius a competent charge , upon which to throw away the whole volume of epistles , is onely this , if this be true doctrine , what shall become of all the reformed churches , especially the church of scotland , which ( as john major saith lib. 2. histor . de gestis scotorum , c 2. ) was after it's first conversion to the christian faith above 230 yeares without episcopall government . to this double question i might well be allowed to render no answer , it being certainly very extrinsecall to the question in hand , ( which is onely this , whether ignatius wrote or wrote not those epistles ) to examine what shall become of the reformed churches , &c. it were much more reasonable for mee to demand of the objectors , who suppose their presbyteriall platforme , as that is opposed to episcopall , to be setled in the church by divine right , if this doctrine be true , what did become of all those primitive churches all the world over , which they confesse departed from this modell , and set up the contrary , and so of all the succeeding ages of the church for so many 100 yeares , till the reformation , and since that also , of all the other churches , which doe not thus farre imitate mr. calvin , casting out the government by bishops ? is it not as reasonable that they should be required to give a faire and justifiable account of their dealing with ( and judging , post factum , of ) all these , as i should be obliged to reconcile ignatius his speech concerning his present age , with the conveniencies of the reformed churches , which he could neither see , nor be deemed to speak of , nor consequently to passe judgement on them by divination . what they were guilty of which secretly infused their poyson into men and women in his age , and would not let the bishop the governour of the church , be the judge of their doctrines and ●ractices , he here tells us , viz. that they performed service to the devill , in stealing mens hearts from christ ; but what crime it was in those of corinth , and through all achaia , to turne their bishops out of their places , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cast them out of their episcopacy their office and ministration , this he tells them not in that place , clemens romanus had done it competently in his epistle . as for the particular case of those reformed churches , which have done more then so , not onely cast out their present governours , but over and above utterly cast off the government it selfe , there had been i confesse , a great deale said , both in this and other places of ignatius , and many other antient writers , who yet never foretold these dayes , abundantly sufficient to have restreined them from so disorderly proceedings , if they would have pleased to have hearkned to such moderate counsells . but having not done so , ignatius hath gone no farther , he is only a witnesse against them , he undertooke not the office of a ●udge so farre beyond his province , hath pronounced no sentence upon them . and to proceed one degree farther , to the successors of those in the reformed churches ( as many as are justly blameable for treading in their leaders steps ) though i may truely say , they have as little taken that hol● martyrs advise , and more than so , that they have retaind a considerable corruption in their churches , and that they should doe well , if now they know how , to restore themselves to that medell , which they find every where exemplified in ignatius , yet till they shall have done so , i know that they are exactly capable of being concer●d in any part of these words , last cited from ignatius . for they that have no bishop at all , cannot be required to doe nothing without consulting with the bishop ; they are justly to be blamed , as farre as they are guilty , that they have no bishop ; but then that is their crime ( and they are to reforme it as soone as they please ) but that being supposed , this of not consulting the bishop , while they have none , is no new crime , nor liable of it selfe to the censure of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , which was affixt to those that had bishops , and would not have their doctrines examined by that standard , of which they were the depositaries . and this is as much as is needfull to be said in this place for that first inconvenience affixt to ignatius's words . as for the other , the church of scotland in it's first conversion , the matter againe is so remote from the taske we have now in hand , for the vindicating the authority of ignatius's volumne of epistles , and withall so uncertainly set downe by authors , that it would be unseasonable to engage farre in so darke a part of history so impertinently . in briefe therefore , though i have not john major by me to consult , yet i conceive i shall not guesse amisse at the grounds , and consequently at the truth and weight of his assertion . joannes jordanus was of opinion that * paschasius a sicilian prima christianae pietatis rudimenta mandante p. victore in scotia nuntiavit , first preacht the christian faith in scotland by the command of pope victor . and this was about the year 203. and † bede saith that in the eight yeare of theodosius junior , that is about the yeare 431 , palladius ad scotos in christum credentes a pontifice romanae ecclesiae coelestino primus mittitur episcopus , palladius was by celestine bishop of rome sent first bishop to the scots that believed . and the distance betwixt these two termes being 228. yeares , this i conceive the ground work of john major's affirmation here cited , of the 230. yeares , wherein that church after it●s first conversion remained without episcopall government . but first it is to be noted here , that the saying of jordanus of paschasius in victor's dayes , is no more than this , that he preached the gospell there , prima rudimenta nuntiavit , declared the first rudiments there , and , as it followes in demster , tyrocinia fidei fecit , laid the grounds of christianity among them ; and that might be done , and soone moulder away againe , and never come to so much maturity , as either to have bishops or presbyters constituted among them . and secondly , though bede say that palladius was sent to them episcopus primus , their first bishop , yet neither he , nor any other affirmes that they were formerly ruled by a presbytery , or so much as that they had any presbyter among them . nay thirdly , demster reports it from jordanus but slightly , joh. jordanus putavit , it was the conceit or opinion of that author . and that which * bozius tells us will take off much from the creditablenesse of that opinion , traditur in scotiâ , quae tunc erat hibernia , christi cultum disseminatum eodem tempore quo in britanniâ , sub annum christi 203. victore sedente . they say that the faith of christ was disseminated in scotland , which was then ireland , at the same time that it was in britanny , about the yeare 203. in the time of victors papacy . by this it appeares that the conceit of jordanus belonged to ireland , not to scotland , ireland being antiently called scotia ( as in † bede we finde , scotorum qui hiberniam insulam britanniae proximam incolunt , the scots which inhabit ireland , and * gentes scotorum quae australibus hiberniae partibus morabantur , the scots which inhabited the southerne parts of ireland ) and that which is now scotland , was then styled nova scotia , to distinguish it from the other . and it is worth remembring that marianus the scotch antiquary had no knowledge of this conversion of scotland under victor , nor is there any shew of it in bede , who tells us of the latter . nay it is yet more evident * by prosper , that 't was a conversion from barbarous to christian , which is spokon of in coelestines time , and that the faith was planted , and the bishop constituted there together , venerabilis memoriae pontifex ab hoc codem morbo britannias liberavit , & ordinato scotis episcopo , dum romanam insulam studet servare , catholicam fecit etiam barbaram christianam , pop● coelestine freed britaine from pelagianisme , and ordained a bishop for the scots , and so while he indeavoured to keepe a romane island within the bounds of the catholick faith , he also made a barbarous island christian . which as it differs somewhat from bedes expression of palladius's being sent ad credentes , to believers , so it gives us occasion to propose that which may reconcile these seeming differences , viz. 1. that christanity was planted in scotland before caelestine's time , derived to them most probably from their neighbours the britaines here , with whom they are * known to have agreed in the keeping of easter , contrary to the custome of the romane church , and so cannot be deemed to have received the first rudiments of their conversion from rome : then secondly , that this plantation was very imperfect , differing little from barbarisme , and so reputed by prosper , till the comming of bishop palladius among them . thirdly , that even after that , they retain'd the usage of easter , contrary to the romane custome , which still referres to some rude conversion of theirs before palladius . by all this it is cleared to us , what is to be thought of major's affirmation , which hath now very little appearance of truth in it , and if it had , would be little for the presbyterian interest to insist on it , when after all that time of the supposed government of that church by presbyters , it was found directly barbarous , and to be planted with christianity anew , at palladius'● coming . some uncertainty we see there is of the time and meanes of planting christianity in scotland , but as to this matter of the 230. yeares under presbytery , there can be no ground to affirme it ; for if the conversion of it be dated from victor's time , as that opinion would have it , yet even by that account 't was after the space , wherein the presbyterians themselves acknowledge episcopacy to have prevailed over all the world ; and then , upon that account , it must be granted , that whensoever their first conversion was , 't was certainly derived to them by those who had episcopall government among them , and then they having sent them presbyters to instruct and officiate ( as presbyters not as bishops ) among them , those presbyters must be supposed to have continued under those bishops by whom they were sent , whether from rome , or neerer home from the british , so farre at least , as that when they failed , their number was supplied from the same fountaine from which they first sprang , ( in the same manner as our own experience tells us of virginia , which since the first plantation continued to receive presbyters from hence ) and so continued to be , untill they had bishops ordained and planted among them . and so much for that second supposed inconvenience also . sect. iv. of salmasius's conceit that these epistles were written at the time of episcopacy first entring the church . that which followes of the justice of the reverend presbyterian divines censure of these epistles , & of salmasius's his beliefe , that they were written by a pseudo-ignatius , will not require any answer from me , who cannot be moved by the conclusion made by those divines , any farther than the premisses here produced and answered , have appeared to have force in them , and who have more largely examined salmasius his exceptions heretofore , and was even now by them acknowledged so to have done , and nothing yet replied to my answers , and therefore must not for ever turne the same stone , begin the same task againe . but for the conceit which is here cited from salmasius , which i confesse i considered not so much before , as to make any reply to it , viz. that these epistles were written when episcopacy , properly so called , came into the ●hurch , and that proved from hence , because in all his epistles he speakes highly in honour of presbytery as well as of episcopacy , that so the people , that had been accustomed to the presbyterian government , might the more willingly and easily receive this now government by episcopacy , and not be offended at the novelty of it . it is evident how easily this may be retorted , and the argument as firmely formed to conclude , that presbyters were then newly come into the church , and therefore to make the people inclinable to give them a willing reception , without being offended at the novelty of them , he still speakes highly in honour of episcopacy . such arguments as these you will guesse from hence , how incompetent they are to conclude matters of fact , done so many hundred yeares agoe , ( such is the question , whether ignatius wrote these epistles or no ) it is much more probable that they wanted arguments of any reall validity , who are faine to fly to such succors as these . yet one farther misadventure there is , in forming or making use of this conceit , for what is said in those epistles concerning the honour due to presbyters or the presbytery , is farre from looking favourably on the presbyterian government , for certainly as long as there is a bishop , properly so called , set over the presbyters , as they know there is in all those epistles , and as long as the presbyters are to do nothing without commission from him ( as they knew also ( and even now quarrell'd at it ) that by him they are required to doe ) there is little show of the presbyterian modell discernible , no whit more , than there was in england long before they covenanted to cast the bishops out of the church , it being certaine that no community or equality of presbyters taken into councell with the bishop , doth constitute the government presbyterian , as long as there be any bishops to have power over presbyters ; else had the convocation of deanes , archdoacons and clerks , fourteen yeares agoe , been the platform of presbyterian government in england . this is , i conceive , a full answer to every the most minute part or appearance of argument here produced against these epistles , and is all that was proper here to be said concerning ignatius , whose epistles as long as they have any authority with us , let it be in the most reformed , purified edition , that ever was , or can be hoped for , there is evidence enough for the apostolicall institution of bishops in the moderne notion of the word , and if after all this they must have no authority , for no other crime , but because they are such punctuall asserters of this doctrine ; 't is to little purpose farther to examine or inquire , what antiquity hath affirmed or practised in this matter . sect. v. testimonies of irenaeus , the use of presbyteri for bishops . yet because their method leads us forward to consider some other of the antient writers , and i have promised so farre to comply with them , i shall now in the next place attend them to the view of two of those , irenaeus and tertullian , p. 114. 115. where having acknowledged of them that they say that apostles made bishops in churches , polycarpe in smyrna , clemens at rome , &c. all that they require of us to prove , is , that by the word bishop is meant a bishop as distinct from presbyters , and the reason why they thinke this needs proving , is , because both those authors use the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , presbyteri , seniores , for the same thing , the one calling anicetus , pius , hyginus , telesphorus , xystus , presbyters of the church of rome in his epistle to victor ; the other calling the presidents of the churches seniores in his apologie , and some other places are produced to the same purpose . to this therefore i shall now briefly give answer , i. e , by concession that the same persons , who by these two authors are called bishops , are promiscuously called presbyteri and seniores also ; and therefore secondly , that this question being thus farre ( as to the names ) equally balanced betweene us , they saying that bishops ] signifies presbyters in the moderne notion , we that presbyters ] signifies bishops in the moderne notion , some other indications , beside this of the names , must be made use of on either side , toward the decision of it . of this sort there is no one offered to us by them , and so as they have nothing to incline the balance their way , so we have nothing to make answer to in that particular . i shall therefore ( as the onely thing left for me to doe ) render some few reasons , why the words bishop and elders in these authors must needs signifie bishops in our moderne sense . and the first proofe , as farre as concernes ironaeus , is , because irenaeus , who useth these words promiscuously , was himselfe a bishop in our moderne notion , and yet is by others in his own dayes call'd elder of the church of lyons , at that very time , when he is acknowledged to be bishop of it , in our moderne sense of the word ; this i thus manifest in each part . and first , that irenaeus was bishop of lyons , in such a sense , as we now use bishop , appeares by what * eusebius saith of him , importing that he was primate of all france , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he ▪ he was bishop of the provinces through france : now this , we know , cannot be affirm'd of a moderne presbyter , who pretends not to any such wide and singular jurisdiction ; and this needs no farther proofe , it being by d. blondell in his apologie for st. hierome confest , that 140. yeares after christ , i.e. nigh 40. yeares before this time , the government of the church was in the hands of bishops over all the world , one in every church set over all the rest of the church . for the second part then , that at that time , when he is thus an acknowleged bishop and archbishop , he is yet called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder of the church , i appeale to the testimony of the gallicane church , at that time , as it lies recorded in † eusebius , where in an embassy performed by him in the name of the martyrs of lyons to elentherius the bishop of rome , we have these words concerning him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we have intreated our brother and partaker irenaeus to beare these letters to you , o father eleutherius , and we beseech you to prize him at one very zealous of christ's covenant ; if we thought that justice would purchase a place to any , we had commended him in a principall manner , as elder of the church , for so he is . here nine yeares after he had been bishop and archbishop of lyons , about the yeare of christ 177. he is styled by those letters , elder of the church ; by which it appeares that in his time elder was the title of bishop , in our moderne sense , and consequently so it may fitly signifie in his own writings , and so must needs do there , when 't is applied to those , who were acknowleged bishops at that time , when by the presbyterians acknowledgement episcopacy was come in , in that notion , wherein we now understand it . a second proofe of this , is , that what in one place out of papias he saith of all the seniores or elders , which in asia converst with st. john , that clemens alexandrinus , who lived in the same time , affirmes of the bishops or elders of asia ; meaning by both of them the bishops in our notion of the word . clemens alexandrinus wrote his stromata about the yeare 192. which is five yeares before irenaeus martyrdome , in the 5. of severus . now of this clemens , it is certaine , 1. that he acknowleged the three orders in the church , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the three degrees or promotions in the church , of bishops , presbyters , deacons , and consequently must by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand bishops in our moderne sense . secondly , that when he makes the relation of john's meeting with the bishops of asia ( which is the same matter which irenaeus produceth out of papias ) he calls them in the same period both elders and bishops indifferently , for speaking of st. john he hath this passage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — comming to a city not farre off — and looking on the bishop , which was constituted over all , seeing a young man , he said , this person i commit to thee — and the elder took him home , brought him up baptized , and at last gave him confirmation . here it is evident this elder of asia , one of those which , in irenaeus , conversed with saint john , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a bishop constituted over all in that city ; and agreeably when saint john comes back that way againe , he calls to him by that title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o bishop , render us the depositum , which both i and christ delivered to thee in the presence of the church , over which thou art set . where againe he that is called elder both by him and irenaeus , is also by him called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bishop set over the church . and so that is a second evidence of it . thirdly , in his epistle to victor bishop of rome , he speakes of his predecessors thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the elders which were set over the church which thou rulest , anicetus , pius , hyginus , and telesphorus , and lib. 3. cap. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the blessed apostles having founded and built the church of rome , put the episcopal office into the hands of linus , anacletus succeeded him , clemens anacletus , evarestus clemens , alexander evarestus , then xystus the sixt from the apostles , after him telesphorus , then hyginus , then pius , after him anicetus , after anicetus , soter ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , now in the twelfth place eleutherus possesses the bishoprick from the apostles . here 1. it is evident that every one first named as elders , are yet single persons , one succeding another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 set over , or ruling the church of rome : secondly , that for twelve successions together they are by irenaeus lookt upon all , as of the same ranke , succeeding one another , and the first as well as the last , called bishop , which must conclude it to be understood by him in such a notion , as is equally competible to all , and so must be in our moderne notion , if the great asserters of the presbyterian cause say true , that about the yeare 140. i. e. certainly before elutherius was bishop of rome , there were bishops over presbyters all the world over . lastly , * irenaeus , speaking of some unworthy voluptuous elders , expresseth their faults in such a manner , as cannot fitly belong to any but bishops , principalis concessionis tumore elati sunt , they are puft up with the ●ride of the principall place , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the principall chair , which as bishops belonged to them . ●or though it is as possible that presbyters should be guilty of the pride , the tumour and elation , as that bishops should be guilty of the same , yet the occasion of it there mentioned , the principalis consessio , the chiefe place of dignity , is peculiar to the one , and not reconcileable with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality of the other . these evidences have readily offered themselves to shew what irenaeus meanes by presbyteri , when he useth that and bishops promiscuously , viz. by both , bishops in our moderne notion , and he that shall reade over that author diligently , and compare his dialect with polycarpe and papias , with whom he accords , the former using 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for bishops ( as hath largely been insisted on ) and the latter for apostles and bishops , single governors of each church , ( * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and elsewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . andrew , peter , aristion , john , marke , all elders ) will doubtlesse finde many more proofes that thus he used the word , and ( i shall adventure to undertake ) meet with no one indication to the contrary . sect. v. testimonies of tertullian . seniores , & majores natu for bishops , so in firmilian . as for tertullian i shall need say no more , but that it is the confession of the great patron of presbyterians , that he doth aperte tueri communiusu receptam ordinis in episcopos , presbyteros & diaconos , distinctionem . openly defend the received common distinction of the ecclesiastick order into bishops , presbyters and deacons , and he that can yet doubt of it , let him examine his citations , de praescript . cap. 41. de baptisme cap 17. de monogam . cap. 11. de fuga c. 11. and that de baptismo as high & cleare , as that which was most quarrell'd with in ignatius . dandi baptismum jus habit summus sacerdos , qui est episcopus , dein presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi authoritate , propter honorem ecclesiae , quo salvo salva pax est . the bishop hath the right of giving baptisme , after him the presbyters and deacons , yet not without the authority of the bishop , for the honour of the church , which being preserved , peace is preserved . so that of him it is as cleare , as of irenaeus or clemens , that he must understand bishop in our moderne notion : and yet even by him , these of this uppermost degree are called seniores , and majores natu , elders , praesident probati quique seniores , the elders praeside , apol. c. 39. and of the bishops of rome , the series of whom he had brought downe to anicetus , lib. 3. contr . marcion . cap. 9. he expresses them by majores natu , successors of the apostles , in his book , written in verse , against marcion . and there will be lesse wonder in this , when it is remembred that after this in saint cyprian's times ( who hath been sufficiently evidenced to speake of bishops in our moderne notion of them ) firmilian bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , in vulgar style calls them seniores , and praepositi , elders , and provosts , in his epistle to cyprian , and againe praesident majores natu , &c. the elders praeside , evidently meaning the bishops by those titles . and so much be spoken in returne to what they have objected from these two antients , irenaeus and tertullian , supposing that i have competently performed the taske by them imposed on the praelatists , shewed that the bishops spoken of by them , were bishops over presbyters , and by them understood to be so ▪ sect. vi. saint jerom's testimony of bishops , &c. by apostolicall tradition . consuetudo opposed to dominica dispositio . saint jerom's meaning evidenced by many other testimonies to be , that bishops were instituted by the apostles . so by panormitan also . the testimonies of isidore , &c. the councel of aquen , and of leo vindicated . of ischyras's ordination . the testimony of the synod ad zurrium , and of the 4th councel of carthage . in the next place i am to proceed to that of saint hierome in his 85. epistle ad euagrium , the unanswerablenesse of which i am affirmed to make matter of triumph over d. blondel and walo massalinus , seeming to say , that it never can be answered , whereas say they , if i had been pleased to cast an eye upon the vindication — written by smectymnuus , i should have found this answer — what this answer is , we shall see anon , in the meane it will be necessary to give a briefe account , what it was , which is called a triumphing over these two learned men . and first it is sufficiently knowne , what advantages the defenders of presbyter● conceive themselves to have from that one antient writer , the presbyter saint hierome : from him they have the interpretation of those scriptures , which they thinke to be for their use , as that the word bishop and presbyter are all one in several texts of scripture , and both signifie presbyters , and that the apostles at first designed , ut communi presbyterorū concilio ecclesiae gubernarentur , that the churches should be governed by the common councel of presbyters , and that it so continued till upon the dissentions , which by this meanes arose in the church , it was judged more prudent and usefull to the preserving of unity , ut unus superponeretur reliquis , that one should be set over the rest , and all the care of the church belong to him , and this , saith hierome , in toto orbe decretum , decreed and executed over the whole world . by whom this was conceived , by him to be thus decreed , he gives us not to understand in that place , nor in what point of time he thought it was done , but leaves us to collect both from some few circumstances ; as 1. that it was after schismes entred into the church , and one said i am paul , i of apollos , &c. and if it were immediately after that , then the presbyterians will gaine but little by this patron : for his whole meaning will be , that the apostles first put the government of each church into the hands of many , but soon saw the inconvenience of doing so , and the schisme and ruptures consequent to it , and changed it themselves , and setled one singular bishop in the whole power of government in every church , to which very fitly coheres what clement had said , that lest new contentions should arise about this singular dignity and authority who should succeed to it , they made a roll or catalogue of those , which in vacancies should succeed in each church . that this was not , in hierome's opinion , done thus early in the apostles time , the presbyterians think they may conclude from what he saith on tit. 1. episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores , let bishops know that their greatnesse and superiority over presbyters is held rather by custome , than by christs having disposed it so . but it is very possible that this may not prove the conclusion , which is thought to be inferred by it , for here consuetudo , custome , as opposed to christs disposition , may well signifie the practice of the church in the later part of the apostles times , and ever since to s. hierome's days , and that may well be severed from all command , or institution of christs , & so jerom's opinion may well be this , that christ did not ordain this superiority of one above another , but left all in common in the apostles hands , who within awhile , to avoid schism , put the power in each church in the hands of some one singular person . and that this was hierome's meaning , i thought my selfe , in charity to him , obliged to thinke , both because in this sense his words would better agree with the universal affirmation of all orthodoxe christians , that before him ( and after him too , unlesse those few that took it on his credit ) speake of this matter , and also , because if this be not his sense , he must needs be found to contradict himselfe , having elsewhere affirmed that the three degrees of bishops , presbyters and deacons in the church were of apostolicall tradition , i. e. by the apostles themselves delivered to the church . and now before i proceed , i desire the ingenuous reader , who is contrary minded , to consider , what he can object to this conclusion of mine thus inferr'd concerning s. hierome's opinion , and consequently what probability there is , that the presbyterians cause should be superstructed on any testimony of s. hierome , supposing what i am next to demonstrate , that the three orders are by him acknowledged to be delivered from the apostles . and this is evident in his epistle to euagrius , where having againe delivered the substance of what hath been now cited from his notes on tit. 1. he yet concludes , et ut sciamus-traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteritestamento , quod aaron & filii ejus atque levitae in templ● fuerunt , hoc sibi episcopi & presbyteri & diaconi in ecclesiâ vendicent . that we may know that the apostles traditions are taken out of the old testament , we have this instance , that what aaron and his sonnes and the levites were in the temple , the same the bishops and presbyters and deacons challenge to themselves in the church . where these three degrees ( and so the superiority of bishops over presbyters ) are by him affirmed to be traditions of the apostles . on occasion therefore of inquiring into hierome's meaning ( and because this place so readily offered it selfe to expedite it ) it was sure very reasonable to examine , and observe , what they which made most advantage of hierome's authority , should be found to say to this testimony of his , for the apostolical tradition of three orders . and among these , three principall persons offered themselves to our consideration , d. blondell , walo messalinus , or salmasius , and lud. capellus , every of them having newly written on this subject , and collected especially what jerome had said of it . of these three the last was soone discerned to have dealt most prudently , setting downe the other testimonies out of him , but wholly omitting this ; the other two having not been so wary , made use of another dexterity , set downe the words , but deferr'd their observations on them , till some fitter season ; d. blondell put it off to his sixt section , whereas upon examination he hath but three in his whole booke , and so is certainly never likely to speake of it , nor can be justly believed to have , in earnest designed any such thing : the other saith , he expects more and better notes on it from salmasius ( i.e. from himselfe ) in another booke , viz. de ecclesiastico ordine , and after a great volume come out of that subject 8. or 9. yeares after , he yet never takes this place , or his own promise into consideration . this was all that my search produced , and the taking notice of these plaine matters of fact , the behaviours of these men in that , which so much concern'd the whole cause to be taken notice of , and laid to heart , is all that was done by me , and which is styled by these a triumphing over those learned men. and i hope there was little of hard measure , and as little of insolence in this . now because what these learned men thus averted the doing , is yet here said to be done by smectymnuus , and that if i had cast an eye on the vindication — i should there have found that place of hierome's answered , i am now in the last place to obey their directions , and consider the answer , which from smectymnuus they have set down for me . and it is twofold , the first is a civill denyall that there is any truth in the words , for , say they , it is hard to conceive how this imparity can be properly called an apostolicall tradition , when jerome , having mentioned john the last of the apostles , saith it was postea , that one was set over the rest . but is this the way of answering the place , or salving the difficulty ? hierome saith , bishops , presbyters and deacons in the church ( that sure is this imparity ) are an apostolicall tradition ; and they answer , it is hard to conceive how it can be properly so called . what is this but to make hierom's words ( as soone as ever he saith any thing which accords not with their interest ) as unreconcileable with truth , as with his own former words , which they had cited from him ? and then how much kinder to hierome was i than they , who thought it necessary to affix a commodious meaning to his former words , and interpret confuetudo ] the custome of the church begun in the apostles dayes , that so in thus saying , he might be reconcileable with himself , when he called episcopacy a tradition apostolicall ? as for the reason , which makes this so hard for them to conceive from hierome's words , i believe it hath no force in it ; for though after the mention of s. john's words in his second and third epistle , he saith that [ postea , afterwards ] this imparity was introduced , yet this proves not his opnion to be , that it was not apostolicall tradition ; it might be done after the writing of those epistles , and yet in st. john's time , i. e. before his death . and though i believe st. hierome was mistaken , in thinking there were no bishops till then ( it would have had more truth in it , if he had said there were no presbyters till then ) yet for all that , i cannot doubt but this was his opnion , because as he no where saith any thing which is contrary to this , so here be saith expresly that it was apostolicall tradition , which in his opinion it could not be , if it were not in the church , in his opinion , before st. john's death . and so there is but little appearance of validity in their first answer . and for their second , that is somewhat like the former , viz. that with hierome apostolicall tradition and ecclesiasticall custome are the same . if this be true , then certainly i did not amisse in thinking that when hierome used consuetudo custome in opposition to dominica dispositio , christ's appointment or institution , i ought to interpret custome in that place , by apostolicall tradition in the other . for how ecclesiasticall custome with him , and apostolicall tradition should be the same , and yet ecclesiasticall custome may not be interpreted by apostolicall tradition , especially when the same man affirmes them both of the same thing , i confesse i cannot apprehend . but then secondly , because i must suppose , that by making them the same , they must meane to bring downe apostolicall tradition to signifie ecclesiasticall custome , not to advance custome to signify apostolicall tradition ( in the same manner as when they make bishop and elder the ●ame , they bring down bishop to signifie presbyter , but will not allow elder to signifie bishop ) that also will be worth examining a while . and 1. can there be any reason to imagine , that hierome or any man should set down that for an instance of apostolicall tradition , which the same person doth not believe to be delivered by the apostles , but to be of a latter date ? that which is delivered by the apostles , and received , and practiced by the church , may fitly be called a custome of the church , without adding or specifying , that we meane the apostolicall church , because the apostles , while they lived , were a part of the church , and the following age was a part of the church also . but can it be truly said , that that was delivered by the apostles , which was onely accustomed in the subsequent church , and not so much as introduced under the apostles ? this certainly is another strange way of interpreting words or phrases quite contrary to all lexicons , or to the use of such words or phrases , which unlesse they be changed , it is as much as to say , he that said tradition apostolicall , did not meane tradition apostolicall ; and this sure will bring little credit to st. hierome , on whose authority they so much depend in this matter . as for their proofe of what they say , viz. because the observation of lent , which he saith , ad marcellum , is apostolica traditio , is contra luciferianos , said by him to be ecclesiae consuetudo , ] that sure is not of force to conclude what they would have it , for it may be ( or by him be deemed to be ) both , an apostolicall tradition and a custome of the hurch too , it being very ordinary and reasonable , that what the apostles delivered , the church should also accustome , and practice . but could both these be said by him of that which he thought were but one of these ? that is againe to make him testifie against his conscience , to say lent was an apostolicall tradition , and to believe it was not an apostolicall tradition . here i shall not need debate whether the observation of lent were apostolical , or no ; all that is necessary to insist on , is , whether saint hierome , that said it was such , believed it to be such , and if he be mistaken in his beliefe , then he may be as well mistaken in the meaning of those passages , which he interprets so , as is usefull to , and in favour of the presbyterians , as that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , act. 20. were the presbyters of the church of ephesus ; that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops , phil. 1. are presbyters of that one church or city , and the like . for either of those is but his beliefe or perswasion too , and the more fallible they finde him in other things , the lesse weight they ought to lay on his opinion in this , and the lesse blame on us , for departing from his opinion . but having said this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the repelling all force of their objection , i shall now adde some other testimonies out of saint hierome , and after them , one argument , ad homines undeniable , to demonstrate , that it was indeed and without question s. hierome's opinion , that bishops in our moderne notion were instituted by the apostles themselves . 1. in his 54. epistle he sets downe this difference among others , between the catholikes and the montanist hereticks , apud nos apostolorum locum tenent episcopi , apud eos episcopus tertius est , among the catholikes the bishops ( such as were in s. hierome's time , i. e. certainly such as in ours not mere presbyters ) hold the place of the apostles ( i. e. the uppermost place in the church of christ , and succeed the apostles in it ) and among those hereticks the bishop is the third , which it seems was one character of their being hereticks , and so a deviation from an apostolical truth . ) 2. in this booke , de script . eccl●s● he saith of james the brother of the lord ▪ jacobus ab apostolis statim post ascensionem domini hierosylimorum episcopus ordinatus , suscepit ecclesiam hierosolyma . timotheus à paulo ephesiorum episcopus ordinatus , titus cretae , polycarpus à johanne smyrnae episcopus ordinatus , james presently after christs ascension , was ordained bishop of hierusalem , and undertook ( i. e. ruled , as to receive the congregation , psal . 75. is to rule it ) the church of hierusalem , timothy was ordained bishop of the ephesians by paul ▪ titus of crete , polycarpe was by john ordained bishop of smyrna . where , as it is evident , and by the presbyterians acknowledged , that timothy and titus were singular rulers ( which therefore they are wont to excuse by saying they are extraordinary officers or evangelists ) and yet by him said to be bishops of ephesus and crete , and so constituted by the apostles , so it is consequent that james and polycarpe were by him deemed singular rulers also ( and not collegues in a presbytery ) and those so constituted by the apostles also , and accordingly of this james he saith , ad gal. 2. jacobus primus ei ecclesiae praefuit — eciscopus hierosolymorum primus fuit , james was the first that was set over that church — was the first bishop of hierusalem . and in consequence thereto in his comments on isae . lib. 5. cap. 17. he calls this james decimum tertium apostolum the thirteenth apostle 3. in like manner * epist . ad euagrium , speaking of marke ( who dying in the 8th . of nero ▪ what was done by him , must be resolved to have been in the apostles times , and agreeable to then practice ] he saith , alexand●iae à ma●co evang●●●stâ ad heraclam & dionysium episcopos presbyteri semper unum ex se electum in excelsiori super presbyteros gradu● collocatum , episcopum nominabant , quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faceret . at alexandria from the time of marke the evangelist , to the time of heraclas and dionysius bishops , the presbyters alwayes named one chosen from among themselves , and placed in an higher degree above presbyters , their bishop , as if an army should choose their generall . that what is said of the presbyters choosing their bishop , belongs not to presbyters imposing hands on him , is * elsewhere largely evidenced . and so , by the way , appeareth the falsenesse of the citation out of jerome , appen . p. 142. that in alexandria for a long time the presbyters ordained ( it should have been said elected ) their bishop . that which i here inferre from the testimony is manifest , viz. that in saint markes time , and from the first planting of the church at alexandria , one bishop or singular ruler was constituted among them , as that signifies an higher degree than that of presbyters . 4. more places there are in him , which evidence his opinion , that bishops , as they differ from presbyters , are successors of the apostles : in his comment on psal . 45. nunc quia apostoli à mundo recesserunt , habes pro his episcopos filios , sunt & hi patres tui , quia ab ipsis regeris . now ( in● . hierome's time ) because the apostles are parted from the world , you have in their steads bishops their sonnes ; they also are thy fathers , because thou art governed by them . where the bishops that then ruled ( those are confest to be single persons , not presbyteries ) are the successors of the apostles in his opinion . and ep. 1. ad heliodorum , of not undertaking the office of bishop . non est facile stare loco pauli , tenere gradum petri ; 't is not easie to stand in pauls place , to hold the degree of peter . where episcopacy is the place and degree of those apostles . and so ep. 13. ad paulinum , episcopi & presbyteri habeant in exemplum apostolos & apostolicos vires , quorum honorem possidentes habere nitantur & meritum , bishops and presbyters must have for their examples the apostles and apostolical men , whose honour they possesse , and therefore ought to endeavour to imitate their merit . 5. i shall adde a cumulus of other passages much to the same purpose with the former , and fit to be taken in conjunction with them , to give us the full understanding of s. hierome's opinion in this matter . ad nepotian . ep. 2. esto subjectus pontificituo , & quasi anima parentem suscipe , quod aaro● & filios ejus , hoc episcopum & presbyteros esse noverimus . be subject to the bishop , and receive him as the parent of thy soule , what aaron and his sonnes were , that we must know the bishop and presbyters to be . and on tit. 1. speaking of s. paul's directions for the making a bishop , apostolus , saith he , ecclesiae principem formans , the apostle forming the prince or ruler of the church , and so againe in the same words on psal . 45. deciphering a single ruler by that bishop , which the apostle there meant to forme . so on that 45. psal . constituit christus in omnibus finibus mundi principes ecclesiae episcopos , christ in all parts of the world constituted princes of the church , the bishops , just the same as hath beene cited from ignatius , that all the world over , the bishops were ordained by the apostles according to the minde of christ . in his dial. adv . luciferian . ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendit , cui si non exors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiis efficientur schismata quot sacerdotes ; and , si quaeris quare in ecclesiâ baptizatus , nisi per manus episcopi non accipiat spiritum sanctum — disce hanc observationem ex ●a authoritate descendere , quod spiritus sanctus ad apostolos descendit . the safety of the church depends on the dignity of the chiefe priest ( or bishop ) to whom ▪ if a peculiar power be not given above all that others have there will be as many schisms as priests in the churches — if you demand why he that hath been baptized in the church , may not receive the holy ghost but by the hands of the bishop , learne that this observance d●scends from that authority in that the holy sp●it descended on th● apostles 〈◊〉 testimo●y , as it shewes the necessity of a singular bishop to avoid schisms in the church , and so must affixe the institution of them on the apostles , who made provision against that danger ( and that i suppose is his meaning in * that place which the presbyterians make most use of ) so it directly derives the authority , by which bishops stand in the church , distinct from presbyters , and above them from the descent of the holy ghost on the apostles . lastly , adv . jovinian . 〈◊〉 . episcop● & presbyter & diaconus non sunt meritorum nomina sed offi●ior●m nec dicitur , si quis episcopatum desilerat — the bishop and presbyt●r and deacon , are names of offices , neither is it said ▪ if any man d●si●e a bishoprick — applying those texts of saint paul , concerning the qualifications of bishops to the bishop , as in his time he stood , distinct from presbyters . all this i supose may suffice to give authority to my collection and conclusion from plaine words of saint hierome , that his meaning was as plaine and undubitable , that episcopacy was delivered downe and instituted in the church by the apostles themselves . and i cannot conceive what can be invented to avoid the evidence of these testimonies ; yet because i promised it , i shall now adde that one argument ( ex abundanti , and much more than is necessary ) to the same purpose , ( viz. to prove that this was hierome's meaning , which i pretend it to be . ) and that such , as by these objectors cannot with justice be denyed , to have a full irrefragable force in it , having themselves made use of it against us , which they ought not to have done , if by themselves it shall now be denyed when it is produced by us . in the close of their appendix , they have set downe several propositions declaring the judgement and practice of the antient church about ordination of ministers , and their first proposition , being this , that in the first and purest times — there was ordination of presbyters without bishops over presbyters , their proofe is this . for these bishops came in postea and p●ul●tim , afterward , and by little and little as jerome saith . and panormitan , lib. 1. decretal . de consuetud . cap. 4. saith olim presbyteri in communi regebant ecclesian● & 〈◊〉 sacerdotes , & pariter conferebant omnia sacramenta . of old the elders ruled the church in common , and ordained priests , and joyntly conferred all the sacraments . these two testimonies of hierome and panormitan , being brought to prove the same proposition concerning ordination by presbyters , and the time of bishops coming in to the church , it must sure be reasonable to resolve that what panormitan hath defined in this matter , that was saint hieromes sense also ; now what that is , will be discerned by setting downe panormitane's words at large , as they lye in the place cited by them . the businesse he hath there in hand is to prove that custome is not of force so farre , as to prescribe that an ordinary clerk as presbyter sh●uld performe an episcopal act , ea quae sum ordinis episcopalis non possunt acquiri per ordinem inferiorem ex consuitudine quantamcunque ve●ustissimâ . those things that are of episcopal order cannot be any custome ▪ how antient soever , be acquired by any inferiour order : the reason is , quia consuetudo non facit quem capacem , because custome doth make no man capable — then he makes this observation , that ritus apostol orum circa sacramenta habent impedire characterus impressionem ; the rites , or practice , or institutions of the apostles about the sacraments , have power to h●nd ●the impression of the character , nam immediate post mortem christi●om●es presbyteri in communi regebant ecclesiam , non fuerant inter ipsos epi●scopi , sed idem presbyter quod epi●copus , & pariter conferebant omnia sacramenta , sed postinodum ad schismata sed●nda fecerunt seu ordinaverunt apostoli , ut crearentur episcop● & certa sacramenta iis reservarunt , illa interdicendo simplicibus presbyteris — for immediately after the death of christ , all th● elders in common ruled the church , and so there were no bishops among them , but a presbyter was the same that a bishop , and they joyntly conferred all the sacraments . but after a while for the appeasing of schismes the apostles caused or ordained that bishops should be created , and reserved to them some sacraments ( or holy rites ) forbidding single presbyters to meddle with them : and he concludes , et vides hic quod talis ordinatio habet impedire etiam impressionem characteris , quia si presbyteri illa de facto conferunt , nihil conferunt , and here you see , that such an ordination is able to hinder the impression of the character , because if presbyters doe de facto confer them , they confer nothing . where , as panormitan cited by them to prove ordination without bishops ( and specious words pickt out of him to that purpose ) doth yet distinctly affirme that presbyters , which confer orders without a bishop conferre nothing , all their ordinations are meere nullities ( and what could have been said more severely against their practice , and their designe in citing him , than this ? ) so he plainly interprets st. jeromes assertion of the occasion and time of bishops being set over the presbyters , that it was done by the appointment of the apostles themselves , and so that consuetudo , custome in jerome , opposed to christ's disposall , is no more than [ postmodum ordinaverunt apostoli , after a while the apostles ordeined ] opposed to [ immediatè post mortem christi , immediately after the death of christ . ] and then by the way , as the reader may hence discerne what force there is , in this testimony of panormitan to support their first proposition concerning the ordination of presbyters without bishops over presbyters ( for which besides st. jeromes postea and paulatim , and part of this testimony of panormitan , they produce no other ) and as by what was formerly said of the testimonies of cyprian and firmilian , their chiefe supports for their * second proposition , have already been utterly demolished , so also the testimonies of isidore hispalensis and the councell of aquen produced for the proofe of their † third proposition , concerning the presbyters having an intrinsick power to ordaine ministers , will immediately vanish in like manner . for as it is evident that that place in that councell of aquen is for nine chapters together transcribed out of isidore , and consequently the testimonies out of him and that councell are but one and the same thing , twice repeated , to increase the number , so 't is as evident that what is by them said , is taken from st. hierome , and can no farther be extended either in respect of the authority or the matter of the testimony , than in st. hierome it hath appeared to extend . and therefore as the * words cited by these men out of them are no more than these , that solum propter authoritatem clericorum ordinatio & consecratio reservata est summo sacerdoti , that presbyters have many things common with bishops , onely in respect of authority ( or for the preserving it intire , and the unity of each church ; which depended on that , in st. hierom's opinion ) the ordination and consecration of clerks ( i. e. of all presbyters and deacons ) was reserved to the chiefe priest , i. e. the bishop ; which how farre it is from concluding what it was brought to prove , the intrinsick power of presbyters to ordaine ministers , i leave to any reader to passe judgement . and yet truly this doth it as well as their one other antient testimonie , that of leo , set out in their front , out of his 88. epistle ▪ concerning the consecration of presbyters and deacons , and some other things , quae omnia solis deberi pontificibus authoritate canonum praecipitur , all which that they should be due to the bishops and to none else , it is commanded by the authority of the ●anons . who would ever have thought fit from such words as these , which affirme this privilege to be reserved peculiarly to the bishops , and that the authority of the canons so requires , to conclude that the presbyters had this intrinsick power ; as if all that the canons deny presbyters , were infallibly their due to enjoy , and the argument demonstrative , that it was their originall and intrinsick due , because the canons deny it . what they adde of ischyras prop. 6. that being deposed from being a presbyter , because made by colluthus who was but a presbyter himselfe , and not a bishop , this was done , not because the act of colluthus was against the canon of scripture , but onely because it was against the canons of some councels . ] is somewhat of the same nature with the former , and will be best judged of by the relation of the fact , which in the story of those times is thus made by socrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he adventured on a thing worthy of many deaths , for being never admitted to the priesthood , and assuming to himselfe the name of an elder , he dared to doe the things belonging to a priest . a censure which certeinly sets the fault somewhat higher than the transgressing of the canons of some councels . two testimonies more i shall touch on , before i returne to the pursuit of my proposed method , and then i shall render the reason of this excursion . for the confirmation of their second proposition concerning ordination , one testimony they produce from the synod ad quercum ann. 403. where it was brought as an accusation against chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he made ordinations without the company and sentence of the clergy . another from the councell of carthage can. 20. vt episcopus sine concilio clericorum s●orum non ordinet , that a bishop ordeine not clerkes without the councell of his owne clerkes , and can. 2. cum ordinatur presbyter episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri qui prasentes sunt manus suas juxta manum episcopi super caput illius teneant . when a presbyter is ordrined , as the bishop blesseth him and layes his hand on his head , let all the presbyters also that are present lay their hands on his head by the hand of the bishop . and the conclusion deduced from these testimones ( and the forementioned of cyprian and fermilian ) is this , that ordination by bishops without the assistance of his presbyters was alwayes forbidden and opposed . how truly this is inferred from the praem●sses will soone be judged by a view of the testimonies . for the first , this is the truth of the story , theophilus a guilty person , and as such , cited to answer , what was objected against him , making use of the envy , under which chrysostome then laboured , shifted the scene , and becamse his judge , nay , as photius tells us , he and the rest of that conventicle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that were chrysostome ' s greatest enemies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were at once judges , and accusers , and witnesses of all that was charged against him . and therefore we already see , what heed is to be given to the accusati●n of those fathers ad quercum , and how valid an argument can be deduced from it ; and we shall the better guesse at it , if we consider also , what other particulars were , in the same manner that this was , charged against him , set downe by photius in his bibliotheca . the 23. charge was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — that the bath was heated for him alone , and that after he had bathed , serapion shuts the passage into the bath , that no body else might bath : the 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — that he ate alone , living like one of the cyclopes , and betwixt these two new found crimes , comes in this , in the midst , being the 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he ordained many that had no testimonialls ; which being set down by photius , as the summe of that charge , referres us indeed to the ground , on which their charge was built , of his ordaining without a councell , and against the minde of his clergy , ( those testimonialls , and so the approbation of the person by the clergy being generally a good preparation to the receiving orders ) but doth not at all prove that a bishop might not ordaine without assistance of his presbyters , or that it was alwayes forbidden , any more than it proves that eating or bathing alone was alwayes forbidden also . as for that of the 4. councell of carthage can. 20. they have set downe but halfe the canon ; the whole runnes thus , vt episcopus sine concilio clericorum non ordinet● , ita ut civium conniventiam & testimonium quaerat , that the bishop ordain not without his councell of clergy , so that he seeke the liking and testimoniall of the inhabitants . which againe onely serves to shew , the use of the assistent presbyters , to helpe the bishop to a due knowledge of the person to be ordained ( and this they know we praelatists assent to and approve of ) but is no argument of the unlawfulnesse of sole ordination , or of any power that the presbyters have in the conferring of orders . so likewise that from can. 2. is onely a testimony for the fitnesse and usefulnesse of that custome ( still retein'd and used in our church in all ordinations of presbyters and deacons ) that the presbyters there present should lay on their hands by the hand of the bishop , and so joyne in the prayer or benediction , but no proofe that a presbyter might not be ordeined by a bishop without the presence of such presbyters . i have for a while gone aside from the consideration of s. hierome's testimony ( the designed matter of this section ) and allowed my selfe scope to take in all the testimonies of antiquity , which are made use of by these assemblers , for the justifying their ordination of ministers ; and i have done it on purpose ( though a little contrary to my designed method and brevity ) because after the publishing of the dissertations against blondel . i remember i was once told , that though it was not necessary , yet i might do well to add some appendix , by way of answer to that one head of discourse concerning presbyteriall ordination , and the instances which were objected by him . for which reason i have now , as neer as i can , taken in all , in this place , which are in their appendix produced on that head , and doe not elsewhere in this briefe reply , fall in my way to be answered by me . for some others , mentioned by d. blondel , i refer the reader to the learned paines of the bishop of d●rry , in his vindication of the church of england from the aspersion of schisme , p. 270. &c. and so being at last returned into my rode againe , this may , i hope , suffice to have said in the justification of what was done in the dissertations concerning st. hierome , both to cleare his sense , and for the setting the ballance aright betwixt his authority on the one side , and the authority of ignatius on the other , betwixt some doubtfull sayings of the former , which seemed to prejudice the doctrine of the apostles instituting imparity , which yet elsewhere he affirmes to be apostolicall tradition , and the many cleare and uncontradicted , constant sayings of the latter , which are acknowleged to assert it . which one thing , if it be not in the dissertations so done , as may satisfie any impartiall judge , that ignatius , in full concord with all , is to be heeded on our side , more than st. hierome , in some few of his many testimones , can be justly produced against us , i shall then confesse my selfe guilty of over-much confidence ; but if therein i have not erred , it is most evident that i need not undertake any farther travaile in this whole matter . sect. vii . the testimonies of ambrose and austin . consignare used for consecrating the eucharist , and that belonged to the bishop when present . there now followes in the next place the passage cited by them p. 133. out of ambrose on eph. 4. where to prove that even during the prevalency of episcopacy 't was not held unlawfull for a presbyter to ordeine without a bishop , they urge out of st. ambrose these words , apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus , in aegypt the presbyters consigne , if the bishop be not present . and the like out of austine ( or whosoever was the author ) in quaest . ex utroque testam . qu. 101. in alexandria & per totam aegyptum , si desit episcopus , consecrat presbyter , in alexandria and through all aegypt , if the bishop be wanting , the presbyter consecrates . and having done so , they adde , which words cannot be understood ( as a — defender of prelacy would have them ) of the consecration of the eucharist ; for this might be done by the presbyter praesente episcopo , the bishop being present , but it must be understood either of confirmation , or ( which is more likely ) of ordination , because ambrose in that place is speaking of ordination . to this i shall briefly reply , 1. that it is sure enough , & granted by the most eminent presbyterians , that these two books , whence these testimonies are cited , were not written either by ambrose or austine , but by some other ( hilarius sardus , saith blondel ) and unjustly inserted among their works , and then the authority of such supposititious pieces will not be great to over-rule any practice otherwise acknowledged in the church of god. secondly , that the mistakes of blondel and salmasius , concerning the meaning of the former of these places , were so evidently discovered by the second of them ( the consignant in the one , interpreted by consecrat in the other ) that i conceived it sufficient , but to name them , for can there be any thing more unquestionable than this , that consecrare in antient writers signifies the consecration of the eucharist ? and then if consignare be a more obscure phrase is there any doubt , but it must be interpreted by that which is so much more vulgar and plaine ? and all the circumstances besides being exactly the same in both places , what doubt can there be , but in both , the words are to be understood of the eucharist ? yet because some advantage was by this their misunderstanding sought to the presbyterians cause , they now resolve ; and insist , that it must not be rectified , though they know not which to apply it to , confirmation or ordination , and pretend not to produce any testimony , where consecrare is ever used for the latter , or consignare for either of them . and indeed * blondel and † salmasius were yet more uncertaine , for they thought it might also belong to the benediction of penitents , and that as probable as either of the two former ; and when the truth is rejected , thus it is wont to be . as for the onely reason which inclines them to confine it to ordination ; because ambrose in that place is speaking of ordination , if the place be review'd , it will not be found to have truth in it ; he speakes immediately before of the severall ministeriall acts , preaching and baptizing , adding indeed that scripta apostoli non per omnia conveniunt ordinationi , quae nunc in ecclesia est , the writings of the apostle doe not in all things agree to the order , which is now in the church . there is mention of ordinatio indeed , but that signifies not ordination , as we now use it for ordaining of ministers , but manifestly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rule , or order used in the church , in severall respects , saith he , different from what it was in the writings of the apostle . and for their objection against my interpretation , that it cannot be understood of consecrating the eucharist , [ because this the presbyter might doe when the bishop was present ] if they would have taken notice of the many evidences brought by me in that place out of the antients , the canons of the apostles , ignatius ad magnes . the 56 canon of the councell of laodicaea , and tertullian , that the presbyter might not administer either sacrament without the bishop's appointment , and distinctly of this sacrament : non de aliorum quam de praesidentium manu eucharistiam sumimus , we receive it not from the hands of any but the praesidents , i. e. ( in his style ) the bishops , tertull : de cor. mil. they could never have thought this a reasonable objection , it being evidently the sense of the antient canons , ( to which the description of the practice in justin martyr doth perfectly agree , apol. 2. ) that onely the bishop had power to consecrate the eucharist , and in his absence onely , the presbyter , to whom he gave that power . had they been pleased to have taken notice of these canons and antient records , punctually set downe by mee in that place , it must certainly have prevented this their exception , and utterly robbed them of those two testimonies to that proposition . and as to that of the alexandrian bishops out of hierome , that is also largely answered by me , dissert . 3 c. 10. but that againe they were resolved not to take notice of . sect. viii . of the chorepiscopi . there still remaines one mention of me , upon occasion of the chorepiscopi or regionary bishops , append. p. 138. of that subject they are somewhat large , and so d. blondel had been before them , and in answering him , all their pretensions from thence , and that whole argument ( by them pursued . p. 135. 136 , 137. 138. ) is punctually answered , before it was produced , dissert . 3. c. 8. and yet they go on roundly , as if there were no such thing , onely in the close they adde , there is another whom we forbeare to name , that saith that the chorepiscopi were bishops . but hee addes , though they were bishops , yet they were made but by one bishop , and bishops meerly titular and sine cathedrâ , which is all one as if he should say , they were not properly bishops . that which is said of the chorepiscopi in the dissertations is too long to be here so impertinently repeted , if the reader please to consult the place , i have no feare that he will returne unsatisfied in any thing that is by these men objected against praelacy from that head . a dilemma is there used , which , whether they were bishops or no , will certainly secure us . as to their present argument against me , i answer , that what i say of those chorepiscopi , is , not that they were bishops meerly titular , but that they were proxies or vicarii of the bishop of the city , acting by commission from him in the region or countrey , and were under the bishop of the city and ordained by him , and so were true bishops , but not of the cities , had ordination as other bishops had , though three bishops were not by the canon required to the ordaining of such , but onely that one bishop of the city , whose proxy or vicarius the chorepiscopus was : bishops in cases of necessity , ordeined sine titulo , without a title or city to which they were affixt , and for some time allowed to ordeine presbyters and deacons in the countrey , and to doe some other things in the bishop's stead . all which is so largely set downe in the dissertations , and vindicated so absolutely from serving the presbyterians interest , that i must not for ever doe the same thing againe , transcribe what is there said abundantly , and nothing here objected against it , but that what i affirme of them , makes them to be not poperly bishops . where if by properly bishiops they meane bishops of cities , they say very true , for i affirme them to be , as their title assures me they were , regionary bishops , vicarii and proxies to the city bishop . but that they were mere presbyters , and no more , and by their being presbyters had the power to ordeine other presbyters ( which alone is the presbyterians taske to make good , if they will have it usefull to the proofe of their conclusion , their * 4. proposition , that presbyters , during the prevalency of episcopacy , had not onely an inherent power of ordination , but in some cases did actually ordeine ) this they doe not undertake to make good against the discourse in the dissertations ; and therefore i have no excuse to make any larger reply to them . the conclusion . i have now gone through every part of my designed method , and not omitted one intimation of theirs , wherein i could thinke my selfe concerned ; and that it may appeare that i should not have chosen this , as a season , to begin any debate concerning a subject so forgotten in men's minds as episcopacy is , i shall thus conclude the readers trouble , without examining what else they say on this subject ; having , i hope , competently secured my selfe from the opinion of having formerly attempted to seduce any , so little either to his or my owne advantage . the end . the printer to the reader . the absence of the author , and his inconvenient distance from london , hath occasioned some lesser escapes in the impression of this vindication , & ● . the printer thinks it the best instance of pardon if his e●capes be 〈◊〉 laid upon the author , and he hopes they are no greater than an o●dinary understanding may amend , thus . page 5. l. 25. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 6. l. 5. r. which when we . l. 6. r. place , l. 7. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 9. r. affaires , we have then so . l. 19. r. holy man. p. 7. l. 20. r. of david . l. 24. r. their answer . p. 8. marg . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 10. l. 21. r. exarchs . p. 12. l. 1. r. their not . p. 13. l. 4 r to confirme . l. penult . r. some praedecessor . p. 16. l. 14. r. of timothy . l. 18. r. a continuall . p. 18. l. 4. r. d●rotheus . p. 21. l. 24. r. we are . p. 22. l. 22. r. mixing . l. 33. r. praetensions . p. 23. l. 35. r. chaldee . p. 24. l. 24. r. was again . p. 25. l. 27. r. and in them of diotrephes . p. 31. l 31. r. assemblers . p. 36. l. 18. r. for so . p. 43. l. 11. r. so this . p. 49. l. 19. r. understand p 53. l. 25. r. and so p. 63. l. 21. r. most of them lying neer . p. 66. l. 2. del . all , p. 67. l. r. r. sect xvii . p. 69. l. 33. r. the sixt canon , which . p. 72. l. 7. r. fixt in . p. 73. l. 22. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l 29. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 74. l. 14. r. head-lords . p. 76. l. 3. r. formally . p. 78. l. 1. r. formally . p. 79. marg . l. 10. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 83 l. 33. r. metropoles . p. 85. l. 5. r. antoninus pius . l. 24. r. sent for to p. 89. l. 25. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 32. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 34. r. so read p. 94. mar . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 25. r. affirme . p. 97. marg . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 99. l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 25. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 100. l. 20. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 30. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 107. l. 25. r. a third . p. 111. l. 6 r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 12. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 127. l. 16. r. any sort . p. 128. l. penul . r. and so . p. 132. l. 1. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 22. r. province . p. 136. l. 22. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 139. l. ult . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 140. l. 1. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 34. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 142. l. 22. r. of spurious . p. 249. marg . l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 13. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 155. l. 23. r. ecclesiae . l. 29 r. of the. p. 160. l. 1. r. know not that . p. 162 l. 2. r servare catholicā . p : 165. l. 25. r. answer 1. by p. 166. l. 17. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 167. l. 3. r : that place would purchase justice . p 169. l. 22. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 23. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 171 l. 8. r : synod . ad quercum . p 174. l. 8. r : yeares since , p. 183. l. 14. r : so how far this is . p. 184. l. 15. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 16. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45476-e2920 * l. 1 l. 3. * ep ad cor. * exceptâ ordinatione , hier. ep . 85. ad evagr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrysost . hom. in 1 tom. in ep. ad heb. p 913. * theophylact ibid. in 〈◊〉 lu●e adhuc ca●c●ire aliquos inter 〈◊〉 in●uspicatissimi saeculi prodigi● numerandum est ▪ * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † de m●●tyr . timoth. * ep ad . victor . ap ●u●eb . eccl hist . l. 5. c. 25. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * sicut smyrnaeortem ecclesi● poly●●rpum à johanne collocatum refert , sicut romano●um clementem à petro ordi●atum edit , perinde utique & ●aeterae exhibent , quc● ab apostolis in episcopatū constitutos , apostolici i● semins traduces habent . de praescrip c : 32. * habemus johannis alumuas ec●lesias — oedo episcoporum ad originem rec●●sus in johanu●m fltabi● authorem . adv. ma●c . l. 4. c. 5. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 3. 23. † ibid. c. 31. * dissert 4. c. l , & 7. &c. nun. 1. he● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * annot. p. 906. * in pandect . pag. 31. * 〈◊〉 pag. 24. * in 1 tim. 3. 1 * disser● 1. cap. 13. * l. 3. c. 23. † biblioth : num. 25● . † hom. 15. in 1 tim. 5. 19. * ep. 65. * l. 1. con● . carpocr . † in eph. 4. & 1 cor. 12. 29. * quaest . 97. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * diss . 4. c. 3. * l. 3. c. 14. strom ▪ 6 ▪ * dissert . 4. ego & collegae mei qui praesen ●es ad●rant . * append. p. 219 lib. 5. ● . 29. 30. * greg. l. 5 c. 2. * de excid . & conqu . brit. * in tit. 1. hom. 1. * lib. 3. cap 4. * lib 5. cap. 23. * in trallo . can . 2. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb . eccl. hist . l. 2 c. 1. ex. clem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * ana●letum & cle●●entem petri m●●istics facit ignatius in epistola ad trollenses . wal. me p. 222. * or. ad asiat . civ . de concord . eccl. hist l. 4. c. 23. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anon. ap . phot. num . 254. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. theo. in 1 tim. 3. 1. in phil. 1. and act. 20. and 1 pet. 5. 1. epist . 1. ad epise . winton * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , theophyl . in phil. 1. 1. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * epist . 247. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 1. contr. aër . † clem. rom. ep. ad corinth . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * l. 3. c. 4. † arg. ep. ad tit. in tit . 1 hom 1. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arg. ep. * d'ssert 4. c. 4. sect. 4 , 5. * l. 2. * vid. autho● lit . rames . sect. 4. and 33. and s. h●n . spelma●s glessary . p. 28. 29. * geogr. l. 13. * ep. ed philad . * cont. ha. l. 3. t. 1. * dissert . 4. ● . 19. sect. 11 , 12. * lib. 3. c. 4. * dissert . 4. 21 , 22. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. 6. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * commen . in isa . p. 104. clem , ad corin. p. 54 , * l. 4. c. 23. * geo. lib. 13. * can. 2. * ep. 52. pag. 57. * l. 4. c. 2● . * in luc. hom. 6. † l. 3. c. 35. 36. catal. script . & ad h●lvid c. 9. dissert . 2. c. 24. * perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in both places . * diss . 2. c. 9. sect 6 &c. ceci censur● . * see n●m . 55. ad uxor . l. 2. c. ult . de pudic. c. 4. * demster . appar ad hist . scot. l. 1. c. 6. † eccle. hist. l. 1. c. 13. * lib. 8. de signis eccl. c. 1. † li. 2. c. 4. * l. 3. c. c. † see baron . annal. tom. 5. anno. 429. sect. 2. * adv. coll●s . in fine . * see bede l. 2. c. 4. scotos nihil discripar● à britonibus in eorum conversatione didicimus , and c. 19. & l. 3. c. 3. hoc enim ordine septentrionalis scotorum provincia & ●●nis n●tio pictorū pascha dominicum ●●lebrabat . 69 ▪ * l. 5. c. 23. † l. 5. c. 4. strom. 6. * l. 4. c. 44. * euseb . l. 3. c. 39. d blondel apol. pag. 38. * pag. 85. * dissert . 3. cap 10. * in t●to o● be 〈…〉 ut unus de pre●byteris 〈…〉 ad quem omnis ecclisiae cura 〈◊〉 , ut schisatum semi●● toilcrentur , and paulatim ut diss●● sionum semina t●llercutur , ad unum omnis ●oll●itudo d●ela● a est . com ad tit. * append. p 129 † append. p. 131. append p. 13● . p. 143. l. ● . c. 10. * apol. p. 57. † appar . ad . lib. de prim. * append p. 133 a view of some exceptions which have been made by a romanist to the ld viscount falkland's discourse of the infallibility of the church of rome submitted to the censure of all sober christians : together with the discourse itself of infallibility prefixt to it. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1650 approx. 543 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 104 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45471 wing h610 estc r15560 12158757 ocm 12158757 55236 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45471) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55236) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 600:9) a view of some exceptions which have been made by a romanist to the ld viscount falkland's discourse of the infallibility of the church of rome submitted to the censure of all sober christians : together with the discourse itself of infallibility prefixt to it. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. falkland, lucius cary, viscount, 1610?-1643. of the infallibility of the church of rome. the second edition newly corrected. [6], 200 p. printed by j.g. for r. royston ..., london : 1650. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -infallibility. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a view of some exceptions which have been made by a romanist to the l d viscount falkland's discourse of the infallibility of the chvrch of rome . submitted to the censure of all sober christians . together with the discourse it self of infallibility prefixt to it . the second edition newly corrected . london . printed by j. g. for r. royston at the angel in ivie-lane . m.dc.l . to the reader . the length and quality of this insuing trouble will seem to have been given the reader somewhat impertinently , if a brief account be not first rendred of the occasion thereof . the sad effects of the present differences , and divisions of this broken kingdome , having made peace , and unity , and infallibility , such pretious desireable things , that if there were but one wish offered to each man among us , it would certainly , with a full consent , be laid out on this one treasure , the setting up some catholick umpire , or daies-man , some visible , infallible definer of controversies ; the pretenders to that infallibility , having the luck to be alone in that pretension , have been lookt on with some reverence , and ( by those who knew nothing of their grounds , or arguments ) acknowledged to speake , if not true , yet seasonably ; and having so great an advantage upon their auditors ( their inclinations , and their wishes to finde themselves overcome , going along with every argument that should be brought them ) and so a faire probable entrance , by that inlet of their affections , to their minds , they began to redouble their industry , and their hopes , and instead of the many particulars of the romish doctrine , which they were wont to offer proofe for in the retaile , now to set all their strength upon this one in grosse , and by the compendiousnesse of that course to expect a more easie reception , then formerly they had met with ; the very gaines , and conveniences , that attend this doctrine of theirs , if it were true , being to flesh and blood ( which all men have not the skill of putting off ) mighty topicks of probability that it is so . to discover the danger of this sweet potion , or rather , to shew how farre it is from being what it it pretends , and so to exchange the specious for the sound , the made-dish for the substantiall food ( allowing the universall church the authority of an irrefragable testimony , and the present age of the romish church , as much of our beliefe , as it hath of conformity with the universall of all ages ) but not a priviledge of not being able to say false whatsoever it saith , and so to set us in the safer though longer way , thereby to whet our industry in the chase of truth , in stead of assuring our selves that we cannot erre ( which is not a vertue , but an excellency , not a grace to be crown'd , but a great part of the crowne it selfe , reserv'd for another world , a felicity , but not a duty ) this discourse of the lord viscount falkland's was long since designed ; as also to remove the great scandals , and obstacles , which have obstructed all way of hope to that universall aime of all true christians , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , catholick harmony which iamblicus talkes of in the spheares above , but would found better in this vault ( this arch to beare up those spheares ) the church below , the universall peace of christendome ; for to this nothing is more unreconcileably contrary than pretensions to infallibility in any part of it ; all such making it unlawfull either for themselves to mend , or others to be endured , shutting out all possibility either of compliance , or charity , or reformation in their owne , or mercy to other mens errours . what was thus by his lordship designed in all justice , was by an intire lover of peace and truth published in all charity , to resist and check a threatning tempest , which rising from out present evils , was apt ( if it did not begin ) to shake some . the printing of this tract presently provoked an assertor of that infallibility , to take upon him the answering of it , and to complaine that an answer which had been by the same hand given it formerly , was not permitted to attend it into publick . this then being a second care , was probably to have arrived to a higher degree of perfection , and indeed among the favourers of that pe●swasion , was cried up for so satisfactory a piece , that it was delivered to a member of the church of england , as unanswerable . from him it came to those hands , which returned it to the authour with this ensuing rejoynder , withall intimating , that since in his , he seemed to wish the same freedome of the presse , which his lordship had found , both the answer and the reply should be recommended thither , if he pleased . after he had detained the reply some weeks , he was pleased to returne it with a protestation , that he neither intended , nor would permit his to become publicke , pretending ( that i may give you his owne words ) his treatise to have been no finish'd worke , but onely a first draught , or inchoation , ventured abroad , to explore the judgements op one of two intelligent adversaries , that so the authour by his second ( he might have said third ) thoughts , might be better able to understand , what was to be altered in it , what added or what taken a way , either as superfluous , or offensive , and till that act was done , and withall till an approbation and license given by those , to whom it belonged , neither the worke , nor any line of it , is to be acknowledged or vouched by the authour . and so both were returned with some few alterations and additions in his answer , and marginall notes on the reply , and one sheet at the end of them , containing a new scheme of probation , of the pretended infallibility , and a preloquium to it , wherein the passage just now mentioned , is interminis recited . this the replicant ( to avoid all appearance of severity ) was content to accept for sad earnest , and therefore freely exprest his willignesse to give the authour leave to provide a new answer to his lordships-treatise , which he might be willing to owne in publicke , which when he should doe , promise was made to prepare a speedy answer thereunto , and on those termes to be content to lay aside the former . that this should be done , was affirmed on one part , and on the other expected some months with patience , till at length the answerers pleasure was made knowne , that that resolution was put off , and that in stead of so meane a combat either with his lordship , or this replicant , he was pleased now to designe a full discourse on that subject , without taking notice of either , any farther , than he should thinke fit to take in his way any thing by them objected against his position , and that this should be printed beyond the seas . when this will be performed i cannot tell . onely this is now discerned ( somewhat contrary to expectation ) that what hath been disclaimed by him , is extolled by others , and the weaknesse of the replicant sufficiently despised ; wherein though he hath not much temptation to thinke himself injured , being ready to acknowledge the emptynesse of these papers ( and more then so , to render a reason of it , viz : the fate which they were under , by a necessity of attending this apologist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which yeilded them occasion of little variety , unlesse they would extravagate . ) yet could he not resist the reasons which charged it on him as a duty , thus confidently to importune the reader with the view of the whole matter , as farre as it hath past between them ; setting downe that answer to , and this vindication of his lordships arguments by chapters , and then ( not doe him the least injustice ) adding in the end of all , the answerers marginall replyes , and that concluding sheet ( that even now was mentioned ) with a rejoynder to that also . by all this , endeavouring to lay grounds , for all men to judge , how little truth there is in that so epidemicall perswasion , that there is no middle , betwixt asserting an infallible judge , and the falling headlong into all the schismes , and haeresies of this present age . my conscience assuring me , that the grounds on which the establish'd church of england is founded , are of so rare an excellent mixture , that as none but intelligent truely christian minds can sufficiently value the composition , so there is no other in europe , so likely to preserve peace and unity , if what prudent lawes had so long agoe designed , they now were able to uphold ; for want of which and which onely it is , that at present the whole fabricke lyes polluted in confusion and in blood , and hopes not for any binding up of wounds , for restauration of any thing , that lookes like christian , till the faith of the reformed english have the happinesse to be weighed prudently , and the military sword being timely sheathed , the power and lawes of peace be returned into those hands , which are ordained by god the defenders of it . h. h. of the infallibility of the church of rome . a discourse written by the lord viscount falkland . section 1 to him that doubts whether the church of rome have any errors , they answer , that she hath none , for she never can have any . this being so much harder to believe than the first , had need be proved by some certaine arguments , if they expect that the belief of this one should draw on whatsoever else they please to propose : yet this is offered to be proved by no better wayes than those by which we offer to prove she hath erred : which are , arguments from scripture , reason , and antient writers ; all which , they say themselves , are fallible ; for nothing is not so , but the church ; which if it be the onely infallible determination , and that can never be believed upon its owne authority , we can never infallibly know that the church is infallible : for these other waies of proof ( they say ) may deceive both them and us ; and so neither side is bound to believe them . section 2 if they say , that an argument out of scripture is sufficient ground of divine faith , why are they so offended with the protestants for believing every part of their religion upon that ground , upon which they build all theirs at once ? and if following the same rule with equall desire of finding the truth by it , ( having neither of those qualities , which isidorus pelusiota sayes , are the causes of all heresies ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pride and prejudication ) why should god be more offended with the one than the other , though they chance to erre ? section 3 they say the church is therefore made infallible by god , that all men may have some certain guide ; yet though it be infallible , unlesse it both plainly appeare to be so , ( for it is not certaine to whom it doth not appeare certaine ) and unlesse it be manifest which is the church , god hath not attained his end ; and it were to set a ladder to heaven , and seem to have a great care of my going up , whereas unlesse there be care taken that i may know this ladder is here to that purpose , it were as good for me it had never been set . section 4 if they say we may know it , for that generall and constant tradition instructs us in it ; i answer , that ignorant people cannot know this , and so it can be no rule for them ; and if learned people mistake in this , there can be no condemnation for them . for suppose to know , whether the church of rome may erre , ( as a way which will conclude against her , but not for her ; for if she hath erred , certainly she may , but though she hath not erred hitherto , it followes not that she cannot erre ) i seeke whether she have erred ; and conceiving she hath contradicted her selfe , conclude necessarily , she hath erred , i suppose it not damnable though i erre in my judgement : because i trie the church by one of those touch-stones her self appoints me ; which is , conformity with the antient. for to say i am to believe the present church that it differs not from the former , though it seem to me to doe so , is to send me to a witnesse , and bid me not believe it . section 5 now to say the church is provided for a guide of faith , but must be known by such marks as the ignorant cannot seek it by , and the learned may chance not to find it by , though seeking it with all diligence , and without all prejudice , can no way satisfie me . section 6 if they say , god will reveal the truth to whosoever seeks it in these wayes sincerely ; this saying both sides will ( without meanes of being confuted ) make use of ; therefore it would be as good that neither did . section 7 when they have proved the church to be infallible ; yet to my understanding they have proceeded nothing farther , unlesse we can be sure which is it ; for it signifies onely that god will alwaies have a church which shall not erre ; but not that such or such a succession shall be alwaies in the right ; not that the bishop of such a place , and the clergy that adheres to him , shall alwaies continue in the true faith . so that if they say the greek church is not the church , because by its owne confession it is not infallible ; i answer , that it may be now the church , and may hereafter erre , and so not be now infallible ; and yet the church never erre , because before their fall from truth , others may arise to maintain it , who then will be the church ; and so the church may still be infallible ; though not in respect of any set persons whom we may know at all times for our guide . section 8 then if they prove the church of rome to be the true church , and not the greeke , because their opinions are consonant either to scripture or antiquity , they run into a circle , proving their tenets to be true ; first , because the church holds them , and then theirs to be the true church , because it holds the truth : which last , though it appeare to me the onely way , yet it takes away it's being a guide which we may follow without examination , without which , all they say besides is nothing . section 9 nay , suppose they had evinced , that some succession were infallible , and so had proved to a learned man that the roman church must be this , because none else pretends to it ; yet this can be no sufficient ground to the ignorant , who cannot have any infallible foundation for their beliefe , that the church of greece pretends not to the same ; and even to the learned it is but an accidentall argument , because if any other company had likewise claimed to be infallible , it had overthrowne all so proved . section 10 nay , it is but an arbitrary argument , and depends upon the pleasure of the adversary ; for , if any society of christians would pretend to it , the church of rome could make use of it no longer . section 11 the chiefest reason why they disallow of the scripture for judge , is , because when differences arise about the interpretation , there is no way to end them ; and that it will not stand with the goodnesse of god , to damne men for not following his will , if he had assigned no infallible way how to find it . i confesse this to be wonderfull true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and let them excuse themselves that think otherwise . yet this will be no argument against him , who believes that to all who follow their reason in the interpretation of the scriptures , and search for tradition , god will either give his grace for assistance to find the truth , or his pardon if they misse it : and then this supposed necessity of an infallible guide , with this supposed damnation for want of it , fall together to the ground . section 12 if they command us to believe infallibly the contrary to this , they are to prove it false by some infallible way , ( for the conclusion must be of the same nature , and not conclude more then the premisses set downe , ) now such a way , scripture and reason , or infused faith cannot be , ( for they use to object the fallibility of them to those that build their religion upon them ) nor the authority of the church , for that is part of the question , and must be it selfe first proved , and that by none of the former waies , for the former reasons . section 13 the popes infallibility can be no infallible ground of faith , being it selfe no necessary part of the faith ; ( & we can be no surer of any thing proved , then we are of that which proves it ) and if he be fallible , no part is the more infallible for his sideing with them . so if the church be divided , i have no way to know which is the true church , but by searching which agrees with scripture and antiquity , and so judging accordingly . ( but this is not to submit my selfe to her opinions as my guide , which they tell us is necessary . ) which course if they approve not of as a fit one for a learned man , they are in a worse case for the ignorant , who can take no course at all , nor is the better at all , for this guide , the church ; whilest two parts dispute which is it , and that by arguments he understands not . section 14 if i granted the pope , or a counsell by him called , to be infallible , yet i conceive their decrees can be no sufficient ground ( by their owne axiomes ) of divine faith . for first ( say the most ) no councell is valid not approved by the pope , ( for thus they overthrow that held at ariminum ) & a pope chosen by symony is ipso facto no pope . i can then have no certainer ground for the infallibility of those decrees , and consequently for my beleife of them , then i have that the choice of him was neither directly nor indirectly symoniacall ; which to be certain of , is absolutely impossible . section 15 secondly , suppose him pope , and to have confirmed the decrees ; yet that these are the decrees of a councell , or that he hath confirmed them ▪ i can have but an uncontradicted attestation of many men , ( for if another councell should declare these to have been the acts of a former councell , i should need againe some certaine way of knowing how this declaration is a councells ) which is no ground ( say they ) of faith , i am sure not so good and generall a one as that tradition by which we prove that the scripture is scripture , which yet they will not allow any to be certaine of but from them . section 16 thirdly , for the sence of their decrees , i can have no better expounder to follow then reason ; which if , though i mistake , i shall not be damned for following , why shall i for mistaking the sence of scripture ? or why am i a lesse fit interpreter of one , then of the other , where both seeme equally cleare ? and where they seem so ( i meane equally cleare ) and yet contradictory , shall i not as soon believe scripture , which is , without doubt , of at least as great authority ? section 17 but i doubt whether councells be fit deciders of questions ; for such they cannot be , if they beget more , and men have cause to be in greater doubts afterwards ( none of the former being diminished ) then they were at first . section 18 now i conceive there arise so many out of this way , that the learned cannot end all , nor the ignorant know all . as ( besides the forenamed considerations ) who is to call them , the pope , or kings : who are to have voices in them ; bishops only , or priests also : whether the pope or councell be superiour ; and the last need the approbation of the first , debated among themselves : whether any countries not being called , or not being there ( as the abissines , to great a part of christianity , and not resolvedly condemned by them for heretiques , were absent at the councell of trent ) make it not generall : whether if it be one not every where received ( as when the bishops sent from some places have exceeded their commission , as in the councell of florence ) it be yet of necessity to be subscribed to : whether there were any surreption used or force , and whether those disanull the acts : whether the most voyces are to be held the act of the councell , or those of all are required , ( as canus saith , all the councell cannot erre , the most may ; which never yet agreed ) or whether two parts will serve ( as in the tridentine synode , ) a considerable doubt , because nicephorus callistus relateing the resolution of a councell at rome against that of ariminum makes them give three reasons . one , that the bishop of rome was not present . the second , that most did not agree to it . thirdly , that others thither gathered were displeased at their resolutions : which proves , that in their opinions , if either most not present agree not to it , or , all present be not pleased with it , a councell hath no power to bind . all these doubts , i say , perswade me that whatsoever brings with it so many new questions , can be no fit ender of the old . section 19 in those things in which , before a generall councell have defined , it is lawfull to hold either way , and damnable to doe so after ; i desire to know how it agreeth with the charity of the church , to define any thing , and so bestow upon the devil one path more for us to walke in to him ? section 20 if the infallibility of a generall councell be a point of faith , i desire to know why it is so ? scripture and tradition seem to me not to say so : but if they did , so , i suppose , you will grant they do of this doctrine , [ that the soules of the blessed shall see god before the day of judgment , and not be kept in secret receptacles : ] for , else the doctrine of prayer to saints cannot stand : and yet for denying this , doth bellarmine excuse pope john 22. ( of which beliefe they know he was not alone ) because the church ( he means , i doubt not , a generall councell ) had not then condemned it . i desire to know , why should not he be condemned as well without one as many heretiques that are held so by their church , yet condemned by no generall councell ? which if he makes to be the rule of heresie , it had been happy to have lived before the councell of nice , when no opinion had been damnable , but some against the apostles councell at hierusalem , because there had yet been no generall councell : section 21 at least , why shall not i be excused by the same reason , though i believe not a councell to be infallible , since i never heard that any councell hath decreed that they are so ? neither , if it have , can we be bound by that decree , unlesse made certaine some other way that it selfe is so . section 22 if you say , we must believe it because of tradition ; i answer , sometimes you will have the not believing any thing , though not declared by a councell , to have power enough to damne ; ( that is , when it makes against us ) at other times the church hath not decreed , unlesse a councell have , and their errour is pardonable , and they good catholiques . section 23 next , ( as i have asked before ) how shal an ignorant man know it ? for he , in likelyhood , can speak but with a few , from whom he cannot know that all of the church of rome's part doe now , and in past ages have believed it to be tradition so certainly as to make it a ground of faith , ( unlesse he have some revelation that those deceive him not . ) neither indeed can those that should enforme him of the opinions of former times be certainly enformed themselves ; for truly if ( as they would perswade us ) the relation of papias could cosen so farre all the prime doctors of the christian church into the belief of the doctrine of the millenaries , so as that no one of those two first ages opposed it , ( which appears plain enough , because those that after rose up against this opinion , never quoted any for themselves before dionys : alexandrinus , who lived at least 250 yeares after christ . ) nay , if those first men did not onely believe it as probable , but justin martyr saies he holds it , and so do all that are in all parts orthodox christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . irenaeus sets it down directly for a tradition , and relates the very words that christ used when he taught this ; ( which is plainer than any other tradition is proved , or said to be ( out of antiquity ) by them . ) if ( i say ) these could be so deceived , why might not other of the antients as well be by others deceived in other points ? and then , what certainty shall the learned have , when after much labour they thinke they can make it appeare that the antients thought any thing tradition , that indeed it was so ? and that either the folly , or the knavery of some papias deceived them not ? i confesse it makes me think of some that tully speaks of , who ( arcem amittunt , dum propugnacula defendunt ) lose the fort , whilst they defend the out-works ; for , whilst they answer this way the arguments of tradition for the opinion of the chiliasts , they make unusefull to them the force of tradition to prove any thing else by . for which cause it was rather wisely than honestly done of them , who before fevardentius set him forth , left out that part of irenaeus which we alledge ( though we need it not much , for many of the fathers take notice of this belief of his : ) yet he justifies himself for doing it by a worse blow to them than this it self , which is , saying , that if they leave out all errours in the books they publish , ( that is , i suppose , all opinions contrary to the church of rome ) bona pars scriptorum patrum orthodoxorum evanesceret , a good part of the writings of the orthodox fathers must vanish away . section 24 but the tradition that can be found out of ancients ( since their witnessing may deceive us ) hath much lesse strength when they argue onely thus : sure so many would not say this is true , and joyne in opinions , if there were no tradition for them . i would have you remember they can deliver their opinion possibly , but either before the controversie arise in the church ( upon some chance ) or after . if before , it is confest that they write not cautiously enough ; and so they answer all they seem to say for arius and pelagius his faith , before themselves , and so consequently their controversie ( though it may be not their opinion ) arose . if after , then they answer often ( if any thing be by them at that time spoken against them ) that the heat of disputation brought it from them , and their resolutions to oppose heretiques enough ; i desire it may be lawfull for us to answer so too , either one of these former wayes ; or that it is ( as often they say too ) some hyperbole , when you presse us in any thing with the opinions of fathers . at least , i am sure if they may deceive us with saying a thing is a tradition , that is not , we may be sooner deceived if we wil say and conclude it for a tradition , when they speake it onely as a truth , and ( for ought appeares ) their particular opinion . section 25 for besides , if when salvian , comparing the arians with evill livers , ( and that after they were condemned by a councell ) extenuates , ( by reason of their beleiving themselves in the right ) with much instance the fault of the arians , and sayes , how they shall be punisht for it in the day of judgement , none can know but the judge . if ( i say ) they confesse it to be his opinion , they must also confesse the doctrine of their church to be different from that of salvian's times ; because he was allowed a member of that for all this saying ; whereas he of the church of rome that should say so of us would be accounted sesqui haereticus , a heretique and a half : or else they must say ( which they can only say and not prove ) that he was so earnest against ill men , that for the aggravation of their crime he lessened that of the heretiques , and said , what at another time he would not have said ; which if they doe , will it not overthrow wholly the authority of the fathers ? since we can never infallibly know what they thought at all times , frō what they were moved to say by some collateral consideration . section 26 next to this certaine and undoubted damning of all out of the church of rome , which averseth me from it ; comes their putting all to death , or at least paines , that are so , where they have power : which is an effect , though not a necessary one , of the first opinion ; and that averseth me yet more ; for i doe not believe all to be damned whom they damne , but i conceive all to be killed whom they kill . i am sure if you look upon constantine's epistle , written to perswade concord upon the first disagreement between alexander & arrius , you will find that he thought ( and if the bishops of his time had at first thought otherwise , he would have been sure better informed ) that neither side deserved either death or damnation , ( and yet sure this question was as great as ever rose since : ) for having spoken of the opinions as things so indifferent , that the reader might almost think they had been fallen out at spurn-point or ketle-pins , he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for that which is necessary is one thing , that all agree and keep the same faith about divine providence . i am sure in the same author , moses , a man praised by him , refusing to be made bishop by lucius because he was an arrian , and he answering , that he did ill to refuse it before he knew what his faith was ; answered , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the banishing of bishops shews enough your faith . so that it is plaine he thought punishing for opinions to be a marke which might serve him to know false opinions by . section 27 i believe throughout antiquity you will find no putting any to death , unlesse it be such as begin to kill first , ( as the circumcollians or such like ) i am sure christian religions chief glory being that it increased by being persecuted , and having that advantage of the mahumetan ( which came in by force ) me thinks , especially since synesius hath told us , and reason told men so before synesius , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every thing is destroyed by the contrary to what setled and composed it . it should be to take ill care of christianity , to seek to hold it up by turkish meanes : at least , it must breed doubts , that if the religion had alwaies remained the same , it would not be defended by waies so contrary to those by which it was propagated . section 28 i desire recrimination may not be used : for though it be true that calvin hath done it , and the church of england a little , ( which is a little too much ) for , negare manifesta non audeo , & excusare immodica non possum , yet she , confessing she may erre , is not so chargeable with any fault as those which pretend they cannot , ( and so will be sure never to mend it : ) and besides , i will be bound to defend no more than i have undertaken , which is , to give reasons why the church of rome is fallible . section 29 i confesse this opinion of damning so many , and this custome of burning so many , this breeding up those who know nothing else in any point of religion , yet to be in readiness to crie , to the fire with him , and , to hell with him , ( as polybius saith in a certaine furious faction of an army of severall nations , and consequently languages , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all of them understood onely this word , throw at him ) this i say in my opinion was it chiefly which made so many so suddenly leave the church of rome , that indeed , to borrow the authours phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — they needed not perswasion to doe it , but onely newes that others had begun : for , as this alone , if believed , makes all the rest be so too ; so one thing alone mis-liked , overthrowes also all the rest . section 30 if it were granted that , because it agrees not with the goodnesse of god to let men want an infallible guide , therefore there must be one ; and that the church of rome were that one ; yet if that teach any thing , to my understanding , contrary to gods goodnesse , i am not to receive her doctrine , for the same cause for which they would have me receive it , ( it being as good an argument : this guide teaches things contrary to gods goodnesse , therefore is not appointed by god ; as to say , it is agreeable to his goodnesse there should be a guide , therefore there is one . ) and sure it is lawfull to examine particular doctrines , whether they agree with that principle which is their foundation ; and to that ( me thinks ) to damne him that neither with negligence nor prejudication searcheth what is gods will , though he misse of it , is as contrary as the first can be supposed . section 31 i would know whether he that never heard of the church of rome shall yet be damned for not believing her infallible . i have so good an opinion of them , as to assure my self they will answer , he shall not . i will then aske , whether he that hath searched what religions they are , and finds hers to be one , and her infallibility to be part of it , if his reason will not assent to that , shall he be damned for being inquisitive after truth ? ( for he hath committed no other fault greater then the other ) and whether such an ignorance ( i mean after impartiall search ) be not of all other the most invincible ? section 32 nay , grant the church to be infallible , yet , me thinks , he that denies it , and imployes his reason to seeke if it be true , should be in as good case as he that believes it , and searcheth not at all the truth of the proposition he receives : for i cannot see why he should be saved , because , by reason of his parents beliefe , or the religion of the country , or some such accident , the truth was offered to his understanding , when had the contrary been offered he would have received that ; and the other damned that beleeves falshood , upon as good ground as the other doth truth ; unlesse the church be like a conjurers circle , that will keep a man from the devill though he came into it by chance . section 33 they grant that no man is an heretique that believes not his heresie obstinately ; and if he be no heretique , he may sure be saved . it is not then certain damnation for any man to deny the infallibility of the roman church : but for him onely that denies it obstinately , and then i am safe ; for i am sure i doe not . section 34 neither can they say , i shall be damned for schisme , though not for heresie , for he is as well no schismatique , though in schisme , that is willing to joyne in communion with the true church , when it appeares to be so to him ; as he is no heretique though he hold hereticall opinions , that holds them not obstinately , that is ( as i suppose ) with a desire to be informed if he be in the wrong . section 35 why , if it be not necessary alwayes to believe the truth , so one believe in generall what the church would have believed , ( for so they excuse great men that have held contrary opinions to theirs now , before they were defined , or they knew them to be so ) why ( i say ) shall not the same implicit assent to whatsoever god would have assented to ( though i mistake what it is ) be sufficient ? when indeed to beleeve implicitly what god would have believed , is to believe implicitly likewise what the church teacheth , if this doctrine be within the number of those which god commands to be believed . section 36 i have therefore the lesse doubt of this opinion , that i shall have no harme for not beleeving the infallibilitie of the church of rome , because of my being so farre from leaning to the contrary , and so suffering my will to have power over my understanding , that if god would leave it to me which tenet should be true , i would rather choose that that should , then the contrary . for they may well beleeve me , that i take no pleasure in tumbling hard and unpleasant bookes , and making my selfe giddy with disputing of obscure questions & dazled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , section 37 if i could believe , there should alwayes be ( whom i might alwaies know ) a society of men , whose opinions must be certainly true , and who would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , labour to discusse & define all arising doubts so as i might be excusably at ease , and have no part left for me but that of obedience , which must needs be a less difficult , and so a more agreeable way then to endure endlesse volumes of commentaries , the harsh greeke of evagrius , and the as hard latine of ireneus , and be pained by distinguishing betweene different senses and various lections , and he would deserve not the lowest place in bedlam that would preferre these studies before so many , so much more pleasant , that would rather imploy his understanding , then submit it ; and if he could thinke god imposed upon him only the resisting temptations , would , by way of addition , require from himselfe the resolving of doubts . i say not that all these bookes are to be read by those who understand not the languages , for them , i conceive , their seeking into scripture may suffice . but if i have , by gods grace , skill to look into them , i cannot better use it then in the search of his will , where they say it is to be found , that i might assent to them if there i finde reason for it ; or if i doe not , they may have no excuse for not excusing me . section 38 for whereas they say , it is pride makes us doubt of their infallibility ; i answer , that their too much lazinesse and impatience of examining is the cause many of them doe not doubt . section 39 next , what pride is it , never to assent before i find reason for it , ( since they , when they follow that church as infallible , pretend reason for it , and will not say they would , if they thought they found none ) and if they say , we doe find reason but will not confesse it , then pride hinders not our assent , but our declaration of it ; which if it do in any one , he is without question , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , condemned by himselfe , and it must be a very partiall advocate that would strive to acquit him . section 40 one much prevailing argument which they make , is this , that whosoever leave them , fall into dissention betweene themselves , whereas they in the meane while are alwayes at unity . i answer , first , in this whereof the question is now , they all consent . secondly , when there is fire for them that disagree , they need not bragge of their uniformity who consent . thirdly , they have many differences among them ( as whether the pope be infallible ; whether god predeterminate every action ; whether election and reprobation depend upon foresight ; ) which seeme to me as great as any betweene their adversaries ; and in the latter the jesuits have ancienter and more generall traditions on their side ; then the church of rome hath in any other question ; and as much ground from reason for the defence of gods goodnesse , as they can thinke they have for the necessity of an infallible guide ; yet these arguments must not make the dominicans heretiques , and must us . section 41 if they say , the church hath not resolved it ( which signifies only , that they are not agreed about it , which is that we object ) i answer , it ought to have done , if conformity to the ancient church be required ; in which all that ever i could heare of before saint austin ( who is very various i confesse in it ) delivered the contrary to the dominicans , as not doubtfull ; and to say , it is lawfull for them to disagree whensoever they doe not agree , is ridiculous : for they cannot doe both at once about the same point . section 42 and if they say , they meane , by the churches not having concluded it , that a councell hath not , i answer , that they condemne some without any , and why not these ? next , i say that the opinion of the diffused church is of more force then the conclusion of a representative ( which hath its authority from the other ) and therefore if all extant for foure hundred years teach any thing , it is more heresie to deny that , then any canon of a councell . section 43 but may not howsoever any other company of people ( that would maintain themselves to be infallible ) say as much , that all other sects differ from one another , and therefore should all agree with them ? would those not ( think they ) ascribe all other mens dissentions , and learned mens falling into divers heresies to their not allowing their infalibility ? to their not assenting to their decrees ? and not suffering them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sit as teachers of those things that come in question , and to have all others in that place of disciples obedient to them ? which is that which nilus , a greek bishop , professeth , that because the greeks would not allow the romans , was the only cause of seperation between them . section 44 they use much to object , how could errours come into the church without opposition and mention both of that opposition in history ? i answer , they might come in not at once , but by degrees ; as in the growth of a child , and the motion of a clock , we see neither in the present , but know there was a present when we find it past . next , so many authors being lost , who can make it certaine to me that from none of those , we should have had notice of this opposition , if they had come to us ? next , i say there are two sorts of errours , to hold a thing necessary that is unlawfull and false , or that is but profitable and probable : of the second sort that errours should come in , it appears not hard to me , and especially in those ages where want of printing made books , and consequently learning not so common as now it is ; where the few that did study busied themselves in school-speculations only , when the authority of a man of chief note had a more generall influence then now it hath , and so ( as thucydodes saith , the plague did in his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the disease that first setled in the head easily passed through all the body ) considering how apt all men are to desire that all men should think as they doe , and consequently to lay a necessity upon thee reciving that opinion , if they conceived that a way to have it received : and then if it were beleeved generally profitable , ( as for example , confession ) who would be apt to oppose their calling it necessary , for the same cause for which they called it so ? besides , if this errour were delivered by some father in the hot opposition of some heretique , it may be none of his side would oppose it , lest they might take advantage by their dissention , and he that disputed for the orthodox side , might lose by it much of his authority . section 45 the word [ necessary ] it selfe is often used for very convenient ; and then from necessary in that sense to absolutely necessary , is no difficult change , though it be a great one . the fathers use heretiques sometimes in a large sense , and sometimes in a stricter , and so differ in the reckoning them up ; some leaving out those that others put in ( though they had seene the precedent catalogue : ) the doubtfulnesse of the sense of those words might bring in errour . names , as an altar , sacrifice , masse , may have been used first in one sense , and the name retained , though the thing signified received change ; which may have been the art of the church of rome , as it was once of an emperour of rome , cui proprium fuit nuper reperta ( i leave out s●●lera ) priscis verbis obtegere , whose property it was to cover things newly found out with ancient tearmes . and the same author tells us , that the same state was as it were cheated out of her liberty , because there did remaine , eadem magistratuum vocabula , the same titles of magistrates ; and i believe that if the protestants beyond the seas would have thought bishops as good a word as superintendents , ( and so in other such things ) many , who understand nothing but names , would have missed the scandall they have now taken . section 46 these waies ( i thinke ) things may have come , without much opposition , from being thought profitable to be done , and probable to be believed , to be thought necessary to be both : and how many things little by little may have been received under old names , which would not have been so at once under new ones ? ( the first of these being no such small fault but that part of the montanists heresie was thinking uncommanded fasting-daies necessary to be observed , which without doubt might lawfully have been kept . ) section 47 but my maine answer is , that if for an opinion to be in the church without known precedent opposition , be a certain note of being received from the beginning , let them answer , how came in the opinion of the chiliasts not contradicted till two hundred years after it came in . section 48 to conclude , if they can prove that the scripture may be a certainer teacher of truths to them then to us , so that they may conclude the infallibility of the church out of it , and we nothing ; if they can prove the churches infallibility to be a sufficient guide for him that doubts which is the church , and cannot examine that ( for want of learning ) by her chiefe marke , which is conformity with the ancient ; if they can prove that the consent of fathers long together ( if they had it ) is a stronger argument against us , then against rhe dominicans ; if they can prove that though the first of them affirme that such a thing is tradition , and believed by all christians ( and this assertion till a great while after uncontradicted ) yet they are not bound to receive it , and , upon lesse grounds , we are ; if indeed any can prove by any infallible way the infallibility of the church of rome , and the necessity under paine of damnation for all men to believe it , ( which were the more strange , because justin martyr , and clemens alexandrinus among the ancients , and erasmus and ludovicus vives among the modernes , beleive some pagans to be saved ) i will subscribe to it , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . section 49 if any man shall vouchsafe to think either this , or the author of it , of value enough to confute the one , and enforme the other , i shall desire him to doe it with proceeding to the businesse , and not standing upon any small slip of mine , ( of which sort this may be full ) and with that civility which is fit to be used by men that are not so passionate as to have the definition of reasonable creatures in vaine ; ( remembring that truth , in likelyhood , is where her author god was , in the still voice , and not in the loud winde ; and that epiphanius excuseth himselfe if he have called any heretiques in his anger , deceivers , or wretches , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and i request him also to bring me to the truth , ( if i be out of it ) not only by his arguments , but also by his prayers : which wayes , if he use , and i still continue on the part i am of , and yet doe neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neither am wilfully blind , nor deny impudently what i see , then i am confident that neither he will have reason to be offended with me in this world , nor god in the next . falkland . a view of the exceptions , which have been made by a romanist to the lord viscount falkland's discourse , of the infallibility of the church of rome . septemb . 11. 1645. this day there came to my hands , a treatise apologeticall , touching the infallibility of the church catholique , in answer to another of the like argument lately published . and although i have no temptation to spend any more time upon it then a single reading hath cost me ; nor to think it so dangerous a piece , that i should not venture it abroad with the weakest sonnes of my mother , without an appendant antidote , or defensative against the poison of it , especially being not obliged ( in any other notion , then that of the respect i beare to the honour and memory of that noble lord ) to vindicate his discourse from the exceptions here offer'd ; yet being not sure , that i can excuse the so excessive thrift of a few houres ( which yet i could very gladly otherwise employ , then in drawing one end of a saw in a controversie of this nature ) i shall give the author of the exceptions or apology , ( in as few words as is possible ) the reasons why i am not moved by them , much lesse perswaded that they are so extraordinarily lucky , as to give , as is pretended , full answer , to all that master chillingworth's large book hath superstructed on this foundation . and this i shall doe in such a manner , that it may appeare , that i desire onely to satisfie his reason , and not make him payment of his scoffes or triumphs , in that spirit of meeknesse , which is proper for the restoring of one overtaken in an errour , ( hoping in charity that he is such ) of an infirme , not a malicious mistaker . and the first thing we have to view , is that which is entituled , a note upon the title of the adversarie's . c. 1. we against whom this enquirer writes , or rather to whom he propounds his difficulties , with a pretending desire of procuring a satisfaction , are defenders of the catholique churches infabillity ; which churches chief pastour , or metropolitan , though he be particular bishop of rome , as of some one place or other he must be , yet neverthelesse from that one portion of it is not the whole and universall church aptly to be stiled the church of rome , as in the enquirers title it is called , no more then the church of england can be rightly termed the church of canterbury , or the protestants of england the canterburians , as the scotch puritans have called them , onely because the chief bishop and primate of the whole kingdome hath his seat at canterbury . by the self same reason then cannot we justly be called romanists , as it hath pleased some protestants to entitle us . the reason of this assertion , is , that rome and canterbury are but small , and onely materiall portions of either church , and therefore no way sufficient to give a denomination to the whole . as then the church of england is wrongfully called the church of canterbury , so , in like manner is the church catholique wrongfully stiled the church of rome , or as such , controverted to be fallible , or infallible , forasmuch as this perfection of being infallible is not claimed by her as she is church of rome , but as she is the catholique , and , according to the appointment of christ , governed by s. peter , and his successours . for this cause we have altered the title , and stated the question in tearmes more proper and formall , enquiring not whether the roman church , but whether the catholique be infallible , and this ought to be the title . but before we enter upon the examination of particular difficulties , the reader may please to know , that this same enquiry was written by the author diverse yeares agoe , in his catholique mothers life time , and was by her mediation forthwith answered at large , and the answer sent unto the enquirer fairly bound up ; in whose hands , though it rested long , yet had it never any reply made unto it , though it was sometime threatned it should . at that very time chillingworths booke began to be in moulding , and it may be that same new labour diverted the enquirer , and altered his designe . now at length in a time most unseasonable , by the frivolous officiousnesse of i know not whom , these old papers are forced to see the light , and to leave their answer behind them . after so meane and creeping a fashion doe they appeare now unto the world . but although no notice hath been taken of any answer made already , or of giving licence for any other to be made hereafter , or , if made to be published in print , and have the advantage to be dispersed abroad in many copies ; yet are we not by this discouraged from composing one , for , though for want of the printers helpe , it shall lye concealed , and in much restraint , yea and be in danger to perish , as the other did before it , yet may this small labour fall , at least , into some few hands , and remove out of their way such dangerous stumbling blockes as have beene cast into it by this enquirer , who , by his casting of doubts , about the method of resolving faith , hath thereby , amongst all those who are not much versed therein , endangered the stability and safety of the whole fabrique , not of catholique religion onely , but of christian in generall . as for the papers themselves , and their particular contents , they , in a word , are chillingworths booke in little , and an embryo of his large volume growne up after , made bigge and bolstered out with many new materials borrowed from baron the scotch minister , and that impious author volkelius , the veines of whose poisonous doctrines and discourses , are observed to runne branching throughout all chillingworths worke . wherefore this small collection containing the substance of the other larger booke , the confutation of this enquirers allegations , cannot but in substance conteine a confutation of all chillingworths delated errors and sophistications , wherewith so many soules have beene perverted , or brought into great troubles and perplexities . c. 1. answer to c. 1. to the exceptions made against the title of the lord viscount falklands discourse , i answer , by saying these few things , section 1 first , that it is no news to heare of the catholique roman church ; it hath frequently beene used and avowed by your owne writers , and as i conceive , is by your selfe acknowledged , when you say , the perfection of being infallible it not claimed by her ( i. e. the church catholique ) as she is the church of rome , but as she is the catholique ; which words by the rules of discourse must suppose you to thinke the catholique church to be capable of a double appellation , roman and catholique , though the perfection there spoken of , belong to it onely under the second notion . and beside you say in another place , that the roman church is the catholique ; whence it will follow , that the catholique is the roman ; and if this be not propriety of speech , his lordship is not to be blamed for it , but you , whose dialect he is faine to use . section 2 this then being presumed to be granted by your writers , and , as i conceive also by you , that the roman church is the catholique church , or that the roman and catholique are two names for the same church , it will certainly follow , that he that affirmes the catholique church to be infallible , must affirme the roman church to be so too , though not quatenus roman . for any particular man being affirmed to be a christian , whatsoever will be true to be said of this christian , will be true to be said of this man ( by the rule of quicquid praedicatur de praedicato , praedicatur de subjecto ) if this christian have a promise made , a priviledge instated on him , this man hath so also , and if any that yeilded the former , shall deny the latter , it will never be sufficient ground or authority for such denying , to affirme , that it was made to him as a christian , and not as a man ; for the whole man being a christian , and not onely some part of him , even that which belongs to him onely for christianities sake , doth as truly belong to him , as that which his humanity gives him title to . section 3 or 2●y. if you have sprang a subtlety , and by helpe of that meane to disclaime the expression of other your friends , and therefore will not allow the roman church , to be in propriety of speech , the catholique church , and yet will agree with them in all but in the expression ; truly you have revealed no great mystery to the world . and as long as you define ( as you do ) the catholique church , ( as it is the subject of the pretended infallibility ) to be that which is governed by saint peter and his successours , we that meane no more by the roman church then that which is so governed , shall assoone beleive the roman church to be infallible , as the catholique under your notion of it . section 4 the short of it is , we shall never agree upon any thing till the equivocall tearmes be explicated , and one single sence of this , as of all other phrases , agreed on betwixt both parties . tell us then plainly that by the catholique church you meane the vniversall all the world over , without any kind of restriction , and not that onely which is governed by the pope of rome , which is a great restriction of the word catholique , ( and must be not onely affirmed but proved by you to be none ) and then i shall thus farre consent with you ; section 5 first , that the vniversall church is in fundamentals infallible ( not from any thing inherent in it selfe , but by a prerogative acquired , i. e. by the promise of christ , that his spirit shall leade them into all truth , and that he will be with them to the end of the world , and the like ; ) but then this infallibility must signifie no more , or be no farther extended , then that christ doth and will so defend his church , that there shall be for ever , till the end of the world , a church christian on the earth , i. e. that the whole church shall not at once make an universall defection , erre from the foundation , or doe any thing by which there shall cease to be a church on earth . section 6 but then 2dly . i say that this very vniversall church , though it be in the sense infallible in fundamentals , is not yet a rule , or canon , or guide , or judge infallible , even in fundamentals ; visible it is , infallible it is , but 't is not a visible judge , or rule infallible . and the reason of this assertion is this , that its infallibility , explained as we have explain'd it , is all that can be certainly inferred from christ's words , ( and that belongs not at all to judicature ) and so any other infallibility that shall be pretended to belong to judicature , must be inferred from some other tenure , or else it will not be inferred . section 7 if you cannot be thus liberall to us , and tell us that by catholique in this question , you meane that catholique without restriction ; tell us then secondly , that you meane a representation of that catholique , i. e. a councell generall , oecumenicall , and then i shall acknowledge many priviledges to belong to that ; an humble , though not an absolute obedience , and in a word , that nothing is to be preferred before it , but the word of god , or the church truly vniversall . yet after all this , that it is not infallible or inerrable , i have the judgement of panormitan , and shall adde his reason also to back it ; because , saith he , * the generall councell is not truly , but onely by representation , the vniversall church , and supposing such a councell to erre , it would not yet follow , that the vniversall church or multitude of all christians doe erre , because 't is possible that some out of the councell doe not erre , yea , and in the councell too , though a major part overcome the better . in this i have the concurrence of occam . dial . p. 3. tr . 1. l. 3. c. 5. cardin. cameracensis . c. 1. waldensis doctrin . fid . l. 2. artic . 3. c. 26. & quest . vesp . arg . 3. ad lit . o. antoninus , to . 1. de sacram . l. 2. c. 19. card. cusanus in summarum par . 3. tit . 23. de concil . general . c. 2. sect . 6. l. 2. concord . cathol . c. 4. et nic. de clemangis , collat. 2. p. 64 , & 73. with this farther confirmation of it from the opinion of the † ancient fathers , evidenced by their practice ; in that ( saith he ) it was solemnly accustomed by them at the beginning of such a councell , by fasting and praying to implore the assistance of the spirit , which had beene a piece of uselesse diligence , if they had been before assured , that they could not be deceived or faile in those things for which they were assembled . which argument , if it doe not infallibly induce the conclusion to those that pray for those things which they are sure of ; yet is it an evidence , that they that use it are of the opinion which they inferre by it , and will be of force to those , that from the mention of some of the ancients praying for the dead , conclude them to be in a mutable state ; as i conceive some of your freinds are wont to doe . to this assertion of ours i might also cite the concordance of the jesuits generally , who that they may fasten all infallibility in the pope alone , attribute nothing at all to a councell but this , that the errour of a councell cannot be confirmed by the pope , which is in effect no more , then that councells begin to be infallible , when the pope confirmes them , i. e. when the councell is at an end ( which kind of infallibility they will afford , i presume , to every heretique , ( and to me while i thus write ) that my errour cannot be confirmed by the pope ) unlesse they will be so bountifull to adde also , that such a councell cannot erre , if it follow the instructions of the pope , which will also be acknowledged true of any the meanest lutheran , or calvinist , as well as of that councell . section 8 if neither of these two be it you meane , then be ingenuous , and tell us , you either mean the pope of rome , as the jesuits doe , or else that you meane those parts of the catholique that are governed by him , and then as we shall tell you , that it is the very thing which we learn't from you to meane by the roman church , so you that affirme that to be the notion of the catholique church , must acknowledge to affirme the same thing to be infallible , which we say you doe affirme , when we propose the question of the roman churches infallibility ; and in this there is no matter of deceit or difficulty , but that that church under the government of the pope , which we affirme to be fallible , even in the highest degree , fallible in fundamentals , you undertake and contest to be infallible . 't is true , this we call the roman church , conceiving it to be your dialect , and if you say it is not , we will consent to you , and in obedience to your example , call it so no more ; on condition you will be but as reasonable , and give it some other title ; whether that of the westerne church , which were a good large province , ( and yet of that saint basil complaines in no lower stile then this , that they neither know nor endure the unity of faith ) or any other title , besides that of the catholique church , which we are sure cannot properly be allow'd it , unlesse it appear , first , that all christians ought to be govern'd by the bishop of rome ; and secondly , that all they which are not so governed , are no longer members of the catholique church ; and if you affirme both these , we professe to deny them , and then that must be the matter of debate ; and till that be agreed , there will be no other question seasonable to be proposed in this matter , and wen it is , there will be no other needfull . section 9 and for the parallel of the canterburians , which you use to prove the unfitnesse of the question under these termes , it is but a thin fallacy ( easily seene through ) if it be thought to conclude any thing . to the clearing of which , be pleased to observe , that the bishop of canterbury may be considered in a three-fold relation : first , to his particular diocesse of canterbury , of which he is bishop ; secondly , to the whole province of canterbury , of which he is metropolitan ; thirdly , to the whole nationall church of england , of which he is primate ; his two former relations are terminated in canterbury , under the two significations of the word , but the third is terminated not in canterbury , in any notion of that word , but in all england ; and thence it followes , that the church of canterbury ( whether as a province , or a diocesse , which are the onely two notions we in england have of it ) being not of the same latitude with the church of england , it will be improper to call the protestants of england canterburians : but then on supposition that there were a third notion of it , whereby the church of canterbury , and the church of england were of the same latitude , or to him that were confidently perswaded that they are so , it were no impropriety at all to call all english protestants by that denomination ; and if to prove it were improper , it should be affirmed that 't is but an accident that he that is primate of all england should be bishop of the particular see of canterbury , there would be no force in that proof ; first , because that which is true per accidens , is neverthelesse true , and denominations being ad placitum , are many times accidentall ; yet for all that denominations as much , as if they had been by nature or per se ; and secondly , because we are now upon a supposition ( though it be but a supposition ) that there is a nationall church of canterbury , as well as a province and diocesse . and therefore i say on this supposition , if it had so happened , or been agreed on , that all that are under the primate of canterbury should be called the church of canterbury , as it hath been agreed on , that all that are under the metropolitan of canterbury , should be called the province of canterbury , we should never challenge any man of improper speaking , that should call us canterburians . as for the scotch puritan you speak of , that calls us so by way of reproach ; you cannot be ignorant of his meaning , or think it pertinent to the purpose , to which you apply it ; it was used by him onely in relation to the present doctrines of the then bishop of canterbury , ( and onely some men scoffed at under that title , as followers of his ( as they erroneously conceived ) particular , or personall doctrines ) which is quite another notion of the word , then that which you have occasion to speak of . section 10 from all this it will consequently appear to be as unreasonable for you , who acknowledge a notion of the roman church equipollent with catholicke , and affirme the whole catholicke church to be govern'd by the primate , or pope of rome , and urge the necessity of christ's precept , that the church which you pronounce infallible , must be so governed , ( or else that it is no longer catholicke ) to make any difference between the stile of catholicke , and of roman church , or of catholicks and romanists ; no man among us fetching the denomination of roman , or romanist ( when he thus speaks ) from the relative diocesse of rome , as the pope is a bishop , or from the relative province of rome , as he is a metropolitan , but from the relative church of rome ; the whole number of those christians who acknowledge the pope their primate or partriarch , which you that affirme him to be primate of all christians by full right and succession from saint peter , must acknowledge him to be of the whole catholike church ; in which acknowledgement because we agree not with you ( but contend that his patriarchate is limited as well as his diocesse or province ) as we cannot therefore speak throughout in your language , and call that the catholicke church , which is but a part of the catholicke , or debate the infallibility of the catholicke church with them , that meane by that phrase onely that are under the roman communion , or government of the pope of rome , whil'st we mean catholicke without any restriction , ( or if we should so speak , shall be guilty of leaving a maine equivocation in the words of the question , which ought of all things to be avoided by distinguishing , before we goe about to debate any thing , and after distinction made and agreed on , that by catholick is to be meant onely those which are in obedience to the pope , we will then debate it under that title also ) so may we very reasonably use your dialect , when we agree in the meaning of it , as in the phrase [ roman church ] we doe ( meaning both of us , all those who are govern'd by the pope ) of which church in that notion we now enquire , whether that be infallible or no ? and so much for the phrase of the question , or title of that treatise . section 11 and then i shall adde no more to the second part of the first chapter , then by acknowledging the treatise of that excellent lord to have beene written many yeares since , and now not unseasonably publish't at a time when some arts were used ( though , blessed be god , improsperously ) to pervert unstable minds , and this pretended infallibility a maine auxiliary call'd in for that purpose ; as for any answer long since framed to it , i am perswaded that that lord thought it not such , as that his reputation should be concerned in providing an answer for it ; and for the publisher 't is very possible that he might never heare of any such , ( which i guesse also by my selfe , who had long since a copy of the one , but till i read it here , never heard of the other , ) or if he did , had reasons which he can justifie to any ingenuous man , why he did not publish it also . which being now said to you ( and which you had before no ground of thinking to be otherwise ) you will hardly give a civill account , why you should charge ( and now not aske pardon for charging ) on the publisher a frivolous officiousnesse , by which that answer is forced to stay behind ( though it were also sufficient to tell you , that when you set out all your bookes at rome or doway , with our answers annext to them , we will then publish this of yours at oxford ) or on the edition , the stile of a m●ane an● creeping fashion of appearing to the world ; which words being so contrary to truth , ( which is punctually this , the booke was licensed by the vice-chancellour ; printed by the printer to the vniversity ; the authour's name put in the title page ; and all this proclaimed on every wall and corner of the city , on purpose that every one that had kindnesse to the romane church might read it ) if they signifie any thing , have onely this interpretation of which they are capable , that he that wrote them cared not how absolutely groundlesse his accusation was , but onely was willing to accuse . section 12 what you mean by the next words [ that no notice hath been taken of giving licence for any other answer to be made hereafter , or if made to be published in print , and have the advantage to be dispersed abroad in many copies . ] i professe i cannot tell , and yet was insolent enough to thinke , that i could have constituted a piece of plaine english , of which i understood every word single , but now finde , i had overvalued my owne abilities , and should be more modest hereafter , but that by finding in the * sixth line of the book the nominative metropolitan without any verb after it , i am inclined to thinke that it is part of your stile to neglect those vulgar rules in which i had beene instructed . section 13 as for the sad newes that you acquaint us with , [ that this other answer of yours shall lye constrained , and in much restraint , yea and be in danger to perish ] though that be a heavy aggravation of the misery of these wicked times , yet sure this paper is not the onely sufferer in that kinde , and may both be thought to have deserved it aswell , and be as able to beare it with some patience , as many other good sonnes of the church catholique have been ; and yet if it will but sue out its habeas corpus , i doubt not but the law will be open for its plea , and in the meane i have designed this present paper to offer it baile , and obtaine its enlargement through this city , so it will promise faithfully not to goe farther , then its surety is ready to attend it . by this meanes , if it be accepted , it shall have leave to visite all its catholique freinds , and others to whom it desires to performe any civility , or from whom to receive any kindnesse . section 14 in the meane , how his lordship's treatise [ hath cast dangerous stumbling blockes , which may endanger the stability and safety not onely of catholique religion , but of christian in generall ] i shall promise to consider with you when you proceed to any proofe of it , and till then onely advise you and all my fellow christians to conclude no more against any creature , then you produce premises to justify ; for by so doing you will appeare not onely injurious to him with whom you deale , ( in rash causelesse anger and censure ) and secretly reproachfull and contumelious to the reader ( by conceiving him so tame , so unworthy of the reasonable soule , which god hath given him , on purpose to distinguish betwixt reason and no reason , betwixt proofe and libell , betwixt argument and confidence ) but withall you will teach others an evill lesson against your selves . if you please i shall give you an example of each of these . section 15 that which you adde in the bottome of the chapter concerning master chillingworth's booke , besides that it is utterly impertinent to the confuting of this , which is the present businesse ( nay it is an argument on this side , both for the seasonablenesse of publishing it ( as an epitome usefull and gainfull to supersede the trouble of reading the larger booke ) and for the leaving the former answer behind , if the publisher had knowne there had beene any ; because , as you before intimated , the publishing of master chillingworth's booke then was conceived to have taken away all force and considerablenesse from that answer ) is first , very unjust to master chillingworth , in saying without any proofe , that he borrowed his new materials from baron and volkelius . secondly , it is contumelious to the reader 's judgement , who is supposed to be so easy , as to conclude that to be an ill booke , which is affirmed to borrow materials from a scotch minister , and an impious author ; from which contumely i conceive he is able to vindicate himselfe , by telling you , first , that what is supposed to be borrowed from the scotch minister , is very authentique english divinity , and indeed that baron is content to professe himselfe to have borrowed ( and that in this particular ) from our writers , especially ( if my memory faile me not ) from bishop white , and the first edition of the bishop of canterburies booke under his chaplaine's name , from whom also master chillingworth might borrow , if he were in any want , and not from him , and yet i believe would not , if he were alive , be ashamed to have profited by so worthy a scotchman as baron was . secondly , that volkelius his being an impious author , cannot extend to every part of his worke , nor conclude , that that which is supposed to be borrowed from him , is therefore impious or poisonous ( if it be , let it be produced and proved to be so by some other proofe , then that of the impiety of the author ) but rather that master chillingworth had the skill of discerning , and tooke nothing but balsome , and antidote , where if he had been apt to mistake , he might have faln on poyson . thirdly , this will teach others , if they be apt to learn , an evill lesson against your selves ; i meane not that of repaying evill with evill ( god forbid that any injustice in others should so provoke us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be like them ) but onely this particular lesson , which hath cost us little paines to peirce or construe , that if this tract of yours be a satisfactory answer to all master chillingworths booke , then a satisfactory answer to this your treatise , will be sufficient answer also to the three great latine volumnes , which they say , you have written against master chillingworth . and this i shall be more glad to have obtained by your owne rule of concluding , then patient to try by reading them over , whether it be truly so , or no ; especially if those that have tasted them , passe a right judgement upon them . section 16 thus farre i have given my selfe scope to take up almost every word you say in your first chapter , but am unwilling to thinke , that thereby i am engaged to doe the like in all that followes . truely upon reading on , i see the subtilty of composure , and the particulars incident are not of such weight , as that i can promise my selfe patience to examine it so strictly ; i meane not patience , as it is opposed to anger or passion ( for by gods helpe i shall not yeild to any temptation , that shall bring me into that ) but as it is opposed to wearinesse and lassitude ; and i must be pardon'd , if i thinke i could spend my time better to my selfe and the benefit of others , then in following the exceptions line by line , and giving them a large answer ; for that any man may be patient to doe so , or to reade it when 't is done ; it is necessary , that the text , which must beare that comment , must have somewhat either of difficulty , or subtilty , or profit in it ; either of which , whensoever i can finde , i professe i shall be most ready to enlarge upon it , ( and now acknowledge it an obligation from the author , if he will point out to me , where i shall have fail'd ) and in other particulars be more mercifull to the reader , and my selfe . to the 1. §. chap. 2. section 1 true it is , and we grant it willingly , that every proofe that is solid and good , must be , a notioribus , and that every sure conclusion must also be deduced from no other premises or principles , then such as be knowne , and , at least , be as certaine as we desire the conclusion should be . neverthelesse we doe absolutely deny , that this assertion of ours touching the churches infallibility , is by us offered to be proved by waies no better then our adversaries offer to prove that she hath erred , as this inquirer pretends we doe ; for we affirme that our churches infallibility is proved by reasons which are reall and true , and that on the other side , the adversary offers to prove the contrary , onely by such as be no more then seeming and pretended . now true reason or authority is a way quite different from pretended , and much better then it , and therefore the inquirers charge is false , or , at least , light and ineffectuall . must all controversies in philosophy be undecidable , because both sides pretend reason ; or no suits of law be judged , because both sides pretend law ? certainly , whatsoever both sides doe pretend , yet there is but one side that hath it , as namely , but one side of philosophers have true reason , and but one side of contendents have true law , and so in like manner but one side of contending christians have true reason for them , scripture , or tradition , howsoever both may pretend it , and therefore we doe not goe about to prove the church is infallible by the selfe same wayes that you goe about to prove that she hath erred , but by wayes that are quite different from them , and the same but in name onely , and no farther ; by which it followes , that , either you are deceived , or we , and it is not necessary that both . and so much for this great and principall difficulty which troubled the inquirer so much as he writ to london for the solution of it , which thing , surely , was more then needed , for it might have been done at great tue without consulting london about it , or either of our two vniversities . we doe not maintaine , as he falsely supposes , that reason , scripture , and fathers be all fallible , universally speaking but , in some cases only , as , namely , reason is not fallible in such verities as be evident , but in other that be not so , it is . againe , scripture is a most certain rule whensoever it is certainly expounded , otherwise it is not . lastly , the fathers be assured and undoubted witnesses of the doctrines which were held in their time , though not undoubted definers of them . and , by this answer , all the three main propps of this authors discourse are overthrown , and fall unto the ground . * c. 2. answ . to the 2. chap. section 1 to the second chapter , i need only to put you in mind , that when his lordship saith [ the wayes of proofe that the church of rome can never have any errours , are no better then those by which we offer to prove she hath erred , and nameth three heads of arguments , from scripture , reason , and ancient writers , and proveth you to affirme all these are infallible , because nothing is in your opinion infallible but the church ; and from thence concludes that we can never infallibly know that the church is infallible , because all the meanes proposed to induce that knowledge , being of necessity somewhat else beside that only infallible , must needs be fallible ] it will be very unsufficient in you to reply , that his lordship hath not said true in the first particular , upon no other ground of proofe , but only because you [ affirme that the churches infallibility is proved by reasons which are really true , and that the contrary is by us offered to be prov'd only by such as be only seeming and pretended ] for this very thing that you affirme , viz. that those your reasons are reall and true , is a part of the very question in hand , and as much denyed by us , as the infallibility of your church , and therefore , by your own rule of proceeding à notioribus , cannot be proper means to conclude , that his lordship erred , to him that will farre more easily be brought to believe that your reasons are not reall , then that his lordship erred in this particular , and that will as readily confesse he erres , as that those reasons are reall . section 2 it appeared strange to me that you should begin with such a petitio principii , untill by reading on , i discerned that this one meane sophisme hath run through most paragraphs of your following treatise , which is a shrewd infirmity in a confutation , to take that for a principle granted , and so bestow no proofe upon it , which is by you known to be denied by us , and yet to conceive that this will be able to satisfy our other importunities . section 3 2dly . you must observe that his lordship had said only this , [ that your churches infallibility is offered to be proved by no better wayes , than those by which we offer to prove she hath erred ] which is an undertaking of his lordship , and not a bare assertion , and sure you cannot say he offers to prove it by reasons onely seeming , for you as yet know not particularly , what those reasons are , any farther , then that they are from the same heads , by which you offer to prove the contrary . section 4 and thirdly , if the arguments which he offers be only seeming on his side , yet if you marke it , they are so seeming to him , and as long as they seem to him to conclude that the church hath erred , the very same arguments , or those that are no more seeming , cannot assure him , that she is infallible ; for by your own confession every solid proofe must be ex notioribus , i. e. not only by media which are more true , but which are more known to him , to whom this proofe is offered ; and , if you marke , that is it to which his lordship's argument drives , that the reasons by which you prove the infallibility of your church , are such as you confesse your selves to be fallible : marke , not which you confesse to be false , but fallible , your confessing them fallible is enough to his lordship's turne , though they should have the luck to be true , because the infallibility of your church , on which , as on a foundation and principle , you must build in many after difficulties , had need be infallibly asserted and knowne , or if it be but fallibly , will it selfe be fallible ( no conclusion ascending higher , then the premises have ascended ) and so , though it were true , yet not fit to commence a principle of all other truths . section 5 now that these reasons or premises of yours are fallible and by you acknowledged to be so , his lordship was not content to affirme ( and so is himselfe farre enough from giving you example of begging the question ) but proves it by this argument , because with you nothing is not fallible but the church . this may be dissolved into an hypotheticall syllogisme , whereof you must deny one proposition , or else the conclusion is forfeited . if with you the church be the only infallible , then with you any other reasons , by which you prove the infallibility of the church , are not infallible , but with you the church is the only infallible , therefore with you any other reasons by which you prove the infallibility of the church are not infallible . now if you look over your answer againe , you shall find that your only exception commeth not home to any part of this syllogisme , for you doe not so much as say , that any thing is infallible but the church ; or , if now you will see your want , and make additions to your answer , then say distinctly , is any other thing beside the church infallible , or no ? if it be , let it be named ; if it be not , the conclusion is granted us . and till this addition be thus made ( i. e. for this present answer of yours ) 't is , i conceive manifest , that you have said no syllable to the prime part of his lordship's first section . section 6 as for your instances of phylosophy and law suites , they can prove nothing against his lordship , unlesse you can name some sect of phylosophy , that hath not only truth , but infallibility , and tell us which it is , and prove that by arguments which are confest to be infallible ; till you have done that , your instance is not pertinent , and if ever you shall doe it , 't will not be concluding against us , unlesse you produce the like arguments for the infallibility of your church against us , which must be some other then are yet proposed . section 7 as for lawsuits , that they are determined to one side by the judge , doth not prove that that judge is infallible ( which is the only matter of debate , ) and if the contenders are bound to stand to his award , it is , because the law and supreme magistrate have commanded them to doe so , and because this is evident and infallible , that they have done so , by the commission which the judge hath from them . and when the like is produced for your church , i hope all your subjects will submit to it , but then it must be moreover proved that all christians are such subjects , or else we hope we shall not be involved under that obligation . section 8 as for your long deduction from whence you conclude that either wee are deceived , or you , and that it is not necessary that both should , we grant it , and professe our opinions , that though both you and we are fallible , yet only you are , or can be deceived in this particular , ( which we conceive is cleare , because only you pretend infallibility , which we not pretending , but affirming that we are not so , cannot in this be deceived , unlesse we be infallible ) but see not what it concludes against his lordship , whose argument depends not on any such assertion , that both parties are deceived , but only that your pretended infallibility is by you proved by no other arguments , then those which you confesse are fallible . section 9 what you adde by way of triumph and scoffe i must not answer , but by yeilding you free leave thus to please your selfe , and ( if this recreation tend at all to your health ) to advise you to do so still , and ( whensoever it may be for your divertisement ) to reckon up the names of london , great tue , and the two vniversities . section 10 after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sang , you at length bethinke your selfe that his lordship had affirmed , that scripture , reason and fathers , are by you maintained to be all fallible ; and to this you answer by a distinction of universally speaking , and in some cases onely , and acknowledge that you affirme them all to be fallible onely in some cases . now first you ought to have given answer to his lordship's proofe for what he said , which was this , that you affirme that onely the church is infallible ; from whence it is a conclusion , that therefore reason , and scripture , and fathers , are by you affirmed to be fallible , whereas you letting the premises alone , apply answer to the conclusion , which is as much against logicke as to deny it . without denying the premises , or shewing the falsenesse of them . but then secondly , that which is fallible in some cases onely , is by that acknowledged to be fallible , and by that is proved unsufficient to prove another thing to be infallible in all things , for if it be fallible in any , case , it may be fallible in this , that it pronounces that other to be infallible ; and till there be some infallible argument produced that it is infallible in that particular pronouncing , its infallibility in other things will availe nothing ; or if it doe , it may availe also for us to prove what we offer to prove from it , that your church hath erred . section 11 there is no possible avoiding of this , but by saying and proveing it infallible in inducing your conclusion , and false aswell as fallible in inducing ours , ( for if it be true , though it be fallible , it will serve our turne , but it must be both , or will not serve yours , you being obliged to prove the infallibility of your church by something which is it selfe infallible , because it must be matter of faith with you , which nothing is , but what is infallibly induced , but it is sufficient for us to beleive you and your church fallible , though we should make it no matter of faith that you are so ) which because you endeavour not to doe in this place , it will be impertinent to examine the truth of what else you adde ( concerning the cases wherein you affirme reason , and scripture , and fathers to be infallible ) any farther then thus , that by your owne explication of the distinction , and enumeration of cases , i shall conclude , that reason doth not prove infallibly that your church is infallible , because the infallibility of your church is not an evident verity ; scripture doth not prove it so , because it is not certainly expounded to that probation ; fathers doe not prove it so , because it was not a doctrine held in their time , and affirmed by them to be so . each of which negations of mine though they were as sufficient proofe as what you have offered to the contrary , yet i shall undertake to make good against you , if you shall thinke fit to call me to it , by setting downe your reasons to the contrary . section 12 and so if on your supposition , his lordship 's three maine props were fallen to the ground ( which is another boast that had no more relation to the present matter , then ground in truth ; and therefore i beseech you leave out such excesses hereafter ) yet your supposition being not so much as endeavoured to be proved , the props stand as firmly as is desired . to the second §. chap. 3. the enquirer is here much mistaken , for we are not at all offended with protestants for their alleadging scriptures , but for their doing of it after a way which is fallible and uncertaine ; in which case we say scripture can be no foundation of faith . wherefore though they alleadge scripture and we also , yet doth it not follow thence that the protestants disprove the infallibility by the selfe same media or meanes , by which we endeavour to prove the same . it is true , they attempt to doe so , but that they doe it , is denied . the scripture when surely sensed or expounded , is a different medium from the same scripture sensed unsurely or expounded falsely . now he that takes an unsure way , which no reason or discretion commends unto him , and leaves the sure , which reason does perswade him to be such , if that man chance to erre , it is easie to understand why god should be more offended with him , then with others that doe not so but hold a prudent and contrary course . the summe is , that holy scripture , after such time as it comes to be knowne certainly for canonicall and shall be expounded according to the interpretation of the church , foundeth an argument strong and invincible ; but when otherwise , one that is probable onely , or ad hominem ; and this latter we say is your case , and out of this give a reason why your resolves are temerarious and presumptuous , and , in fine , such wherewith god may be displeased justly , forasmuch as no man ought to goe about this worke unadvisedly , or expose his salvation without all need , to chance and uncertainty , as if he meant to build upon the sand . c. 3. ans . to the third chap. section 1 i answer , that through this whole chapter the same fallacy returnes againe , of satisfying his lordship's argument by a bare affirming ( but not proving ) a thing which is as much denied by his lordship , viz. that your alleadging of scripture for the infallibility of your church , is by an infallible and certaine way , but our alleadging of it for every part of our religion is by a fallible and uncertaine . ] ( for though you in tearmes affirme onely the latter of these , that which is against us , yet in charity to you i shall suppose you imply the former , or if you will say you doe not , i shall then answer , that the granting of what you say , doth not vindicate your infallibility , but onely accuse us , not cleare your selves ) or if that which you adde by way of explication , may passe for a proofe of it , viz. that holy scripture when it shall be expounded according to the interpretation of the church , foundeth an argument strong and invincible , but when otherwise , onely probable and ad hominem . ] i answer , that this being applyed to the matter in hand to you and us , must , if it signifie any thing , have this importance , that the places of scripture which you bring for the infallibility of your church , are expounded according to the interpretation of the church , but the places which we bring for the severall parts of our religion , are not so expounded . and then i answer , that by the church you may ( and i conceive ought to ) meane the vniversall church truly so called , without your ordinary clogge or restriction ; and then all that we require of you is to make your affirmation good , and produce the places of scripture which that vniversall church hath so expounded to the asserting the infallibility of your church , ( which till you doe produce 't is petitio principii againe ) and then we shall shew our selves ingenuous , and ( though we might reply something which ad homines might be answer ) yet shall we part with all other advantages of defending our selves , and in plaine ground yeild you the cause , and contend no longer with you . section 2 but if you meane by the interpretation of the church the interpretation of the church in the notion wherein we enquire , whether it be infallible , viz. that society of christians which have been govern'd by the pope ; though then we might deny , that you have any such interpretation of scripture for your infallibility , and justifie the deniall , ( for if you please we will undertake to shew that some eminent persons in the church of rome , perhaps popes themselves , never interpreted any scripture to the asserting the infallibility of your church , and that many other differ among themselves , what is that church which they affirme from scripture to be infallible , and that will amount to the same also ) yet we shall content our selves with this other answer , that the interpretation of that church , unlesse saint peter himselfe , or some other acknowledg'd to be inspired , joyne in it , is not infallible , and for you to say it is , and not to prove it , is a petitio principii againe ; and for any other notion of the church which shall be said so to interpret , when you shall fasten on it , we shall undertake to make good either that it doth not interpret the scripture to the asserting the infallibility of the church , or else that the church in that notion is not infallible . section 3 as for the other part of your assertion which you principally insist upon in this chapter , that our case is contrary to yours , i. e. that we found not our religion on scripture expounded according to the interpretation of the church , we utterly disclaime it , ( and for you to affirme it without proofe , is petitio principii againe ) and to put it to a faire issue , we make this offer , that what ever proposition we affirme without shewing scripture for it , and that expounded according to the interpretation of the ancient church , we will presently forgo on your first instance ; and if you would pay us the like offer , and your party make it good , i doubt not but as turbulent a sea as the state of christendome is at this time , the whole church might quickly be at , peace , or at least the dissentient party not be considerable . i remember a passage in saint hilary , depredicating the bishops of france as very happy men , quòd aliam non cognovissent confessionem● , &c. that they knew no other confession then that ancient and most simple which through all churches from the apostles age had been received . and i am a little confident that that which first made , and hath ever since fomented the breaches of that pretious body , is the multiplying and imposing of new confessions and articles of beleife from the suggestion of private or lesse publique spirits , and that hath made the body like aristotle's insectills , which for want of bloud runne out into a multitude of legs ; every such new article so multiplyed ( above the number of those which scripture in the truly catholique interpretation of it , will authorize , not onely as true , but necessary to be so acknowledged ) being an effect of some want of bloud , i meane charity in the authors , ( for though to teach any man any certaine truth be an act of charity , yet to make an article , i. e. to require every man to beleive whatever we conceive to be truth , is a great uncharitablenesse ) and a cause or occasion of more ; the adding to the necessary truths , ordinarily being a forerunner of the abatement of the inventory of the necessary performances , i meane of those which are indispensably required of us under christ . these last few lines i confesse to be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i hoped might not be unwelcome to you ; if they be , i am sorry you were troubled with it , the seeing that there was nothing more in your chapter , which wanted answer , gave me temptation and liberty for it . to the third section chap. 4. the third section is all true , but concerns us nothing , because amongst ours there is care enough taken for shewing which church it is that is the true and infallible , and on the other side much negligence and partiality in the enquirers after it , in many of them , at least , though not in every one . c. 4. answ : to the fourth chap. section 1 in your fourth chapter , though you are just in acknowledging the perfect truth of his lordships third paragraph , yet must you not be beleived on your bare word , that you are not concern'd in it . for i conceive it cleare that you are , because that argument from reason ( for such is that which is mentioned there , as in the second paragraph the argument from scripture , and in the fourth the argument from fathers or tradition ) which you use to prove the infallibility of your church , viz. that it is therefore so made by god ( or that it is reasonable to thinke that god therefore so made it ) that all men may have some certaine guide ] can never be able to conclude any thing , unlesse it be made knowne by god as certainly ( or so offered by god to our knowledge , that 't is our fault if we know it not ) both that there is such an infallible church , and which it is . now that god hath so made knowne these two , it being impossible for reason to assure us any otherwise then by shewing us some sure word of prophecy , i meane some revelation from god , with sufficient evidence that it is revelation , and this being not by you pretended to be shewed , it availes little that you tell us , that among yours there is care enough taken to shew which church it is that is the true and infallible ; for if by [ shewing ] you meane demonstrating any way that it is so , this you know we deny , and saying it againe without proofe , is petitio principii ; but if by shewing you meane the pointing us out that for the true and infallible , of which you are a member , we have little obligation or encouragement to beleive you say true , being a witnesse in your owne cause ; i am sure no evidence that ( if you speake according to your judgement ) you are infallible in that shewing or telling ; for if we had , we must be supposed to have that evidence of your infallibility without ( because before ) your shewing , and so to stand in little need of it . to the fourth section chap. 5. the answer is , that people illiterate may have evidence sufficient whereby to resolve and satisfie themselves without making any search into histories , fathers , or scripture ; and therefore this enquirers supposition is false , and indeed it were a hard case , if no man might be able to understand what he was to beleive , without looking into all these ; and yet as hard as it is , doth this enquirer impose it upon all , if not in expresse tearmes , yet by the consequence of his doctrine . as for our selves alone , what need can we have for seeking out the true sence of scripture , and a conformity of doctrine with the ancient , more then other christians have ? surely according to this method of his , all true religion , whether in our church , or any other , would be impossible to be learned by the illiterate , and very hardly by any other men . but what evidence can the illiterate have , or rather from whence ? out of the present face , condition , and visible practice of religion in the church , out of the antient monuments yet remaining that give in their depositions , out of common fame and unsuspected testimonies , out of the manifest perfections and excellencies both of the church and religion ; out of all which , as from so many cleare signatures and characterismes of truth , ariseth an evidence of credibility that this church and this religion are the true , and whatsoever is once so creditable , cannot possibly be false , because for the verity of that , the veracity of god doth stand engaged , as ric. victorinus hath long since declared . for it is a cleare case that all such things be true which god makes evidently credible and worthy of acceptance by the publique acts of his owne providence ; for otherwise that providence should publiquely entangle and deceive us by obliging us , or , at least , publiquely and potently inducing and perswading us to believe that which were false ; and so by following that way which god hath signed out for us , we should goe astray ; which thing can neither be done , nor yet permitted to be done , without imposture , as all the antient schoolemen doe observe . by this meanes then are prudent publique motives able to make a certainty , though not by their owne vertue , yet at least by the vertue of the supreame veracity which goes annexed with them . moreover , this measure of evidence perceptible by the illiterate and weake , though it be not so ample as others have , or stand in need to have , yet is it sufficient to sway their understanding , and to call in the divine assistance for the supplying of whatsoever by reason of ignorance or incapacity , is wanting in them . cum simplicibus est sermocinatio mea ? saith the wiseman . therefore it is false and injurious to say , as this enquirer seemes to doe ; namely , that such men as these doe assent to truth upon no better grounds then others doe to falshood . the enquirer's inference against the church is this . we thinke she hath erred , therefore she may : the inference is good , but the antecedent is infirme , and ought not to have beene made , because he cannot have so great reason to judge she hath erred , as on the contrary that she hath not ; in regard that it is farre more likely he himselfe erred in making that judgement of the church , then that the church erred in making that judgement of the truth , or that she hath contradicted her selfe ; it being farre more probable , that a private man should be deceived , then a whole church . wherefore it is a great act of presumption and temerity in any single man , though never so intelligent , to judge the whole church hath erred , rather then himselfe . the enquirer saith , that he tries the church by her conformity with the antients , as she her selfe appoints . but what then ? doubtlesse she is not that way to be c●nvinced , forasmuch as every intelligent man will suppose that no particular man is able to examine that so well at she her selfe hath done before him , and therefore may be pleased to understand that this pretended non-conformity of hers ought to be discovered very clearly and perfectly before he adventure to condemne her ; and this great discovery having yet not beene made and manifested to the world , may justly be thought an act impossible , and be judged in such as make pretensions of it , a worke rather of a strong apprehension , then of any solid judgement . if then our enquirer in this case should be rejected , let him not complaine of us , as if we sent him to a witnesse , and after bid him not believe it , but rather bid him not believe himselfe , and his owne judgement more then the churches ; that is to say , more then he ought ; nor suffer himselfe to be misled by the testimony of a witnesse to whom we did not send him , i meane himselfe , in hearkning unto whom self-love too much inclines him , and made him over credulous , as to their great griefe it hath made very man. now for the better understanding this point of conformity with the antients , of which this enquirer , and chillingworth his confederate doe talke so much , and seeke to urge against us ; the reader may please to know , that they themselves are bound to solve this knot , as well as we ; for it will be both as necessary and as hard for them to finde out the conformity of their doctrines with the antients , as it is for us to finde out ours ; and againe , the conformity of this moderne scripture with the antient ; and these present copies of the greeke and hebrew with the originall , or archetype of the same languages , as it is to finde out a conformity of this church and her doctrines with the antients ; and so these authors have made a rodde wherewith to whip themselves , as commonly wrangling people doe . secondly , that there be other notes of truth besides this conformity , and therefore the enquiry after it is not necessary for any man. thirdly , that we may know this conformity by the truth a great deale easier , than the truth by conformity ; because truth may be knowne by the present notes , and such as are before our eyes ; but conformity must a great way off , and through a thick mist of many ages , if it be sought after by examination of particulars . fourthly , that the enquiry after conformity by examining the antient rites , and the innumerable darke passages and decisions of antiquity cannot be a generall method for the instruction of all , or of the greater part of men ; for it is a long businesse , and so cannot be ready at all times , but rather after divers years : it is also so difficult , that few have learning or ability to go through with it ; for the passages of antiquity be very intricate , and require a great light of understanding for their discovery . you see the enquirer , sect. 37. confesseth he was much vext with the harsh greek of evagrius , and the hard latine of irenaeus , and with distinguishing between different sences , and various lections , &c. if this learned gentleman found so much difficulty in the search ; what must become of the greater part of men , if there were no way but this ? for in comparison of the rest , few have so much wit as he , or so much leisure ; few understand greek or latine either , whether harsh or pleasant , few so painfull . must no man that is not acquainted with evagrius or irenaeus , come to the knowledge of the truth ? nor any man be able to know the creation of the world , and the old law , without he can read in hebrew , or learn the new law without reading the new testament in greek ? these were very hard conditions , and certainly such at god never imposed upon us . doubtlesse we are not obliged to find out the originall copies of scriptures and fathers , of which sort , as i suppose , there be none extant , nor trouble our spirits with judging about various lections ; we are not bound to impossibilities for our instruction and salvation , but have a ready way assigned us , which is the conspicuous body of the present church , which body is like a city built upon a hill , and that hill is a rock not to be undermined . it will be therefore sufficient that we can any sure way come to the knowledge of the truth without taking care whether it be conforme unto the ancients or no ; for sure we are , all truth is conforme to that it should be , abstracting from the consideration either of antient or new , and this alone may be sufficient to content any man. yet if he would know conformity , i will shew him a readier way than examination of places ; let him but take the voluntary confession of the magdeburgians in their severall centuries , and he need seek no further ; for they acknowledge all that we desire , and this acknowledgement of theirs cannot but satisfie , for they make it neither out of ignorance of the truth , nor out of affection to us . c. 5. answ . to the fifth chapter . section 1 your fifth chapter is a very long one , and by that length and the contents of it , puts me in mind of him that owing his fellow sixpence , being not able to pay him , offered him a hundred counters one after another in a sudden motion of his hand , in hope that at length his eyes might dazle , and take some one of them for coyne , or if not , yet rather chuse to lose his sixpence , than to venture so many cheats by awaiting that payment . for i am perswaded that when i have but repeated to you his lordships argument in the fourth paragraph , you will spare me the paines of shewing that you have not answer'd it , by confessing you have not said one word to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rationall importance of it . section 2 the intent of the paragraph is to prove that tradition or authority of the antients is not a proper meanes to prove the infallibility of the church . the meanes of inferring the conclusion are , first , the division of men ( to whom this argument is supposed to be brought ) into ignorant and learned . secondly , the insisting on the proposition in relation to each of them , to the ignorant because they cannot know , to the learned because they cannot infallibly know that tradition doth prove this infallibility . section 3 first , to the ignorant , proving that tradition cannot prove the infallibility to them , because the ignorant cannot know what is the voice of generall and constant tradition ; which if it be true , is an infallible argument to induce the conclusion ; ( for that tradition cannot prove another thing till it self be proved , which it is not to him at least , who neither doth nor can know it ) and that it is not true , you doe not so much as pretend , but rather help to prove it more plainly , than his lordship thought necessary to doe . and this is all that you doe returne to the first part of the proofe , save only by pretending that this knowledge or triall of tradition cannot be necessary to the ignorant ; which as it is true , so is it nothing against his lordship , who had no use of saying that it was necessary , but rather the contrary ; and by saying it is impossible implies he cannot thinke it necessary ; and therefore when you affirme of his lordship , that by consequence of his doctrine he imposes this impossible taske upon the illiterate , and doe not so much as pretend to mention that consequence , this is so clear a prevarication , that you cannot take it ill at any friends hands , to call upon you to confesse and retract it ; and of that nature is that other suggestion here , that his lordship seems to say , that ignorant men doe assent to truth on no better grounds than others doe to falshood , ] there being no such syllable here affirmed , ( and if afterwards there be , we shall there meet with it . ) section 4 the second part of the argument is in relation to the learned , proving that tradition cannot to them infallibly prove the infallibility of your church , or be a rule by which to square your beleife in this particular , so farre at least , as to make it to them necessary to be beleived , ( as your friends doe and must say it is ) because it is possible they may mistake in it , and that mistake will not be damnable in them , if they fall into it with a good conscience , as possibly they may ( i. e. if they use their best diligence to find the truth by tradition , and are not kept from it either by prejudice or passion ) though it should fall out they doe not finde it . section 5 this argument thus drawne out at length , his lordship confirmes by a cleare and pertinent instance ; suppose me in my inquest , whether the church may erre , to enquire whether it ever hath erred , and in that inquest suppose me to meet with some motives which really perswade me that the church hath contradicted her selfe , ( which if she hath done she hath certainly , erred , because both branches of a contradiction cannot be true but one of them must needs be false ) in this case it followes , that i beleive she hath erred ; wherein though it is possible that i may erre ( because the premises which i beleived true may be false ) yet because it is but an errour in my judgement that did so thinke ( and that being reconcileable in this case with sincerity , will not be damning to me ) it will follow , that it will be pardonable in me , though never so learned , that tradition doth not convince me of the truth of that , which i did really conceive it shewed me to be false ; it being as pardonable in the learned to beleive that errour which they conceive tradition tells them , as it was impossible for the unlearned to know what is tradition . section 6 the whole weight of this part of the argument lies in this , that what ever is necessary to be beleived must be offered to be proved by a meanes wherein the learned at least cannot erre pardonably , and therefore the infallibility of the church offered to be proved by tradition ( that tradition being a thing wherein the learned may erre pardonably ) is not proved by that meanes to be necessary to be beleived . or in a syllogisme thus ; that wherein the learned may erre pardonably , is not a meanes to prove the infallibility of the church to be necessary to be beleived , but tradition is a meanes wherein the learned may erre pardonably , therefore tradition is not a meanes to prove the infallibility of the church to be necessary to be believed . section 7 this is the summe of what his lordship saith in the other part of that paragraph ; and to no part of this syllogisme , or of the materialls there , out of which i have formed it , doe you returne the least answer or deniall , but rather confirme the minor , first , by using arguments to prove , that it is a difficulty and knot , common to papists with protestants , to finde out the conformity of their doctrine with the ancients ; which difficulty being granted , will prove that in that matter the learned may erre pardonably . secondly , by asserting that there be other notes of truth besides this of conformity with the ancients , and therefore that enquiry after that is not necessary to any man ; which seemes a disclaiming of that as of an unfit argument . thirdly , by saying that we know the conformity by the truth , much easier then the truth by conformity . from whence it will follow , that conformity is a very ill argument , and the worse the argument the more pardonable the errour in it . and fourthly , by the professed unfitnesse of this argument , at large dilated on by you , with this conclusion , that the conditions for the understanding of tradition are so very hard , that certainly god never imposed them on us . on which grounds you offer us another meanes of proving it , ( which shewes that this was unsufficient in your opinion ) viz. the conspicuous body of the present church ; which if it be not a very fallible meanes also ( as in many respects i might prove it were particularly by this , that the compasse of christians that are of that church of yours , is not by common computation a third part of the christian world ) is certainly very distant from tradition ; which that it is not a meanes infallible in this matter , is all that his lordship now contends in that present argument . section 8 the onely thing that is by you produced against this difficulty of using this meanes , ( and so pardonablenesse of erring ) is the last period of the chapter , which commends the reading of the magdeburgians as a readier way to know conformity , then examination of places . section 9 to which i answer , that if they have voluntarily confessed that there is constant tradition for the infallibility of the roman church , then have you fitly cited them ; if they have not , or if upon my present instance you doe not shew that they have either directly , or by certaine consequence , then have you wronged them in this your affirmation , and left your selfe no meanes to prove your conclusion by that medium . section 10 this is all i shall say to that long chapter , and in that i have shewed , that through it you much mistooke the argument proposed in the title of the chapter , the confutation of the fourth paragraph , of which there being two parts , you spake no word against either of them ; and therefore if i should allow every word of that chapter to be true , though you would be beholding to me , yet would it be no advantage to you against his lordship's present reasoning , to which all you say is very extrinsecall and impertinent . but that i may not lay too great an obligation on you by so liberall a grant , i wil mention to you some infirm parts in that your discourse . section 11 i have touched on three already ; and your evidences ( that your church and religion is the true ) which you mention for the illiterate , and are no one of them evidences , may be added to the number ; which i need not prove , because you have not attempted to prove , but onely assert the contrary . and so also your divinity cited out of ric : victorinus , if applied to your purpose : [ that whatsoever is once so creditable ( as you have there made the infallibility of your church ) can never be false ] which beside other falsities , must inferre other things to be infallible , beside that onely infallible ; for 't is sure that other things may by you be made so creditable , and as sure , that what ever else cannot be false ( god's veracity standing engaged for it ) is infallible also ; and ( not to mention your proofes of that divinity ) such is your assertion , that the enquirer's inference against the church is , [ we thinke she hath erred , therefore she may erre ] for his inference is onely this ; if she hath erred , certainly she may ; which i should say is another great injustice , by changing his lordship's words , but that it is repaired and expiated with another act of more kindnesse to us , though of as little force of reason ; that the i●ference is good , but the antecedent is infirme ; whereas in t●uth the inference had beene nought , but the antecedent either t●ue , or onely in the power of the searcher of thoughts to disprove in him ; so againe , that the discovering the non-conformity of your church with the antients , may justly be thought impossible ; when if we had not actually done it , yet hereafter we might ; and when in the present businesse we affirme ( and you goe not about to disprove ) that your pretending to the infallibility of your church is inconformable to the antients , because they did not so pretend ; and surely such is your affirmation , that to send one to a witnesse , and yet bid him not believe himselfe in what he conceives that witnesse tels him , is not as bad , as to send him in like manner , and bid him not believe the witnesse ; there being no possibility of believing what the witnesse saith , but by believing himselfe , affirming that that witnesse said it : for if you say it be by believing of you ( i. e. another witnesse ) that that witnesse said it ; i answer , that that will include a believing himselfe also , viz : himselfe affirming that you testified that the other witnesse said it . section 12 i shall trouble you with no more at once , lest you count me uncivill ; one thing onely more i shall let you know i take notice of , that in the compasse of very few words you cast off much of the respect due to antiquity , by saying , that it is sufficient , if we can by any sure way come to the knowledge of truth ( mentioning at that time onely the conspicuous body of the present church for such ) without taking care whether it be conforme to the antients , or no , &c. by which as you acknowledge your preferring the conspicuous body of the present church ( for the finding out of truth ) before antiquity , which is the strangest speech i could have look'd for from a defender of tradition , so i confesse i see the reason why a section that undertooke to prove that antiquity was no infallible proofe of your churches infallibility , had in a long chapter of answer to it , never a word said in confutation of it ; and so i very friendly take leave of it . to the fifth section , chap. 6. out of that which hitherto hath beene said , it appeares plainly how the conclusion which the enquirer would inferre in this fifth section , is no way applicable to our manner of probation of the churches infallibility : for we doe not , as he surmiseth , maintaine that our church the guide of faith , is to be knowne by such markes by which the ignorant cannot seeke it , and the learned may chance to misse , although with all diligence and without prejudice they enquire after it ; for we affirme that our first principles of probation are certaine and manifest , and out of them , we with certainty , though not with evidence , evict the church . by which manner of proceeding it is cleare , that our probations are logicall and conformable to the rules prescribed for the hunting out of truth by aristotle in his analytiques , and the philosophers in generall . some peradventure will deny our churches verity to be evidently credible : if any doe it , the matter must be remitted to an equall triall betweene us . but , say you , who must be the judge ? i am no socinian , nor inclining to that sort of mis-believers , yet neverthelesse , i say , right reason must be he , and every man 's owne conscience ; and of these judges , i hope all men will allow , and it is reasonable sure they ought to doe so , because reason is in all questions the last and the interior judge , without whose assent and approbation , no exterior is sufficient and compleat . for exterior judges be as spectacles to the eies ; and as spectacles , be they never so good , cannot see without eies , so cannot revelation , be it never so manifest , give the last sentence about any doctrine , nor be sufficient without reason . it may be further replied , that these principles of ours are also question'd . admit they be , yet neverthelesse may they be certaine and evident , otherwise we should grant nothing to be certaine ; for there is no one thing so evident , which is not question'd by some or other . c. 6. answer to the 6. chap. section 1 that which you say to the fifth section , is in effect the denying the conclusion , when the premises are either not deny'd , or not confuted ; for that which his lordship saith in that section , you acknowledge to be a conclusion , and is so indeed of all that went before ; all directly tending to this , that the church provided for the guide of faith , it offered by you to be knowne by such markes as the ignorant cannot seeke it by , and the learned , though never so honest in his search , may chance not to finde it by . this then being the conclusion of all the discourse you professe to deny , upon no other proofe but by affirming , that your principles of probation are certaine and manifest , i. e. by saying the direct contrary to his conclusion , but not thinking needfull to prove it ; and so beside that other absurdity in logick , there is petitio principii againe . section 2 in doing this you were , i conceive very much resisted by your owne spirit ; for the satisfying of which you are faine to say this strange thing , that your principles of probation are certaine and manifest , and out of them you evict the church with certainty , though not with evidence : where either you must affirme to thinke that [ evident ] and [ manifest ] are not all one , or else that the conclusion is not evident , when the premises are ; either of which you shall have free liberty to take the choyce of , and maintaine in your reply . and when you have shewed your skill in so doing , you then shall have leave to boast that your probations are logicall and conformable to the rules of aristotle in his analitiques , and the philosophers in generall ; but till then 't was to no more purpose to say that of your selfe , then 't will be to the edification of any that i have repeated it to you . section 3 having thus confim'd the conclusion with that great popular argument ( that prevailes with so many ) a bare confidence of affirming it , it is very remarkable what your next attempt is ; why , in stead of that hard taske which lay so heavy upon your shoulders , to get an easier , if 't were possible ; and therefore you foresee that some may peradventure deny your churches verity to be evidently credible . good sir , what is this but to suborne a weaker adversary to challenge you , that you may be excused from fighting with the stronger ? we desire plaine dealing , that you will prove your principles of probation to be certaine and manifest ( which is the thing you affirm'd ) and not to thinke to put us off with more obscure and lesse containing tearmes of your churches verity being evidently credible . for first , your churches verity ( i. e. i conceive its being the true church for i hope you speak not now of its metaphysicall verity , or its being truly a church , for so it may be , and be very fallible , and very corrupt ) is an equivocall phrase , and , in what ever sense , is not so much as your churches infallibility ; for it may be a true church , and not be infallible , i. e. upon supposition , that what ever now it taught were actually true , 't were yet possible it might erre , even when it doth not ; nay , if its verity should signifie that it were a true church ( as perhaps you meane ) exclusively to all others , i. e. that the catholique church were the roman church , and the roman the catholique ; yet speaking of the present state of the church , i. e. of the present roman church , though it were supposed to be the present catholique church , yet may that be fallible again , because those that are now in the truth , may fall into errour , and others rise up , as they fall , to be defendors of the truth , and so the promise of god of keeping his church from finall or totall falling , be made good still . section 4 as for that other largest notion of the catholique church ( under which we confesse it to be infallible ) that of the universall church all the world over , without any restriction ; i conceive it impossible , that by your church ( which is the church with an eminent restriction ) you should meane that ; and upon that ground it was , that i affirm'd , that the verity of your church , in what ever sense , is not so much as its infallibility . section 5 then againe your phrase of evidently credible , is not sure so much as certaine and manifest ; for though evidently credible sound strangely , ( and if it have any sense in it , hath also some obscurity ) yet i shall suppose you meane by it , that which is credible , or may be believed , and of which it is evident that it may , the words grammatically can beare no other sense then this , that it is evident that they are credible ; now certainly to be evident and certaine , is much more then to be credible , though it be never so evident that it is credible . for suppose me actually to acknowledge that you have some probable arguments that your church is the true church ; nay suppose it is so evident that you have such arguments , that every man that hath common understanding will be ready to acknowledge you have so , doth it thence follow , that i , or all others , doe and must acknowledge that you have demonstrated it ? this is to make no difference between the two sorts of arguments in logick , topicall and demonstrative ; or in a word , to conclude that to be infallible , which you durst not say was any more then credible ; for as for the word [ evidently ] added to it , it cannot have such an influence on the word , credible , as to make that quite another , or higher sort of things then it was ; credible in the clearest or highest degree is but credible still , as the eminentest or excellentest man in the world is a man still ; and therefore in briefe , if we should helpe you to fewer adversaries then you have , and take off that suborn'd enemy of yours , whom you suppose to deny your churches verity to be eminently credible , you would have gain'd by it but little peace from his lordship , who would still require you to make good your pretension of infallibility , which will be a much harder theme to declaime for popularly , ( i am sure logically ) then the credibility of the verity of your church . section 6 as for your way of answering that objection , because the objection is not needfull for us to make , any reply , or confutation of your answer will be as unnecessary . i shall onely report to other men from your owne pen , one notable decision of yours , that in a triall of huge importance , concerning the credibility of the verity of your church ( i must be faine to use your phrase ) right reason and every man 's owne conscience must be the judge ; which being so great an act of complyance and favour both to those which assert reason , and to those that maintaine the private spirit to be the judge of controversies , i. e. to two sorts of men , which have hitherto beene believed opposite enough to your infallibility , it will be but gratitude to reward so great a bounty , with a favourable interpretation of a good meaning , and he should be very rude and uncivill , who would not grant upon such your demand , that you are no socinian , nor inclining to that sort of mis-believers ; for sure he that makes right reason the judge of his very principles , must needs be so rationall , and ingenuous , that he can never be an heretique , though he say the very things that heretiques doe . section 7 as for your very excellent similie of the eies and the spectacles , i shall not have a word to say to it , save onely this , that although you have gotten the inclosure and monopoly of spectacles , ( i meane of imposing of an exterior judge upon us ) yet other men may be allowed to have eies , as well as you , i. e. to have reason and conscience to judge of your judge , and then the issue ( according to your premises being granted to you ) will be this , that they whose reason and conscience tels them , that 't is not evidently credible , that your church should be the true church , exclusively to all others , shall not be obliged to believe it is so ( for their owne reason , say you , and conscience is to be judge ) that they whose reason , &c. tels them it is so credible , may believe it , if they please ; nay , if they have no arguments as credible to the contrary , and upon impartiall search can finde none , it is very reasonable for them to believe what to their conscience is so credible ; but if they have such arguments to the contrary , or if it be their fault that they have not , they are sure no farther bound to believe it ( if they are not subjects of your church ) then those dictates of their conscience doe extend to oblige them , or ( if they are subjects , yet ) no farther then the doctrine of obedience rightly stated ( which will be too long a worke for a parenthesis ) hath influence on mens opinions ; but then still , what ever their case be for believing the verity of your church , they can no way from thence be obliged to believe your infallibility . section 8 you confesse there may farther reply be made to you , that these principles of yours are also question'd , but take no notice upon what grounds of reason or scripture they are question'd , and so thinke you can deale with so unarm'd an adversary , as you please , by telling him they may be certaine and evident , though they be question'd ; and perhaps i shall confesse to you , that if they were onely question'd , and no reason that were not by you easily answered , brought to justifie such questioning , it were sufficient which you say , that questioning doth not disprove certainty ; ( and yet if every man's conscience be the judge , as you acknowledge , then unlesse you can make it evident that that man's questioning is against conscience , you will have no way to keepe it from being certaine , and evident to him ) but when there be arguments produc'd to backe that questioning , which you have no way to answer , but by saying they may be certaine and evident for all that ; he that disputes with you , will be excus'd to thinke he hath more reason to say ( and that you say must be judge ) that it may be otherwise . to the 6. & 7. sections , chap. 7. no doubt there can be , but god will reveale his truth to all such as seeke it with sincerity of heart ; and though both sides , as the enquirer objecteth , may make use of this for an exterior allegation , yet not as of interior helpe and preparation ; and therefore this sincerity is not a disposition unprofitable , though it be a proofe inefficacious , and thus much we grant willingly , neither doe we challenge it as an argument of truth . we grant him also , that before such time as we can believe the church , we are to acquire sufficient principles for informing us which is she ; and also before we can believe upon her determinations , we must have principles of knowing she is infallible , and all this we make profession we doe , de facto , know . neither doe we take this church to be a proteus , that is to say , sometimes of one shape , sometimes of another , but a conspicuous body constantly adorned with the robes of truth , and annexed to a succession of pastours legitimate from one age to another . c. 7. ans . to chap. 7. section 1 your answer to the sixth section is by giving a distinction to tell us now both sides make use of the pretence of seeking truth sincerely ] and concludes , that sincerity is not a disposition unprofitable , though it be a proofe inefficacious ; which because you are willing to grant , i will containe my selfe from springing any game or recreation for the reader at this time ( of which he that were playsomely disposed , would finde aboundant matter in the review of your distinction here applied ) and give you present payment for your favour by acknowledging , that that which you grant , is all that is begg'd from you , viz. that god's promise of revealing of truth to those who seeke it sincerely , is not at all an argument , that they that pretend to the benefit of that promise , must have reall title to it ; or consequently , that they that have no other arguments to prove their churches infallibility , but that they seeke truth sincerely , and yet after that sincere search are of that opinion , are to be heeded in their pretensions . this justifies his lordships sixth paragraph , as fully as if you had subscribed it without your distinction . section 2 his lordships seventh paragraph consists of two things ; first , a resuming of a part of his former argument , which had beene onely mentioned , but not inforc'd before , that [ supposing the church were proved to be infallible , yet were not that sufficient to give any man certaine knowledge which were it : ] secondly , a solid proofe of this affirmation , by plaine reason , because the granting the infallibility of the church did onely conclude , that god would alwaies have a church that should not erre , but not that this was appropriated to any particular church , to such a succession , to the bishop and clergy of such a place , &c. thirdly , by a lively instance of the greeke church , which though it were now in the right , might hereafter erre , and so the greeke church be now fallible , and yet at the time that that erred , another church might arise the champion of truth , and so still the church be infallible . section 3 to these two parts of the paragraph your dispatch is short , ( and annext to the nothing that was replied to the former section ) to the first , a liberall grant of that which no man thankes you for , ( that it is as necessary to know which that infallible church is , as that the church is so ) but then saying and professing , that you doe , de facto , know which is the church , and that she is infallible ; which ( beside that it is your old beloved petitio principii , to say you know it , & offer no proof for it , but your profession and a latine word , ( when the very thing that his lordship was just a proving , was , that you neither did nor could know it ) comes not at all home to his lordship's matter of shewing , that the acknowledgement of the infallibility of the church doth not evict , which is she : for if 't were acknowledged that you did know it , yet might it be by some other meanes , and not by proving or confessing the church to be infallible . section 4 as for his lordship's proofe and instance added to his proposition , 't was so despicable a thing , that 't was not worth taking notice of ; but instead of any such thing , you give us a declaration of your owne opinion , that the infallible church was not a proteus , but a conspicuous body constantly adorned with truth , &c. which is againe the meanest begging of that which was just then denied , and disprov'd ; and must so stand , till you can annex reasons to your opinion , and answers to his lordships reasons . to the 8. section . chap. 8. we never goe about to prove our church to be the true , therefore , because it holdeth with the truth , or teacheth true doctrine , as this enquirer seemeth to suppose we doe ; but rather contrariwise , because it is the true church of christ , therefore we inferre it teacheth true doctrine ; but that it is the true church , we prove first of all and originally by reall revelations , called in the scripture , verba signorum , that is , by signes , ostensions , or motives of credibility ; which motives for a great and sufficient part of them , are the same by which we prove to infidels the truth of christianity it selfe . for these same motives , though when they are considered but in generall , and as it were afarre off , doe perswade christianity but in generall , without designing out in particular this or that individuall christianity ; yet neverthelesse the selfe-same being understood distinctly , doe designe out a distinct and individuall christianity , and are applicable to none else ; as for example , the same species which shew me a man in generall afarre off , the selfe-same afterwards , when he comes nearer , being distinctly perceived , doe shew me that man is this individuall ; as plato for example , and no other : for reall species doe not represent unto us , entia rationis , or , individua vaga , but determinate individuals , namely , as often as those species are distinctly and compleatly understood . as for the circles into which both this enquirer and chillingworth would cast us , and make us dance within them whether we will or no , they are but chymaericall conceptions of fidling and trifling dispositions , which love to have toyes wherewith to entertaine themselves , and in this point of resolution , as we have declared it already , have no semblance of reality . c. 8. ans . to the 8. chap. section 1 his lordship supposing in charity that you had attempted to prove the roman church to be the true church by its agreement with scripture and antiquity , which is in effect , by holding the truth ; you plainely tell him he is mistaken in you . it seemes you defie such meane waies of proving yours to be the church , as accordance with scripture or truth , you must have it by some more noble way of demonstration ; and if you would stand to this peice of gallantry , and never urge scripture or fathers to prove your opinions , but content your selfe with your being the true church , to prove all after it : as i confesse i should not charge on you that circle which his lordship doth in this particular ( supposing , as he thought favourably to you , that you had proved the truth of the church by the truth ( and consonancy to scriptures and fathers ) of your doctrines ) so i should have two quarrels more against you , in stead of that one composed . first , that you would disclaime scriptures and fly to miracles , ( for such are your reall revelations , as you interpret them by the verba signorum , in the psalme , the signes being there interpreted by the wonders that follow ) that you would fly to gods extraordinary providence , when i presume you conceive his ordinary would have served your turne ; for sure if at another time a man should have asked you , is not your accordance with the scriptures and fathers a prime proofe that you are the true church , i doubt not but you would be so well natured as to confesse it ; and why now should the devils infirmity , the feare of a circle , make you so cowardly , as not to dare to owne so popular an argument , especially when your fire comes downe slowly , or your bath col the voice from heaven , ( which is the onely proper notion that i know of a reall revelation ) is not very audible to us that are afarre off : nor if we were , to be put upon the racke ; doe we know , or can confesse at this day , that we or any of our fathers ever heard that 't was so ever revealed , that the roman church is the true , or the infallible church . and besides when you know , we protestants are a little hard of beliefe , and dare not credit your owne report , that you have such ostensions , and revelations , and signes , when you neither produce witnesse , nor tell us , when or what they were , but give us farther ground of jealousie , by an odde phrase let fall by you , that those reall revelations of yours are motives ( no more then ) of credibility , when as true miracles acknowledged to be such , are grounds of faith , and he is an infidell that believes them not ; and to be but a motive of credibility , is but a petty thing that every topicall argument will take place of , probable being more then credible in the ordinary notion of the words . section 2 the second quarrell that your words have brought upon you , is your telling us ( without proofe that it is so , but onely by giving a similitude to shew it may be so , and so , in your phrase , to be a motive of no more then credibility , which in him that concludes it is so , is petitio principii againe ) that the same motives you use to prove the truth of christianity against infidels , will prove yours to be the true church ; which being confidently said , we are so vile in your eies , as not to be vouchsafed so much as the mention what they are , ( unlesse by your former words we conclude you meane miracles ) much lesse any evidence concerning them ; and yet by the way , the miracles by which we prove the truth of christianity to infidels , must be those which we meet with in scripture , and not those other in your legends ; and upon a strict survey and recollecting of all them ( and so comming as neare to them as can be ) i must professe i cannot see your churches being the true church in those miracles , neare so clearly and distinctly , as i can see the man afarre off to be one of my acquaintance , when he comes neare me , which you undertooke i should , and made me try ; and therefore i hope will recompence me for the losse of my labour , by giving me your reasons next time for your assertion , that i may try againe whether your proofes are more lucky then your experiments . section 3 but then i cannot see why you should be scurrilous upon both his lordship and master chillingworth , for thinking you were in danger of the circle , in which sure baron had deprehended your friend turnbull , and in which you had beene engaged infallibly , if you had but gone about to prove your church the true church by the truth ( or consonancy to scriptures and fathers ) of your opinions ; which way of proving me thinkes 't is possible you may stand in need of , before you come to the end of your answer . in the meane , as the calling downe hercules upon the stage , was wont to be a character of a tragicke poet , i. e. of a fabulous , wonderfull undertaker , cum fabulae exitum explicare non potuerit , so to fetch us in miracles and ostensions , to prove that divine truth that you confesse must not be proved by the scripture , will passe for a peice of poetry , i feare , instead of a motive of credibility ; and those that are chearfully disposed , will be apt to tell you , that you were faine to conjure hard , and doe , or pretend miracles , or else you had beene enclosed in that circle . to the 9. and 10. sections , chap. 9. to these i answer in a word , that neither the greeke , nor any other church can pretend the primacy or principall succession of pastours , that is to say , from the president of the apostle saint peter ; none , i say , besides rome , can pretend this ; and without this one , no●e can be authenticall or sufficient to prove a church , or a succession of pastours ecclesiasticall ; and so the enquirers starting-hole in the greeke church , into which he alwaies makes his retreat , is prevented and shut up against him . by this also is the 10. section answered , for whatsoever churches claime unto succession shall be alleadged , it can no way evacuate that of rome , as hath before beene shewed . ch. 9. answ . to chap. 9. section 1 your answer to the 9. and 10. sections , signifies a great deale , viz : that you were so put to it by the conviction of his lordships argument , that to dis-intangle your selfe you have ventured to vent a peice of very severe divinity , which my charity to you makes me hope you will not justifie ; and if you will , yet your no argument produced , gives me nothing to answer , nor otherwise to reply , then by denying as mercifully and obligingly to the world , as you doe cruelly affirme ; viz : that without succession sufficient from saint peter , there is no succession sufficient to prove a church , or a succession of pastours ecclesiasticall ] and this is so strange a newes to our eares ( who were confident that what ever you deeme of the other two parts of three of the christian world at this present , you had allowed liberty to apostles to ordaine churches , as well as ( and without succession from ) saint peter ; and indeed that that which in the second and eighth line of your chapter , you call the greeke church , might have beene acknowledged to be a church in the seventh ) that had you not said it in the most evident tearmes ( none beside rome can pretend this , and without this one , none can be sufficient to prove a church , &c. ) & had there been any way imaginable but this , to answer his lordship's argument , i should never have thought this had beene your meaning ; till i see you againe owne this severe doctrine , i shall not take paines to confute it ; and when i see that , i must say , that his lordship presumed you had not been so bloudily minded when he proposed to you the argument in those two sections . section 2 and yet after all this , i doubt not but with a little change , his lordships argument will still hold against you , even after you have ventured on such strange practices , to secure your self from it , thus ; suppose you had evinced that the succession from s. peter were infallible , and so proved the roman church to be so , because none else pretended to succeed s. peter , yet this can be no sufficient ground of belief to the ignorant , who cannot have any infallible foundation of belief , that the greek church doth not pretend from s. peter , whether by s. mark at alexandria , who might be ordained by s. peter , whose right hand , they say , he was in the penning of the gospell ; or by evodius at antioch , where s. peter was bishop seven yeares ( as your owne baronius ) or by any other , or ( to the ignorant it matters not ) by no other known way ; and even to the learned it is but an accidentall argument , because if any other company had likewise claimed succession from saint peter ( as they of * antioch do ) it had overthrown all that probation ; nay it is but an arbitrary argument which the adversary can confute by but denying ; for if any society of christians so called , would pretend to be from saint peter some other way , then by succeeding him at rome , or submitting to his government , your church could make use of it no longer . section 3 as for that which you adde in a word of answer to the 10 sect. that what ever churches claime unto succession , shall be alleadged it can no way evacuate that of rome ; if it be applied to his lordship's argument , it is absolutely false , for if rome's claime to infallibility together , and to succession to saint peter , be to be proved by this , because none else pretends to it ( which is the argument which his lordship here confutes ) then sure any other churches claime , or pretending to it will evacuate that claime or title , that by that argument is pretended , and contrary to this there is yet nothing shewed . to the 11. section , chap. 10. what mercy god will use in pardoning the errorurs of those men who doe seeke sincerely and yet misse , makes nothing at all against the ordinary provision and necessity of a guide , because those misses or mistakings be cases extraordinary . besides , i would know why any pardon should need for such innocent errours which be defects involuntary , and so can be no crimes ; wherefore me thinks the discourse of our enquirer in this section is not coherent . c. 10. answ : to the chap. 10. section 1 his lordship's argument sect. 11. is very strong against the collecting a necessity of an infallible guide for the interpreting of scripture from the topick of god's goodnesse , by proposing another way of reconciling god's providence with his goodnesse in this matter , ( which if it may be done , concludes that other unnecessary ) viz. by mentioning a doctrine of more evangelicall oeconomy ; in which errours may be reconcileable with mercy , when god doth give grace to the diligent seeker to finde out truth , or by this dilemma , that without such an infallible guide , upon the use of reason in the interpretation of scripture , and search for tradition , god will either give grace to finde what is so sought , or pardon if he misse ; and so though it stand not with gods goodnesse to damne him for every errour , to whom he hath assigned no infallible way to finde out all truth , yet to him that is confident that god will not damne any man upon such tearmes , as the servant laid to his charge , when he told him he was an austere man , &c. to him that teaches not such legall bloudy doctrine against god , this argument of the romanists will not be pressing at all ; this expedient of the gospell-grace or gospell-mercy being as fit for the turne of infirme soules , as an infallible guide would be ; as indeed the state of imperfection wherein we are placed , is as fit for our turnes , when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the gospell is revealed , and proportioned to it , as adam's paradise of supernaturall all-sufficient strength , and innocence would be . section 2 to all which all that you returne is only this that all this is nothing against the ordinary provision and necessity of a guide ; because those misses or mistakings are cases extraordinary : to which i answer , first , that if it were supposed that against the ordinary provision of a guide the argument were not of force , yet sure it might against the necessity of it , and then that is all that is pretended to by his lordship , and that which alone is destructive to you ; and therefore 't is strange you should couple them together as so sociall things , which are so distant and separable , for sure though evangelicall grace and mercy doe not exclude an ordinary provision of an infallible way , but leave it in medio , that god may if he will make that ordinary provision , yet notwithstanding this , it followes not that such a provision is required , or nenessary ; there is a wide distance betwixt [ possible if god please ] and [ necessary to the vindicating of god's goodnesse ] now against the latter onely it is that his lordship argues , and is not at all concern'd in th' other , and therefore i shall not need to examine whether the first be true , it being so cleare , that the second hangs so loose from it , and will alone serve our turnes as well . section 3 but then secondly , i professe not at all to understand what you meane by that reason of your assertion , [ because the misses or mistakings be cases extraordinary ] for first , how can it be denied in this imperfect infirme state of mortality , that now we are in , but that errours and mistakings are very ordinary ? that they are common there is no doubt , and as little that they are agreeable to that order or course that is now among men , and to you that say in the next words , that you know not why such defects should need any pardon ( and to us that acknowledge that they that reforme all other , and pray daily , demitte debita , shall through christ have pardon of course for these ) sure they cannot passe for extraordinary cases in either sense , for that would imply , that now under the gospell it should be ordinary , or regular to punish involuntary errours ( which you say can be no crimes ) and extraordinary either for us to commit , or for god to pardon them . section 4 but then secondly , if it were true that these misses , &c. were cases extraordinary , yet can i not see how these words can be annext to your former , as a proofe of their being answer to his lordship ( because how extraordinary soever the misses may be , the pardon for misses may doe as well for you , as an infallible guide ) unlesse you meane somewhat else by ordinary cases , then what my capacity hath reacht to , and till you please to instruct me better , i shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by exercising my charity in not judging what i doe not understand , invite yours to instruct me that i may . section 5 as for the coherence of his lordships discourse , you have little temptation to doubt of that , when you have said that he conceives that such errours or missings should need pardon , for to that , all that he saith is coherent ; it seemes you are not of his opinion for the truth of that ; and whether is in the right i shall not now examine , or enlarge to any so accidentall and extrinsecall discourse , but onely tell you , that believing as you doe , you ought to have said [ not true ] when you mistooke , and said [ not coherent . ] to the 12. section , chap. 11. to this charge we answer , that our proofes of a sure guide , are themselves also sure ; and what proofes those are , we before have signified , chap. 8. & sect. 8. and before chap. 5. sect. 4. ch. 11. answ . to the 11. chap. your next chapter being but a reference to what you had before said ( and that before examined by us ) my answer shall be answerably onely a reference also , without taking more paines , to put you in minde , how unfit your verba signorum ( which you there affirmed to be motives of credibility ) are now to proceed or commence infallible proofes , for those are they which his lordship's argument requires in his 12. section . to the 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , sections , chap. 12. the infallibility of popes or councels is no point of doctrine necessary to be knowne distinctly , before any resolution of faith can be made , because it is sufficient to learne out of catechismes and the common practice of the church , what is to be believed : neither is there any more probable feare of missing which is the see apostolique , and which the churches living in communion with it , then there is of a subjects being ignorant to what kingdome he belongs ; and , as for doctrine of beliefe , it is found out as readily , and as surely as the other , by those meanes of instruction which we have signified already . as for the simony objected , sect. 14. it is no impediment of his power , so he be received peaceably by the church , and not 〈◊〉 in question for it . the like may be said of the decrees and definitions of councels , together with the sense or meaning of them . and by this the 15 , and the 16 sections are answered . c. 12. answ . to the 12. chap. section 1 his lordship , in quest . after your infallible ground of faith , tooke into consideration the popes infallibility , sect. 13. the infallibility of a councell by him called , sect. 14. and produced arguments , i conceive , convincing against each . section 2 to these your onely answer is , that neither of these infallibilities are necessary to be knowne distinctly before any resolution of faith can be made , and you give your reasons for it , because , &c. which is in plaine tearmes to grant and prove the thing which his lordship desires , and proves ; for if they were the ground of faith , they would be necessary to be knowne distinctly before any resolution of faith , the foundation being absolutely necessary to the superstruction in materiall edifices ; and in intellectuall , the distinct knowledge of a ground of faith being as necessary to a distinct resolution of faith , as the ground it selfe , which workes not upon any man's understanding ( the seat of this faith ) any further then it is knowne . this concession of yours being all that is demanded of you at this time , we shall not need insist on , nor debate farther , what influence the case of simony may have upon the popes infallibility ; if he be infallible at all , he , or he and a councell , you say 't is not necessary to ground faith , ( which is the onely use we have of it in this present enquity ) for it seemes the catechismes , or common practice of the church , are sufficient to teach what is to be believed . section 3 what ? is the popes and councels infallibility made unnecessary ? and is a catechisme and common practice of the church sufficient for the grounding of faith infallibly ? certainly we are growne very low , and are supposed men of very moderate desires , if it be thought we shall thus be content with the infallibility of a catechisme : for whatsoever is sufficient for the grounding of faith infallibly ( remember [ infallibly ] must come in , for otherwise 't is not to his lordship's discourse ) must it selfe be acknowledged infallible . which if you shall please to affirme of any of your catechismes , as i shall first desire to be directed which catechisme it is , that of trent , or what others , ( that i may not mistake in the choice of my guide ) so i shall make bold to demand whence this infallibility , or authority of this prime guide of faith is to be fetcht ? it will be sure from the authority of the pope ( or councell ) of that time when 't was compiled and confirmed , and then still we fall backe to the infallibility of the pope , or councell , which it seemes in the last resolve is become necessary againe to the grounding of faith , and so againe must be knowne before any resolution of faith be built ( even upon the catechisme ) which was the thing you just now denied : as for the common practice of the church , that that should be a ground of faith , or sufficient for us to learne by it , what is to be believed ( besides that this is a weaker ground then catechismes , as much as errours are more likely to get into the practice of the many , then into the bookes of the learned , or authentique writings of the church ; and accordingly 't is observable in the particular of images , that the common practice of men is much more grosse , then the writings of the learned ) 't is impossible that that should ever be a guide , quâ cundum , which way we are to goe , till it be some other way proved , that we ought to goe that way . section 4 for the improbability of missing the see apostolique , and which be the churches that live in communion with it , we have no obligation lying on us to deny it ; his lordship's words gave you no occasion to assert it ; nor can we see what at this time you can get by it , when you acknowledge the infallibility of pope or councell unnecessary to be knowne before any resolution of faith can be made . section 5 you adde [ and as for doctrine of beliefe , &c. ] this i should conceive you had spoken of before in those words [ what is to be believed ] and then your memory was short to put it in againe within five lines , as if it had beene a new matter . section 6 i told you 't was not necessary , after you had confessed the cause to insist on the matter of simony , which was an argument of his lordships to defend it . yet that you may not complaine that any word of yours is neglected , or lost upon us , i have considered that also , and aske you whether it be not true what his lordship saith , that a pope chosen by simony is ipso facto , no pope , you ( durst not , i conceive , because you ) did not before deny it ; and if now you will take more courage , let your minde be knowne , and we shall not doubt to bring as classicke authors as your selfe against you . if it be true , then is your answer of no validity , because of no truth ; for either that infallibility , or whatever other power , must be annex'd to him as a man ( which he may be indeed , though he be not pope ) or under some other relation , which infallibly belongs to him , ( neither of which , i conceive , you will affirme , for then ten thousand to one , some other will communicate with him in that claime ) or else he must be pope , when he is , ipso facto , no pope ; or else that power must be annext to him by some body , that may thinke him pope when he is not , and then either god must runne the errour , or that power be given him from some other , for that god should know him to be no pope , and yet give that power of infallibility ( for if you speake of any other power it is not pertinent ) to him , as long as he is peaceably received , must , first , conclude that a no-pope may be infallible . and secondly , that whosoever is so received by the church , is so ; which unlesse there be some promise of gods to assure me that he hath promised it to the churches blind reception , will , for ought i yet see , conclude againe , that either the chaire or the peoples errour gives him that prerogative . section 7 to the 15 , and 16 , sections , you reply no one word , but referre it to your former answer , whether , if i knew which part of your answer it were ( for that immediately precedent i conceive 't is not , for i hope the simoniacall election hath nothing to doe with the decrees of councels ) i should attend it , but the scent being cold , i am at a losse , and so must be content to give over the game . section 8 yet seeing i am on this matter of the popes infallibility ( because you have wholly avoided that question , and by a kinde of stratagem diverted it , and so not given me any occasion to defend his lordship in that matter ) i shall a little consider the reader , ( to whom i am much obliged , if he shall have had patience to read thus farre , i. e. to endure the penance of so much nothing ) and give him a few collections of my owne , to this purpose of the popes infallibility ; not that i conceive they will from me finde any better entertainment then his lordship's reasonings had done , but because they are for the most part the concessions of your owne men , from whence i here transcribe them . section 9 that the pope is not onely fallible , but even judicially subject to errour , deviation , defection , and ( in ocham's phrase , haereticabilis ) to heresy , apostacy , atheisme , and in his practice to sinne of any the most hain us kinde , and consequently to damnation irreversible . i shall assert no farther then these honourable names will avow and authorize me . among your owne writers , ( i meane pontificians ) lyra in matth. 16. waldensis , l. 2. doctrin . fidei antiq . gerson . de exam . doct . consid . 1 , 2 , 3. adrianus sextus the pope , in 4. sent . de confirm . qu. ult . driedo de libert . christ . l. 2. c. 2. cardin. de turrecrem . l. 2. c. 16. almainus de author . eccles . c. 8. ad 6. &c. 10. & de dom . civ . nat . & eccl. concl . 3. archidiaconus bononiensis , in grat. gloss . in dist . 19. contra auxentium . catharinus in gal. 2. yea and the councels of constance and basil , and the fathers generally there assembled , which i hope tooke not up this doctrine from luthers or calvins dictates . section 10 to this purpose is it that we reade of childebert king of france , that he sent ruffinus his legate to rome , to enquire of pelagius the pope , whether he had violated the faith , as (a) baronius testifies ; the same was suspected of him by the bishop of tuscia , and other bishops of italy , to whom he sent his apologie , saith the same (b) baronius . so gregory the first , being under the like suspicion , wrote his (c) apologie to theodolinda queene of the long●bards . so the popes generally laboured to approve themselves to the emperours , and purged themselves before them ; sixtus before valentinian concerning the crime laid to his charge by baessus symmachus upon an accusation of forgery , saith an (d) author in goldastus ; all which are arguments that the popes infallibility was in those daies unknowne to the world , and the popes themselves were not very perfect in it ; if they had , they would have beene more confident then to have made apologies . section 11 farther yet , the bishops of germany met at brixia , the bishops of france at mentz , condemned the pope for a disciple of berengarius . or if the condemnations of such will not be of value against the pope , you gave reason even now leave to be the judge , and that , and common sense may be so in this matter , if you will but read the (e) epistle of pope zachary to boniface , è cathedra , a papall and definitive rescript , wherein he condemnes one vergilius for an hereticke , for affirming that there were antipodes ; which whether it were an errour in him , i leave you to judge , and professe my self to be of opinion , that though it were , 't was yet more tolerably discreet and pious , then that of gregory the seventh , that there is but one name under heaven , that of the pope , to whose seate whosoever paid not obedience , became presently an idolater and a pagan ; and if you will undertake to defend this , i will reward you by adventuring to justifie the other . that speech of gilbert , bishop of rhemes , that after was pope , shall with me be sufficient to expiate for either ; audaciter dicam , &c. i shall boldly say , that the bishop of rome himselfe , if he have offended any brother , and will not heare the admonitions of the church , ought to passe for an heathen and a publican . section 12 but all these are but trifles , if they be compared with other knowne passages of story , how stephanus was reprehended by cyprian , liberius by athanasius , honorius almost by all christians , of no lesse crimes then heresy it selfe . or because that is but one piece of carnality , and there be many others beside that , as probable , and considerable errours , and carnalities , i beseech you review either in your memory , or in onufrius , and platina , the lifes and manners of the popes , the incests , and sorceries , and cruelties of alexander the 6. the idolatrous sacrifices of marcellinus , calestin's using the helpe of magitians and devils to come to the papacy , and then tell me your opinion , whether popes may not erre ; and when you have replyed , by way of distinction of manners from doctrines , be then pleased to answer † nilus ( by some more satisfactory way then by calling him pratling greeke ) this question , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how it fals out that the pope can deny god in his workes , but cannot by any meanes in his words ; ( what charme or amulet kept his tongue inerrable , when his whole body was subject to those darts of satan ) and when you have done that , i beseech you to phansy to your selfe what kinde of crimes you conceive those popes would have committed , if they had beene fallible . section 13 i shall not enlarge this supernumerary trouble any farther , or expect your answer to every of these passages in bookes ; if i have wronged any by misciting , i shall be glad to heare of it ; and if they make not all together one probable argument or proofe of the fallibility of the pope , i beseech you pardon me for this unneedfull importunity . to the 17 , & 18 , sections , chap. 11. i noted before , that the knowledge of all these particulars recited by the enquirer , are no way necessary to the believer , and therefore both this author and baron the scotch minister struggle in vaine , when as with such care and vehemency they presse them against us . i conclude then , that in the church of god councels doe not multiply doubts , but diminish them . c. 11. answ . to chap. 11. section 1 to the 17 , & 18 , sections , the answer is a reference againe to a note dropt from you before , which truly i should not have been likely to apply to this businesse in hand , if you had not given me that seasonable admonition . your note , i conceive , referres to your discourse in the precedent chapter , how catechismes , and the common practice of the church teach all , what is to be believed . and ( as then the popes infallibility , so now ) that of councels is unnecessary to be knowne , and by that meanes all these particulars also ; for if the infallibility of councels were necessary to be knowne ( as it must be if they were deciders of questions ) then all these particulars mentioned by his lordship , would be necessary to be knowne also , because they are incident to every councell , and the knowledge of its infallibility ( because of its decisions , and even being it selfe ) depends on these . section 2 and the fitnesse of councels to decide controversies being the thing his lordship had now in hand , and which baron treats on , when he uses the like arguments , sure neither of them struggle in vaine ; but you rather ( who 't was thought in reason would have beene no wiser then your fellowes , and so would have asserted that fitnesse of councels ) have become a very slippery wrestler , gliding out of their hands , when their arguments began to lay hold on you ; and after such an escape as this , i confesse 't is matter of wonder to me , how you could thinke fit to end with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , triumph presupposing victory , and victory resistance , and none of these here are to be heard of , but onely a conclusion , that what his lordship had said and proved , he had said falsely ( a petitio principii againe ) that councels doe not diminish doubts , but multiply them . which proposition and proofe of his lordships , having no need of defending any farther , i shall onely interpose one caution , which i desire may be observed in his lordships discourse , that it being supposed , that councels are dot deciders of controversies , ( meaning thereby infallible ones ) they be yet of good authority and use in the church , to helpe to decide them , and ( notwithstanding all the doubts that his lordship saith they doe multiply ) be onely denied by us the priviledge of infallibility , not that other of being very usefull and venerable in a lower degree , and ( such the councell may be ) even next to the word of god it selfe . to the 19. section , chap. 13. he maintaines here a strange paradox , and one very improbable , namely , that to define any thing of new , is to bestow upon the devill one path more for us to walke in towards him . if you aske why , he tells you , because , before the definition made , it was lawfull to hold either side , but after , it is damnable . belike then with this author the manifestation of divine truths is the high way to damnation ; but i suppose few men are of his minde . certainly most are of opinion , that every such verity we learne , had rather beene a new steppe towards heaven , because knowledge of things divine doe enable men for the attaining of salvation ; and therefore the apostles by their instructing our understandings in them , shewed the world so many more paths to heaven . it may be indeed that by accident minds blowne up with selfe-conceit , may by their resisting such revealed truths , take an occasion to transgresse , but that is their owne faults , not the fault of them that teach , or of the verities that are declared , and therefore this cavill of the enquirers against the definitions of councels was very frivolous . it should seems he had a great minde to be quarrelling with councels , that was content to take such a frivolous exception as this against them . c. 13. answ . to chap. 13. section 1 your great quarrell to his lordships 19. sect. comes now to be considered ; wherein the paradox in , and improbability of his lordships conclusion will not be so great , if you observe but one thing , that the matter of definitions of councels , which he speaks of , is not divine truths , ( as the following words suppose them , and upon that presse them with absurdity ) but , as i conceive , such things as have beene defined by councels , being not before defined by scripture , and so though affirmed to be truths , yet not as divine truths , at least of which it is not infallibly true , that they are so : of which nature i might instance at large in your councels of lateran , constance , and trent ; for to the antient generall councels i confesse to beare such reverence , that i shall challenge any of you to exceed me . section 2 now to cleare his lordship from the guilt of a frivolous quarrell at this time , i must adde , that in such decisions of councels , the worth of the matter , and inconvenience of leaving it undecided , are the maine things worth considering ; and so it is possible that the decision may be such , that it may tend , first , to some publique end , whether the clearing of obscure scripture , or the recovering of some venerable and usefull practice , or doctrine of the church . secondly , to the setling and establishing of peace , by interposing such a judgement which may probably sway with both pretenders ; and in these , and the like cases , the advantages being so intrinsecall to the decision , and withall so great , the inconvenience mentioned by his lordship ought not to prevaile to the disparaging of councels , because though it be an inconvenience , yet is it over-weighed with other conveniences , and therefore the argument i confesse is not infinitely or unlimitedly true . section 3 but then the case may be , that the matter of the definition is of no such great weight or use , that there is no such assurance acquirable from scripture , that either side is true , ( nay it may be audacious and untrue ) and as little from any other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that either side will peaceably sit downe and acquiesce in the decision , ( but in matters of opinion probably prove opiniatour ) and so the decision will then rather widen the breach then compose it . section 4 in this case , or when indeed in other respects the ballance is even set , the good of defining counterpoised with the ill , then there is place for his lordship's argument , and 't is true that then upon that present supposition ( that before decision 't were lawfull to hold either way , and damnable after ) it were uncharitable to define ; my reason is , because when charity doth not move to doe a thing , i. e. when no advantage shall arise to mankinde by it , but on the other side charity shall advise to absteine ; some one , ( though accidentall ) hurt , being foreseen to arise on the other side , there to doe that thing is uncharitable . section 5 thus have we heard of an expression of bishop tunstall of durham , who died in your communion , that if he had beene chaplaine to pope innocent the fourth , he would have begg'd on his knees , that he would not define transubstantiation , as knowing it would tend to the breach of the peace of the church ; and thus in matters of controversy about predestination , &c. you know the pope hath in charity abstein'd to define , and the apostles ( or whosoever else were the composers of it ) in their creed defined but a few things ; and generally those churches that have avoided multiplying of articles , have by wise men beene thought the most christian , because the most charitable ; and even in matters of rites and humane lawes , the rule is , that they must not be multiplyed unnecessarily ; and the reason is , because they would consequently multiply snares on mens consciences , as unnecessarily , which is just his lordship's reason in this place . section 6 which you will rather guesse , because 't is cleare his lordship speakes of those things in which before a councell hath determined , it is lawfull to hold either way , perfectly lawfull , ( not excluding also that other circumstance that i have added , viz : when there is no reall gaine expectable by defining ) and when the [ those things ] are by his lordship so limited and restrained , i know not how ( to make up your paradox ) you could thinke fit to change the phrase from [ those things , &c. ] to [ any thing ] and after to [ divine truths ] and [ things divine ] and [ verities ] in generall , when 't is improbable that he did ( i am sure very possible and probable that he did not ) speake of any such , as are new steps toward heaven , but such as onely fill mens braines , puffe up their phansyes ( and oft make men to thinke themselves pious men for being of such opinions , and to neglect workes of piety and charity , as not neare so considerable ) and so are to them even that believe them , accidentally pathes to damnation , much more ( if the doctrine of the decisions of councels be to be extended to whatsoever uselesse definitions ) to those that doe not believe them . section 7 having said thus much for defence of this supposed paradox of his lordships , i must desire ( once for all ) these two things from the reader , which equity will require of him to grant me ; first , that his lordship's arguments be not extended infinitely , but onely be supposed to undertake to conclude as farre as is necessary to the present matter , and no farther , ( an example of which this chapter hath afforded you ) secondly , that his arguments being by him brought onely to enervate the infallibility of the roman church , be so cautiously taken , as that they be made use of onely to that end , and not at all inclined , or wrested to the lessening the authority of the church or councels universall ; for this would be very unjust , and ill inferred , there being a wide difference betwixt authority and infallibility , as also betwixt universall and roman , though ( by reason of the manner of his lordships discourse , being , according to the designe , wholly destructive of the one , and not assertive of the other ) the reader may perhaps be tempted to thinke otherwise ; and therefore i thought it not impertinent thus to fortify him against this prejudice . to the 20 , 21 , 22 , sections , chap. 14. it is true , we condemne some doctrines which generall councels have not condemned , and we have great reason for it , because though councels be one rule of faith , yet not the onely . againe , these we hold to be infallible , because they are the compendium and quintessence of the church , and the body representative thereof , as a king and the three states be of the whole kingdome . the cause of pope john the 22. is cleared sufficiently by ciacconius in his life , by caeffeteau in his learned answer to plessye's iniquity , and by many others , and therefore needs not be argued any more . i grant it a point of faith that the soules of the just shall see god before the last judgement , and doe deny that this doctrine was generally contradicted at any time . neverthelesse i doe not know it to be of faith that all of them shall enjoy the same vision before that great day , and that none of them shall be detained in secret receptacles , as the antients hold , till they , together with their bodies , shall be compleatly purged in the great fire of the worlds conflagration , as i have treated elsewhere . it was not needfull that councels should define in tearmes their owne immunity from errour , because a councell both in substance and semblance is the church , who needs not define her owne infallibility , and therefore needs not , because that same is to be presupposed to all her definitions as a thing knowne without them , before hand ; for otherwise she would not be believed in any of them at all , either touching her selfe , or any other matter . neverthelesse though this definition be not in tearmes , yet it is virtually done , and in actu exercito , as often as a councell defineth any thing , by the pronouncing of anathema against such as doe not submit , and counting them as heretiques ; it is done againe in the using continually this old forme , visum est spiritui sancto & nobis . for a conclusion i demand of these eager impugners both of church and councels , what thing it it must regulate our beliefe , and keepe us in discipline and unity ; for if they let all men loose upon themselves , and make all men judges in the court of faith , as they , de facto , doe , controversies will multiply apace , and no meanes left to reconcile them ; and while all men have authority of deciding , no man hath it . reason alwaies did teach us , that confusion would be the effect of this new licence ; yet could we never understand it , till that now costly experience , the mistris of the improvident , hath laid it open before our eies . and now at length we smart for our leaving the venerable decrees and definitions of church a●d councels , and doe behold all brought to misery and ruine , both church and state ; yet such is our blindnesse , as we are not able to dis●erne the true causes of all these evils . the daily growing up of new and new devices in stead of the old faith , and the continuall discords and dissentions thereupon ensuing , evict unanswerably the weaknesse and inaptitude of the rule of faith , and our young and presuming wits way see how farre short they come of their forefathers wisedome , and how much more unhappy then those who were governed by church and councels . c. 14. answ . to chap. 14. section 1 the first part of this chapter in the apologist , is answer onely to one of three or foure proofes of his lordship's argument , section 20. viz. to that against the councels being a rule of heresy , [ when some passe for heretiques that are not condemned by any councell ] to this i confesse it were satisfactory ( if it were proved ) to say that councels are a rule , but not the onely rule . but then , first , there is no other rule specified . and secondly , this argument of his lordships is complicated with three others , being joined with which , it is of force to strengthen one of them ( though of it selfe it were not sufficient to conclude ) and then neither of those are taken notice of . thirdly , 't is meant but as a proofe against this rule , not against any other . and yet fourthly , his lordship's method being to confute every one of them single , as they lye ; all others being disproved , this must be concluded the onely one , or none at all ; and however , no more can here be required , then that here he disprove this from being the rule , not that he disprove all others in this period . section 2 for your way of proofe [ that councels are infallible ] first , that is not answer to the contrary proofe ; and secondly , it is by a medium as much denied , as it selfe ( the infallibility of the church whose quintessence it is ) and so your old acquaintance , petitio principii againe . section 3 your second part about john 22. puts us off to ciaconius and caeffeteau , whom in obedience to your direction i should advise with , but that i see from what you have learned from them , that either you have proved an ill schollar ( and 't were insolence in me to hope to be better ) or else that their resolutions are not pertinent to his lordship's argument ; for the three things that you adde ( i conceive from their writings ) are nothing at all to it . section 4 first , not that which you grant , for his lordship grants it . secondly , not that which you deny , for his lordship had not affirmed it ( unlesse from these words [ he was not alone ] you conclude , that that which he contradicted , was generally contradicted ; and then what his lordship said , may be as truly said to be generally granted , for he is not you see alone in so saying . ) thirdly , not that which you say you doe not know , for his lordship knowes it as little , and indeed sayes never a word of it . whereas the onely thing wherein the force of that part of his lordships argument consisted , viz. bellarmines excusing pope john ( in his denying of that which you believe ) from the no-councell that had defined against him , hath no title said to it , but continues in great security , to make good the argument , [ that you doe amisse ( and withall either you or bellarmine are very partiall ) to condemne those that are condemned by no generall councell . ] section 5 your answer indeed to the 21. section , is nearer to the mark , but yet it hits it not ; the argument is , that no councel ever decreed a councell to be infallible , therefore as farre as the argument is drawne for beliefe , from the infallibility of the councell , i am not bound to believe it infallible . to this you answer , 1. that for councels so to define , was not needfull , because a councell is the church , and the infallibility of that is a praecognitum in all her definitions , otherwise it would not be believed in any . section 6 here is excellent contrivance , 1. for councels to define that councels are infallible is not needfull ; which sure is needfull , if nothing be to be believed , but what the councell defines to be so , and that must be granted , 1. if the councell be the rule of beliefe ; and 2. if the councell be the church ( as you say it is ) for that is the onely rule infallible , if you be not deceived . 2. that the councell is the church in substance . ] i thought it had beene in representation onely , and that nothing is the church in substance , but the church in its full extent , of which you said before , the church is onely the quintessence , which sure is not the same in substance with that whose quintessence it is , but onely the representation of it . 3. that the infallibility of the church is a praecognitum ; if so , then it is a principle ; and if so , then i am sure i must not looke to see it prov'd , and then as long as we deny it , ( as we doe , you know ) that is petitio principii againe . 4. that unlesse the church were presumed infallible before its determination , it could never be believed in any : this supposes men very hard-hearted , that never will believe any thing , but what some presumed infallible tels them . section 7 there is a beliefe ( as well as a certainty ) cui non subest dubium , of which a man doth not doubt , as well as cui non potest subesse falsum , in which there can be no falsity ; and the schooles have told you of a certainty of adherence , where there is none of evidence ; and let me tell you , this is the difference betwixt beliefe and knowledge , the latter onely is inferr'd demonstratively , or by premises that cannot be otherwise , the former being content with probable arguments , so they be strongly probable , and such as have not any the like , or of as considerable weight to be ballanced against them . and this sure is the reason that faith is by god thought fit to be rewarded , as being an act of the believers choyce , ( and knowledge not , because it is necessarily and irregably induced ) and yet such , as that it will be all obstinacy and perversnesse to resist , when it comes well provided with arguments extreamly probable . section 8 for , if you marke it , the most weighty actions of our lives , and those which we doe most constantly , and most confidently , are founded no deeper then on probabilities . we eate and drinke for the strengthening and refreshing of our bodies , and yet conceive not our selves to have any certainty of evidence or demonstration , that every bit we eate , or drop we drinke , may not choake , or poyson us ; yet having probabilities , on which to ground a beliefe , that they are wholsome , and no strong contrary probability , that our table shall become a snare , or death unto us , we doubt not to feed as securely , as if euclid had beene our surety by one of his demonstrations . section 9 so in every piece of land i buy , or estate i enjoy from my ancestors , 't is possible ( and the contrary not demonstrable , or certaine in that sense ) that there may be some flaw which may undoe me , and yet when i have searcht my evidences , and have the opinion of wise men upon the matter , i sit downe , and trade , and live securely , and all this but upon probabilities , without the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or full armour of infallibility or demonstration . section 10 and so in all matters of fact , which we see or heare not with our owne eies or eares , but as with perspectives and otacoustickes , i meane where we are faine to trust the relations of others , be it that there was a julius caesar , or a henry the eight , the ground of our beliefe is but a probability , viz. the topick ab authoritate , the argument taken from the authority of the relators ; which though it be never so strengthened by the universall concurrence and non-dissenting of all witnesses , cannot yet ascend higher , then to be extreamly probable , and yet sure is as firmely believed of us ; and although it may possibly be otherwise ( the contrary implying no repugnance , or contradiction in nature , and he that should be so mad to affirme it , being not confutable either by rationall , or ocular demonstration ) yet as little doubted of by any man in his right wits , and as little lyable to any scruple , or matter of doubt , as what is most visible before our eies . section 11 this i have said perhaps ex abundanti ( yet shall not repent of it because it is usefull to be considered in order to other difficulties ) to shew you the falsnesse , and inconsequence of that argument , that unlesse the church were presumed infallible before its determinations , it could never be believed in any . for hereby it hath appeared , that that may be believed , nay cannot sometimes without pertinacy and sinne be not believed , ( as in case the arguments , though but probable , be excessively so ) which brings not with it demonstration , or any thing of equall power or force with it , and such is infallibility . section 12 and from thence you will easily discerne , how possible it may be for us protestants to believe the universall church in all things , wherein the testimony appeares to be universall ; nay to believe the church of rome in many things , wherein the arguments produced by her , doe actually perswade with us , ( such are her consonancy with antiquity , and the like ) and yet to remaine constant to our present undertakings , that she is not infallible . section 13 but it now appeares that i might have spared this paines , in pressing these inconveniences on that first answer of yours . for it seemes by what followes , that all that answer was needlesse ; for now upon better consideration , 't is true ( with a distinction ) that the councell doth virtually , and in actu exercito , define its owne infallibility ; and that you prove , first , because it pronounceth anathema's against those that submit not ; secondly , it doth it by saying [ visum est spiritui sancto , &c. ] section 14 not to examine your phrase of actus exercitus , as 't is here applyed ; to your arguments we answer , first , that our councels denounce anathema's too , yet you know doe not pretend to infallibility . section 15 that forme , i conceive , signifies not , that all are damned that believe not what we believe , but that all they that shall dis-believe may be excommunicated , if they be refractory ; and that againe onely in reference to those that are under dominion ; but not that all others that are not under us , should by us be so handled ; or that those that are not excommunicate , are in that other danger ; or if these are , yet not for the sinne of dis-believing an infallible doctrine , but for not believing our lawfull superiours ; which may be a damning sinne , though they be not infallible , their being in the truth , when they make such constitutions , is sufficient for that . secondly , the forme of [ visum est spiritui sancto ] is onely a forme transcribed from the acts , arguing it their opinion ( that use it ) that this particular is the dictate of the holy ghost , not at all their beliefe , that the holy ghost was bound to assist irresistibly : which he must ( as well as assist ) to make the infallibility ; for otherwise when he assists , we may possibly not make use of his assistance . in plaine , 't is an evidence that they thinke they are in the truth , not that they cannot be in the wrong . section 16 to the 22. section , though you answer not a word , yet you are as discreet as if you did , you doe another thing in stead of it , you aske a question , and harangue upon it at large ; the question is pertinent enough ( though not to this section , yet ) to the businesse in grosse , and we answer it in a word , that the word of god must regulate our beliefe , and reason , in the use of all the meanes that you will commend to us , and you have given us a pledge already , that you will not quarrell with us for this answer ; as for discipline , and keeping in unity , we had , blessed be god , meanes very sufficient to that end , till the sword wrested them ( as all other our lawfull possessions ) out of our hands ; and i believe the infallibility of the church is not weapon-proofe , or able to keepe resisters in obedience , or schismatiques in unity . section 17 as for your uncharitable judgement , that want of an infallible church ( which must be but want of that insolence to undertake our selves to be infallible ) is ( that and no other ) the * cause of all our present miseries ; and his lordships doctrine in this book , ( although never so remote ) the cause of his death : this is but to let us see your change or variety , that you can use non causa pro causa , and not deale onely in petitio principii ; thus was tenterden steeple the cause of goodwin sands , and that is all i shall returne to your state-observation ; the cause of our present calamities , i conceive , came not out of the church , but when it was infamous , it fled to it for a sanctuary , to give it an honest name , and a protection together ; and i could tell you that the league in france was once pretty parallel to ours , and then 't was the observation of a knowing man , that if a true story of the causes of that warre should be written , the businesse would be traced into such or such a brothell house , that made as if it came out gravely from the church ; a competition or animosity , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or true cause , when religion was onely the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the pretended . besides , let me tell you , that decisions and anathematizings have sometimes done as much hurt toward occasioning of breaches , as licence and acknowledgement of fallibility hath done ; ( and if you marke , the onely colour of charge at this time against our church , hath beene the imposing too much ) and truly whatever your opinion is , i conceive meeknesse hath the promise of this life , and i never knew that pretending to infallibility is the onely symptome of that . to the 23 , 24 , & 25 , sections , chap. 15. the argument of these three sections , is , how an ignorant illiterate man cannot be able to trace out all traditions which be truly apostolicall : and this is sought to be perswaded and made good , by sundry intricate discourses , all which i willingly doe pretermit , and onely signifie that they all fall wide of the marke ; for , in a word , our answer to them is , that private men stand in no need at all of having any particular information of them , but , that it is sufficient for them if they doe learne what is the common doctrine of the present church , without looking any higher to the primitive and elder times : because this doctrine now taught is credible and perswasive enough for satisfying of any wise mans understanding , and the setling of his judgement upon it : as for example , it is sufficient for any man desirous of knowing which is the river thames , to see it at gravesend or london , without any laborious ascending by it higher and higher , and tracing the shoares thereof , till he come unto the springs ; and more then this would not be needfull for the distinguishing of it from severne , or trent , or any other river . for if this kinde of assurance might not be sufficient , then certainly few or none could ever have come to know which water was the famous river nilus , of which few have ever seene the springs , and which , as it is very likely , doe lye conceal'd in aethiopia , and wholly undiscovered even to this day . against the possibility of searching out traditions apostolicall , and discerning them from others that be spurious and false , his principall instance , and that in which he most confides , is the doctrine of the chiliasts or millenaries ; and the same example is vehemently pressed and repeated often by his friend chillingworth . the substance of all they say consists in this , namely , that their doctrine , although now generally received to be erroneous , was received in the first 200. yeares with one consent , as a tradition apostolicall . for making of this charge good , they both of them doe jointly alleadge saint justin as their witnesse . but that we may judge most favourably of this their allegation , we needs must tell them they are mistaken grossely , for saint justin speaking there of three severall sorts of christians which were in his time , affirmes , that of those three but one of them held the doctrine of the chiliasts : the first of these three sorts was , as he describeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those , who as he conceived did in all points hold aright . the second classe consisted of such other , who although they did not , like the former , in all things hold aright , yet neverthelesse were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : men of pure and pious judgement or beliefe , for so he expressely stileth them ; the third and last sort were such as denied the resurrection , and were therefore censured by him to be christians rather in name then in reality , and justly to be compared with the sadduces amongst the jewes . those of the first sort he telleth did hold the doctrine of the thousand yeares . the second sort , as he expressely witnesseth , although they were orthodox and good , yet did not hold that doctrine . those of the third sort , as he saith , were christians , but feignedly , and in name alone , and resembling the sadduces , yet not for their denying the errour of the thousand yeares , for what relation could that have unto the sadduces ? but , contrariwise , for their denying the resurrection , as the sadduces did , and all this appeares clearly , within the compasse of a few lines , in the greeke text of saint justine ; besides , if all at that time had beene perswaded of the truth of the millenaries fancy , what needed saint ireneus have laboured so much , as he did , and spent so many chapters in the proving of it ? this being so , it appeares as plainly that the enquirer and also his partner master chillingworth , were both of them deceived in seeking to father upon saint justin , that all orthodoxall believers of his time received the doctrine of the chiliasts , and that such as did not , were held as sadduces , or heretiques ; for , in the text of justin , there is no such matter , but rather the quite contrary to it , as may appeare fully by the text it selfe , and partly by the words before recited out of him ; for , without all doubt , saint justines many of pious and pure judgement or beliefe , and were no chiliasts , must needs be orthodox , and could not be heretiques , nor as the sadduces amongst the jewes , unlesse we will say that with one breath , he called them by both contrary names . againe , if , as these men say , all the whole church were chiliasts during the first , second or third hundred yeares , how could or durst dionysius of alexandria have opposed them , either without forcing his owne conscience , or incurring the blame of heresy ? now , it is certaine he was not counted an heretique ; and againe , very unlikely he would straine his conscience , by opposing any doctrine , received as orthodoxall by the whole church . againe , it is probable saint dionyse the areopagite opposed that doctrine , therefore it cannot be certaine , that during the first 200. yeares , it was not opposed : that saint dionyse did it , appears by the workes now extant bearing his name ; and , that these works be his , is very probable , first , because they are received for such by the major part , both of the westerne and the easterne church ; secondly , because they were cited for his a thousand yeares agoe , and numbred amongst the rest of the fathers antient and undoubted monuments , by an intelligent author , philoponus , l. 2. de operib . creat . c. 21. & l. 3. c. 9. & 13. the like may be said of the pretended tradition of the quartodecimanes touching the celebration of easter after the manner of the jewes , which was wholly rejected and forbidden in the first nicene councell , and before that time opposed by many , and principally by pope victor , who , as ciacconius conceives , did not cut polycrates and his associates from the body of the whole church , but only threatned it , or , as eusebius seemes to say , did doe it , but , yet at the instance of saint ireneus , and some others , if he had once past it , did not prosecute the censure against them , but let it fall ; and , that it was so , is very probable , because there is no memory made how the sentence was received , whether with obedience , or otherwise ; which particular , doubtlesse , would never have beene omitted by historians , no more then the sentence it selfe , or the intention of it was , if there had beene any thing to register ; and besides , because we finde not by any record , but that all proceeded with those asian churches , as formerly it had done , without any note or alteration . and , by this , is solved all that chillingworth with so much animosity , objecteth against the learned cardinall perone . salvian lib. 5. de gubern . dei , where he speakes in excuse of some arian gothes , speakes not at all in excuse of their heresy , but supposing that sundry of them might have beene innocently mis led , conceiveth more hope of such mens salvation , then of such catholiques , who lived carelesly and lewdly . now , what can this make against the tradition , or definition of the church ? onely this inquirer must say something to his mother , and be making difficulties where none is . ch. 15. answ . to the chap. 15. section 1 to the three next paragraphs , 23 , 24 , 25. you professe it needlesse for you to give any answer , and doe it so willingly , because , as you say , the discourses are intricate , i. e. such as you cannot easily accommodate answer to ; but especially , because it is sufficient for private men to learne the common doctrine of the present church , and therefore there will lye no obligation on me to reply any thing , save onely this , that his lordships arguments doe still prove sufficient to the end , to which he designed them , to shew that tradition is no infallible guide , which that you acknowledge , your diversion seemes to intimate , and your many proofes , that 't is not needfull it should be . section 2 but then it is in you a great injustice , not to take notice of his lordships designe , to which his arguments are concluding , ( but to impose another on him , to which he never thought himselfe engaged , nor could have foreseene your pleasure without the spirit of divination ) and yet , to chide him for impertinence , and pretermit and despise all that he hath said upon this onely ground of displeasure , because he hath not proved what you now thinke fit to set him for his taske . section 3 this onely you must please to note , that the appointing the ignorant to learne their beliefe from the common doctrine of the church ( as before you did from the catechismes ) doth intimate your opinion , that your present church is infallible , but is no shew of proofe that it is so ( and so petitio principii ) nay if your words signifie , as they sound [ that your doctrine thus taught is credible and perswasive enough ] i may conclude that your church is not infallible ; for whatever is taught by such an one , is more then credible and perswasible . section 4 your subtilty about the way of knowing the river thames will as little come home to the businesse of infallibility ( though to credibility it may ) unlesse every water-man on the river be as infallible as your church , for of him it is that i learne it ; and though his credit be great enough for a matter of this moment , and in it i would as willingly be ignorant or uncertaine , as be at the trouble to seeke out a better security : in matters of greater moment , i may be excused if i am not so credulous , if i choose not to believe them , whose interests are concerned , at least if i thinke every catechisme on the stall to be somewhat lesse then infallible . section 5 having now sufficiently disclaimed tradition ( at least shewne your opinion of it , that you have little need of it to sustaine your churches infallibility ) and so granted as much as his lordship attempts to prove , yet for some former profession of kindnesse to it , you will now take its part a little ( rather then his lordship shall be permitted to say any thing true ) and vindicate it from the argument about the chiliasts . in which i must tell you , that what you here affirme of his lordship and m. chillingworth is not true of his lordship ( whether it be of m. chillingworth is not tanti , as that not having the booke by me , i should take the pains to examine it . ) section 6 as first , this , that he seekes to father on saint justin , that all orthodoxall beleivers of his time received the doctrine of the chiliasts , whereas all that his lordship saith , is but the repeating of justin's owne words ( wherein he cannot be deceived in your opinion , for you before recite the same ) and translating them ( wherein he is not deceived , for he doth it ad literam ) and in a word affirming , that justin saith he holds it , and so doe all that are in all parts orthodoxe christians , which phrase [ all that are ( i. e. which he saith are ) in all parts orthodox ] that it differs from this other of yours [ all orthodoxall beleivers ] i shall appeale to no other judgement then that of your owne conscience , who in the former page affirme , that justin spake of three sorts of men ; first , those that did as he conceived in all points hold aright : the second , which though they did not so in all things , yet were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a pure and pious judgement , ( and those which are such i shall suppose to be orthodoxall beleivers , though as it appears by your acknowledgment , they did not hold right in all things . ) or if your analysing of the place doe not sufficiently convince you of this difference , ( and the injury that consequently you have done his lordship ) i shall then , ( having long agoe seriously weighed that place ) first , give you an account of it , such as i doubt not will satisfie you ; and when i have done so , secondly , confesse the weakenesse of that place to conclude any thing against catholique tradition ; and yet thirdly , make it cleare , that you have wronged his lordship in your report of his citation . section 7 first , for the doctrine of the millennium , i professe to beleive , that it appears not to be justin's affirmation , that it was not opposed by his contemporaries , but rather the contrary , which i conclude from these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have signified to you that many doe not acknowledge this doctrine of the 1000 yeares , and those many , christians that are of pure and pious opinion or judgement . and that you may be beholding to me , i shall also professe , that i am not of the opinion of those learned men that have conceived that period false written ; and that either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( which would be a strange and bold criticisme , of very ill example , if it were admitted against the consent of copies ; and then secondly , it would leave a very perplexed period of it ) or that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be left out ; for first this would be as dangerous a criticisme , and of as ill example , which would make authors opinions mutable into the quite contradictory ; and yet such , as is not without example among you , witnesse the disputation between the regulars and seculars in the controversy about the necessity of having an ordinary here in england , upon occasion as i remember , of a canon of a councell concerning confirmation , one side contending that [ non ] should be in , the other that it should be left out , a controversy about a word , nay a syllable , but yet that of some concernment . secondly , if either of these emendations should be admitted , the antecedents and consequents would not naturally and in good stile connect , but the sense of this period would be just all one with that that went before immediately . section 8 a second proofe of what i said i shall fetch from this , that trypho in that place ( though justin had told him that he denied not the millennium , yet ) suspected that justin had equivocated with him on this ground , because other christians were not of this opinion , and therefore begins with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tell me whether you confesse it sincerely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and justin answers , that sure he would not say it if he had not thought it , and thereupon repeats , that he had confest to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and promises he would set out a booke of this disputation , and professe it openly to others as well as him , and adds that he means not to follow men and their doctrines , but god ; all which argues his acknowledgment that the opinion was not uncontradicted by men , nor generally consented to by christians . section 9 a last proofe shall be , that those words which seeme most to the contrary [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] will not come home to the proofe of it , nor indeed of any more then this , that he was of that opinion , and some others in all things consenting with him ; for it being supposed that he was of that opinion , it cannot be expected of him that he should affirme any that hold it not ( though never so orthodox in other things ) to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of right opinion all things : because every honest man supposing his owne opinions to be right , ( for else he will change them ) must also suppose , that they that differ from him in one of those are not in that , ( and so not in all things ) of right opinions . section 10 for the truth is , he speaks of three sorts of men ( wherein i shall not differ much from you ) the first , that denyed the resurrection and the 1000 yeares , and those he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nominall christians , atheists , impious , haereticall leaders ; the second , those that acknowledged the resurrection and denyed the millennium , and those are contained under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , christians of pure and pious opinions ; the third sort , those that held both , as him selfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , many others , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if there were any that were orthodox in all things . section 11 this being thus set downe ( if you please ) by way of compliance with you in the first place , i shall make no scruple to adde in the second , that by justin it cannot be concluded , that the 1000 yeares was a matter of catholicke beliefe in his time , but only favour'd by him , and many others , and consequently , though that were after condemned in the church , would it not be from this testimony inferr'd , that a catholick doctrine , ( much lesse a tradition ) were condemned . section 12 and therefore ( which was the third thing i promised you ) you may observe , that his lordship spake very cautiously , and ( as any man will now conceive ) very critically , according to the importance of justins words , that justin held it , and said , that all that were in all parts ( that is in all particular points ) orthodox christians did so too , but no more , which is much lesse then what you lay to his lordships charge , in the first place , that he fathers on justin , that all orthodoxall believers of his time received the doctrine of the chiliasts ; and infinitely lesse , then that which you lay to him in the second part of the charge , that he fathers againe on justin , that such as did not receive that , doctrine were held as sadduces or haereticks ; to which i answer in a word , that sure your memory of things is confused , and so apt to betray you to write things , which are apparently false , for so this particular is , his lordship not saying one word to this purpose in this paragraph . section 13 which three things being thus cleared , i shall now proceed to view your dealing in that which his lordship mentions from irenaeus in this matter . section 14 of him indeed it is true , his lordship saith , that he sets downe the doctrine of the chiliasts directly for a tradition , and relates the very words that christ used , when he taught this . and to those words of his lordship's , i shall make bold to adde the words of irenaeus on which they seeme to be grounded : presbyteri qui johannem viderunt , meminerunt audisse se ab eo . & haec papias johannis auditor , polycarpi contubernalis vetus homo , testata reliquit . the presbyters that saw john , remember that they heard this of him : and papias , saint johns auditor , that dwelt with polycarpus , an ancient man , left these things testified . this surely sounds somewhat towards a testimony of apostolick tradition , and if it be capable of an answer reconcileable with your doctrine of tradition , may yet certainly be acknowledged a difficulty worth your taking notice of . and yet you that were so large on that of justin to little purpose , have not vouchsafed to take notice of this of irenaeus , but on the other side affirme , that irenaeus laboured very much , and spent many chapters in proving of it . from whence , i confesse you are willing to assume , that all at that time were not perswaded of the truth of the millenaries fancies ; but as that is a strange way of concluding , from his spending pains and chapters to prove it , to inferre that it was not generally believed in his age ( when 't is possible his so large a proving did make all men then of that opinion , and his proving it positively , and not against any adversary , though it doth not prove he had then no adversary , doth much lesse prove that he had ) so is there not added by you any other , or indeed , any tittle of answer to what is brought by his lordship out of irenaeus . section 15 his lordship saith also in this paragraph , that they that were after against the millenaries never quoted any for themselves before dionysius alexandrinus , who lived 250 yeares after christ : this indeed sounds somewhat toward concluding , that that was the doctrine of the first age not opposed by any prime doctor , and might be worth your pains in answering too , but you endeavour not that neither , but would make it improbable , that if it were so generall a doctrine , dionysius should dare to oppose it . this is very ill arguing against a matter of fact , to aske how could or durst he ? there is nothing done so many yeares since , but some probability may , by a witty man , be brought against it ; i confesse i acknowledge my opinion , that there were in that age men otherwise minded ( as out of justin it appeared ) and his lordship saith nothing to the contrary out of any other evidences , ( no more then we made it cleare he did out of justin ) all that he saith is , that papias had gotten the prime doctours into the beleife of it , and that no one of those two first ages opposed it , that is , wrote or interposed in any considerable manner against it . section 16 and if i were apt to change my opinion in this matter , on easy tearmes , i should goe neare to doe it upon the view of your proofe of the contrary , so exceeding feeble and weake is it . for supposing all the eminent men for those ages had beene for it upon the strength of some places of scripture , and papias his report from saint john , it would not yet be very difficult for a learned man , dionysius alexandrinus ( when no act of councell had interposed or bound up that doctrine ) in the degree that he thought that those places of scripture were misunderstood , and that papias had abused them , in the same degree i say , to declare his opinion and the grounds of it , and never force or straine his owne conscience , or incurre the blame of heresy by so doing . section 17 for what thinke you of another opinion that irenaeus tooke up just upon the same tearmes , of christs being betwixt 40 and 50 yeares old , for which he vouched scripture , as he did for tother , and the authority of omnes seniores ( larger then presbytery in tother ) testantur qui in asia apud johannem discipulum domini convenerunt ; id ipsum tradidisse eis johannem &c. all the elders witnesse it , that were in asia with john , that he delivered it to them ; & qui alios apostolos viderunt , haec eadem ab ipsis audierunt , & testantur de ejusmodi relatione , they that saw the other apostles , heard the same of them , and beare witnesse of such a relation . this is as high an expression of apostolicall tradition ( if we will beleive irenaeus ) as universally testified to be so , as any could be thought to be . and yet sure you would not thinke it a sinne against conscience , or obnoxious to the censure of heresy for any man of meaner parts and authority then dionysius alexandrinus to have opposed this phansy , and profest his opinion to the contrary ; you must know that there was not that perfect yoke of tyranny gone out upon all mens necks as now your infallible church doth glory of , that no man must oppose any the meanest assertion or opinion of the doctours of the church , ( though not at all defied ) but presently he must be an hereticke ; at least divinity was not turn'd into such an art , that it must receive no grouth , or sensible change , but all goe on in the same tracke , beleive ( nor understand ) no more in scripture , then the present church understands , and so in effect have all their skill in tongues and fathers , and even their judicative faculty as so many unprofitable burthens upon them , that must not be made use of to the discovery of an errour , to the helping of the world to more light , reforming any thing that is amisse in it . section 18 this which is one of the greatest moderne crimes in christianity , was not so ancient as those purer daies , wherein life was as censurable , as now false opinions , ( i meane such as though supposed false , are yet perfectly extrinsecall to the anology of faith ) wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impiety and piety , divided the church into erroneous and true members , and teaching of opinions not before embraced ( so it were not with pride , or judging of others ) could be well enough endured . and so ( according to the old rule of distingue tempora ) doe but consider how distant those times are from these amongst you on one side , and your opposite extreame ( that runne from you so farre , till they meet you againe at the antipodes ) on the other , and you will give dionysius alexandrinus leave to dare oppose that doctrine of the chiliasts , though it had ( more generally then it did ) prevailed amongst them . section 19 another argument you have against the generall reception of that doctrine , [ that 't is probable saint dionysius the areopagite opposed it ] i wonder one that asserts an infallible church should deale so mightily in probabilities , just as if a profound geometer should use but topicall arguments . now to see how you prove this probability , 't is proved by the workes now extant bearing his name . what workes those are , and how improbable to be his , i could give you a large account by some hints which i remember photius in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 helpt me to , but i shall satisfie my selfe onely with answering your argument out of philoponus , briefely thus . that in the places by you cited , he mentions onely an epistle of dionysius to polycarpus , in which you know , or may know , there is no word of the chiliasts , and then that will be a very aliene testimony , and very unable to countenance the bulke of those bookes under dionysius his name ; which may all be spurious , ( and in them the testimonies against the chiliasts ) though that letter should be canonicall ; and now see , i pray , what your probability is come to . section 20 for your discourse about the quartodecimani , i will not divine how it came in here , but am sure it hath no right to be taken notice of by me ; his lordship having not said one word of them , nor of any friend of theirs , whose interests lye common with them ; and therefore shall i returne no word to that part of your discourse , till you shew how i am obliged to it . section 21 what his lordship saith out of salvian you confesse to be true , but see not what it makes against tradition ; if you be not modest in concealing your knowlekge in this matter , but really ignorant , i shall then tell you . his lordship proves by this , that the church that suffers salvian to be a member of it while he refuses to passe sentence of condemnation upon arrians ( after they were condemned by a councell ) either differs much from your church ( that will condemne any man for an hereticke , that shall professe not to condemne all protestants ) or else must suppose and admit the plea for salvian , that he was so earnest against ill men , that for aggravating of their crime he lessens that of heretickes . and then if it may be accepted in one fathers behalfe , that he could speake hyperbolically , or passionately , why may it not be admitted in another , that one of those , or some other collaterall consideration might have influence on any speech that should be cited from them , and then the authority of fathers will cease to be infallible . section 22 for this , by the way , you may please to observe of his lordship's reasonings about tradition and authority of fathers , ( which before i gave warning of ) that they are not designed , or fitted to the taking away all authority from them , to make them vile or meane to any , but onely to reduce them in ordinem to prove them not infallible : the topicke à testimonio humano , is but a topicke still , and though sometimes being heightened with circumstances ( of which it is capable ) it is a very convincing topicke , yet is not for all this a demonstration ; and so there is a difficulty which may exercise you in stead of scoffing of his lordship in the close of the chapter . to the 26 section chap. 16. the enquirer seemes to be troubled not a little , because we will not say with him , that men may be saved in a false religion , or because we doe not thinke our religion false , or any other religion true besides our owne ; and in the same veine chillingworth his commentatour runnes very fluently , and upon this ill sounding string is harping continually . yet for all this harping , it will not be easily understood what offence against charity it can be for us to judge , either that christianity alone is the saving religion , or that our religion is the onely true christianity . for say we should be deceived in making this judgement , yet this same at the most can be but a want in our selves of right understanding , and not any breach of charity towards others , or any matter of exclamation , as some frivolous men of late have made it . wherefore , if we will state the question rightly , we are not to enquire whether we want charity in holding that none but catholickes and true christians can be saved , or in our holding that we onely are of that sort ; or againe , whether our adversaries for their accusing us , want not wit and charity together , or at least one of them ; but the question betweene us ought to be , whether there be more saving religions then one ? or whether ours be not that one ? and this is the old controversy in bellarmine and others , and may be disputed without any anger , or without disguising , or multiplying of controversies on set purpose , done by these novellists , as it seemes , for making more businesse then needed , or causing more distast and alienation then was before . the enquirer is much displeased with us for damning , as he cals it , all that are not of the church of rome . but for pacifying of his angry spirit , i demand of any for him , what sinne he thinkes it in us to judge that all who die out of the church of god , die in an evill state ; or what other , to thinke that our catholique church , which he diminitively cals the church of rome , is the only church of god. let him satisfie me in this , and i will easily satisfie him in the other . in the meane time we are not nice to declare , that there is but one saving religion . that there is but one true christianity , and that one is the saving religion . that there is but one catholicke church , and that this one church is , by the institution of christ , and according to the consent of antiquity , to be governed by the see apostolique , and by the successour of saint peter , as chiefe pastour and president of the rest . now what hurt is there in all this , or what want of christian charity ? it is not uncharitable to say that some offenders shall be damned , and if any , then why not those who are truly and really sestaries and men obstinate , for it is like that they deserve it as well as any . there wanted not one of this enquirers confraternity , who fancied sometimes to himselfe , that all the damnation that was to fall upon the wicked , was an annihilation of them and extinction , and not a perpetuity of torments ; which conceit is so charitable , that it exceeds the charity even of god himselfe , and controules his revelations made to the contrary in the holy scripture , and condemnes them as guilty of too much rigour and severity , and therefore no marvaile though we poore mortals cannot escape their censure . but now , lest any man should thinke our doctrine to be harsh and rigorous , he may please to be inform'd , that we doe not hold every man for a pagan and an infidell who embraces paganisme , but only so many of them as be guilty of their errour through affected , or culpable ignorance ; which defect though it be a formall ignorance of the truth , yet it is a virtuall knowledge of their errour , and an interpretative rejection of the truth , and also a resistance to god and his divine veracity , manifested in his revelations ; and therefore all these , whether pagans os heretiques , be hainous offenders , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , judged and condemned by their owne consciences , of which doctrine it seemes both this enquirer , and after him his second master chillingworth , were ignorant , by their insinuating that no man is an heretique , or selfe-condemned , but onely such as adhere to a doctrine which he formally knowes to be erroneous , that is to say , onely such as doe that which is impossible to be done ; which conclusion is a covert affirmation that there be no heretiques at all , nor can be any ; and so all is safe , whether sound or no. in like manner we doe not hold to be an heretique , or to be out of the catholique church every one who embraces an heresy , but such a number of them onely as doe it with an obstinate mind , and without preparation to be reformed , or to hearken unto reason when it is told them . by which doctrine it appeares , that we are not so strict as we may seeme , nor yet so large as some would have us . for on the one side , we doe not maintaine that heretiques can be saved , or that heresy is not a deadly or damnable sinne , as some socinians and other libertines would have us thinke ; and on the other side , we dilate the spaces of the church catholique farther then every body conceives we doe , and by that meanes comprehend within it many that in the eye of the world , seeme aliens unto it ; so that our charity is not irregular in judging heretiques to be in good state , but it is rather in concluding that very many are not heretiques really and interiourly , though outwardly they seeme to be . and thus you see we doe not cry all men downe to hell , not yet any more then we are compelled to doe by the doctrine delivered to us about that point in holy scripture . after this damning and firing men in the other world , of which the enquirer hath wrongfully accus'd us , he proceedeth to blame us for sending heretiques to the fire in this , and therefore saith that he beleives that throughout antiquity we shall not finde the putting to death of any ( for religion ) but onely of such as began to kill first . this provocation to antiquity , howsoever the matter be , can be of no force , unlesse antiquity did condemne that practice as unlawfull , because antiquity did not all it might doe , but left divers things for posterity to adde as it should see expedient . besides forasmuch as concernes punishment of impious men and innovatours both by death and other wayes , if the authour had lookt better into antiquity , he could not but have beleived otherwise , as our authours doe shew at large ; for it is cleare that amongst the jewes in was the practice to punish impious people very severely , and all such as with new doctrines sought to infect others , punishing according to the prescript of moyses law , some with death , other some by other temporall punishments . the canon law also and the imperiall decree the same , to all which the practice of the church accords ; and lastly , reason her selfe , and the common rules of equity and justice doe permit , yea and prescribe the same : and these suffrages are so powerfull and prevailing , as they suffice , not onely for the justification of the churches present practice , but also for the condemnation of high presumption and arrogance of all who should be so hardy as to impugne or question it . neverthelesse this same practice of infliction of temporall punishments upon offenders against religion , is not generall without any limitation or restraint , as some may imagine it to be , as if forsooth none of a different religion from ours could be exempted from them ; but contrariwise it admits exception in many cases , as we are about to declare presently . know therefore that wheresoever any kingdome or common-wealth is setled in a just and a peaceable possession of catholique religion , without any notable commixture of contrary professions , as for example , in italy or spaine , at this present . in this case it is no cruelty or rigour to inflict temporall punishments upon all such as shall adventure to disturbe that setled peace by introducing thither any new doctrines upon pretence of whatsoever reformation ; and that this may be done stands with so much reason as cannot be probably contradicted . neither is this course of severity any defence unnecessary , forasmuch as vitious and over-weening spirits are most efficaciously repressed and withheld from evill by feare of temporall punishments in this life , because their chiefe aime is at temporall contentments in the same , being moved more with the present , then with those other that are spirituall and to come , conscience and religion having little influence into what they doe . in fine , they are governed more with sence then reason , with stripes then with philosophy , insomuch , that neither the schooles of philosophers , nor the temples of god , can worke halfe so much with these wormes of the earth , as temporall tribunals can . now though the enemy be never so despicable , is he therefore to be neglected because the meanest seducer may doe mischiefe , as we finde by the effects of the tubmen ; and againe , because the grossest errours , if they tend to liberty , or be but new , may be perswaded to the multitude , as , by the successes of mahomet , it is manifest ; and the rather in this case of ours , because we experience daily , that our people having been once possest , that the religion of the see apostolique , and of their own forefathers was superstition , they are easily perswaded , that the farther they depart from that religion , the more pure and reformed they shall be , and so will be forward to run blindly on , till they passe all the bounds of christianity , and reforme all to nothing ; for with such bewitched minds as these , every new nonsense will be more acceptable , and be received sooner , then any old sense , and this is the effects of those raylings against rome which they have heard continually out of the pulpits now for so many yeers together , without any intermission . but , although this course of severity be necessary for the preventing of disturbances by innovation , yet neverthelesse it is not to be extended unto all that any where amongst us doe teach , or professe erroneous doctrines , or religions different from our own , but only against corruptors or invaders , that is to say , such as break in by fraud or violence , and disturbe the quiet of the church . for , after such time at the invasion is past , and the invaders gone , and that they are succeeded by another generation , which is not guilty of making any irruption , but , with whatsoever errour they are tainted , it is contracted by the vice of education from their parents and other such instructors , and withall doe behave themselves peaceably , i say that against such as these the church doth not proceed , nor execute the severity of the lawes in force against heretiques ; of this sort be at this day , the descendents of first protestants in this kingdome , whose ancestors that were the invaders lived about king edward and queen mary . against these descendents the church doth not presse the canon law , though against the former sort it did , and had just cause given so to doe . conformable to this difference between protestant and protestant , doe the catholiques in france and polonia suffer the protestants to live with them , without molestation , and to enjoy the liberties and priviledges of the kingdome , as formerly they had done in austria , stiria and carinthia , till such time at they became seditious , and conspired against those who gave them freedome . but now let it be noted and borne in memory , that notwithstanding this gentle proceedings of catholiques towards the protestants after so many losses and injuries fuffer'd from them , the same protestants being themselves but juniors , and living by sufferance , fall hotly upon persecution of catholiques wheresoever they grow to be the stronger side , and that also in most provinces , after a very violent , mercilesse , and desperate manner , slay , imprison , robbe , banish , defame , in fine suffer catholiques in no place where they are predominant , and this against all right and common equity . which manner of proceeding i must tell the inquirer , is much worse and more unreasonable then turkish , for the turkes though aliens , barbarians and conquerours , are sensible of the right the christians of their conquer'd provinces have for the free exercise of their religion , and therefore do not goe about to restraine them from it , but let them continue quietly in that right of theirs , and so they doe even to this day , to the great shame of protestants and puritans here in these kingdomes , may it be spoken without offence , being , as all men see plainly exceeded in justice and civility by the turkes . wherefore no marvaile that our inquirer is forced to confesse that calvin is too blame in this point , and the church of england a little , which is a little too much for , addeth he , negare manifesta non audeo , & excusare immodica non possum . sure this inquirer came with very little indifferency to give his judgement here , when he saith , the church of england is guilty but a little , i would know of him what is a great deale , if all that we have suffer'd from it be but a little . but it is well he would acknowledge thus much , for it is more then others have done , and more ingenuity appeares in him , then in them , and perhaps he would have said more , if it might have beene well taken , though in confessing this little he insinuates all . doubtlesse , no manner of proceeding can be more unworthy then for a latter generation to forget from whose ioynes they came , and to become harsh and contumelious to their owne fore-fathers children , and persecute them with all rigour , as if they were enemies and invaders , and aliens , onely for their honourable continuing in that faith which their ancestours did leave them and commended to them as chiefe inheritance in that faith , which hitherto they which assaile it have never beene able by any argument to prove it false ; nor yet on the other side , to evict by any unanswerable demonstration that their owne new faith was true . wherefore since , if any have more right one then another for the exercise of their religion in this kingdome , it is we , and this right cannot be taken from us by any power under heaven , and againe were your reasons never so good , yet you are not to school us , or to be our tutors , or to compell us unto change . therefore the severity that hath been used over us hath no warrant for it , no president or example , nothing wherewith to countenance it in the sight of the world , or to justifie it in the sight of god , but is every way abominable and foul , such in fine as neither the christians used to the pagans their predecessours , nor catholiques to the descendents of the formost and invading protestants , nor any civil man would offer to another . if the religion , saith the inquirer , had alwayes remained the same , it would not be defended by wayes so contrary to those by which it was propagated . but now what wayes are these ? he means force and violence , and saying , to the fire with him , and to he●l with him , for these are the inquirers owne expressions . to these i adde the slanderous and diabolicall charges of chillingworth , who knew much of the inquirers minde , although in all things he did not follow his direction . you professe , saith chillingworth , c. 2. § . 101. that it is lawfull for you to use violence and power whensoever you can have it for the planting of your doctrine , and extirpation of the contrary . thus he , but because he cites no author for this so heinous an accusation , we may justly suspect that you your selves hold it lawfull for you to slander and calumniate for the defence of your own bad cause , and the overthrowing of the contrary whensoever other means of doing it does faile you , as indeed it falls out continually . the same heavy charge he in foul tearmes reiterates , c. 5. § . 96. you , saith he , teach plainly you may propagate religion whensoever you have power , by deposing of kings , and invasion of kingdomes , and think when you kill the adversaries of it you doe god good service . for clearing of us against this malitious charge , i call into the court saint thomas of aquine and all his with him in 2.2 . q. 10. art . 8. as witnesses sufficient to justifie our cause , and shew our innocency , even against the devill himselfe that great calumniator of our brethren , and to them i adde acosta in his booke de procuranda indorum salute , and mariana in his history of spaine in sundry places , and might adde many more sufficient to confute the adversary , and make him hatefull to every honest heart . besides though in some cases we , as other professions also doe , make use of penall lawes wherewith to keep off invaders , and yet not for any interior preservation or defence : in like sort we seek , by the help of the sword and force of armes to keep the turkes out of christendome , shall we all be blamed for doing so , or shall it be said therefore , that we defend the christian religion by armes and violence , and by other meanes then it was propagated at the first ? nothing lesse , we use reasons to perswade and plant our faith , we use the like to defend it against infidels , soci●ians , and all other sects , how then is our religion planted , propagated , or defended by violence ? it is one thing to be fenced exteriorly and a farre off with statutes of temporall severity against invaders , which course is a thing expedient and avowed both by us and all , and it is another thing to defend it interiorly by the same meanes , that is to say , to justifie the right truth of religion by them , and this we disavow , neither doe we practice it any where , as it is most manifest . the inquirer was very provident when he desired that , in these accusations of violence , no recrimination should be used , for he must needs see there was more matter returnable , then either could be gratefull , or they could justifie , yet since he will needs talk of killing , and cast the blame upon our side , he must be content if we make some reflection upon the misdemeanors of the adversary , as well as upon our own innocency . i desire therefore , the intelligent reader to consider , whether in this last age , the catholiques have put to death more ministers or half so many , as the protestants of england have done priests , who it is well known they have slaine and butchered with great barbarisme and immanity . but setting aside these heavy crimes of bloud deliberately shed , who is it have afflicted others more in their estates and fortunes , they , or we ? and for proof of this , we will offer fair , let them restore all they have taken with a strong hand from us in livelyhoods , both spirituall and temporall in all the provinces of europe , and we will restore all we have taken from them , and in that goe no farther then this seventeenth age which is now passing , be it in this kingdome , or in those about it . it is well knowne that in all those provinces , where both religions are professed and live intermingled , none be on the suffering hand but we , none persecutes but they ; and it is we who are the aborigines , as i may so tearm us , and thereby have at much right for all indemnity as our ancestours could divolve upon us . we are not insensible of the wrong we suffer daily by having it printed and pronounced in publique assemblies , on purpose to countenance injuries , and to excite against us the ignorant multitude , that our religion it destructive of all others , and that amongst us it is a maine principle or maxime , that all other are to be invaded and destroyed by us , and this it affirmed confidently , though against all probability and experience . it cannot indeed be denyed but truth is destructive of falshood by the owne power , as light is of darknesse , and one contrary of another , but for externall coaction or violence , we leave that to the accusers , and doe not owne it . by this it is not hard to make a judgement who have been the encroachers , and who have propogated and maintained themselves by violence , you , or we ? and who are the destructive party and live by the spoiles and oppression of others , let not those who possesse other mens goods cry out of wrongs , or make any brags of just dealing , for neither of these can come well out of their mouthes . this enquirer confesseth both sides are in fault , but we in more , and for this assertion of his brings in some light sophistry , because forsooth protestants hold that they may erre , but we maintaine we cannot , and so will be sure never to mend . that protestants may erre is granted him , and needs no other probation then experience , whereby we finde thy have filled all this kingdome with dissentions , and these dissentions with civill warres , so that by this that you have erred , we know you may . but so frequent possibility of erring doth not extenuate but aggravate your crime . for if you may erre so foulely , how dare you undertake to tutour others ? how prescribe lawes ? with what face persecute ? if your rule be so weak as it cannot containe you all in one body , but lets you disperse into multitude of sects , and fall in pieces as now you doe ; why doe you not forsake it and seeke a better for it , or else have none at all ; if you can finde out a surer , why doe you not learne wit by experience , but wallow on still in the same mire ? if this enquirer speake so ill for his clients , we will not entertaine him for our advocate . the protestants side sets downe for a rule of religion every ones private judgment in the interpretation of scripture , and so doth master chillingworth the disciple of volkelius . we doe all that , yet we doe not please them ; nay more , we must be punished by them for the result ; what is this but to bid us doe a thing , and then punish us for doing it ? is not this extreame perversity ? certainly if the rule they give be a sufficient warrant for their receding from the faith of their ancestours , and for their breaking off from the church , and standing in defiance of her , then doubtlesse much more may it warrant us to continue on and to keep off from any new doctrines , either of the protestants , or any other innovatours whatsoever , and sure this is great reason and cannot be gainsayed . besides if we were to yeild , to whom were it to be done ? there is a world of distracted sectaries now in this kingdome , all sprung from the same roll , or from the rule of faith which it common to you all , of which one sort imagines there is no papacy , and these were the first ring-leaders of all the rout ; another , that there is no episcopacy ; a third , that there is no clergy , but that lay-elders is all in all , and must rule the roast ; a fourth , that there is no church nor church-government at all , but that the church is like a schoole of philosophers , where every man may believe and doe what he pleases without being accountable to another , or any obligation of conformity ; and peradventure the inquirer was one of this number together with his confederate m. chillingworth ; a fifth sort that there is no trinity ; a sixth that there is no sacrament , or at least none necessary , or effectuall . is it not fit thinke you that these divided christians should come and write lawes to others , or punish any man for non-conformity ? nothing more improbable . it is a comedy to see d. featly a protestant , and page a puritan make cat●logues of heretiques , and when they have done , can finde no way whereby to exempt themselves , nor give a reason why they themselves should not be of the number , as much sectaries as any other of the catalogue . the inquirer charges us that because we pretend to be infallible we have lesse reason to prescribe to others ; but on the contrary , me thinkes we should have more , for , as he who is really infallible is fittest to guide and governe others , so he that thinkes himselfe to be , is at least in his own judgement more fit than he that does not . he addes that this pretence of infallibility makes us sure never to mend , or as his schollar chillingworth speaketh , makes us incorrigible . true if it were a meere pretended one , but that is not yet proved , either by him , or any , although he say here in this 28. section , he undertakes to give reasons why the church of rome is fallible . but , if , on the other side , it be a reality , and that the inquirers reasons are but pretended , then surely will not this infallibility keep us from mending , but contrariwise from erring or having any thing to mend , or , which is all one , from any errours to correct . and thus we see that our religion is maintained by the selfe same arts that bred it , that is to say , not by force , or violence , but by reason , and revelation , and spirituall industries , contrary to the surmises of this inquirer . c. 16. answ : to chap 16. your doctrine of damning all that are out of the church of rome , you have enlarged much above the occasion that invited you to it , for all that his lordship had said on that theme was onely this , that your certaine and undoubted damning of all out of the church of rome , averseth him from it . which if it be true , you cannot blame him ; ( for sure they that heare the punishment of judging , mat. 7. [ being judged of the lord ] will have little love to that piece of sensuality , ( or consequently to the religion that requires them to runne upon this danger . ) and that the charge is true of you , you doe at first acknowledge , by labouring to prove that there is no uncharitablenesse in it . secondly , that it is necessary for you to maintaine , or that otherwise you must fall into some great absurdity , particularly this , that there is any church but that which is governed by the see apostolique ; which is a rare petitio principii againe , and saves us the paines of saying one word more in defence of the truth and justice of those true words of his lordship . for indeed that enclosure of the church christianity , and salvation , to those that are under the roman submission , is the uncharitablenesse that you are charged of . the envy of which it seemes ( after all your confidence ) you are willing to remove from you , and therefore adde an handsome lenitive , to keepe any from thinking that your doctrine is rigorous or harsh . and truly if you might be taken at your word , he were very unkind that would require more charity of you then you yeild even to pagans themselves , whom you will not hold pagans , unlesse they be guilty of their errour through affected or culpable ignorance ; and then sure you will be as good to us , ( that would be a little above pagans ) and till you can prove us to be guilty of errour , and that through affected or culpable ignorance , with an obstinate mind , without preparation to be reformed , or hearken to reason when 't is told us , ( which till your arguments are more convincing , undoubtedly this discourse of yours will not evidence us to be ) we are in full capacity of your charity , and therefore shall not follow you any further ; ( lest we provoke you againe ) in this point . section 3 especially since you are at last in so good humour , that you utterly disclaime this damning and firing men in another world . i beseech god to confirme you in this temper , and desire you may be taken at your word , and that witnesse may be called of this charity of yours , for sure there be others of your brethren that have not used to grant so much . section 4 as for that of burning men here for religion , you seem unwilling to be tryed by antiquity in this point , because , say you , antiquity did not all it might , but left somewhat to posterity to adde ; yet sure this was a little unlucky that your additions to antiquity should be of this bloudy complection ; christ's addition to the ancients was to love and blesse and pray for enemies , not to retaliate injuries upon any tearmes , and your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your improvement of the ancient doctrine and practice , is of somewhat a distant making , your sermon on the mount ( ebal it seemes ) to your disciples , is persecuting and massacring of friends , which never provoked you but by not being entirely of your opinion . section 5 but it seemes you meane to prove it too , that this bloudy doctrine is no stranger to antiquity , and your first proofe is from the jewes , whose practice it was to punish impious people , and such as with new doctrine sought to infect others ; to which i answer , that those against whom those jewish severities were in force , were atheists , and idolaters , and false prophets , that would take men off from the acknowledgment of the one god to gentilisme , which is sure somewhat a distant state from that of protestants at this day . section 6 your second proofe is from the canon , and your third from the imperiall law , of which seeing you give us no tast in either , and yet because some men may have appetite to see what grounds you had for such affirmation , i conceived it a probable course to know your mind by looking into bellarmine your great champion ; from the view of whole collections , l. 3. de laicis . c. 21. this will be the result . section 7 that for the canon law , the authorities are not fetcht from the ancient canons of any of the first or generall councels , but onely c. ad abolendam ; cap. excommunicamus . ext . de haeret . & cap. super eo , de haeret . in 6. ( all which is no more then if you had cited it from your popes ( who must not looke to be so authenticall in this case ) and yet will hardly come home to the burning of your fellow christians , onely because they will not submit to the pope of rome , the onely thing for which we were even now to be damned ) and from the councell of constance ; which besides that it is of a short standing about 200 yeares ago is made infamous in this matter , by that vile resolution of the [ no faith to be kept with heretiques ] the grossenesse of which position may make it reasonable to expect this bloudy doctrine from them , but withall to deprive it of all authority with others . section 8 as for the imperiall law , these places he produces ; first , l. manichaeos , cod . de haeret . and to this i answer , that that law makes not heresy capitall , but at the utmost makes it capable of an action after death , such is the action of infamy , &c. and so they that have died heretiques , may for the warning of others be proceeded against , ( as you know traitors after death are infamous , i. e. their children deprived of their honour , though the father dyed unpunished , because undiscerned ) but that comes not home to our present purpose of burning or killing . then l. arriani , cod. eodem . where indeed death was the punishment of the manichees , who you know were a high ranke of heretiques , making two principles ( which is in effect two gods ) the good and the evill , god and the devil . but for others , viz. arians and macedonians , though those were heretiques , condemned by the first generall councels , and are expressely there named , there is yet no such punishment appointed them ; and lastly , l. quicunque cod . eodem . in which saith bellarmine , jubentur occidi omnes qui prava docere tentant , all are commanded to be put to death who attempt to teach wicked things . but you must observe that that law being against the eutychians , many penalties are there assigned to the severall degrees of the guilt of that heresy ; poena exilii , si episcopos & sacerdotes constituerint , scripta eorum nemo habeat sub poena deportationis perpetuae , nemo eos audiat sub poena 10 librarum auri , ultimo supplicio coerceantur qui illicita docere tentaverint . banishment if they constituted bishops or priests , perpetuall banishment upon having any of their books , 10 pounds or libres of gold to any that heard them , and capitall punishment to those that attempt to teach unlawfull things . which last clause ( that cited by bellarmine , and by him extended to all false doctrine ) belongs peculiarly to the eutychians , for of them onely before the discourse was ; and beside the rule is , odiosa restringenda , lawes of punishments , &c. must alwaies be taken in the most restrained sence ; and so the utmost that any of these extends to , is onely in these two heresies of manichaeisme and eutychianisme , and that in case of teaching the contrary to law , and abusing the people , and that after faire warning and prohibition ; and all this , if it were granted ( as truly i know no obligation that lyes on all christians to thinke themselves regulated by the lawes of the emperours ) would amount to very little against protestants , who may well passe for as moderate heretiques , as arians and macedonians , who were not punished with death . section 9 t is true indeed , there is somewhat of this nature to be found against the donatists ( though bellarmine mentions it not ( l. si quis rebaptizare c. ne sanctum baptisma iteretur ; but this was not againe for opinion , but onely in taking upon them to rebaptize any , and peculiarly on the circumcellions , which were a bloudy kinde of people , and their vilenesse of this nature , guilt enough to owne that severity : whereas on the other side we finde that idacius and ithacius were condemned by the bishops of france for being authors of punishing some pricillianists with the sword ; and in the east a whole synod was condemned for consenting to the burning of begomyle ; and so much for your authorities , or more whensoever you please to produce them . from whence will appeare the wide distance of your practices in these and other kingdomes from that , that the most popish canons or imperiall constitutions were bloudy enough to determine ; there neither arians , nor macedonians , but that prodigy of manichaisme , and the eutychians teaching , and that ( as i conceive by prava & illicita ) things contrary not onely to wholsome doctrine , but to the lawes of the empire ; this i say , because if the crime were onely their opinions , i cannnot imagine why the arians and macedonians should fare so much better then the eutychians , nay why apostates should onely be fined , and jewes onely under some restraints ( as from polygamy ) and payments , and not put to death , save onely in case of keeping there purim ( which was for the great contumely done to christ in that feast , the hanging haman in effigie , and christ next to him ) and i say , onely eutychians put to death , unlesse there were somewhat else in it beside their doctrine . and then if you will make the comparison to goe no farther , then our selves , what sholes of poore persons ( farre enough from the docere illicita & prava , teaching illegall things , even from teaching at all ) were in queene maries daies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whole hecatombes at once offered up to your fury . section 10 so remarkable are your proceedings herein , that i feare it was not a jest of him that said at geneva , servetus occidendus est , ne apud exteros ecclesiae nostrae malè audiant ; that servetus was to be burnt that their churches might not heare ill abroad , i. e. that the papists might not be scandalized ; which if it were the consideration that mov'd in that matter , then have you more bloud lying at your doore , then what you have spilt , even that which in care and caution , those whom you recriminate , shed by your example , and that you might not be scandalized at their mercy and lenity . section 11 this were i confesse an ill excuse to them that were so carefull to transcribe that bloudy lesson , ( and which is worse , if you will have mine opinion , they have no better ) but yet will be an argument that you are not overfit to accuse them for it . erasmus among you , and castellio among us were about the beginning of the reformation very bitter against such dealing : the former , you may see his notes upon saint jer. ep. ad laet. t. 1. p. 39. where he can hardly allow them the name of christians that fight for religion ( kill for religion ) though against the turke , as if warre were wont to make christians , cum ipsi turcam in pectore geramus , when the very using of this violence is a prime piece of turcisme . the latter wrote a booke on purpose against that practice ; i wish the whole christian world of both parties would suffer themselves to be represented by a couple of such meeke and honest proxies ; be you pleased to convert as many as you can to the doctrine of neither kiling nor damning , and i will promise you to doe the like , and that will be better imployment for us then this debate . section 12 and because examples are the most popular arguments , i will helpe you to one of this nature , and leave you to apply it ; nero went through greece a contending in the musica certamina with all that pretended to that skill , if he had the better of it he was crowned , if not , he tooke care that they that had the better of him were put to death . the issue of it was , that they that had skill did on purpose play as ill as they could ; he conquered wherever he came , was crowned when he was there , and when he was gone , was counted a mad-man . section 13 i shall onely adde , what upon more exact enquiry upon that hint of the canon law i finde , that the elder canons or decrees of gratian as they never mention the putting heretiques to death ; so in many passages out of saint austin they doe disswade the emperour from it , and onely mention some other mulcts and restraints for them . the new canons or the decretals of your popes are generally for delivering to the secular arme , but name not poenam mortis neither ; but what that signifies the christian world now knowes well enough ; onely one peice of hypocrisy i heard of ( and by request or proposall of spalatensis . l. 6. c. 5. sect. 171. doe guesse the truth of the report ) in your proceedings in this matter ; your spirituall courts when they so deliver up , are wont to interpose [ ita tamen ut non admittant poenam mortis ( or to that purpose ) but so that they proceed not to death , when yet they knew well enough that that is the meaning of your delivering . nay the canons that require that the secular hand must proceed with all rigour against heretiques thus delivered to them , will soone excommunicate any that doe not thus understand their meaning . section 14 besides these arguments ab authoritate , you have another drawne , as you say , from reason , and the common rules of equity and justice , ( but adde not one word to prove what you say so very improbably , but onely condemne all of high presumption and arrogance who should be so hardy as to impugne or question it ) one would thinke you an inchanted knight that when you have never a weapon in your hand , nor second neare you , ( but onely the names of so many men , and armes to call for ) it should yet passe for arrogance , presumption , and hardynesse in any to combat with you . section 15 that you did not fitly produce your testimonies to your purpose , 't is plaine enough by what followes , the limitations and restraints that this doctrine , you say , must be bounded with , whereas your citations were generall without any restraint . section 16 your restraint or exception is , that where a kingdome is in a peaceable possession of catholique religion , there 't is no cruelty to inflict these punishments on the teachers of new doctrines . and for this you say there is reason , which cannot probably be contradicted , but are so very uncourteous and contemptuous to us , as not to thinke us worthy to partake of the least syllable of such reason , unlesse that must goe for one , that wicked men aime at temporall contents , and are consequently with-held by temporall punishments , which shall be acknowledged a reason , when difference in opinion appears to be an impiety of so much designe , & all whom you call heretiques , are by you proved to be wormes of the earth , deepe worldly designers also . for truly i confesse , to all those things which are committed by any , who may justly be presumed to commit them against conscience , for some worldly interest , i should give my willing suffrage that some temporall bitternesse should be opportioned ; that so seeing their error , and finding temporall paines in stead of temporall advantages to be their portion , they may be disciplin'd to better and more honest thoughts ; nay if the doctrines tend to liberty , i meane either as mahomets did to all kinde of voluptuous living , or that other liberty ( that some of your friends and some others that call themselves reformed , but in my opinion are very farre from it , have beene guilty of ) the shaking off the yoake of civill obedience to the magistrate set over them by god , it is then lawfull to coerce such innovators , if the prudence of the state shall thinke fit . but difference in opinion ( though it be in a kingdome never so peaceably possest of the catholique religion ) if it tend not to any of these dangers , nor be convincible of those impieties and designes , will by no reason or consequence be involved in that number . section 18 this you seem to be content with , when you adde that this severity must not be extended to all that any where teach or professe erroneous doctrines ; but upon better consideration of your following words , 't is cleare that your restraint or exception lookes another way , viz. that against those that are not the first invaders , but another generation succeeding them , whose errour is contracted by the vice of education , &c. the church doth not execute the severity of the lawes . in which words , though we of this , and all other protestant kingdomes at this day have so farre our parts , as that , if it were never so much in your power , you ought upon these grounds not to hurt us , because we are the progeny , and not the first invaders ; yet seeing all the restraint is for the execution onely of the severity of the lawes , and those lawes are supposed by you to be in force against heretiques , and so against us , whom you call by that name ; we have great reason to thinke , there is little kindnesse in this present restraint of yours . section 19 for to the utmost of my understanding of your words , it remaines still free to you after this concession , to be as severe to any , as your power will enable you . and if by us at any time any claime of favour should be put into your consistory , your answer probably would be by this dilemma ; either you are invaders , ( and seeing beginnings are alwaies weakest , all that are not able to resist or defend themselves , shall goe for invaders ) and then you have no title to mercy by this tenure ; or else you are a numerous off-spring and progeny of them ( and so possibly able to resist ) and then you shall have mercy ; if we stand on these tearmes with you , and your order for restraint of severity hold no longer then our strength to resist you , then we shall scarce acknowledge the obligation , but thinke our enemies on the other extreame as kind as you ; for both of you are good at being mercifull , when you are on the weaker party , but both very tyrannicall when you begin to be strong . section 20 if you were so constant to your articles of restraint , as that all the prosperities of warre , advantages of place , and auxiliaries , could not tempt you to a massacre of any , save onely some one ( single corrupter and invader ) or two in an age , i might then have reason to thinke i might have mistaken your meaning , but certainly you have beene as cruell on the cubs , as ever you were on the old foxes , and made as little scruple to put many thousands to death in one night ( whom you could not thinke to be all leaders in factions , or invaders ) ( as the stories of france will testifie , and the very words of the bull of vrban the eighth , to encourage the king of france , to root out the quadrupedes in galliâ stabulantes , &c. as any one john husse alone by himselfe at another time . and that you will have this latitude to let loose your restraint again , when time serves , it may seeme probable by what you adde of austria , stiria , and carinthia , whose priviledges it seemes lasted no longer then you thought fit ; for assoone as you thought it seasonable , they were presently pronounced seditious and conspiratours , and so put to the sword ; and for france and poland , i wish the names of massacres had never beene heard in either of them , or at least that the pictures of them with words of papall approbation , were not to be seen at rome to testifie what is the cause of your present kindnesse , ( viz. the difficulty of the worke ) that the protestants there at this time are not molested . section 21 as for your recrimination against protestants , seeing it is very universall ( suffer catholiques in no place ) and very sharpe , ( that they persecute catholiques wheresoever they are stronger , after a very violent , mercylesse , desperate manner , slay , imprison , robbe , banish , defame , &c. ) i must beseech you either to prove it against this your country , or else to make it reparations , and remember when time serves , that when protestants are thought to persecute you , then presently 't is a proceeding much worse and more unreasonable then the turkish . section 22 as for the truth of your suggestion , certainly the number and strength of protestants hath for many yeares surmounted that of papists in this kingdome ; and yet i shall be confident you will be posed to produce the example of any one since queene maries daies that in this kingdome was put to death meerly for religion , without being guilty of something else , which by the knowne lawes of the realme is lyable to the punishment of treason . and for the other penall lawes in this kingdome , which are not capitall , but pecuniary mulcts , &c. i shall say that 't is somewhat hard , that we must be thought worthy of all those bitter invectives , which you yet farther adde , because i conceive there was never any kingdome , that own'd any religion , but there was some difference made betwixt that , and all other , in respect of temporall priviledges , and favours , and immunities , and any such difference reaches neare as high , and goes as deepe as pecuniary mulcts . and beside it is not irrationall to say , that the inflicting such mulcts may very probably tend to the quiet , and so to the advantage rather , then to the oppression of such sufferers ; it being not without example that the suspicions of the people , and jealousies that the established religion shall be discountenanced , ( having no deeper ground then an imagination that the prince may have inclined to give toleration to the other party , or but immunity from these punishments ) hath brought such odium upon the present government , and sharpenesse on those thus thought to be favour'd , that in comparison with these ill accidents , a few pecuniary mulcts might passe for a priviledge , as the letting of bloud is to be esteem'd by those who are entring into a plurisie for want of it . section 23 if upon these considerations , such mulcts as these may not be conceived supportable , i must confesse 't is an hard lot to be placed in a throne betwixt two contrary pretenders , and as unhappy for any ingenuous man , to make any confession to you , who from his lordship's acknowledgment , that the church of england is a little too blame in this point , conclude , that in confessing this he insinuates all . this 't is to deale with men who cannot imagine it possible , that a man's words and thoughts should be of the same latitude . should i by the same logicke conclude , that you , by confessing that all invaders for religion must be put to death , doe intimate , that all kinde of protestants must be executed , i hope you would say you had wrong done you . and yet to tell you truth , the subtlety of your next distinction would give any man that observed it , great temptation so to conclude of you . for after your citation of s. th. of aquine , and the schoolemen , you are pleased to communicate to us a notable mystery , [ that you doe use reasons to perswade , and plant your faith , ( and truly the telling us you cannot erre , and upon that bottome building all your most irrationall conclusions , is no speciall exercise of the reasonable faculty ) and onely fence it exteriourly , and afarre off , with statutes of temporall severity against invaders , which , say you , is another thing from defending it interiourly by that meanes , i. e. from justifying the right and truth of religion by them . section 24 i should never have beene so uncivill as to have affixt such a sence to your distinction , had you not beene your owne interpreter . it is , as if you had said , you are not to be accused for planting religion by armes , because your swords doe onely force men to be of your minds , doe not give them any reasons why they should . and truly i have not heard any man say , that your armes did fence religion interiourly , ( being the unaptest thing in the world , to justifie the right , and truth of religion ; and therefore you need not disavow that so providently ) the great turke could send a letter to your pope , and answer and confute his bull of inciting the princes of christendome to take up armes against him , for crucifying their god , and tell him , that as 't was a great falsity to charge on him what was proper to the jewes , the crucifying of christ , ( the turke being descended from the trojans , and therefore desiring the popes aide against the grecians , to avenge their murther of the trojan hector , a kinde of god of theirs ) so if the pope were truly a worshipper of christ , he would never invade any nation upon quarrell of religion ; so farre is this kinde of fighting ( in the knowledge of all , even of turkes themselves ) from justifying of the truth , that if is a very great argument of the falsenesse of any sect of christian religion ; a plaine demonstration that they doe not obey the christ whom they worship . section 25 the using the sword as an exteriour meanes of propagating your religion , is all that is laid to your charge , and that it seemes you are content to yeild us . though , within a page or two more , you have forgotten your selfe againe , and say , that for publique coaction or violence you doe not owne it . i wish you did not . section 26 and that you may for the time to come deale clearely , and never have minde to sucke in your words , and owne it againe , i shall in passing mention to you a narration concerning an honest philosopher in valens his time ; it was themistius , who before his death turn'd from aristotelian to christian , but i conceive was not yet converted , when this story is related of him . valens in antioch , saith the (a) historian , had vehemently persecuted the christians that were not of his opinion , had not a booke of themistius the philosopher recall'd him , in which he perswaded him , that he ought not to be cruell to any (b) for a difference of ecclesiasticall opinions , seeing among the pagans themselves there were more than 300 sects differing all from one another ; and perhaps this might be wore (c) acceptable ( at least more pardonable ) before god , because god is not easily knowne , and is glorified in different manners , on purpose that every man may (d) feare the more , the more he wants of the integrity and perfection of that knowledge of him , either how he is , or how qualified , or how great he is . by the reasons of themistius , saith he , mitior factus est imperator , the emperour became more mild . it may not be unfit for your friends to consider the example , and doe so too . section 27 as for your challenge to us , that if we will restore all we have taken from papists in europe , you will restore what you have taken from us , it is a good safe boast ; you know that it is not in any replyers power to strike the bargaine . yet , if all the pecuniary mulcts under the reigne of the three last princes in this kingdome be price enough to ransome and fetch backe the bloud shed by you in queene maries daies , i doubt not but i shall be as forward as you to accept that challenge . section 28 meane while for the justification of our severest lawes in this point , you cannot but confesse that in most kingdomes strong presumptions have beene thought sufficient to make lyable to punishment . in the canon law the proving of nudus cum nudâ , that such a man and woman were taken naked together , is presumption enough to bring the punishment of adultery on any . and when our queene had run so many dangers by priests , and thereupon capitall lawes were made , that no such should come into the kingdome , or if they did they should be presumed traiterously disposed , and punished accordingly ; and this statute thus legally made , conveyed to the knowledge of all such , it hath been a very rationall presumption against any that should be so found ; though as 't is possible that nudus cum nudâ may be no adulterer , so such a priest may have no traiterous purpose . and yet if you marke it , ( unlesse since these times of troubles ) very few of you have suffered among us by this statute . section 29 sir , you had great leasure , when you could enlarge so to triumph over us for acknowledging our church fallible , and professe to discharge his lordship from being your advocate , if he speake so ill for his client . this you might have done long since , and unlesse your favour may be had upon some other tearmes then undertaking the infallibility of meere creatures , we must all be content to be discarded by you . section 30 yet after all your turning away , and slighting , we shall never be so provoked , as to punish you for the result of what we prescribe you . if your best use of reason in the interpretation of scripture ( and not any prejudice , or passion , or fault of yours ) have sincerely brought you to your opinions , and no light that is offer'd , hath beene neglected , and yet all prove unsufficient to convince you , i shall never severely pronounce against you ; and if you will say , and make good as much to me , our affections may meet , though not our braines , and both of us have charity enough to cover in each other , a multitude of errours . section 31 your catalogue of sects in this kingdome , i shall not goe about to examine , but onely tell you , that your infallibility hath beene lyable to such misadventures also , and had not the charme or skill of keeping all within its circle ; if it had , there would then at this time have beene no body to dispute against you . section 32 in the close of your long chapter , i wonder you should be so covetous or ambitious of lengthning it one page farther , by charging on his lordship , that he charges you , that because you pretend to be infallible , you have lesse reason to prescribe to others ; whereas his lordship charges no such thing upon you , but onely saith , that she that confesses she may erre , is not so chargeable with any fault , as they that pretend they cannot ; which is quite another matter . section 33 to conclude , when the businesse is thus laid by you , that your infallibility is not yet proved to be onely pretended , and yet you have no other ground of saying so , but because you say 't is not , ( though all his lordship's arguments for so may sections have driven all to that conclusion , and never an one of them is yet answered by you ) it will be a most unreasonable thing ( and a sound petitio principii againe ) to affirme without any one word of proofe , that that infallibility is a reality , and so will not keepe you from mending , whereas nothing can keepe you from mending , if this doe not ; this contemning of arguments against you , and affirming magisterially without any . to the 29 section , chap. 17. this opinion , saith he , of damning so many , and this custome of burning so many , this breeding up of those who know nothing else in any point of religion , yet to be in readinesse to cry , to the fire with him , to hell with him . all these be empty words , as we have shewed before . as for our breeding up of men , i thinke we doe it as well as any of our neighbours doe ; and by the way , must tell you that we doe not take children from their parents onely to breed them up in our religion ; we doe not offer that hard measure either to turkes or jewes , but hold it an act flatly against the law of nature , an impious violation of parents right , which ought to be held sacred ; and lastly , away of propagation of religions wholy violent and vn-christian , so farre are we from propagating our religion by force ; and if all others with whom we have to doe , had beene of that mind , it had beene better with them ; for god hath not blessed that way , forasmuch as by sad experience we have found , that none have proved greater scourges to their king and country , then such as have had that sort of breeding given them , and contrary to their parents will , beene violently seduced in their youth ; and this is no secret , but knowne to all the three kingdomes to their cost . but enough of this , for it is a distastfull businesse . c. 17. answ . to c. 17. section 1 to his lordship's 29 paragraph you have no returne , but that these are empty words as you have formerly shewed ( and i feare we have shewed they are not , but should be very glad to be mistaken , and can truly say , that i wish vehemently that your judgment were right in this matter ) but upon occasion of his lordship's mention of [ your breeding up those that know nothing else in religion , to cry to the fire , to hell with him ] you are pleased to take occasion of some liberty , in shewing what good breeding you bestow upon men in your church , and so divert to a complaint against those that take children from their parents , &c. and are somewhat passionate and tragicall on that subject ; but this being nothing to his lordship's words or argument , i desire to see that better answered by you , before i will enter any new combat about so extrinsecall an impertinency . and so enough of this also , for what ever 't is , 't is nothing to the matter of present handling . to the 30 section chap 18. if it were granted , saith the enquirer , that because it agrees not with the goodnesse of god to let me want a guide infallible , and that the church of rome were that one ; yet if that teach any thing contrary to god's goodnesse , i am not to receive her doctrine , for the same cause they would have me receive it , it being as good an argument . this guide teaches things contrary to god's goodnesse , therefore it is not appointed , by god ; as to say , it is agreeable to god's goodnesse there should be a guide , therefore there is one . so he . the enquirer seekes to delude us with a fallacy , by altering his tearmes ; for in the first place , he speakes of a thing contrary to god's goodnesse , not absolutely , but according to his understanding . in the second place he speakes of it , not as it is in his understanding , but as it is simply in it selfe , which is a thing quite different from the former ; for many things may be in his understanding thus or thus , or as he saith , contrary to god's goodnesse , which in themselves are not so , but rather , quite otherwise , for indeed it is no good consequence to argue on this sort . this in my understanding is contrary to god's goodnesse , therefore it is so , because your understanding is subject to errour , and therefore some things may seeme to it to be , which are not . chillingworth who followeth this author's footsteps , argues after the selfe same manner , and hath beene answered elsewhere by himselfe . i grant then the consequence when as he saith , this guide teaches somewhat contrary to god's goodnesse , therefore it is not appointed for a guide . but i deny the antecedent ; and afterwards when he proves it , saying , it seemes so to my understanding , therefore it is so , i deny the consequence , and admit the antecedent . at least , saith he , if it seeme so to my understanding , whether in the meane time it be so or not , i am not to receive it , because i am to be guided by my owne reason and understanding . if it seeme so to your understanding after such time as you have weighed all things as rightly as you can , i grant it ; but if it seeme so onely before you have done that , then i deny it , for then it is not to be followed but forsaken , or reformed if it be found erroneous , as in this case of yours it is . for in this case your understanding is to consult other understandings wiser then your owne , if you can finde any such ; and according to that is to determine of the matter , and not to rely wholly upon your owne single understanding . but if you doe so , you will finde your owne single understanding was deceived , and that the guide of which we treate , teacheth nothing that is against the goodnesse of god. for it is to be supposed her understanding is brighter and more capacious then yours , and therefore is to be thought knowes much better what doctrines be agreeable to the goodnesse of god , then yours can doe what is against it ; and therefore your owne reason and understanding teaches you , that the churches understanding is to be preferred , and that yours must submit ; and againe , that this is the rationall way , and not the other : this the way of understanding , and that of errour . and so much in answer to this fallacy , wherein i perceive , both he and master chillingworth confide very much . as for particular doctrines , it is true , as you say , you may examine whether they agree with the principle , that is foundation , yet neverthelesse cannot you from thence conclude any thing against the doctrines or infallibility of the church , but rather for it , and this for the reason before specified . neither doe we , therefore , send you to a witnesse , and bid you not believe it , but rather , to believe it as farre as in right reason you are to believe it , and not farther , that is to say , you are to trust to your owne particular discourses , as to particular discourses , and no farther , but to the resolves of the church as to the dictamens of a higher understanding , by the light of which you are to judge and censure of the rest , and by doing thus , you are sure you doe wisely and safely , and , in fine , so , as although you should chance to erre , you might answer the businesse at the latter day , by saying , i did in this case what i ought to doe , for i followed what my reason taught me , and more then this was not required at my hands . but if i follow my owne judgement , and in confidence of that doe adventure to condemne the church , in that i offend against my reason and true judgement , and should not be able to make a good apology for my selfe , or any way make it good that i followed my reason , which faculty is the rule that god hath set mee . for a conclusion of this dispute , i answer in briefe , that putting the inquirers argument as he ought to have put it , namely , thus as followeth . this guide , to my understanding ; or , to my seeming , teaches things contrary to gods goodnesse , therefore it is not appointed by him for a guide , putting i say , the argument on this manner , it is nothing so good , or so concluding an argument , as this other is , videlicet ; this guide teaches such and such doctrines , therefore they are not against the goodnesse of god , and therefore againe , my understanding was deceived in holding them to be so ; and therefore lastly notwithstanding all this , she may be an infallible guide and appointed by god for such : note , that we inferre hence she may be , but not that she is , as the inquirer would impose upon us : for , we doe not say that the church is appointed a guide therefore , because it is agreeable with god's goodnesse to make her so , but because we for other reasons know he hath so made her : because we are not now to learne but that many things are agreeable to gods goodnesse to be done , which yet are not done , nor peradventure ever will be . wherefore , when we are to judge what is , or will be , we are to consider , not what his goodnesse may admit , but what his will determines shall have a being , for of that lastly depends the existence of things , and not of the other . c. 18. answ . to c. 18. section 1 in your report of his lordship's argument , section 30. you leave out those words [ therefore there is one ] and so make nonsence of that period , which in his lordship's setting of it is excellent reason . but i can believe that this was but a slip , as for your answer to the parrallel cases , wherein , saith his lordship , gods goodnesse is equally concerned ; doe you thinke you can ever satisfie any reasonable man in saying , [ that the first thing he speaks of is onely contrary to gods goodnesse in his lordships understanding , not absolutely ; but of the second , he speaks , not as it is in his understanding , but as it is simply in it selfe ] from whence you conclude , that he changes the tearmes ] certainly , sir , in despight of your exception , argument is good , thus ; section 2 if it be sufficient to conclude an infallible guide because it agrees not with gods goodnesse to let men want one , then any man that conceives that church to teach any thing which he conceives against gods goodnesse , by the same reason is not to receive her doctrine ; the case is cleare , because nothing concludes to any man any farther , then it is conceived by him ; and that is not a proofe to me , which i doe not conceive to be so ; which makes his lordships arguing to be farre from fallacious ; for the matter of this paragraph is not whether it be really true , that it agrees not with gods goodnesse to let men want an infallible guide , but ( supposing it to be so ) whether it will follow the church is infallible , or whether he whose understanding is convinced and perswaded of that truth , [ that it is not agreeable to gods goodnesse to let us want such a guide ] be enforced to confesse it infallible . section 3 this also his lordship disputes not against ( but will willingly acknowledge the consequence , supposing that the antecedent were true ) onely by the same argument proves another thing , that he that conceives the church to teach any doctrine contrary to gods goodnesse , or that , which is such to his understanding , or he that supposes the church to teach so , must not believe that churches doctrine . so that if you marke , the supposition is equall on both sides , not taken for true one side , and onely pretended on tother , but one taken to be true by you , ( that , not to provide an infallible guide is contrary to gods goodnesse ) and tother taken to be true by his lordship ( that gods damning those that erre without either negligence or prejudication , is contrary to his goodnesse also ) and if the argument be of force on one side , it must be so also on tother , and for you to say that what you suppose , is true , but what his lordship supposes , is not so , is a terrible petitio principii againe , and no ground of a confutation against his lordship ; the ridiculous arguments that you put in his lordships paper , without his privity , will be matter of reproach to you , ( who if you understood ( as i suppose you did ) were willing to deprave his discourses ) and not unto his lordship . section 4 as for your way of satisfying his lordships understanding , that what the church teaches is not contrary to the goodnesse of god , [ because the church knowes what is so , better than he ] 't will sure prevaile little with any , that is a disputing whether the church is infallible or no , ( as you see his lordship now is ) for if she be fallible , she may mistake in that judgment , and that she doth not mistake , there will be no assurance from her saying it , as long as the controversy depends about her infallibility , which to affirme not to depend , or to be no controversy , is petitio principii againe . section 5 as for your conclusion of this dispute , wherein you set the comparison betwixt two arguments , and say yours is much the better ; i shall not need debate that with you , because they are not the two arguments betwixt which his lordship makes the comparison . the first i confesse you have rightly set downe , [ this guide to my understanding teaches things contrary to gods goodnesse , therefore it is not the guide ] and this will be as good an argument , as this other , [ 't is to my understanding contrary to the goodnesse of god , that the roman church should not be an infallible guide , or that there should be no infallible guide , where there is none but the roman church , therefore the roman church is so ] in this comparison the consequences are equally true , and built upon the same ground , that that which is against gods goodnesse cannot be ; and the antecedents equally affirmed according to severall understandings , and then whether the other argument which you bring , be comparable to either , it matters not . section 6 but when at last you give us a note , that the argument from god's goodnesse doth not conclude that your church is infallible , but onely that it may be so ; i confesse you make me repent of all this unprofitable attendance i have paid you , in following your argument thus farre , when your selfe have given me directions to a shorter cut of answering , viz : by granting that it may be infallible , that is , that nothing in nature resists , but that , if god's pleasure were so , it might be infallible , but say we , we have no evidence from god that it is his pleasure it should , and therefore we conclude it may be deceived , or may be fallible ; betwixt which two , though there may be some difference , ( as there is betwixt falli and fallibilem esse ) yet unlesse some evidence can be brought against one , which cannot against the other , they will be both equally true , as farre as respects our knowledge or debate of them . section 7 and when you adde , that 't is from other reasons that you conclude she is infallible , and not from this of gods goodnesse , i answer , that 't is cleare that his lordship was now disputing onely against that reason taken from gods goodnesse , which it seemes you confesse was no reason ; and for your other reasons , they are either confuted in other paragraphs of his lordships treatise , or when you produce them , shall be . to the 31. sect. chap. 19. this section is spent in the enquiring whether a man shall be damned for making a diligent and impartiall enquiry after the true religion , of which he finds the infallibility of the church to be a part , supposing that his reason , when all is done , will not assent . this is his quaere , and the same may be made concerning any other verity , or point of doctrine ; as namely , of the holy scripture , whether or no it be the word of god ; and what shall become of that man whose reason , after an impartiall search made , will not assent ; or againe , about the truth of christian religion , unto which , after such a search made , his reason will not condescend . i answer first , that it is a mockery to aske whether or no any man shall be damned for making a good enquiry without successe ; and in effect it is the same as to enquire whether a man shall be damned for doing a deed that 's commendable and good . for this question supposes that either the enquirer , or we were very simple creatures , and did not understand our selves , or else that the gentleman-demander was not in earnest , but propounded it only for his recreation , though at a time ill chosen and unseasonable , and also in a matter about which there ought to be no jeasting . i answer secondly , that in a place where instruction and information may be had , the case he puts is morally impossible to happen out ; for we deny that where the search is diligent , impartiall , and without prejudice , and where againe information sufficient is to be had , that there the reason shall not be able to assent , and that wheresoever it cannot , that same happens , either through weaknesse , or inhability of judgment and capacity , or else by reason of some disordinate passion of the will , by which the understanding is misled and darkened , as in those , who are refractary , it for the most part falls out . which passion and prejudices arise , sometimes from custome and education , sometimes from vitious inclinations , sometimes from a crookednesse and perversity of nature , which doth refuse instruction . wherefore as it is no sufficient excuse for an infidel to say , i have searched diligently whether or no christ be the true messias , or whether the scripture be the word of god or no , and after all endeavours used , my reason will not assent ; so in like manner it is as little sufficient to alleage , that after enquiry made about the true church and her infallibility , your reason would not assent , for in these cases , we cannot grant any ignorance invincible ; or free that errour which possesses them from guilt . now what shall become of others who want instruction sufficient , and have no crookednesse or backwardnesse in their will , and die in ignorance , is another point , and different from this of ours , and is to be resolved in the question about the efficacy of implicite faith , to which i referre my reader . chap. 19. answ . to ch. 19. section 1 in this paragraph his lordship askes a question , whether , supposing [ that he that never heard of the church of rome , shall not be damned for not believing it infallible ] it can be thought , that he that hath made diligent search , and used honestly all meanes afforded him , and yet doth not believe the church infallible , shall be damned for that not-believing ( this is the question , and to weigh it downe on one side [ that that latter shall not be damning when tother is not ] this reason is put in that in this matter all that that man hath done in the second case more than in the former , is onely the having diligently enquired , which is presumed to be no damning sinne . section 2 in stead of the question thus put , you set another somewhat distant , but i will suppose tending to the same effect , whether a man shall be damned for making a good enquiry without successe ; which you say is a mockery , and so , as i conceive , ridiculous to affirme it ; and so , sir , after all your descanting on his lordship for asking this question , it is apparent by our explication of it , that upon the denying of that which you say , 't is ridiculous not to deny , it inevitably followes , that that man shal not be damned for denying the infallibility of your church . section 3 and though you take paines to perswade that this case is morally impossible , yet you must give us leave from your stating of the case , wherein you say it is so , ( viz : when information sufficient is to be had ) to conclude your proofe a petitio principii againe ; for when wee deny your church to be infallible , and moreover affirme , that if it be , it cannot be infallibly knowne to be so , how can you thinke that we shall ever yeild ( without any offer of proofe ) that there is sufficient instruction to be had for any man in this point ? besides , for you to say that every man 's not acknowledging this , proceeds either from weaknesse or passion , what is that but uncharitablenesse first , and then shortnesse of discourse , ( when the case was on supposition that there was no fault of which his search was guilty ) and petitio principii againe ? to the 32. section , chap. 20. whosoever admits of truth upon no better grounds than others doe admit of falshood , doth not receive it rightly , solidly , and as he ought , but after a way defective and infirme . againe , whosoever searches and is loath to finde , and would not see it when he might , this man refuseth truth as badly and weakly as the other doth receive it ; and as the truth will not benefit the one , so the enquiry will not advantage or excuse the other . as for such as are bred up in a true religion , and which , without particular examination , they accept , it were rash judgement to say all these received truths upon no better grounds , then others did falshood ; for first , according to this account , the greatest portion of christian men on all sides would be in a hard condition : amongst whom the simple and illiterate , who are not able to read evagrius either in greeke or latine , nor yet the bible either in hebrew or greeke , or otherwise to make any strict search into antiquity , for their making discoveries which faith was the antient and apostolique . but though they be unable to doe this , yet doe they not therefore take up their religion at randome and by chance , or consult passion about it , and not reason , but contrariwise , doe finde their reason satisfied each one according to their severall models , or measure of capacity , by the present view of the majesty and divine perfections of the catholique church and faith therein professed , together with the assurances from publique fame and creditable relations . by meanes of which the divine providence and veracity shewes them infallibly what wayes they are to take , and what doctrines to receive as revealed from above . and thus , regularly speaking amongst orthodox believers , where religion may appeare like it selfe , every man of capacity , though illiterate , may see sufficient to resolve him , which satisfaction from any false religion he could not receive ; for though to a heedlesse eye , and before a diligent exquiry made , some grand falshoods may seeme more probable than truths , and that as aristotle teacheth , multa falsa sunt probabiliora veris , many falshoods are more probable than truths ; yet , not to a diligent enquirer after the search is made , and especially , in businesses of great concernment , because god and nature have laid these kinde of truths more open to our view , and set markes upon them by which they might be knowne and discerned from falshood . wherefore , in the law of nature , it was more credible , even to the illiterate , that there was a god , then that there was none ; and now judaisme is not so probable as christianity is , though sometimes it hath been , nor mahumetisme at any time so perswasible as christian religion , or heresy so credible and satisfactory as orthodoxall christianity , or the greeke schisme as the greeke unity ; wherefore though the parents beliefe , and the religion prevalent in the countrey have great influence into the minds of man , and are great and powerfull perswaders , yea oftentimes seducers also , and those very dangerous ; yet neverthelesse in those places where truth is taught , they doe not hinder men from the right apprehension of it , and from making true judgements about it , but rather like a prosperous gale of winde to vessels under sayle , cause them to move towards the port desired more swiftly than otherwise they would . and thus much may suffice for taking off the slander and scandall which this enquirer , and after him chillingworth , with great acerbity , have almost in the very same tearmes , labour'd to cast upon right believing christians , therewith to disparage their faith , as if forsooth , they beleived truths invalidly and upon no better reasons then others beleive falshood . thus have both these conspired against the truth , for both indeed are but one author in effect , one the text , and the other the commentary ; wherefore the publisher of this small worke hath shewed us all the well head to which chillingworth went to draw , which well before was unknowne to the most part of men , and so might have still remained , had it not been for this publishers unseasonable diligence . chap. 20. answ . to ch. 20. section 1 your mistake is very remarkable in this paragraph , and your paines very prodigally mispent in disproving of that which is by his lordship mentioned onely on supposition of somewhat else affirmed by you , and by that meanes demonstrated to be infirme . section 2 his lordship's present reasoning is , that supposing your infallibility true , yet he that denies it , and withall uses his best reason to seeke if it be true , will sure be in as safe a condition , as he that believes it , and searches not . and this he proves , because the one believes that supposed falshood on as good grounds , as the other doth that supposed truth . which is so fully concluded from those premises , ( and so needs no farther proofe ) that indeed these premises are able to conclude more ; viz : that in that case that man believes that supposed falshood on better grounds ( viz : upon impartiall search ) then the other believes that supposed truth ; and then 't were unreasonable to thinke , that god that rewards mens actions , and not their fates , their choices , and not their starres , should condemne the one , more ingenuous and guiltlesse , and reward the other meaner and more criminall part of the parallel . section 3 all this you in a manner confirme , by saying , that he that thus admits of truth , admits it not solidly , rightly , and as he ought , but after a defective and infirme way . which being borrowed from you out of this chapter , the rest will appeare to belong very nothing to his lordship's argument , and therefore i choose not to insist on any reply to it . for of those which doe finde their reason satisfied in your infallibillity , of which you speake a while , his lordship speakes not ; and for the truths that god and nature have laid so open to our view , of which you speake againe , sure this of infallibillity is none . section 4 as for your displeasure expressed againe ( without any new occasion ) against the unseasonable publisher ( which if you and some others of your friends were meere students and votaries , to pray for , and study the peace of hierusalem , and not too active infusers and enterprizers in these troubled waters , might indeed be acknowledged lesse seasonable ) it is the very thing you said before , and then was sufficiently proved to be unseasonable . to the 33 , & 34. sections , chap. 21. that the enquirer did not deny with obstinacy the infallibility of the church of christ , or any other article , we are willing to beleive , yet neverthelesse how safe he was we know not . for a man may be obstinate and yet not thinke so , though he may peradventure have just reason to suspect it . it is not likely that arius for example , or any other arch-heretique did thinke themselves to be obstinate , although it is not to be doubted but they were , for in the heart of man there be many darke corners in which obstinacy may lurke and be unseen ; many passions that doe corrupt the intention , which without great diligence are not espied , especially in men that are lovers of the world , or be possessed with prejudices hefore hand . for which the wise man wisely said , verebar omnia opera mea , i distrusted all my workes . and so hath every man reason to doe in this universall corruption of nature and manners . the 34 sect. hath no difficulty in it which may require an answer . chap. 21. answ . to chap. 21. section 1 your answer to the 33 sect. is very strange ; you first grant very freely , that you beleive that his lordship did not deny with obstinacy the infallibility of your church ; and yet in your next words you interpose against him , that a man may be obstinate , and yet not thinke so ; and on that , ground your answer to that section . but sure , sir , whosoever else maybe obstinate , or what grounds soever he may have to suspect he is , yet this cannot by you be said of him at the same time when you acknowledge he is not obstinate . section 2 i beseech you compare your answer with that paragraph of his lordships again , and tell me whether this would not be very strange dealing . suppose a friend should make this syllogisme for you ; an honest catholique ought not to be denied the liberty of this towne , but this gentleman is an honest catholique , ergo : and to the major i should answer by silence , ( i. e. consent ) and to the minor , [ that you are an honest catholique i am willing to believe : ] neverthelesse whether you ought to have the liberty of this towne , i know not , for you may be a dishonest catholique , and yet not thinke so . section 3 i pray how would you like this way of discourse ? would you not first tell me that i did in effect deny the conclusion , i. e. make scruple how you should be dealt with , after i had acknowledged both that all honest catholiques ought to be used as you desire , and that you are an honest catholique ? and secondly , that i did suck in my concession of your being an honest catholique , assoone as i had made it ; for if that reply belong to me , then is it doubted , whether i am such or no. be pleased to compare the cases , and this is directly your answer . section 4 what you meane by the no-difficulty in the 34 sect. ( which you confesse , and which therefore requires no answer ) i doe not perfectly know , but shall suppose you meane , that there is nothing of doubt or question in it , and then i am sure i have nothing to reply , but that by the same reason the 33 section must be granted also , for the medium is the same to inferre both those conclusions . to the 35 , & 36 , sections , chap. 22. to beleive , saith he , implicitly what god would have believed , is also to beleive implicitly what the church teacheth , if this doctrine be one of those which god commands , to be believed . my answer to this is negative , and my reason of deniall is , because one implicite faith doth not containe another , but it is an explicite assent and no other that containes within it an implicite . to the point then i answer , that if that same generall beliefe , which he falsly calls implicite , be sincere and cordiall , we then grant that it may , as he saith , implicitly containe the other . but what will he deduce from thence ? what ? that all who pretend to believe on that manner doe it sincerely ? it is improbable , for if it were sincere , it would in knowing men , not stay within the narrow compasse of an implicite assent , but quickly dilate it selfe , and become explicite . indeed this great profession of believing in a preparation of minde all which god would have believed , and goes no farther , seemes in most men to be but feigned and delusory , and so no great trust can be reposed in it . chap. 22. answ . to chap. 22. section 1 the force of the argument , sect. 35. you deny upon a shew of some subtlety , because , say you , one implicite faith doth not containe another . this you affirme , but afford us not the least offer of proof for the affirmation . i must therefore beseech you to looke over your principle againe . suppose me to believe by an implicite faith , that you are an honest man , may not that beliefe containe in it an implicite beliefe to every proposition by you asserted ? nay , what need this circumlocution ? is not his lordships argument most cleare being put into a syllogisme ? section 2 if god commands the church to be believed , then he that implicitly believes all the commands of god , implicitly believes that the church is to be believed : but god commands the church to be believed , ergo . see now which proposition you will deny , the major is evident , the minor i presume you will not deny , whosoever else doth , and then i beseech you be good to the conclusion . section 3 but that it seemes you will grant too , but suspect that that generall beliefe is not sincere and cordiall ; but that i am sure is not for us to dispute of , or discerne , and i am as sure 't is nothing to the case where 't is supposed to be sincere , and if it be not , no man ever thinkes it can be relyed on . to the 37 , 38 , & 39. sections , chap. 23. admitting the formost of these sections as probable . to the 38 , i answer , that as some are made obstinate by pride , so againe othersome lazinesse detaines in ignorance . but what of that ? i grant you that it is not pride in you or any man never to assent , till you find good reason for it , but rather wisdome . neverthelesse it may be pride which blinds a man and hinders him from the seeing a just reason of assenting , yea even then when it is not onely perceptible , but also easie to be perceived ; for the eye of the proud sees not the truth , but overlooks it . the 39 paragraph containeth in it no businesse considerable in the matter of controversie between us . chap. 23. answ . to chap. 23. section 1 the 38 sect. you admit as probable , and now methinks i understand your dialect somewhat better then before i did ; doth not [ admitting as probable ] signifie [ not understanding ? ] truly it had been more ingenuously done to have used that other phrase ; for the truth is , it might have been done at this time without any disparagement to your understanding ; for in the beginning of this section there was at the first edition clearly an errour in the print . it should be thus as 't is now mended ; to the greeke that concludes the former section should be adjoyned in the same period , if i could , &c. and no new section be there made ; and as the sence , by that mistake of the printer , lyes broken in the first impression , it is non-sence . section 2 now this being said , it is a little odde that there should be but one piece of non-sence in the booke , and that should have the lucke to be in your favour , and by you be confestly admitted as probable . but this was but a misfortune . your answer to the 38 is not so excusable , being not one syllable to the matter in hand , [ that sluggishnesse may as probably bring a papist to grant your infallibility , as pride a protestant to deny it ] in stead of denying or answering of which , you onely reply , that pride may possibly blind a man. sure this paragraph you might have admitted also , ( as well as the other two that encompasse it ) much better then to have said nothing to the purpose . section 3 the 39. i would not discourage you from granting ( it had beene much for my ease if you had granted the whole treatise ) otherwise i could shew you , that it conteines an argument perfectly concludent against your cause , in satisfying one maine objection of yours against us . to the 40 section chap. 24. we catholiques doe not disagree in points of faith , neither where there is fire to keepe us in awe , nor where there is none , and therefore this exception against our unity is frivolous . it is the clearenesse and perfection of our rule that drawes us all to unity , and not any of the foure elements . if we follow this rule we are at peace , and we doe well know how to follow it : contrarywise , follow your rule as well as you can , and yet you are at variance ; wherefore you assigne a rule , which though it in it selfe be not uncertaine , yet which is as bad , you are uncertaine of it . now as in logicke a maxime , or axiome , if unknowne , or uncertaine , is no good principle of argumentation ; so in matter of beliefe , a rule not certainly discernible and understood , is no good rule of faith , though never so perfect in it selfe : and this is just your case . the differences amongst those of our church are not differences in matters of faith or religion , as it is evident ; but on the other side it is manifest and confessed , that yours are . our differences are in philosophy onely , or in some scholastique and undefined point , and such in particular is , that now some yeares agitated betweene the dominicans , and sundry of their party on the one side , and the jesuits , and sorbon doctours , and many more , on the other . for these contend not as we doe , with the calvinists , namely , whether we have free will or no : all of them agreeing in that verity of faith , but they contend about a question onely philosophicall , which hath some relation to it , namely whether with this freedome of will acknowledged by both sides , physicall predeterminations or praemotions can consist : which question is no question of faith . now admitting as many thinke , that these predeterminations could not stand with the doctrine of free will , yet the said doctrine of faith is not hurt thereby : for the opposition betweene them and free will , is either discovered by the dominicans , or not . if not , then is it dormant , and so , though never so ill , it cannot doe hurt to faith , or worke it any prejudice . if it be discovered , then it can worke nothing , forasmuch as thereupon it will be relinquisht and abandon'd presently : because the doctrine of free will is received by an assent of faith , and the other but by a philosophicall or opinative ; the former being the stronger , must needs command and expell the latter , assoone as they begin to fall at variance . wherefore it would in that case be a good consequence with them , viz. man hath free will , therefore there is no predetermination and not contrarywise , ( as it is with the calvinists ) there is predetermination , therefore no free will. therefore in the holding of predeterminations there is a vast difference betweene a calvinist and a dominican , even as much as betweene an obedient catholique , and a perverse and obstinate heretique , and that is difference enough . and since you would needs know , this is the reason why these arguments make you heretiques , and not the dominicans . that the church ought to have resolved the point in difference , betweene those two orders , is more then the inquirer can prove , for neither of their doctrines doe hinder conformity with the ancients in any one thing , wherein conformity was requisite ; for men are not bound to conforme with the ancients in the reasons of their beliefe , but in their belief onely . the 42. section we grant as making nothing against our doctrine . and thus chillingworth is also answered who insists upon this same point , and also in the same fashion with this inquirer , so that all things considered , both these make but one author and require but one answer to what they have objected . and by this the 41 , and 42. sections be also answered . c. 24. answer to c. 24. section 1 his lordship saith that the consent is little thank-worthy , because that may be an effect of feare , when there is fire for them that disagree . to this you answer , that you disagree not in matters of faith , neither where there is fire to awe , nor where there is none . section 2 sir , is not that a strange answer in you , that know there is fire to awe disagrees in all matters of faith , and consequently no matter of faith , where there is no fire to awe ? by this it appeares that that exception of his lordships against your unity in matters of faith is farre from frivolous , and to get quit of it , you are faine to make a distribution , of which onely one species belongs to the genus , which being put into forme betraies it selfe presently : it must be thus , of matters of faith , some are required of us sub poenâ ignis , some are not . can you stand to it , that this shall hold ? are there any things de fide , which a man may safely disbelieve ? if not , all the rest you say in that section is nothing to the purpose . but then you adde , that all the differences are in matters not of faith , to which the answer will be very obvious ( if i troubled you with no other ) that ours are so too , and then you have little matter of triumph over us in that excellence . section 3 but if you please , i shall be a little more large with you in this point , and first i beseech you to consider , that it is you that bring this argument against us , taken from dissentions amongst us , and not we against you ( though we might with as good reason ) and therefore that it lies on you to prove it a concluding argument , and to us 't is abundantly sufficient , if we be but able to retort it , for then 't will be an argument ad homines , though in it selfe it be no argument . section 4 this being premised , i pray observe , in the second place , the no force of this argument against us , unlesse it may also appeare that our departing from you , is the cause of these dissentions . for if they be but onely consequent to it accidentally , this ought not in all reason to be laid to our charge , any farther then thus , that this accidentall consequent , is a probable argument of one of these two things , either that you have better rules for the restraining of such dissentions than we , or else that you are more carefull in executing the rules you have ; and if either of these be said by you , i shall then tell you : 1. that it seemes this argument concludes but probably , though the proposition were granted , and i believe i could urge as probably on the other side , and conclude the excellency of our reformation from that old saying of clemens ( by way of answer to your objection , both of jewes and heathens against christianity , taken from the dissentions of christians in the primitive church ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the cause of them is , because all things , that are excellent , are subject to the envy of men , and devils , and from thence to the sowing of seeds of dissentions amongst them ; agreeably to that of our saviour , that as soon as the wheat was in the ground , the envious sowed his tares . section 5 but then secondly , for the preventing of such dissentions , i shall adde , that though we have not pretence of infallibility , and threats of fire to restraine men from them , yet we have other rules more agreeable to antient church practice , than either of these ; and though the weapon of our warfare are not carnall in your sence of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the taking away of life , yet are they if they were executed , mighty to bring downe or shut out heresies . for , if you know it not , i can tell you , that excommunication ( that soveraigne receipt of christ and his apostles , the most perfect designe of charity , to save and recover that which is lost , to shame men to reformation ) and upon contempt of that , that secular rougher hand interposing , the writ de excommunicato capiendo , and the statute of abjuration are very strong restraints ; and if they have not been so diligently executed as they ought to be , though i hope you will pardon this fault , yet he that will not , must charge it onely on the persons of our magistrates , and not on our religion , or the state of our reformation . and then let me adde that even these lawes , and this execution of them , or the like , whether among you or us can extend no farther then to outward restraints , and that onely of those that will be so terrified , or to punishment of them that will not ; but not to preventing of heresies in the inward rise or growth , or sometimes in the breaking out , whensoever ambition of being leader of a sect , &c. are more prevailing than feare of punishments , which cases must be lookt for in every church . section 6 to which purpose you may please to reflect upon your selves , and tell me , whether there were not good store of hereticks before the times of the reformation , if not , i am sure irenaeus , & epiphanius , and saint augustine , and philastrius have abused us in their catalogues ; and i beseech you , but to remember the ridiculous heresies of galatia ( which saint jerome mentions on occasion of gal. 3.1 . in respect of which he conceives the apostle calls them such fooles , and thinks they were bewitcht ) particularly those of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that would have cheese mixt with the bread in the sacrament , which with two others of the like stamp , there mentioned , came from ancyra the metropolis of galatia . and yet i believe you would not thinke the argument of much force , if it should ( from your example against us ) be made use of by us either against those apostolicall churches , or against the roman church ever since , that so many heresies are gone out of it ; and yet that would be as reasonable in us , as in you it is to charge all the heresies which have been in the world since luther , upon the reformation . section 7 for , let me aske you , is the fault that you object to us in this matter , that hereticks are gone out from us ? that which wee have said will satisfie you that that is no argument , that we are not a true church , for if it be , it will be of force against the catholique orthodox church in all ages . or is it , that they that thus dissent from us are suffered to continue among us ? if that be it , then first there are also dissenters among you , continuing with you . secondly , our lawes and canons are for the casting them out , if their dissentings be hereticall , and that is all that you can pretend of these , and if we have been more indulgent than you would have us , that is but an errour of tendernesse first , and then that onely the fault of persons . section 8 having said thus much ( which i conceive full ground of satisfaction to what you have or can say in this matter ) i might now adde , that if you looke no farther then the church of england even in these ( which i suppose you will count the ) worst times of it , you cannot finde any greater or more dangerous heresies avowed by any considerable party than are owned by some of the jesuits among you . section 9 i shall first mention that popular doctrine ( you know what i meane ) of bellarmine , resumed and confirmed not long before his death , with his most advised care in his recognitions . secondly , the doctrine and practice of resisting and deposing lawfull magistrates under colour of religion ( that i set it no higher , even to killing of kings . ) thirdly , the opposing the order of bishops , as expresly contrary to the sole-power enstated by christ on s. peter . and also fourthly , the affirming it lawfull that evill may be done , so it be in order to a publique good ; and that i trouble you with no more ( and yet give you reason to thinke that it is in my power ) i beseech you to believe that i have read watson's quodlibets , ( and i could without much difficulty make a parallel betwixt these whom you so much charge , and those whom you defend , your hatedst enemies , and your dearest friends , that booke being so richly able to furnish me with hints ) & that i have surveyed the writings betwixt the seculars and the regulars ( with the late controversie among you about the bishop of calcedons being appointed ordinary in this kingdome , produced ) and in them the difference about the necessity of confirmation , and the [ non ] ( even now mentioned ) in the canon of the councell , as also the symbolum jesuiticum , &c. and if we have any greater divisions among us yet , than these , i beseech you to let me know it from you ( for i believe 't will be no easie discovery ) and i shall promise to doe and pray my utmost , that they may be avoided . section 10 this being thus set betwixt us , i shall not need to descend to a particular survey of the truth of what you say , that these differences among you are in matters not de fide ; though in that there would be a large field to amplifie in also . section 11 to his lordships argument , [ that the church ought to have resolved these questions if they desired conformity with the antient church ] you answer , that neither of these doctrines hinder conformity with the antients in any thing wherein conformity is required ; and confirme that by an implicite assertion , which you will never be able to prove , viz : that the fathers did not deliver doctrines ( as well as reasons ) directly contrary to the dominicans ; whereas 't is cleare they did , viz : to that , that physicall predeterminations can consist with freedome of will. which even now you thought good ( not to deny but ) to excuse by a dilemma , that if this opposition were not discovered to the dominicans , it would doe no hurt , if it were , it would be relinquisht . it seemes by this , that if they are discovered , and not relinquisht , the danger would then be great , and so that if they knew this conformity , this conformity would be requisite also , and so is requisite in it selfe , though by the excuse of blamelesse ignorance it be capable of mercy . section 12 to the 42 sect. you answer by granting againe , and thus you say also master ch. is answered , and truly so any man will be content to be answered ; i would all his lordships treatise had been so answered , it had been more ease to your selfe , and advantage to somebody else . to the 43 sect. chap. 25. we doe not formally inferre , that because our rule breeds unity , therefore all dissenting parties ought to yeild to that ; but that dissenting parties have no rule on which it is fit , or safe to rely ; and againe , that in place of it , we ought to seeke out one which causes unity , because no rule can be good without that quality . neverthelesse it followes also , ours is the true rule , because , de facto , none but ours either doth it , or is apt to doe it , and one such rule there must be , we are sure . ours then is not therefore to be accepted , because it breeds unity , but because it alone doth breed it . as for nilus , he is a pratling greeke , and besides that in his severall sayings he overthrowes himselfe , and confirmes our doctrines ; in this point no heed is to be taken to what he saith . chap. 25. answ . to chap. 25. section 1 in this chapter you disclaime an assertion by affirming it ; disclaime it in these words , [ that you doe not inferre , because your rule breeds vnity , therefore all dissenting parties ought to yeild to it ] and affirme it in these [ that dissenting parties have no rule , that they ought to seeke out one that causes unity , that yours is the true rule , and none but yours : ] your meaning is , it seemes , that you doe inferre it , but you doe it not formally ; and sure it matters little for formality , when the thing is so granted by you . section 2 for that you put in the word [ onely ] it matter 's little ; because any other company that should deny that infallibility , and usurp it themselves , would soone get the monopoly of it also , especially from any that differed from them in any particular . as for nilus , 't is farre cheaper and easier to call him pratling greeke , than to confute his saying , which yet , if you please to marke his words in this place , is no more than you say in the very undertaking to answer this treatise , that your church must by all be lookt on as infallible . to the 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , sections , chap. 26. in these foure sections the enquirer busily endeavours to perswade that errours might secretly creep into the church by degrees , as a child waxes bigger , and as the index of a clock moves about . be it so as the enquirer saith , yet neverthelesse , might all such creeping errours , if there were any , be espied , at least , when they had once got in , if not while they were stealing thither . thus the growth of a child is seene plainly , though not the growing , and the hand , or shadow of a diall is seene at what houre it is , though the slow pace thither was not perceptible ; and men may give a judgement whether it goe false or true . why then could not errours be espied as easily after they were once stolne in , though by never so small degrees , they made their approaches thither ? thus were the errours of arius , pelagius , wicliffe , socinus , and others , presently discovered , notwithstanding all their authours counterfeiting and slie manner of divulging them ; even as tares , which were sown while men slept : as soon as grown up were seen and noted . what then should hinder all other pretended errours of the church from being seen and registred , although crept in never so insensibly ? what matter is it that sundry bookes are lost ? are they more lost for those errours , then for others ? or were these more invisible then all the rest ? it is strange with what improbable conjectures this enquirer deludes himselfe . he tells us afterwards of another slie way of breaking in , that is to say , under old names and titles , altering the signification , but not the words . but i would know how the errours of the church could by this art be concealed , more than the errours of calvin , who sought with old appellations to palliate his new doctrines . but , in conclusion , his principall device is , that if no precedent opposition were a note of the being taught from the beginning , that then the doctrine of the chiliasts would passe for right and apostolicall , because , as he affirmeth , it was not contradicted till two hundred yeares after the coming in . but my answer is , it is more than any man can prove , that it was contradicted no sooner : nay , it is more than probable , that it was contradicted in the time of s. justin , as we have shewed before , and also highly probable , that it was opposed and rejected in the time of dionysius the arcopagite , as also hath been noted before . besides , it is no way necessary that every casuall or innocent opinion should be forthwith contradicted , or noted as an errour against faith ; and of this sort was the errour of the chiliasts during the time it was held but as an opinion , without censuring or condemning others , to which height , assoone as it arrived , it was cryed downe presently and rejected . the 48 sect. containes but a recapitulation of what was before propounded , and therefore requires no new answer to it . the last sect. containes nothing that deserves not commendation , or is unworthy of the author , but is rather to be extolled and imitated by all that make enquiries after truth , and his resolves there be such , that if they be truly and sincerily put in execution by any , no man can have reason to be offended with him in this world , nor is it likely that god will be displeased with him in the next . but whether the enquirer was not very unhappy in his searches after truth , or no , i leave it by the searcher of all hearts to be determined . c. 26. answ . to c. 26. section 1 to your answer to the undiscernablenesse of errours , that though they are not seene at the time , they may be seene after . i reply , that i confesse it possible they may be seene after , and that some are so , very soone after , but yet sure not all presently after , at least not publiquely and vulgarly seene ; as they are seene , so they may be made knowne to the world , some a long time after others ; and this is sufficient to shew , that the authours of the errours may possibly not be seene & discovered at all , though the errour in processe of time chance to be so , which will be most evidently true , if it be farther considered ( what his lordship affirmed ) that errours came in by degrees , and not at once . section 2 to your question what it matters that sundry bookes are lost ? i answer , that thus much it matters , that from thence it followes infallibly , that 't is possible there might be opposition against any doctrine , though in the writings we have , there be none mentioned , and as you disprove not that , so his lordship desires not to have more acknowledged . section 3 your next answer by retortion against calvin will be of no force , unlesse calvin undertooke to be infallible . section 4 for the matter about the chiliasts as you referre to your answer before , so doe i to my reply , onely from your favour or indulgence to that opinion , during the time that it was held but as an opinion , without censuring or condemning others ; but then withdrawing that favour when it arrived to that height ; i am very glad and joyfull to joine issue with you , and charitably to suppose ( though i affirme it not ) that till you tooke upon you to condemne and censure others , any opinion you held , meerely as an opinion , might doe you no irreparable hurt ; but now that you proceed to that insolent unmercifull height , what mercy can you expect from your owne principles , by which yet we that censure not , condemne not , are confident to hope for some kindnesse from you , though not from other men . section 5 to the 48 sect. i shall take your example likewise , and to the last commend your ingenuity for commending that , that deserved it so much ; and onely demand with what conscience you could thinke him very unhappy in those searches , which you confesse to be so happy in proposing ; for sure if unhappinesse signifie the ill successe of his searches , there can be ( according to your principles ) no feare that they should by god be permitted to be unhappy ; or if it signifie any fault in them , you cannot without uncharitablenesse , and judging of hearts pronounce him guilty of it . the conclusion . the generall result of all that which hath beene debated hitherto betwixt the enquirer and me , is , in effect , no other but that , first , the catholique churches infallibility is a soveraigne preservative against errour ; and against all dissention or dis-union in believing , unto all those who doe acknowledge it , and yeild submission thereunto . secondly , that each new verity defin'd by that church is to them a new path to heaven , though on the other side , to all such other as refuse to be directed by her , it may prove just as the enquirer is pleased to expresse himselfe , a new path to walke in towards the devill , or one steppe more unto damnation . and in this he was in the right , and spoke truer then he was aware . now it is well knowne that all we catholiques are guided by that same infallibility ; and againe , that on the contrary all anti-catholiques doe resist it , and what will follow out of this , is no hard matter to collect . moreover , this same infallibility , a quality so unpleasing to the enquirer , cannot , as he surmises , make us sure , if we be in errour , never to mend , for we all doe offer freely that if either he , or any of his side be sure to disprove soundly and clearly the infallibility , we will be as sure to mend and forthwith to relinquish it ; by which expected act of theirs we shall be reduced unto such good tearmes , in which all anti-catholiques continually are , that is to say , to believe at randome , reele wildly up and downe unconstantly , and fall at variance amongst our selves , as they doe ; and then i hope the enquirer will be contented with us . but the want on their behalfe of such an efficacious proofe as this , hath beene the true reason why we have not hitherto thought of any alteration , or comming towards them . certainly it is much better to be perswaded though falsly , of an infallibility , then to be sure to have none , as you now are , but to be wrangling perpetually , falling out and fighting amongst your selves ; whereas , before you were , when as our religion prevailed , this inconvenience happened not . so that , in fine , all the goodly fruits you have reaped from your impugning church and councels , and in bringing in instead thereof a new invention of your owne , is but the making of your selves and your country miserable , which daily , by deare experience we finde . and so much for the enquirer's unadvised impugnation of the infallibility of the catholique church . chap. 27. answ . to the conclusion . section 1 in your conclusion which recapitulates the summe of these debates betwixt his lordship and you , your first result is acknowledged perfectly , upon supposition that your church were infallible ; but then whether it be or no , that is the question still , and its being taken by you for a principle , when 't is so farre from being supposed one , is the cleare ground of the irreconcileablenesse betwixt you and us. for , upon supposition that we were your proselites in all manner of doubts besides , yet your requiring us to believe you not onely in the right , but infallible , equally obligeth us to believe all that your church can possibly ever affirme , as what you doe already , and then we must have a strong faith indeed to be able to beare such a burthen . whereas if you could but be brought to thinke it possible , you might be deceived , we could then finde place in you for scripture and reason to make impression : but till then , you have that terrible prejudice against them , whensoever they are produced against you ( and whensoever they are urged for you , they are to little purpose , onely to confirme you in the beliefe of that which you are already infallibly perswaded to be infallible ) that they are but temptations and shafts of satan , which , the stronger they come , and the more irresistibly , the more is your faith obliged to resist them all ; and to that this one fortification is sufficient , that you know that whosoever doubts of your infallibility , is not fit to be heeded in any thing else ; reason must cease to be reason , scripture to be scripture , when it appeares on that argument . section 2 and that sure is the reason that this treatise of his lordships , which consists not of more paragraphs , than convincing reasons , against your infallibility , is so easily rejected , or forgotten by you , that now you cannot acknowledge ever to have heard any such on that theme . and then i shall not attempt to hope to have so much , either logicke or rhetorick , as to make that impression on you . section 3 onely let me desire you to consider the ground of your last period but one , that certainly it is better to be perswaded , though falsely , of an infallibility , then to be sure to have none . section 4 where first you must , if you speake intelligibly , intimate that your errour is better ( not onely than another errour , but ) than truth , for the infallibility you suppose to be an errour , when you so speake , but the no-infallibility you doe not suppose to be no-truth . section 5 but then secondly , i am so farre from this opinion of yours , that i conceive it hard to imagine any errour , that could doe so much harme , as this of the pretended infallibility , supposing it as now you doe , to be an errour ; for that which brings a certaine possibility ( if no more ) of all errours after it , and leaves no one falsity out of the creed ; that 't is possible for all temptations to perswade your church , is certainly a complicated errour , and may well be called legion , for nothing else can be so numerous as this ; i 'me sure not the believing you fallible , though you were not so ; for , that would be but one errour , and no other necessarily consequent to it , it being very possible for him that hath that opinion of you ▪ to thinke every thing else that you thinke , to thinke you actually in the truth , although it be possible you may be in the wrong . not to mention the great injury that that infallibility , if it did belong to you , would in one respect be apt to doe you , i meane to deprive your church of all reward for any truths you preach , there being no matter of reward where there is no possibility of doing otherwise , nor capacity of a crown , where , for want of a p●ssibility of being overcome , there is also an impossibility of obtaining victory . section 6 thus have i given you an impartiall account how much , or rather how little , your papers have wrought upon my understanding ; and truly as the end of my writing any thing was , that i might satisfie your judgment , so the maine end of my enlarging to so many particulars , and , ( as you may see by the expressions of my then-present-intentions at the end of the first chapter ) to a length which i had resolved against , by examining almost every period in your seven sh●ets , was to satisfie your desire , signifi●d in putting your papers into so many hands , that , to tell you tru● , after i had read them over , and declined the having any thing to doe with them once , then within few daies after found another way to come to my hands againe ; so that it had not beene civility toward you to have put you to any more trouble , or farther to have tempted you to thinke your selfe victorious . to fortifie you the better against that temptation , i have beene perhaps more plaine and punctuall sometimes then would otherwise have beene necessary ; and if when you have read it over , you finde any such plainnesse to have beene without cause , upon your signification of your se●ce of any such my offence , i will promise to aske your pardon ; meane while i shall not trouble you with any farther thoughts of continuing this controversie , ( peace and unity and ami●y of pennes and hearts being much a more lovely thing ) but desire that if any thing in your paper ( as farre as it presses his lordship ) be in your opinion unsatisfied , it may in few words , without such a large trouble as this , be mentioned by you ▪ and then friendly debated betwixt us at any time of meeting ; of which whensoever by the meanes that this came to my hands , you shall signifie to me your pleasure , i shall not faile to serve you , being indeed resolved never to be thus injurious to my reader againe in civility to any man. from my study sept. 23. 1645. an appendix , or answer to what was returned by the apologist . to this reply of mine what was by the apologist returned in the margent of my paper , shall be now distinctly set downe , as the preface promised , with a direction ( by some letter of the alphabet ) to that part of any chapter of the discourse , to which each of his annotations were applied , and affixed . and for answer to them i shall not need enlarging . in the introduction , at the letter [ a ] this annotation was set in the margent . [ i know of neither scoffes nor triumphs . ] answ . that there are such , the reader will give credit to his owne eyes , if he review the latter part of your first chapter , as also the close of the 8 and of the 15 chapter ; and that you ought to know them , i. e. acknowledge and reform them , as being contrary , the former to that charity , the latter to that meeknesse , which our saviour left in charge with those that would be called by his name , i hope you will discerne , and confesse with me . c. 2. b. the annotation is [ i doe not treat here what is done by some , but what in propriety of speech ought to have beene done . ] to this i answer , first , that it being true ( as this reply confesses ) that some romanists used that stile of catholique roman church , ( though this apologist did not ) this is fully sufficient to justifie his lordships title , because he was not bound to foresee that this apologist would reforme the stile of others ; and secondly , though it be not propriety of speech , yet was that no argument neither , because his lordship that holds that church fallible in greater matters , might conceive it possible for them to be so in matter of propriety of speech , nay was confident that so they were , being not able to disbelieve his eyes and eares , that of this they were guilty , as improper as it is . but then thirdly , the matter is yet more cleare against the apologist , for though his lordships title did not presage , yet i which had read that answer , could see that he himselfe said that the church catholique was the roman , and the roman the catholique , and that is the thing which i affirm'd from his owne words in that place to which that annotation is prefixt . and therefore for him to say , that in propriety of speech this ought not to be done ] as it is an accusation of himselfe , who was guilty of that impropriety , so is it not a confutation of me , who onely said he was so . ib. c. [ we speak here according to the rules of formall predication , not for reprehension of the enquirer , but for rectifying the manner of speaking , and stating the question rightly . ] answ . 't is not imaginable how this note could advantage the writers cause . in the very place to which this note is affixt , i am a proving by rules of formall predication , that , by what is said by the romanists , and particularly by your self , it is apparent , that you affirme the roman church to be infallible , though not quatenus roman . this conclusion you deny not to follow from those rules , but say [ you speak according to those rules . ] and truly i have as yet no necessity to d●ny that you doe so , nor shall i , untill having affirm'd the roman church to be the catholique , you proceed to deny the roman to be infallible , though the cathol●que be . this you doe not yet distinctly deny , ( though the whole controversie about the title of his lordships booke shews that you are not very willing to stand to the affirmative . ) when you doe so , i shall make bold to put you in mind of those rules , and in the meane onely to take notice of your owne confession , that what you said was not for reprehension of the enquirer : which i must affirm to be a retrataction of your former writing , which pretended to prove that in truth it was not so , as in the enquirer's title it is called . this was then surely a reprehension of the enquirer , and if now you say you meant not to reprehend him , this is to say you did not meane to doe what you did , which being a ●●ile of humility i shall never repro●ch or find fault with in you ; ●ut yet tell you , that what you call in the next words of your annotation , your [ rectifying the manner of speaking , and stating the question aright ] is in my answer proved to be contra●y to your owne manner of speaking ; and a cleare mis stating to which proofes as here you reply nothing , ( nor is it imaginable how you should , the matter being so evident , viz : that they that affirme the roman church , to be the catholique , and the cathol●que to be infallible , must needs affirme the roman to be infall●bl● ) so doe you in effect confesse that you had nothing to reply to the remainder of that whole chapter , which as it is the longest in the book , so by vindicating the fitnesse of his lordships title , and stating of the question against your exceptions , doth l●y very usefull grounds for the voyding your pretensions to infall●bility : for if it be cleared by my first chapter ( as i conceive it is , and your ann●tations do not deny it to be ) that the question is of the infallibility of the roman church , then we that deny the roman to be the catholique must never be charged of denying the catholique to be infallible , nor be liable to the arguments that are brought against us upon that head , ( which without question are the b●st you have ) though we deny it never so confidently of the roman . id. d. surely the meaning is very obvious . ] answ . if it be , i am sure the words doe not clearly expresse it , for how should the editor of his lordships tract ( to whom the former part of that period belongs , in these words [ though no notice hath been taken of any answer given already ] ) take notice of giving licence for any other answer ? give notice he might , but that in my judgment is not to take ; and take notice you might , but that i conceive would not cohere with the antecedents , and any third way of rendring , i confesse i imagin not ; and therefore still if the meaning be obvious , it must be met with somewhere else , then in the sound , and contexture of the words , but this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall not be imputed to you , it was onely an officiousnesse in me then , to shew you it was such . id. e. these are bitter scoffes , and no way grounded upon my words . answ . that the phrase [ sad newes ] was grounded on your words there recited by me , i must still affirme , for they are most evidently a forme of complaining , and that is all i meant by [ sad newes : ] yet if to you it seeme to be a scoffe , or bitter , and both those in the plurall , ( more scoffes than one in that single expression ) though my conscience doth not accuse me of any such intention , yet i will fall at your judgement , and beseech you to pardon me for it , and to make you reparations , promise to endeavour to offend no more against you , or any other adversary by any kind of bitternesse ; and for once be you pleased to imitate my resolution , and remember , that when another man spake it [ sad newes ] was a bitter scoffe , and then perhaps your reprehension of me may worke a double cure , and heale you also of some excesses . chap. 2. answ . to ch. 2. a. i doe not beg the question , but deny what the enquirer assumed as true and granted , namely that our proofes of the church are no other nor better than those by which you impugne it : which assumpt of his we deny , and whether justly or no , must depend upon the triall and the examination of his proofes to follow after ; and therefore this deniall of mine is no petitio principii , but a right and logicall deniall , which either the enquirer or you were bound to disprove , and not to tell us as you doe that we are bound to prove against the enquirer , who here chargeth us , and susteineth the person of the opponent , or one that argues against our infallibility . i am the defendent , and no defendent can begge the question , my discourse is apologeticall as the title tells you . answ . i did not venture to tell you that you were guilty of a petitio principii , untill i had , as i conceived , made an ocular demonstration to you that it was such , which you may please to review in the place ; or to save you that trouble , i shall tell you the summe of it ; you deny a proposition , which in that place 't is cleare that his lordship proves , and having not answered one word to his proofes ( which is in effect to deny the conclusion ) you then give a proofe or reason of your deniall [ for we affirme that our churches infallibility is proved by reasons which are reall and true , &c. ] this reason of yours being as much denied by his lordship , as your maine conclusion against which he disputes , ought in any reason to have beene backt with some firme proofe , and of that kind you give none but your owne affirmation ; and because you doe not , this i there call a petitio principii , agreeably both to aristotles notion of that sophisme , and to the notation of the phrase . for principium , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being acknowledged to signifie the question , for that or any part of it to be brought in to prove any thing that in that disputation is denied , is either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to begge the question , or take it for granted , and in effect , to prove a thing by it selfe , ( which is the most irrationall proceeding that can be . ) if you are not yet convinced of this , i shall yet farther give you a proofe of it from those antient authours , which can best judge of this matter , the interpreters of aristotle ; take one for all , † magentius , in his definition of this sophisme . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a begging of the question is , when any thing is proved by it selfe , which ought to be proved by something else . or againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when that which is proposed to be proved , is used as a medium , to prove it selfe . or again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when we use a medium which seemes to differ from the question ( or the thing to be proved ) but is all one with it . as if to prove that pleasure is good , i should assume , that pleasure is to be chosen , whereas , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which is good , and that which is to be chosen are all one : and therefore unlesse that be farther proved , that pleasure is to be chosen , there is nothing done toward the proving it to be good . that this is your very manner of proceeding , i need not farther prove , having done it so newly by laying your whole processe before you ; i shall onely adde the note of that scholiast , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the not demonstrating of what wee undertake , is the genus of this begging the question ; or begging the question is a speciall species of not demonstrating ; and unlesse you will discerne first , and then labour to repaire this infirmity in your discourses , all your mentions of the philosopher in his analytickes , will not perswade us that you are likely to demonstrate . thus much i had briefly said to you before , but now have been forced to lay downe more largely ; and let me tell you , that when i had not onely affirmed , but proved you guilty of this sophisme , you ought either by denying my premises , or by some other way to have answered my proof . and in stead of so doing , to say onely [ you are not guilty ] is a denying my conclusion , and petitio principii againe . and from this you cannot be cleared by what you adde [ that you deny what the enquirer assumed as true and granted ; ] for first , i say you were to have answered or denied my premises , and you onely assay to prove your owne conclusion ; secondly , your way or medium of proving that , is not concluding neither ; for the thing assumed ( by his lordship ) being this , [ that the meanes brought to prove your infallibility were fallible meanes , and so granted by you ] his lordship did not assume this as granted or true in it selfe immediately or without proofe , but proceeded to prove it to be true and granted by you , and that by this medium , because with you nothing was conceived infallible , but the church : that conclusion then ( being not set downe as a premise or principle of probation , but as a conclusion proved by that medium ) you againe professe to deny , ( remember i say you deny the conclusion ) and then sure we want no tryall to discover the justnesse of so doing ; and whereas you say his proofes follow after , i answer , that some other proofes follow after , but one sufficient proofe is brought in that place ; and the denying the conclusion without answering of that one proofe , is it which brought all this charge and inconvenience upon you , and therefore you now see i doe not require of you ( as you say i doe ) to prove against the enquirer , but onely to answer his proofs ; but if in stead of doing so , you will take upon you to prove the conclusion which the enquirer hath disproved , and doe that onely by a bare saying somewhat which you know he denies , this is a petitio principii still . and your second argument that it is not , taken from your being defender , or answerer , or apologist , will no more quit you from that charge ; for though an answerer as long as he doth no more but either deny the major or minor , or answer to either of them by distinguishing , limiting , &c. cannot be guilty of that fault , yet if he deny none but the conclusion , he doth in effect , and interpretativè begge the question , and if instead of denying of , or answering to the premises , he go about to prove the question in hand , or any part of it , he doth by so doing , take the place of an opponent upon him . now because 't is possible for an answerer to doe one of these , though he ought to doe neither , it followes , that by either of those waies the answerer may begge the question , and both those are your case at this time , as hath , i conceive , already been manifested , and therefore i must be excused , if i still conceive my conclusion is regular , the apologist is guilty of that sophisme . c. 5. answ . to c. 5. a. an answerer is not bound to prove but to defend ; this arguer and the replyer , which is your selfe , are bound to prove . answ . he that keeps himselfe strictly to the respondents taske , i. e. either to deny , or limit , or distinguish of either of the premises in the objection , is not , i confesse , bound to prove , because he is not supposed to affirme any thing , his repelling the enemies weapons , or avoiding of them , is enough to defend himselfe . and if this were your case , i should be unjust to require any proofes from you . but you must be a very great despiser of my papers , if you did not take notice in that place , that i was forced to be plaine with you , and tell you that you had not answered ( either by denying or distinguishing , &c. ) any one word to his lordship in your whole fifth chapter , but fell into other discourses of your owne , which course as it is not the part of an answerer strictly taken , so if it be permitted him at all , it must oblige him to give proof for all such assertions as he shall bring in thus casually , or else never to expect , or require to be heeded by his adversary . and of such assertions as these , ( which were casuall and extrinsecall to your discourse , and by me conceived false ) it was , that i required proofe from you , and you are still my debtour for it . chap. 6. answ . to the 6. chap. a. if we affirme our principles be certaine , contrary to the enquirers surmise , you , if you can , are to prove they are not , or else leave off contending . answ . certainly this is very strange usage , when that which you call the enquirers surmise , is a conclusion induced by the enquirer by many strong proofes . this you know is there evidenced by me , and if i had been mistaken , you should have said so . this being supposed , i must tell you , that it is farre from being sufficient for you , to affirme your principles to be certaine ; for when the enquirer hath proposed many arguments to prove they are not certaine , and among the rest this convincing one , [ that your church ( which is your infallible ) is offered to be proved by such markes as the ignorant cannot seeke it by , and the learned , though never so honest , may chance not to finde it by ] for you still to affirme they are certaine , and to adde no more , is but to deny the conclusion ; and against such an one 't is to little purpose for me to bring farther proofes , when those that are already brought are so dealt with ; and truely unlesse you please to give over this course of denying conclusions , and not considering premises , i will soone obey your advise , and resolve to leave off contending . ibid. b. our authours have proved all that we in defending doe affirme , and if the enquirer had impugned their proofes , we then would have tryed to defend ; wherefore that which we affirme and declare , doth not rest upon a bare affirmation , although i prove them not in this place , as being here a meere defendant , and not an arguer . answ . this annotation being upon the same occasion , and in substance the same with the former , is already answered . onely i shall adde , that if you affirme ought which your authours in other bookes bring proofe for , this will not excuse you from a necessity of answering his lordships arguments against that conclusion of your authors ; or if it doe , you must not passe for a defendant . his part it is to ward the adversaries blowes , and if he make a thrust himselfe , he then turnes offendent or arguer , and when he doth so , he must take care his weapon have some edge ( i meane , his affirmations some proofes annext ) or else they will wound no body . as for the enquirer , i. e. his lordship , it was not his present taske to descend to an enumeration and impugning of all your authours arguments ( though yet those which he could thinke of as your chiefe , he hath insisted on ; and were he alive , he would from your dealing here have little encouragement to seek out for others ) his intention was to frame arguments against your conclusion , and if you had denied or answered them , you needed not to have troubled your self to affirme any thing ; or if out of designe , or ex abundanti , you will , you must be content to be call'd upon to prove it ; for call your selfe what you please , you must be an arguer when you so affirme . ibid. c. yes sure by consequence it is . answ . i am forced to aske your pardon , if i know not certainly to what part of my discourse this annotation belongs , whether to the end of one period , or the beginning of the other . yet it falls out luckily , that which soever it is , it is againe the denying the conclusion ( which you are very subject to ) for the end of the former period is the mention of a conclusion deduced from grounds immediately before specified . and the beginning of the second period is a negation of mine , with proofe immediately following it , and before i come to the proofe , [ for though , &c. ] you presently interpose your [ yes sure by consequence it is ] but will not consider me so much , as after my example to give the least proofe for what you say , or take notice of that proof of mine . c. 7. answ . to c. 7. a. i make no distinction here , but suppose it made and also manifest . answ . i only said you had given a distinction ( not made it ) and that supposed it made also ; and i then conteined my selfe from taking any exceptions to it ; onely i told you the applying of it to that place would have afforded some game if i had been so sportingly disposed . and to that i pray consider how pertinent your annotation hath proved . i will not be provoked to adde more . ibid. b. your part was to have confuted what i say , and not so often , and to no purpose repeat this petitio principii . answ . if it be a sufficient confutation of any sophister to finde out , and tell him of his sophisme ( which ipso facto is worth nothing when 't is discovered , as the title of aristotles booke of elenchs supposes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being defined by varinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a discovery of that which was hid ; and 't is manifest by comparing 1 cor. 14.24 . with v. 25. & eph. 5.13 . ) then have i obeyed you in confuting what you say , though i take not your advice for the way of it . and indeed if it should be in any duellers power to prescribe to his adversary ( when he is in his danger ) that he shall not wound him this way , but some other , or if it were regular for you to forbid me to tell you of a petitio principii , ( when you are clearly guilty of it , and when to evidence that against you , is not onely the shortest , but most logicall , most expedite and most clear way of redargution ) your adversary might be weary of playing out the prize , though he were sure to conquer in it . i shewed you that an answerer might so carry the matter ; as to be guilty of petitio principii , and 't was but passion in you to check or tell me , 't was to no purpose , that i said you were so . c. 8. answ . to c. 8. a. we have done it , and doe it continually when occasion requires . answ . i beseech you read over those lines of mine to which your annotation is affixt , and speak your conscience , whether you think 't was fitly noted , if you can be so partiall to your own creature , i will not contend with you , but onely tell you , that as i conceive it impertinent , so i see apparently , that 't is contrary to that other speech of yours , which within three lines i there recited from you . for if you doe it continually ( i. e. prove the roman church to be the true by its agreement with scripture , &c. ) as here your annotation saith you doe , how could you say his lordship was mistaken in supposing you did so ? i wish you had first read out to the end of the period , and then i suppose you would have fitted your annotation to it the better . ibid. b. i doe not disclaime scripture , though i doe not hold it to be the first or formost proof either of the church or of christian religion , and would know how you your selfe would convert an infidell or atheist by scripture , beginning with that proof . answ . you must againe remember ( what my last answer mentions ) that in that place when his lordship had supposed you to prove the roman church to be the true church by its agreement with scriptures and antiquity , which is in effect by holding the truth , you plainly tell him he is mistaken in you . on this ground i must conclude ( and thinke it proved by that confession ) that you doe disclaime scripture , as farre as i said you did , i. e. not to all purposes , but to that of which the discourse was , viz : to prove your church to be the true church . and 't is not enough to say that you doe not hold it to be the first or formost proofe , &c. for if it be used by you as any proofe at all , that will also be a very probable meanes , ( besides that it makes it evident , that his lordship was not mistaken in supposing it so ) to bring you into the circle which you were so carefull to avoid . you see i am cleare from your animadversion , and so have no occasion to enter into that new controversie , whether the scripture be the formost proof either of the church , or of the christian religion , ( though sure it may be one without being the other , it may be the formost proofe of evidencing which is the true church to them that are supposed believers ( and none else will be fit for that enquiry ) yet not be the first meanes to prove christian religion to unbelievers : ) and yet i shall not be over-coy , nor make much scruple to tell you my opinion of this also , that i would not begin with an infidel , with that proofe to either purpose , as supposing he did believe it , or that it would of its owne accord attract his beliefe infallibly ; but for christianity it selfe , i should first labour to win somewhat upon his affections by converse , and by shewing him the excellency of the christian precepts , ( and the power of them in my life ) bring him to thinke my discourse worth heeding , then when i had gotten that advantage , i would relate the rem gestam of christianity , where all the acts , and miracles , and passages of christs life would come in ; then , if he doubted of the truth of it , tell him the authority , by which it comes downe to us in a continued , undistributed , undenied tradition ; from those that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , oculate witnesses of christ , and the whole matter ; and to as good an advantage as i could , compound the severall motives of faith together , which if you please you may view at leisure in grotius de verit . chr. rel. and when by these meanes i had converted him , i should then by scripture and antiquity , ( which would now be of some authority with him ) and not by miracles , attempt to manifest to him which were the true church . to which end it may be worth your remembring , that your apostle of the indies xaverius ▪ thought fit for their use to compile a double gospel , one of christ , another of s. peter , by the authority of one of them to teach them christianity , of the other , the supremacy and infallibility of s. peters chaire . but i shall not give my self liberty to enlarge on this . ib. c. i deliver the method , and how it may be , i also affirme or declare that it is , i was not in this place to prove , but to defend against the enquirers arguments , and no other , and therefore those two quarrels needed not . answ . the designe of most of your notes is to save your selfe from the necessity of proving any thing that you affirme , whereas it might be but an act of a little supererogating charity if you would sometimes prove your assertions , even when by strict law you were not bound to it . but , sir , i will not require your almes , but onely your justice , and though that will not oblige you to prove , when you onely defend , i. e. when you onely deny the premises of his lordships arguments , &c. or when you are strictly an answerer ; yet when instead of that , you confront any affirmation of yours to his lordships conclusion ( as here you doe , and in all places when we charge petitio principii upon you ) i must then be pardoned to put you in mind of your duty ( which is that of arguers then , and not of respondents ) either to prove what you so say , or not to think you have convinced any man. they that cannot answer one argument produced against them , may yet think fit to make use of some argument for them , hoping that may prove as convincing on their sides , as that against them : and so by divertisement put off the heat of the impression ; and this you have been proved to be often guilty of , and 't will satisfie no man to say , that you neither are , nor ( because defendant ) can be guilty of so doing . ibid. d. sure he hath not , for turnbull hath vindicated himselfe . answ . if every reply were a vindication , then you may have affirmed truth , and then these few marginall notes of yours ( such as they are ) would be your vindication also ; and then i suppose you will give your free consent that they be printed . but the task would be too long to disprove what you have now said , ( for it would require the examination of all those writings betwixt the two combatants , and when that were done , you would think perhaps , that turnbull were vindicated , and i that he were not ) i shall onely tell you that you had beene so concluded in a circle infallibly , if you had asserted that method , which his lordship there disproves ; which is enough to vindicate his lordship against those that doe assert that method , ( as sure some romanists doe ) and against them he there argues and not against you , or any in that place which renounce that method . ibid. e. if our church be the true church , it must be proved firstly , as christianity is first proved ; that is to say , by motives of credibility , and supernaturall ostensions , or acts not of naturall and ordinary , but supernaturall and extraordinary providence ; and he that will not prove christianity by this way , will not prove it at all . after this done , scriptures and fathers doe come , but not before , and this way is not new , but the way of the antients . answ . i have here no necessity of re-examining of the means of proving christianity to an infidell , it will suffice to remember that those meanes which are necessary to that , may be unnecessary to prove , which is the true church , because now to him that is converted ( as he that will judge betwixt true and hereticall is supposed to be ) other meanes may suffiently supply the place ; such are scripture and antiquity , which to an heathen are of no authority , but to a christian , or suppositâ fide , are , and being so ( as i conceive you will not think fit to deny ) may well be made the umpire betwixt us , who are , i hope , allowed to be christians still by the consent of parties , or if we are not , our pretensions to miracles wil hardly gain any credit with them that have that prejudice against us . mean while i must remember you that motives of credibility , as you call them , are but weake premises to induce a conclusion of such weight , as the choice of religion is . i will tell you what i should have said instead of it . motives of excessive probability , of the same , or greater force then those , on which i ground and build the most considerable actions of my life , and which ( as * formerly i told you ) if i will dis-believe , i have as good reason to mistrust the wholesomenesse of every dish of meat i taste on , ( which 't is physically possible may poison me , but yet none but hypocondriackes think it will , or phansie it so strongly , as to abst●ine ) the security of any title of estate i purchase or possesse , the truth of any matter of fact in the most acknowledged history or tradition among men , that i daily talk of . all which though they produce not ( nor are apta nata to doe so ) a science or infallible certainty , cui non potest subesse falsum , yet doe they ( or are very sufficient to doe so ) a faith , or fiduciall assent , cui non subest dubium ; of which i doubt no more , then of the demonstrated probleme before me , a certainty of adherence , of which the believer is as fully possest , and from it receives as strong motives to doe any thing proportionable to that belief , as if the certitude of evidence were allowed him . and this i conceive is a degree prettily advanced above motives of credibility , for such is every the lowest probability ▪ nay almost possibility , and non-repugnance , whatsoever is possible to be , being ( in it self , and in case the opposite ballance be not otherwise weighed down ) credible , i. e. possible to be believed also . but this by the way , and ex abundanti . c. 9. answ . to c. 9. a. why cannot the simple know this ( viz. that the greek church doth not pretend from saint peter ) as surely as they know the whole christian church pretends from christ , and from no other ? answ . sir , you are a little too hasty in your annotation , for if you had but read on to the next lines , you had received the answer to your question , so far as my discourse is concerned in it , viz. a specifying of divers wayes , by which 't is possible the greek church might ( and one , whereby one part of it doth ) pretend succession to s. peter . and then that which so manifestly may be , and is , will not i hope be so easie for ignorant men to know surely that it is not , or so surely as that the christian church pretends from christ , and from no other . which yet if it have any difficulty in it not intelligible to some ignorant men , i take no pleasure in frighting any with an apprehension that god wil ever damne those ignorants for not being sure of what is so difficult , so their lives be believing and christian , and agreeable to what they doe know of christ. c. 10. answ . to c. 10. a. no sure , not against the ordinary necessity . answ . the thing i say in that place is , that his lordships argument might be ( i shall adde , is ) of force against the necessity of a guide , ( meaning thereby an infallible one , for such only is to our purpose ) and that that will serve his lordships turne , and destroy you , i there farther prove by a full explication of the whole matter . and therefore you must give me favour to leave out your epithete of [ ordinary ] which you would have me interpose , when my discourse in order to its end , hath no need of it . and if you tell me you put it in in your answer to his lordship , and that therefore i have not vindicated his lordship from that answer , unlesse i take it in also ; i must then confesse to you , that ▪ i did not so understand your words , [ all this is nothing against the ordinary provision and necessity of a guide ] that the word [ ordinary ] was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be repeated to the word [ necessity ] but onely that it belonged to [ provision ] and now that i know your pleasure , i shall more clearly returne my answer , that his lordship supposes some men ( and i confesse my selfe to be one of them ) to believe , that to all who follow their reason in the interpretation of scripture , and search for tradition ( i. e. the constant interpretation of the catholique church concerning any difficulty ) god will either give his grace of assistance to find the truth , or his pardon if they misse it . to which purpose you may please to compare justin . mart. quest . ● . ad orthod . and , to omit many more , facundus hermian . in def . 3. capit . ad just . l. 11. p. 491. & p. 496. & l. 12. pag. 513. now to them that so believe , the argument which you fetch from gods providence to conclude an infallible guide , will not , saith his lordship , be sufficient to prove it ; because he still will be able to say , that where imperfection is accepted , meanes of perfection are not necessary ; if god will pardon weaknesses , he need not give such a measure of strength , as excludes all weaknesses ; if sincerity , though with some mixture of sinne , will serve turne here in viâ , we need not expect from god that integrity of faculties , which either was bestowed in paradise , or will be in heaven , to give us an unsinning innocence . and if you will still interpose , that this is nothing against the ordinary necessity , because these are cases extraordinary . i answer , that this is a great mistake ; for under the gospell or evangelicall state ( under which all men have beene since the promise of christ upon adams fall ) there is no ordinary necessity of never missing or mistaking ; our naturall state being an estate of weaknesse , is advanced by christ into such a condition , not wherein all weaknesse is excluded , but wherein sincerity with mixtures of slips and errours shall be accepted , and this as infallibly as innocence had beene rewarded under the first covenant made with adam in the first state . to the first covenant , which is stricti juris , such pardon for slips might be extraordinary ; but to this second ( whereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or gentlenesse , is as much apart , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or strict justice , was before ) this pardon for invincible infirmities is as ordinary , as obligation to punishment for every slip had beene before , this being a prime ingredient in that covenant , and not extraordinarii , but ordinarii juris , that under it such slips shall not be remembred . in like manner as in this kingdome chancery , though it be opposed to common law ( in one sence , as that signifies strict law ) yet it is a part of our common law , as that signifies the municipall law , or totall body of lawes by which this kingdome is ruled ; equity ( though perhaps it came in later , and to repaire defects or excesses in the strict law ) being now as much every subjects right , and writs out of that court as legally required and granted , and the whole processe in chancery , as clearely sec . jura & consuetudines angliae , and so as much ordinary , or secundum ordinem , as any thing that passes in the common pleas. and so much for your nice interposition of the word [ ordinary ] to your pretended necessity of a guide ; where yet i might farther tell you , that infallibility is not essentiall to , or inseparable from a guide ; and therefore though the guide were granted to be ordinarily necessary to the finding out of truth , yet this would not come home to infallibility . the antecedent i could make good at large , if it were now seasonable . ibid. b. they ( i. e. misses and mistakings ) are called extraordinary , because happening accidentally besides the provision of the law , and not because they happen seldome . answ . that misses and mistakings , infirmities and ignorances , doe happen besides the provision of the second , or the evangelicall covenant , is a mistake , as was intimated then ( within few lines after those , whereon your annotation was fastened ) and now at large proved in my last answer to your former annotation , and i shall not need repeate it , but onely tell you there is a law of faith ( aswell as of workes ) and that in that law there is provision for errours , aswell as sinnes , and that i hope belongs to all christians , for we are not under the law , but under grace . ib. c. and why so ? answ . i had before given you the reason , viz : because your discourse hath tended to inferre the one , and not the other . c. 14. answ . to c. 14. a. no man can binde another under paine of anathema to beleive as he defines , unlesse his definition be certaine . answ . there was here very little occasion for this note . for the businesse of anathema's , i had sufficiently restrained ; first , by limiting them onely to excommunications , as an act of ecclesiasticall discipline upon the refractary ; and therefore secondly , not for matter of simple beleiving or disbeleiving ; but thirdly , for matter of disobedience to our lawfull superiours , and that disobedience againe not in refusing to submit our understandings , but our wils , and our consequent actions : and fourthly , all this with stubbornenesse and perversenesse , after the using of all milder courses . and with these and the like limitations there will be no more difficulty to say an ecclesiasticall magistrate may excommunicate a disobedient refractary perverse gain-sayer , without undertaking to be infallible , then to say a civill magistrate may punish a malefactour without being inerrable . and therefore when you talke of binding to believe under paine of anathema ; there is some mistake in that , or if there were not , yet truth ( if it were on grounds of scripture believed to be so ) would be as sufficient a foundation of so doing , as the infallib●lity of the judge . for not onely every truth is in it selfe as certaine , as that which is infallible , ( every matter of fact that is so , is as certainly true , as any demonstration in euclide , and he that speakes it , speakes as certainly true , as if he did demonstrate , yet is not in other things infallible for all that ) but he that beleives it with a full assent , hath as little doubt of that truth , as if it were before his eyes ; yet doth it not fide cui non potest subesse falsum , on any supposition of its infallibility ; by which meanes ( though he pretends not to infallibility , yet ) having no degree of doubt , he hath that , on which he will confidently build any action , and even lay downe his life for such truths , if they be of weight : which if it be not ground enough to proceed on to an ecclesiasticall censure against the stubborn and perverse you are very mercifully disposed , and i will not provoke you out of it , but rather give you my suffrage , that no man be thus censured for matter of opinion but upon that light which is clearely deducible from the scripture , or universall tradition ; and then i shall confesse my sense , that to anathematize men for any matter of doctrine , of any lower alloy , is though not formally , yet interpretativè a kinde of pretending to infallibility , usurping as much , as if men were infallible , which they that have the spirit but by measure , should have so much humility in themselves , and charity toward others , as not to be guiltie of . ibid : b. the sword preserves not inward unity , nor satisfies the minde . answ . i had no occasion to say it did . i was speaking ( as your answer called me to it ) of discipline , and unity , or such unity as discipline produced , which is outward unity , as opposed to division and shisme ; and yet let me tell you , it were not unpossible to extend my speech to inward unity , and satisfying of the minde . for suppose a particular church to have sufficient meanes to worke in the hearts of her sonnes this inward unity , viz. by setting up the authority of scripture , as it is interpreted by the fathers , and receiving with due respect , and obedience all apostolicall traditions ; these , if duely revered by all sonnes and subjects , would be able to keepe all of one minde in all matters of faith ( and for lower points some kinde of liberty being allowed , would preserve charity as well ) and then while that church were in this happie temper , you may farther suppose the sword of violence to come in , and disturbe all , wresting out of her hands the use and exercise of those meanes , and beating downe the authoritie , and taking away the reputation of them . and then in the case thus set , you will surely grant that the rightfull sword , if it might be so prosperous as to vanquish the disturber , and restore what was thus violently taken away , may prove no improbable meanes of preserving even inward unity in this sence ; and if you marke it , we spake it not in any other . and yet once more , if we had , we might have beene justified perhaps in our saying . for heresie being a piece of carnality in the apostles judgement , 't is possible that the outward smart , that comes from the exercise of the power of the sword , i. e. from temporall punishments , may cure that disease , and perswade them , who instead of pleasure from their heresie , reap nothing but paine , and sorrow , to make better provision for their owne flesh and blood , and thinke of hearing that reason , to which other honest mens eares are open , and then that may produce inward unity also , and these mens minds may be sufficiently satisfied with that truth coming thus to them tempore congruo , at a fit season of working , which at another time had beene rejected . you see how little reason you had for that annotation . c. 15. answ . to c. 15. a. chillingworth saith it in termes , and him also i desired to answer . answ . can you thinke this faire dealing ? his lordship , i made appeare from his words , said it not . and you cannot say he did . but i hil : say you did say it . what is that to his lordship , or to me who undertake onely to vindicate his lordship , and had not that rich harvest of leasure to thinke fit to be retained any more in other mens causes on such joylesse termes as these ? in which rather then i would adventure to be engaged , i should be content to be thought to have no degree of kindnesse to him , especially hearing that you had three great volumes prepared against master chill : but then i pray what is the meaning of [ him also i desired to answer ? ] can you thinke fit to impose a thing on his lordship , which was said onely by master chillingworth , and when you were disproved , thinke you had still confuted master chillingworth also , when you had only falsified , not confuted his lordship ? sure , sir , this is not faire . ib. b. i know very well this was objected by both of them , and this i desired to answer , whether it were in their bookes or no. answ . here is more of the same streine . but i did conceive by your title , that you had confuted his lordships tract that was published , not any unwritten discourses , which we have no way of knowing , whether they past or no , i am sure were not undertaken by me to be vindicated . i never resolved to justifie all that you could say either of them said , and i might be forced to be uncivill with you , if i should enter any such debate with you . ib. c. neither arius , nestorius , nor others could peep out for saying any thing against the doctrine received . how then could this dionysius have escaped , if he had adventured any thing against all the orthodox ? answ . you are very much given , in stead of answering reasons , to deny conclusions , and if that were backt with reason , 't were yet very improper for a respondent , which you told us was your office at this time . but then secondly , in this matter you know , that neither i , nor his lordship have said that all the orthodox were for the millennium . and yet thirdly , if they had , yet the denying the millennium being a more tolerable opinion than those other of arius , and dionysius's opposition of the chiliasts might passe more unresisted , than arius , or nestorius could doe . ib. d. photius tells us there were answers given , though he recites them not , and schottus in his notes hath resolved them . answ . i will not take the paines to see or examine whether photius say there were answers . if he recites them not , i shall not be much moved with such blanke papers . the truth is , this hath been the way to satisfie the hardest arguments that ever were brought , and confuting whole books at once , by having it given out , that they are confuted , or that answers are made to them , when what those answers are , is not so much as intimated ; this is a very cheap way of confutations ; as for schottus's solutions , if he have any , they prevaile little with us , i am sure they will not conclude that photius foresaw , or would have counted them of any moment to alter his opinion , which was the onely thing i there had occasion to take notice of . ib. e. though philoponus cite but one epistle , yet elswhere he numbers him among the famous doctors . basil , gregory , &c. thereby insinuating he had left workes as they had , and not one single epistle to polycarpus . this is but a conjecture , but such both we and all must use in matters of fact , and when we are to walke through darke passages of antiquity . answ . sir , you cited three places out of philoponus , to prove that dionysius arcopagita wrote those workes now extant bearing his name : this testimony i told you would be nothing to your purpose , unlesse it testified ( if not all those bookes , yet ) of some one wherein he wrote against the chiliasts . but this i shewed you was not done , because those places mention nothing of his , but an epistle of polycarpus , and in that i advertized you there was nothing against the chiliasts . this it seems you cannot deny , but being willing to say something , say that elswhere philoponus numbers him amongst the famous doctours , &c. i have not now leasure to read over all philoponus , for that [ elswhere ] ( though i have reason to thinke that you that before cited the chapters in philoponus so punctually , would have had the same charity to me again , if it had suted w th your interests ) considering how little can be concluded from what you now cite out of him . dionys . was numbred among the famous doctors , basil , gregory , &c. doth it follow thence , that all the workes now extant under his name were his ▪ or particularly that wherein he opposes the chiliasts ? nay , would not a man rather conclude from that pretended testimony of philoponus that the authour under the name of dionysius ar●op . was some writer about s. basils or s. gregories time , with whom he is there consorted , and that is somewhat later then dionysius in the scripture . nay , if philoponus really meant him , would he not rather have given him the title of an apostolicall person , than of a famous doctor , such as s. basil , &c. as for the insinuation which you mention from this of philoponus , if it did conclude as you would have it , that he left workes as they did , and not onely one single epistle , yet sure 't will not so much as once insinuate that they were the works , that we have under his name , much lesse that peculiarly , which opposes the chiliasts , least of all , that 't was the apostolicall dionysius that really wrote all these . but you confesse these but a conjecture , and therefore sure 't will be a very weake prop to hold up infallibility , especially when the conjecture if it should be supposed true , would tell us that which we had not before been told from you , that the chiliasts doctrine was taught , ( and so capable of being confuted ) so early as the apostles times , for with them this dionysius lived . you conclude that such conjectures as this , you and all must use in matters of fact , &c. to which i answer that 't is possible you may be forced to it , on supposition that you think your self obliged to vindicate your churches infallibility , for 't is very possible , there may be no better , then such conjectures to sustaine it . but believe me , sir , i will never maintaine cause , as long as god keeps me in my right wits , which hath no better conjectures , than these to sustaine it . and for matters of fact so long agoe , they are of all things in the world the unfittest to be believed upon such conjectures . because nothing but an authentick expresse witnesse can be ground of faith for such . there is no matter of fact done yesterday , but may if we will goe by conjectures ( i am sure as good and as probable as yours here ) be related 10000 waies , for whatsoever may be , some bold affirmer may conjecture was , and the more antient , and more darke the passage was , the more liberty there will be for such conjecturers , because the lesse possibility to confute any of them . ib. f. salvian doth not refuse to condemne the arian heresie , but some of the gothick arians for it , as men not guilty of the malice of it . answ . if you looke againe you will find that both his lordship , and i say that salvian refused to condemne the arian hereticks ( not heresie ) and this it seems , you confesse with the restraint of [ gothick arians ] and this will serve our turnes perfectly , and so we shall not quarrell about that , but hope from your owne confession , that he that is not willing to condemne all protestants , may escape as well as salvian even in your censure . c. 16. answ . to c. 16. a. the councell of constance doth not teach this [ viz : that no faith is to be kept with hereticks ] neither our doctors hold it , as molanus , becanus , tannerus , layman , coeffecteau , coquaeus , and others doe shew us . answ . to teach is an equivocall word , and may signifie to define by way of position or doctrine in universum ; in this sense i said it not , nor doe now meane it of that synod , that they made any such determination , that it should be unlawfull to keep faith with hereticks , or lawfull for any man in any case not to keep it . but then to teach may signifie also , to teach by example , & to lay grounds of doctrine for the justifying of such example . and thus the councell of constance did teach it ; the emperour had given safe conduct to john hus ▪ &c. and the synod declared that that safe conduct should be no prejudice to any ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and that non obstante any such concession , any competent ecclesiasticall judge might enquire , and proceed against any such persons , and punish them as much as justice should perswade , if they would not retract their errours . and this cost those poore men their lives , whose presumption on the emperours safe conduct , made them venture themselves in that snare , never suspecting , that such a distinction as that could have proved so fatall to them . that you may not hereafter say i charge you unjustly , i shall set you downe the very words in the councell in binius sess . 19. praesens sancta synodus ex quovis salvo conductu per imperatorem , reges , & alios saeculi principes haereticis vel de haeresi diffamatis , putantes eosdem sic à suis erroribus revocare , quocunque vinculo se astrinxerint , concesso , nullum fidei catholicae vel jurisdictioni ecclesiasticae praejudicium generari vel impedimentum praestari posse seu deb●re declarat , quo minus dicto salvo conductu non obstante liceat judici competenti & ecclesiastico de ejusmodi personarum erroribus inquirere , & aliâs contra eos debitè procedere , eosdemque punire , quantum justitia suadebit , si suos errores revocare pertinaciter recusaverint , etiamsi de salvo conductu confisi ad locum venerint judicii , alias non venturi : nec sic promittentem , cum fecerit quod in ipso est , ex hoc in aliquo remansisse obligatum . i shall not trouble you with the english , but onely aske what this differs from teaching that faith is not to be kept ( i. e. not necessarily , but in some case may be broken ) with hereticks ? they that shall after safe conduct given , proceed to judgment ( be it ecclesiasticall ) against any man , and condemning him for heresie , deliver him up to that secular hand to punish him with death , who had given him the safe conduct , and tell him , that he , having done what in him lies , remaines not obliged by his promise , but may and must put him to death , who came to that judicature , onely on confidence of that his promise and safe conduct , have sure proceeded upon other notions of justice than those with which my education hath embued me , and i must professe to appeale from their judgements , as in my reply to that citation of them , i was bold to doe ; and whatever your friends molanus , &c. have thought fit to say for the saving the reputation of that councell , the matter is too grosse to be palliated , and i shall not trouble my self or you to examine their excuses . ibid. b. heresie is punished not for the accidentall grievousnesse of it , but for the essentiall . answ . this is againe a denying the conclusion , ( and not so much as endeavouring to prove the contrary ) for this was the thing in this place cleerly proved by the citation of those lawes , that all hereticks , viz : arians and macedonians by name ) were not to be so punisht , when onely eutychians were , the former of these acknowledged by you as much hereticks in respect of the essentiall grievousnes of their doctrine , as the latter ▪ from whence it followes , that either there was great partiality , or else the difference arose from the accidentalls . and truly , sir , your saying in generall that it is not so , will little perswade any , when here is such evidence in the particular , that it is . ib. c. the title of defence is the argument . answ . there is not in that place any one word of this title of defence , or of any other argument ; and that was all i affirmed . if you please to survey the place , that will judge it betwixt us . ib. d. this is a hard censure , and hardly to be proved . answ . i confesse 't is hard in some sence , i. e. to them that suffer under you for being heretiques ( as you call those that depart from your deformations ) and for being invaders ( which all may at pleasure be called that are not able to resist ) as for the censure it is but that for which the grounds are gathered from your owne words . which till you disprove , 't is but your bare saying that 't is an hard censure ; or when it is proved , it matters little what difficulty there was in doing it . ibid. e. these were not setled violences , but tumultuous , and outrages not for religion , but for other quarrels occasioned by religions . answ . the passage to which this annotation was affixt , was about the pictures of papall approbation of massacres , to be seen at rome . which if they were , as you now say , tumultuous and outrages , then it seemes there is papall approbation for such ; and then either that or you are fallible . but since you see it necessary to adde another limitation , that the massacres so approved were not for religion , i would faine perswade my selfe that you disclaime massacres for religion ( the lawfulnesse of which you were so long defending . ) and if you be now in that good mood of mercy , i shall not goe about to confute or provoke you out of it , but rather pray that god confirme you and all your friends in it for a longer space , then your charitable not damning us did last in the former part of the chapter . ibid. f. those of queene maries dayes had spoiled and stript the catholiques of all they had , and therefore no marvaile they did seeke to punish them severely , and to suppresse them as men would doe wilde boares broken into a parke or garden . answ . he that should compare this annotation with the text would wonder how it came in , so without all temptation or occasion . i was there a challenging him to name one , that since queene maries dayes was in this kingdome put to death for religion . and to the mention of queene mary , the annotation is affixed . but i shall excuse the impertinence ; that very hint might well put him in minde of that sea of bloud in queene maries dayes . which if it were by way of punishment for spoiling and stripping catholiques , and nor for religion ; i beseech you produce one such bill of indictment brought in against the sufferers . our stories have told us otherwise , if you have any authenticke records in your archives , i pray make us partakers of the truth ; in the meane , i feare a protestant sonne of a romanist father , may when opportunity serves , passe for such a wild boare and a spoiler . ib. g. my sence is that religion may not be planted by armes , but being once planted and in quiet possession it may . and this i suppose no learned man will deny . answ . i may believe you that this is now your sence , but that it is the sence of those words of yours , which i was then confuting , i shall be confident to deny , not only because the words bear no such sence , but because you did there your self interpret them thus , that the thing which you disclaimed the designing by armes , was onely the justifying the right and truth of religion by them . which i then conceived to signifie , that your swords doe onely force men to be of your minds , doe not give them reasons why they should . yet if after all this , you tell me in earnest , that this was not your meaning , i shall cry you mercy for the mistake , but not now enter into a dispute with you of that new question now proposed by you , [ whether religion ( that must signifie your doctrines as they are distinguisht from , or opposed to ours , or else 't will not be pertinent to our purpose ) being planted and in quiet possession , may ] because i cannot imagine what verbe that syllable [ may ] is the moode of . [ plant ] it cannot be , for that which is in possession , is already planted : but what it should be , i must not divine for you . only at an adventure i shall make a plaine state . if your doctrines were in quiet possession here , and you should know of any man that taught the contrary to them , must your sword be drawne against him , or no ? i beseech you answer out of the sence of your brethren , that we may know what to expect from you . for my own part , i shall make no scruple to tell you , that though the defender of the faith have the power of the sword given him by god to that end , to governe in godlinesse and quiet , and may therefore draw it effectually against any that raise sedition to bring in some other religion against that which is by law establisht , or that vent doctrines that are in themselves seditious , yet ought he not , onely in case of any single doctrine or difference in religion ( where none of the civill interests are concerned , no violent assault made , or feared from the dissenters ) to unsheath his slaughtering sword against any such dissenter , provided alwayes that that doctrine be not blasphemous . ( and they that consenting to this truth , will yet tyrannize over mens soules in ordine ad temporalia , as you and some others have done over mens bodies and estates in ordine ad spiritualia , shall never be excused by me ) and of this opinion i conceive there might be vouched as learned , and as primitive-tempered christians as any that are more zealously , and so more bloudily minded . ibid. h. aspersions be easily cast , but should not be admitted , when there are strong presumptions to the contrary , without evident proofe ; the catholiques were knowne good patriots under our former kings , and under this our most gracious prince we have good testimony , greater then which cannot be given . answ . the case is not here of aspersions , but of matters of fact , or attempts of priests , whereby queen elizabeth was known to have beene in danger . on which provocation the lawes forbidding all such to come into the kingdome , made it such a legall presumption , that if they did , they should incurre that suspicion , and sentence of the law . and so every man knowing what measure to expect from the lawes , were farther to be presumed either traiterous or madde , if on those tearmes he would adventure on such a forbidden journey . as for evident proofe , which you require , it belongs little to this matter , because the very being in the kingdome was a demonstration of contemning the law , and an evidence that they were the men that were under that legall presumption ; which is farre more then a prooflesse aspersion , with evidence to the contrary . as for the fidelity of your patriots under our formost kings , when they were of their opinions , i shall not question it ; neither in like manner your behaviour to our present soveraigne , but onely tell you , that the queen elizabeth lawes might be just for all that ; ( which was all we had now in hand ) and for the execution of them in latter times , i before gave you an account . ibid. i. we doe professe our best reason hath brought us to our religion , not our passion , and we have as much reason to be believed as any others can . answ . 't is possible you may not ; for if mens actions give in any testimony against their words , there will not be so much reason to believe such , as when there is a concordance of them ; but if upon serious shrift you are able to professe this sincerity , i shall be so charitable to believe you and allow you any hope of mercy for your errours , which you can wish ; but yet tell you , that by making this profession in the plurall number , you doe somewhat prejudge it ; no man being so privy to the hearts of his fellow professours , as to be a fit voucher for them , every man must stand or fall to his owne master . ibid. k. i was to answer and not to prove , and therefore might in right deny what the enquirer falsely supposes without proofe . it is the respondents right to affirme the very point in question , or to deny it , without caring whether it be granted or no , so he himselfe be ready to defend it ; and so he that can exact this as his owne , shall not need to begge any thing , and if he doe , he cannot begge more then what he hath , and what he affirmes or denies already . for example , i deny against copernicus that the earth moves , or i affirme that it is quiet , and i stand to maintaine my saying . certainly this is no begging , but yet to say that it is so , may be a begging , or if i should say it stood still , because it doth not move , were a frivolous speech , but yet for all that no begging of the question . answ . this vindication of your beloved petitio principii , ( that stands you in such stead , and returnes so frequently upon you ) i have already examined , and discovered the mistakings of it ; and must now tell you againe , that when the question is by the opponent proved by any medium , it must never be lawfull for the respondent to deny it againe any farther then by denying the proofe on which it was inferred ; for this would be the denying the conclusion , and petitio principii againe . the respondent in this case cannot exact the question as his own , nor any otherwise defend it , then by repelling the weapons brought against him . as for your great simile of denying the motion of the earth , and your standing to maintaine your saying ; if you doe this by any other meanes then by denying or answering the proofes produced against you , this is not the respondents part , but will , when you have done what you can , appeare to be that vulgar sophisme . it being certaine that when a thing is questioned betwixt two , the affirming without proofe is begging it , and it being not the respondents part to prove ( or if he doe , he becomes opponent ) it followes necessarily , that the respondent that in time of disputation affirmes , must either cease to be respondent , or else begge the question . c. 18. answ . to c. 18. a. we are to consider here not what is conceived but what is to be conceived . now what is to be conceived i have shewed , namely that the church understands better then he doth , for right reason will tell him this . answ . this is the very thing which is disproved in that place , and then the bare repeating it over againe , will be but a meane kinde of vindication . be pleased to looke over the place againe , and if you will still thinke that there was any place for this annotation , i shall be sorry i have beene thus troublesome to you . ibid. b. i have shewed the reason why . answ . when an argument is framed on a double supposition ; without disputing the truth of either , 't is not to be allowed the respondent to answer , by denying the truth of either of the things supposed , for they are supposed in that dispute , but not disputed of . as for example , if the question were , [ whether supposing adam were not falne , and christ were come , the coming of christ could be for the sinne of adam . ] doe you thinke 't would be tolerable for the respondent to avoid some argument brought against him , by saying that it was absolutely false to say that adam was not falne , whereas 't was true that christ was come ? this would certainly be so grosse and impossible to be justified , that i should suspect any mans fidelity , that should tell me , he had rendred a satisfying reason why this should be . and this is your case at this time . ibid. c. whether she be infallible or no , she is like to be wiser than any private man. and this point cannot be in controversie with a wise man , and therefore here is no petitio principii . answ . this is a rare way of replying , when a discourse hath been proved guilty of a petitio principii , to say 't is impossible it should , and when a thing is denied , to say it cannot be in controversie . but , sir , i shall yeild you the church may be wiser than any private man , yet not conceive it to follow ( unlesse she be also infallible ) that when a private man and the church differ , she must alwaies be in the right . he that is much wiser than another , may yet in some particular be mistaken , when that other is in the right , yea and may be advised and reformed in such a particular , by one that is not so wise as he . this you may apply to the matter in hand , not so farre as to preferre the authority of any one man before the church in generall , but onely so , as not to pronounce it infallible . i might tell you farther , that a member of the church of england assenting fully to the doctrine of that church , and so discharging the duty of a private man in preferring the judgement of the church ( whereof he is a member ) before his owne judgement , may yet doubt of some things affirmed by the church of rome , and not make the comparison between a private mans judgement , and the judgement of the church , but onely betwixt one particular church and another . but after all this , i might have spared any , or all these answers , and doe now onely desire you to looke back upon the place , and you will soone see what no ground is to be found there of your annotation . ibid. d. if you have no evidence ( that 't is gods pleasure that your church should be infallible ) nor can have , you say true , but this latter is denied . answ . 't is easie to deny conclusions still . but if you will either answer the arguments , which have proved there is none , or produce any such evidence that it is infallible , you shall be victorious indeed . ib. e. this argument which the inquirer impugnes , is an argument of his owne making , and none of ours , yet for all that , the argument is not like a ballad as good backward as forward , as m. chillingworth , putting it a little differently from the inquirer , would have it . answ . if you had pleased to disclaime and not defend this argument at the first , you might have saved us some paines , and if you will yet promise me that no man shall out of m. knots book make use of this argument any more , i will be very well content that argument shall be no longer insisted on , yet must tell you my opinion from my owne expresse knowledge , that they which read that book before 't was confuted by m. chillingworth did verily believe that that argument to prove an infallible judge , taken from the topick of gods goodnesse , was m. knots master-piece , and the founation on which the maine weight of his structure was supported . c. 19. answ . to c. 19. a. in a respondent there can be no such thing as petitio principii . answ . we have shewed you that a respondent may so ill behave himself that there may . as for example , when a man hath used arguments to prove that you have been guilty of begging the question , for you to despise and not take notice of the arguments , and to say onely that there can be no such thing , is the very thing called petitio principii . ib. b. but we againe deny it is [ petitio principii ] and the contrary ought to be proved . answ . it is clearly proved in the place , and not to consider the proofs , but to deny the conclusion is another guilt of that sophism . c. 20. answ . to c. 20. a. if the enquirers meaning be as you put it , it makes nothing at all against us , nor needs any answer . but chillingworth goes farther , and saies that many of the simpler sort amongst us believe truth upon no better grounds , than others believe falshood , and yet our simpler sort believe truths , upon all the motives that yours doe , and somewhat more . answ . that that is his lordships meaning is plaine , viz : that he that denies your infallibility , and yet uses his best reason to seeke if it be true , will be in as safe a condition , as he that believes it , and searches not . and if this be nothing against you , i shall hope this quarrell is nearer an end then ever i had thought to see it . and then sure many of us shall be capable of that charity , which you bestow upon your owne , for i am confident what we doe , we doe upon search , and use of our best reason ; and yet that we deny your infallibility , you are sufficiently assured . c. 21. answ . to c. 21. a. he might be secretly obstinate , and yet both he and we conceive the contrary . answ . 't is true he might . but yet sure you that believe he was not obstinate , cannot believe that the punishment of obstinacy should belong to him , but must either thinke god unjust , or else believe him safe in the same degree that you think him not obstinate . and this is all i required from you . c. 22. answ . to c. 22. a. every implicite assent must be resolved lastly into an explicite , or else there will be an infinite regression , for every implicite presupposes something in which it is involved or implicite . answ . i beseech you observe the nature of this annotation of yours . you say in your apology , that one implicite faith doth not containe another . i proved that false by this instance , that supposing i believed by an implicite faith , that you were an honest man , this might containe in it an implicite beliefe of every proposition by you asserted , and farther by putting his lordships affirmation by you denied into a downe right syllogisme : you after your wont answer no proofs , but prove against the conclusion . and truely your proof is a strange one , every implicite assent must be resolved lastly into an explicite : ergo , one implicite faith doth not containe another . as if you should say , every subordinate cause must be resolved lastly into a first cause ; ergò , one subordinate cause doth not containe another , the genealogie of abraham must at last be reduced to god , therefore abraham's grandfather was not father to abraham's father : what sound of reason is there in this arguing ? the antecedent is the onely thing which you goe about to prove , and the consequence that which we deny , and therefore i shall need say no more to this annotation . c. 24. answ . to c. 24. a. we meane the fire of this world , and that fire we are sure is not in all countries appointed to burne such as doe dissent from us . answ . what ? not to burne such as dissent in matters of faith ? is there any matter of faith which is not required sub poenâ ignis ? ( i meane also with you , the fire of this world ) if there be , speake out . but you have by your next annotation in effect confest there is not , and so by that confuted this , for so you adde . ib. b. i make no such distinction . answ . i. e. no such distinction , that of matters of faith some are required sub periculo ignis , some not ; which is in effect that in respect of that penalty all matters of faith are of the same nature . which is absolutely contrary to that former , unlesse in that your meaning were , that fire was not in all countries appointed to burne dissenters from you , i. e. not in those countries , where you had not the power . and that wil be but a slender obligation from you , if it be acknowledged . ib. c. if you could make that appeare we were satisfied . answ . it is made appeare as much , as your like assertion of your selves , i. e. by our affirming it . but if you will have patience to read on in that place , you shall see the point stated , and as much of it proved , as we have need to assert in this matter . ib. d. in some places we doe ( make use of the argument from mutuall dissentions ) but in this it is brought against us . answ . this is clearly false , for in the 40. sect. his lordship there mentions it as an argument of yours , and in that place becomes respondent , gives an answer to that argument , and that is the ground of the present debate . ib. e. our criterion or rule of faith keeps off dissentions when it is followed , yours does not . lutherans and calvinists follow the same rule , and yet dissent and condemne one another , ours doe not so , but remit the differences to be decided to one and the same judge both exterior , and interior . answ . i was a proving by the antient catalogues of hereticks , that there were good store of hereticks in the world before the reformation , ( from which it followes that either your infallible judge was not then in fashion , or else that it is not such a soveraigne meanes or antidote against hereticks ) you seem to distinguish that your rule keeps off dissentions , not alwaies , but when it is followed ; and prove that farther , because you remit the differences to be decided to one and the same judge . i might answer , that our rule , the word of god doth so too , at least in matters of faith , and that any such dissention , at least uncharitable censuring of dissenters , is absolutely against that rule . but i conceive that is not the thing that commends a rule as a means to prevent dissentions , that they that follow it dissent not , ( for the rule if it be but one rule , what ever it is , will doe that ) but that it is able & apt to keep men obedient , and to restrain them from excesses & not following of it . now this is an excellence that these many catalogues of heresies proved , that you had no right to pretend to , and if we have not so neither , we are but partners in this piece of humane infelicity , to which , as long as we carry flesh about us , it will be incident , for there must be heresies among you . as for your instance of the lutherans and calvinists dissentions , and condemning one the other , i must tell you that this little concernes the church of england , which alwayes disclaimed the being called by the names , or owning the dissentions of lutheran and calvinist , and professeth only the maintaining of the primitive catholike faith , and to have no father on earth , to impute their faith to . i might adde more even for those lutherans and calvinists , that if they did really follow ( i say not only professe , but follow ) the same rule , they would certainly agree also . ibid. f. i doe not excuse all ( the jesuits from the doctrine of resisting magistrats under colour of religion , killing kings , opposing the order of bishops &c. ) nor ought you to have accused all ; for neither all the jesuites , nor neare all be of that mind , but of the quite contrary . bellarmine , valentia , petavius , and other jesuits have written for the order of bishops against salmasius and others , but none at all have written against it . neither was the controversie between the saeculars about that point , as it is most evident . answ . i have already obeyed your commands ; and indeed had no necessity to accuse all of that order in all places . it was sufficient to prove the point in hand , ( dissentions among your selves ) that any considerable number were of those opinions , which are the worst that are to be found among our s●ctaries , and it seems you cannot in your owne heart excuse all , as kinde as you are to them . if others in a matter of such moment are of a contrary mind , this is an argument not against , but for the truth of what is laid to you , dissentions after all your infallible judgements . for the jesuites opinion of bishops i appeale no farther then the disputations in the councell of trent , and the generall pretensions of that order to an independency , and absolutenesse from any but their owne superiour , and the pope , and this , though it allow bishops over other men , yet is sufficiently contrary to the apostolick institution , and practice of having all the churches and presbyters in them , subjected to them . you adde , that the controversie of the saeculars ( i suppose you mean and regulars ) was not about that point , i. e. of episcopacy , i did not say it was , any farther then thus , as the necessity of confirmation is all one with the necessity of episcopacy , ( which truely to me seemes to be very neare it ▪ and i am sure the businesse was whether the catholicks in england should have an ordinary here resident or no , and that ordinary was a bishop ; so that though it was not of episcopacy , in universum , yet it came to a debate , whether the having bishops was necessary , or no ) on which soever it is , it is enough to prove dissentions . c. 26. answ . to c. 26. a. at least they might have been discerned , as well as other errours were , and the authors of them also . answ . this note being reduced to intelligible sence , will i conceive be , that the now romish errours might have been discerned , &c. to which i answer , that though they might , yet first , 't is possible that they might not ; secondly , very possible that being favoured , if not brought in by those in authority among them , they would not be branded or recorded for errours , and then all that we their posterity can see , may be onely , that the tares are sowne , but not punctually at what point of the night , or who the man was that sowed them . ibid. b. no more for these then for other errours . answ . his lordship had occasion onely to speake of these , but will say the like of all others whose originall is not discernible . ibid. c. in all ages errours were censured and condemned . answ . all kinde of errours were not thought to be of such weight , as that such heavy censures and condemnations which you lay on us , should be fastened on them . and therefore in case ours be not errours , or but in materia non gravi , in disputable parts , ( as if you please to descend to particulars , we will undertake to prove them ) those severe censures of yours , being more contrary to charity , may prove more dangerous to you , then we shall otherwise affirme your opinions to be . ibid. d. i judge one of these two by the event , and the other by the semblance of his making a search in manner as he ought . answ . this is a darke speech which i doe not clearly understand : if the meaning be , that you judge the ill successe of his lordships searches by the event , and the fault of them by the semblance , &c. i must then tell you , that the first is a very ill grounded judgement , for no event hath proved the ilnesse of that successe , ( unlesse like those in the gospel , you count them the greatest sinners on whom the tower of siloah fell ; or like him of late , that being willing to passe his opinion on a learned mans choice of a side in the differences in the low countries , said onely this , illud notum est , partes quas secutus non est praevaluisse ; si quis infelicitati hoc tribuat , ego prudentiam non probo minus felicem ; and busbequius tels us somewhat like of the turkes judgments of good and bad enterprizes ) but rather on your owne principles i have already proved , that they must be good in the successe , which were so happy in proposing . but then what you meane by the semblance of his making a search in manner as he ought , by which you judge the fault in his searches ; i must confesse i doe not at all understand , and therefore must be faine to confesse my selfe overcome and mastered , though not by the reason , yet by the obscurity of your writing ; and if that be a victory , i wish you much good of it . to the conclusion . a. i here contend no more , but that our church may be infallible , notwithstanding any thing the enquirer hath objected . that she is so , hath in due place been proved by others . answ . if you had performed the former , i meane satisfied all his lordships arguments , i should not require at this time the latter from you , i. e. proving your church to be infallible . i must then onely aske you in earnest , whether you doe believe that no one of his lordships arguments against your infallibility ( for any one will serve our turne ) remaines unanswered by your apology ; and then whether all that i have said to vindicate his lordship , be effectually answered in your marginall notes , and whether you can justifie all them against his last reply . if you are of this opinion in each , i am to crave your pardon for this so gainlesse trouble , but referre the matter to god and impartiall men to judge between us . ibid. b. if you would doe it , we then would thinke it more than possible . answ . the meaning of this annotation if it be sence , must be this , that if we protestants could or would finde place in you for scripture and reason to make impression , you papists would then thinke it more then possible you might be deceived . which if it be the meaning , i must then onely reply by prayer , that god would so soften your hearts , that they might be capable of that impression . but if the words be indeed no sence , but yet mistaken for some other words , which would be sence , then the likeliest thing that i can imagine , is , that you would have said somewhat to this purpose . [ if you protestants could by scripture or reason disprove our doctrines , we then would thinke it more than possible for us to be deceived ] which though it were no huge concession , yet i should be glad to have it from you , for then in effect your grounding of faith on your infallibility would be laid aside , and then there would be no more truth in any individuall doctrine of your church , than scripture or reason would inferre , abstracted from the authority of your church , which is all that at this time we demand from you . and in that we are a little importunate ( seeing we have you now in a seeming good humour : ) first , because there is so much danger in insisting on that priviledge of infallibility , even in any particular , wherein men are in the right , because he that really doth stand , yet may ( and therefore ought to take heed lest he ) fall , but most eminently , when a man chances to be in the wrong . he that mistakes first in a piece of divinity , and after in a perswasion that he cannot mistake , sealeth up that errour , obstructs all entrance , all approach , all possibility of reformation , is fortified impregnable against all assaults either of reason , or even the spirit of truth ; and by that one errour hath a kind of propriety in all other that can by the same hand be represented to him . secondly , because we cannot but observe the prudence of your fellow-champions , master knot &c. now of late , who have chosen to vary the method from insisting on the severall points of difference betwixt us , and them ( proving themselves to be the onely true church from the particular truths profest by them , and by no others ) to this other more commodious way of putting off all together by whole-sale , of concluding the truth of all their assertions from the unerrablenesse of the asserter , manifesting that they are in the right , because 't is impossible they should be in the wrong , using all skill to perswade this one point , and then confident on good grounds , that no other can be resisted . these two things put together , will advertise you , how seasonable an admonition it is to you , that you will bestow a little paines on your brethren , to perswade them they are mortall or fallible ; and then againe reason and scripture may finde reception , and be agreed on the umpire betwixt us and we shall promise sincerely , that whatever that shall , sententiâ latâ , award to you , we will most gladly yeild , and never breake with you , till you breake from that umpirage . ibid. c. the words are applicable against our belief of christianity , as well as against our belief of our churches doctrine . answ . the words are applied by me onely against your infallibility , and if that be as infallible as christianity it self , i beseech you either shew as plaine testimonies from the consent of all ages , that the church of rome is infallible , as there are for the canon of the scripture , or as plaine places out of the scripture for it , as we can for the severall parts of christianity , and then i will give you leave so to apply the words ; in the meane , you may spare your labour of applying my words , or else prove demonstratively that they are so applicable . ibid. d. a possibility perhaps of more errours , but a probability of fewer , for if she were fallible , yet she would not be fallible , as a private man ; so that with these fewer errours we should have quiet and unity , you with more errours should have disturbances and dissentions . answ . in this place , whereto your annotation was affixt , the discourse was upon a supposition , that your infallibility were an errour , ( which i in that case affirm'd , would be the most dangerous , because most prolificall complicated errour imaginable ) and will you say that upon that supposition , there would be a probability of fewer errours ? will the thinking i cannot fall make me stand the longer ? is there no advantage to be made of care , and caution , and feare ? or is there a disadvantage in them ? this is brave fiduciary doctrine , i must thinke infallibly i shall be saved , and that i cannot fall away , and the thinking that , will make it more probable that i shall be saved , and shall not fall . i confesse i had thought that humility were a readier way both to truth and heaven , then either of these presumptions . what you meane by adding ( by way of proofe of that saying ) that if your church were fallible , she would not be fallible as a private man , i confesse i cannot guesse . if she would not , i conceive , this would be but little advantage on her side , for her fallibility would be a greater snare and scandall , and more apt to draw into errour those that conceived her infallible , than any private mans fallibility would doe . for that which you adde of quiet and unity , if it were supposed to be joyn'd with fewer errours , i grant it would be an advantage , but at a time , when that infallibility was supposed to be one errour , and that prov'd most apt to produce a multitude ; surely this ought not to have been supposed , any more , than that we should have more errours still , though 't were not at the same time supposed that we have . ibid. e. it was never put into more hands than two , but what those hands might doe , i know not ; and to those on purpose to make triall what exceptions might be made against it , that so upon a review , i might know better what to alter in it , what to adde , and what to take away . answ . i conceive one man hath two hands , and therefore 't is possible you may meane , it was never communicated to above one man. if you doe , 't is certainly false ; but if you meane two men by two hands , you acknowledged what i said , for i said no more . as for your affirmation that 't was put into those hands only for triall , &c. this cannot be said of one of them , for to him it was delivered by one of your friends , as an unanswerable piece , but yet if it were , as you pretend , that you might know better what to alter in it ; i am then glad i have given you occasion to doe so , but must tell you , that now you have altered it , and delivered it from some infirmities , which appear'd to be in it , there be yet enough behind , to be reformed by any body else , and when that is done , there will remaine somewhat else perhaps , but i am sure no answer to my lord of falkland . ibid. f. sir , your noble courtesie is gratefully acknowledged , and i desire with all due respects and services to correspond . answ . this i conceive to be a civility , and i shall never go about to confute that , or answer it , but by the returne of the like , and my prayers also , that the lord give you a right judgement in all things . here it seemes was once an end of those annotations , and it had been for the readers ease and mine , that you had continued in that minde . but upon better thoughts , either that which had beene here noted , was thought not quite sufficient , or else , ex abundanti , this superfoetation is bestowed on us . the closing sheet which i mentioned in the preface , and promised to annex also . which here in justice to the apologist , i shall give you , though i conceive i had beene as kind to him , if i had forgotten it . section 1 this small treatise apologeticall is no finisht worke , but only a first draught or inchoation , and was ventured abroad to explore the judgements or censures of one or two intelligent adversaries , that so the author by his second thoughts might be the better able to understand what was to be altered in it , what added , and what taken away , either as superfluous or offensive , and till that act was done , and withall an approbation and licence given by those to whom it belonged , neither the worke , nor any line of it is to be acknowledged , or vouched by the author . section 2 the drift is not to prove the church which we call catholique , and the enquirer cals roman , to be infallible , but to defend it against the enquirers arguments ; for he sect. 28. undertakes to give reasons why the church of rome is fallible . so that our drift is to make it good that this same church may still be infallible , notwithstanding any thing that he hath said unto the contrary . section 3 the pillars that support all his discourse be 1. sect. videl . that with us both reason , scripture , and antiquity , be fallible ; his proofe of this assertion is a supposed maxime of ours , namely , that nothing is infallible but the church . the assertion is first denyed , and afterward the proofe , and against these denialls no reply can be made , because we know best our owne inward acts and judgements , and no man is able to tell us what we thinke , but we must tell them . section 4 these three pillars of fallibility being broken and relinquisht as desperate , you are pleased to come with new ones in their places . section 5 reason , say you , cannot prove the infallibility of your church , because it is not an evident verity ; scripture cannot ; because not certainly expounded to that probation ; fathers doe not , because it was not a doctrine held in their time . section 6 it seems then , that the cause why none of these three can prove our churches infallibility , is not any want of infallibility in them , as the enquirer contended it was , but some other different ; such , namely , as you here assigne ; and so the enquirers argument is at an end , even at the very beginning of it , and my taske is done , yet , in my respects , to you , i will goe on farther . section 7 to your first , i answer , that though reason cannot it selfe alone prove our churches infallibility , yet , as you acutely note , sest . 3. reason can assure us , by shewing us some words of prophecie , or revelation from god , with sufficient evidence that it is a revelation , and thus reason can prove a verity be it never so inevident . after this manner it is that we say reason proves our church , against which proof the inevidence of it , as we see , can be no impediment . section 8 to your second , i answer , by denying that scripture hath not beene so certainly expounded to that purpose , for we say it hath been shewed by our authors at large , as for example , by bellarmine , valentia , petavius , veron and others . section 9 to your 3. i answer , first , that 1. irenaeus , 2. augustinus , 3. lactantius , and 4 facundus hermanensis doe absolutely teach the church to be infallible . secondly , i deny that the fathers teach not the romane church to be the true church and contrary to your tenet , i affirme that they hold that church to be the true christian church , as the forenamed authors have declared out of them , as also card. perone and co●ffeteau have ex●ellently shewed . also i my selfe have endeavoured it elsewhere out of the severall testimonies of antiquity not to be in this place repeated . section 10 the businesse touching the motives of faith which i , with irenaeus , called ostensions , their place , use and efficacity needs only explanation , and ought to be admitted by every christian , and therefore , begging your patience , i will tarry longer upon it . section 11 we doe not goe about to prove our church to be the true , therefore because she holdeth with the truth , but because we conceive we have good solid reasons to perswade us that she hath the truth . these reasons have been often rendred by our authors , to whom if the inquirer had replyed , we also had endeavoured to defend them . concordance with the scriptures and fathers we doe marshall amongst them , not in the first place indeed in order of doctrine but yet in the first in order of dignity . neither doe we aime to prove our church by the gallantry of demonstration , or any other way then christianity , sooner or later , is to be perswaded unto infidels ; for we are now dealing , not about a parcell , but the whole frame of christianity , from the top to the foundation , and the laying of the first stone ; which first stone we hold to be those actes of god which psal . 104.27 . are called verba signotum , and fitly may be tearmed signa realia , that is to say , sings and ostensions , which be the acts of gods omnipotence and soveraigne government , and , by a morall certainty and rationall way are shewed for humane institution and instruction . this sort of signes is , by order of nature , to have the precedence before all artificiall signes , or vocall expressions of the divine will , and therefore as raymund sebund observeth , liber factorum is to be perused before liber dictorum ; by these signes , as , by the apparentiae , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in astronomy , we are to get the first notions of these celestiall revolutions , or resolutions of faith ; and though these be sure , yet are they not demonstrative , because no way intrinsecall , neither to the revelations which they assure , nor to the objects revealed , which are assured by the revelations , as being no causes , nor effects of either , nor signes inherent of those objects . section 12 seeing then , the true catholique religion is but the true christianity , they both of them are to be learned by the same apparences , or ostensions , more or lesse expresly understood . now , while we draw nearer unto these signes , and learne them more and more expresly , amongst other things we may discover as good characterismes and signatures of revealed truth , the concordance of our faith with holy writ and venerable antiquity , which two signes , without the preceding could have little force to perswade beliefe . for , say i were to convert an indian , i would not seeke to doe it by telling him first of all of these two concordances mentioned , which 't is like would move him but a little , for , though i could shew him the bible was antient and godly , and the fathers wise , yet this would not be enough to perswade him , and therefore i should hold it fit , first to represent unto him , some other motives , as namely , propheticall predictions authorized by event , miracles and miraculous operations and effects , creditably recorded from age to age , both in the evangelists and other sequent histories , of whose faith a man rationally cannot doubt , at least in the summe of them , or the chiefe bulke . i speake not here of fabulous narrations , or suspected histories , but authours of credit and esteeme ; secondly , the excellency of our faith it selfe , and manner of propagation of it . thirdly , the perfection of life and heroicke actions of such as doe professe it , and all this after a manner not interrupted , but continued from age to age , and conveyed downe to us by the prime ecclesiasticall succession , not of persons onely , but of pastours in the chiefe seate , and other inferiour , prized so highly by irenaeus , and held a most sure note of truth , and a way to confound all that doe gainsay it . lastly , a consonance with reason , scripture , and antiquity . these and such like be our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these our ostensions ; these be the received notices and signatures of revealed truth ; by these god invites us and induces us to believe ; and by these , engages his owne veracity to warrant the act of our assent , it being repugnant to the high perfection of his truth , to lay upon man a rationall obligation , and then desert him , and to permit that the publique acts of his providence should be a snare , not a direction , not an introduction to truth , but a seduction from it . though therefore these motives make our faith but credible in an eminent and a high degree , yet the veracity of god is at hand to supply , seale and confirme all , and with the authority thereof , to make the assurance absolute . this method of resolving and reducing faith , was signified by irenaeus , when as he said , post tot ostensiones factas non oportet adhuc quaerere apud alios veritatem quam facile est ab ecclesia sumere . this way designed by saint augustin , this is conformable to the analytique principles delivered by aristotle in his organon ; this the beaten path of all divines , and no new invention or exotique stuffe . this method we are ready to maintaine as strong and solid , not permitting the believer to sit downe with a slender socinian certainty liable to deceit , not enclosing him in any maze , circle , or semicircle , not enforcing him into endlesse and wearisome regresses , neither producing evidence , nor destroying liberty , but by these motives fortified with the divine veracity , leading him assuredly to the church , and by the church to the entire and determinate canon of holy scripture ; and so at length by both these joyned together , to the full discovery and distinct knowledge of the doctrines of our faith , after the manner following . section 13 these motives or ostensions being once considered , we are forthwith to observe to what body of christian professours they belong , and in what line of succession of ecclesiasticall magistrates they descend unto us , and in the passages of antiquity , diligently to note which ship it is which in the christian fleet was counted the praetorian , or admirall , with which all the rest were to joyne company , and by the separation from which , we are to judge which vessels be fugitive , or pyraticall , and which not ; which assembly of christians legitimate and approved , and by this association to be distinguished from the broken and dispersed troopes of anti-catholiques , and by the same the army of the living god in the church militant , discerned from the stragling companies of divided and disagreeing sectaries , how numerous soever they may seeme , when summed up all into one inconsistent body , or confused rout . this way and method we hold , which if it doe not satisfie any , let them set us downe a better , and not leave us without any ; but let them take heed , that while with the enquirer , we receive and admit the fallibility of the church of rome , or of any other determinate church , and of one denomination we fall not , with master chillingworth , to the fallibility of the christian faith , and so presently to infidelity . it is easie to impugne the organon of faith , or doctrinall principles , but not easie to compose it , easie to pull downe , but not to build . the enquirers judgement uttered to me , was , that baron , when he writ against us , was lusty and strong , but when he spake any thing for himselfe , he was weake and languishing ; and i believe this is the enquirers owne case , and that he was able to say more against an infallibility then for it . in the one he hath shewed his strength , in the other not . section 14 now a word or two about lawes , and i have done . in which point i observe it as an uncontroverted doctrine , that unjust lawes , properply speaking , are not lawes ; first because lex is the dictamen rectae rationis practicae in eo qui potestatem habet ; but an unjust law , is neither dictamen rectae rationis practicae , nor potestatem habentis , for no man is prescribed to doe wrong by reason , nor hath god the chiefe legislatour given power to make them . durandus concurres in terminis in opusculo de legibus , saying , injusta leges magis sunt violentiae quam leges , nam secundum quod dicit augustinus , l. de libero arbitrio , lex esse non videtur quae justa non fuerit . et tales non obligant quantum ad deum . so durandus . to him suarius subscribeth , l. 3. de legib . c. 19. n. 11. lex injusta non est lex , praesertim quando ex parte materiae est injusta , quia rem iniquam praecipit ; tum enim ad acceptandum eam non obligat , verum etiam , neque si sit acceptata , and presently after , giving a reason hereof , he addeth , quia excedit potestatem legislatoris . secondly , so much veneration is due to lawes , though never so unjust , that they are neverthelesse in conscience to be obeyed , unlesse they should be publiquely and knownely found contrary to a greater authority then that was by which they were enacted ; that is to say , to the law of god , or nature , therefore they are not to be judged or censured by any private man. thirdly , being discovered to be unjust , they derogate nothing at all from the authority of the rest , no more then the unjust lawes of some emperours did from the body of the law imperiall . for though all of them were made by the same authors , yet not by the same authority ; because for the making of one sort , there was good authority derived from god ; but , for the making of the other , there was none at all , but such as could not make it . fourthly , in case of such lawes , no man is to take armes , or make resistance , but contrariwise , to suffer with humble patience , remitting the righting of his cause onely to god , per quem reges regnant & legum conditores justa decernunt . and thus , sir , i rest your humble servant . section 15 the holy scripture hath a threefold influence into faith . 1. dispositive , as one of the motives , or inducements . 2. negative , as a property , sine qua non . 3. positive , as a foundation or principle . the 1. as an ancient and godly booke . the 2. as a rule , without concordance to which faith could not be acknowledged ; for every doctrine must be consonant to its rule , whether that rule be true , or false , certaine , or uncertaine . the 3. as a setled principle , and a booke knowne to be canonicall . to all this i shall answer as briefly as i can . first , to the 1 sect. that for the matter of fact which concernes this treatise , i have already averred those truths , that will not permit any reasonable man to believe that this was so indeed , [ a first draught , &c. ] for it was confest by him , chap. 1. to be a second draught . secondly , it was not sent out onely to explore , &c. for it was , * saith he , delivered but to two adversaries , and to one of them ( as i said before ) it was delivered as unanswerable . thirdly , if there were any such designe of exploring and mending , &c. i must conceive that that work is now done ; for when it was sent home to me againe with these notes , many places which i had charged , were altered or taken away , and for additions , sure such were the marginall notes , and this appendage . fourthly , for the license i can say nothing , ( but that i conceive it might as easily be gotten , as to what you have already made publique , if you had a minde to it ) nor indeed force you to acknowledge or vouch any line of this booke , but onely tell you , that those words in your first chapter of complaint , [ that there was no notice given of license for it be published , and have the advantage to be dispersed abroad in many copies ] and that [ for want of the printers helpe it shall lie concealed , and in much restraint , yea and be in danger to perish ] seemed to me to signifie your willingnesse then to make it publique ; and if you have since retracted that designe , i hope so weake an answer , as some of your friends boast this to be , did not discourage you . i shall rather thinke it was modesty , or else designe , that you chose rather to have disclaimed , then commended your owne , and thought it would appear more glorious for you to have it extorted from you , or ( if it should prove lesse splendid ) yet more tolerable , to have beene ravisht from you then prostituted . to the second sect. i answer , that you had said that before in annot . to the concl . a. and the answer there belongs to this sect. and if you had made good what you say was your drift , you should be pronounced conquerour . to the third sect. you have taken a good course to defend infallibility , by setting up for it your selfe , and affirming that no reply can be made to you in that matter , because it depends onely upon your judgement , which none can know but whom you tell it ; but , good sir , your authors do tell us , that there is nothing infallible but the church , and when they have done so , we may know your outward acts , for such are your writings , though your inward we pretend not to pry into . to sect. 4. i answer , that one argument of his lordships , taken from your affirmed fallibility of reason , scripture , and antiquity , is most prodigiously by you call'd three pillars . and how sampson-like you have broken them downe , the reader must judge ; if you are so confident , i have here exprest my selfe your servant , by helping you to a publique tryall . to sect. 5. i acknowledge that from your owne confession i make those three arguments , that neither reason , scripture , nor antiquity , can infallibly prove your church to be infallible . and to the sect. 6. i say that the want of infallibility in those three mentioned sect. 6. and by you confest , is sufficient to prove his lordships conclusion that they cannot infallibly prove your infallibility , and this is the same that was meant by his lordship , though more explicated by me , and brought home against you by way of retortion , and argument ad hominem , upon your own confession . and so your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was sung much too early , and you must to your taske again , if you will make an end of it . to sect. 7. i answer , that if you had shewed the revelation , on which reason inferres your infallibility , your section had stood good , but the totall want of that is your maine impediment . to sect. 8. be you also pleased to produce your consent of antiquity certainly expounding scripture to inferre your infallibility ; and that shall be yielded you also , but i conceive those writers of yours have not done it , and whensoever you please , i shall be ready to examine their testimonies with you . to sect. 9. i answer . that we have allowed a sence , wherein the church universall may be stiled infallible , and that to save my selfe the paines of examining your testimonies ( though some without examining i know to be ill cited ) i shall grant it in that sence to be so ; but then to your second proposition , ( be it either [ i deny that they teach not ] or [ i affirme that it holds ] it matter 's little ) that the roman church is the true church , i answ . that if there be emphasis in the particle [ the ] in the praedicate , so that it signifie the [ catholick ] church in the former proposition , 't is then absolutely false , that the fathers say any such thing . and you are prudent to cite none to that ridiculous purpose . but if you meane , that the roman church is a true church , ( so you doe not meane that all it saith is true ) as we grant that , so we challenge you to prove , that ever the ancient church thought any such particular church of one denomination to be infallible , when you please to produce your testimonies , you shall receive answer to them . to sect. 10. concerning the motives of faith , you might have spared that paines , it being not at all concluded by you here or before , that that infallibility is built on the same grounds with christanity . to sect. 11. if you had never such solid reasons to perswade you ; that your church had the truth ( as i should not need to deny , were it not for your denying the cup to the laity against scripture , and your keeping the scripture in an unknowne tongue , and some other such defects in faciendis , but rather charge you that you have more then the truth , viz. many errours mixt with the truth ) this would prove but a very weake probation , that your church is [ the true church ] in the exclusive notion , i. e. that no other is the church , but that : for having the truth , doth not signifie a monopoly , or inclosure of it , or that no body else can have it ; and if by [ the true church ] you meane no more , but a true part , you know we doe not question it , nor affirme that your errors though many , have turn'd you in non ecclesiam , into a no church . as for your concordance with the fathers which you say you have , i answere , that in those things wherein you and we consent , we shall not be unwilling to grant it to you ( but yet must remember you , that you would not allow that to be a proofe of your being infallible ) but in those other which we call errors in you , we challenge you to produce an universall concordance . you goe on ; that you proue your church by no other way then christianity is perswaded unto infidels . i hope your meaning is , that you prove your church to be a true church , and that shall be granted you without your proofe : but that it is the only true one , or the infallible one , i hope you have not miracles for that , ( if you have , you have trifled away a great deale of time in not telling us of them ) nor revelation from heaven , nor universall tradition to assure you , ( what you affirme so confidently ) that the infallibility of your church is the whole frame of christianity . and therefore what you learnedly adde about the verba signorum , or signa realia , signes and ostensions , &c. by which you go about to prove christianity , i must professe to edifie me but little in point of the infallibility of your church , because that is so distant a thing from it . to sect. 12. your affirmation , that the true catholique religion is the true christianity , ( if that be the onely thing you aime at ) shall be willingly granted you , all the question will be , whether all your doctrines , that of denying the cup to the laity &c. be that catholique religion . and sure to him that questions that , all the characterismes , &c. all your propheticall predidictions will give but little satisfaction , and no more will the excellency of faith , perfection of heroick actions of professors , nor the conveyance from age to age , by the prime ecclesiasticall succession of pastors in the sea of rome , because that of the sub unicâ specie , &c. which we quarrell at in you , might as well be pretended to have testimonies out of the present articles of our church , as out of these . if there be any of these evidences , or moreover of reason , scripture , antiquity , on your side for such controverted particulars , i beseech you let them be produced , or else you may be christians , but yet corrupt in these particulars , your being a true church will not pronounce you infallible , your church of rome primitive may have the truth , and your moderne rome be filled with errors . and therefore you may spare the paines of proving ( what we have no occasion at this time to deny ) that god engages his veracity to make good those things , for which he gives us such rationall meanes of proofe to induce our assent , for what ever else is , your infallibility , or your other errours , for which we charge you , are none of these things . and if you mark it , that which ( according to your discourse ) gives us such assurance of the truth of christianity , is the ostensions , miracles , publick acts of gods providence , not the infallibility naturally inherent either in your church , or in any particular society of men , nor the promise of god that any such society shall be infallible , and visible to all that it is that infallible . as for that which you covertly cast into the heape of the motives of faith , [ that 't was continued from age to age in the succession of pastors in the chiefe seat ] that is no more a ground of the truth of christanity , then its succession in all other seats , as i conceive you have your selfe let fall also . the truth is the preaching the gospel over all the world , and the reception in so great a part of it , is an argument of the truth of christianity ( among many others ) because it is the fulfilling of a prophecy of their sounds going out into all lands , but this is farre from concluding the peculiar priviledge of infallibility of those , who are under the roman subjection . by which 't is cleare , that what you cite out of irenaeus , and saint aug. comes home no better to your point of infallibility , then aristotles analytick principles , which in the same place ( and elsewhere ) you cite also . and therefore if all you say in that long section were yeelded , ( concerning the motives to christianity , and your way by bringing to the church , &c. ) yet would you be as farre to seek as ever , concerning your pretended infallibility . to your 13. sect. which is neerer indeed to your purpose , i answere , that being by your meanes brought to christianity , there is no need that i should find out any particular body of professors ( or church of one denomination ) to which those motives to christianity should so belong , as to belong to no othey but that ; this sure i may better say without proofe , then you have affirmed the contrary , for doe you thinke it reasonable , that christianity being planted all the world over , each man that is converted to it , must finde out the roman bishop , and those that are in subjection to him , or not be accounted a christian ? if he be borne at jerusalem , or converted there , will it not serve his turne to communicate with that church , which hath given him baptisme ? was there any thing in his creed could send him thither , till the holy catholick roman church was ( by mockery i conceive ) put in thither ? as for the line of succession of ecclesiasticall magistrates , you must know , that is to be found in other christian churches , as well as in rome , and the scriptures and apostolicall verities descend downe to us in them also . and what if in some passages of antiquity the sea of rome should be found to be the praetorian or admirall , in your stile , i. e. the prime or principall sea , would this prove her infallible , the praetorian may spring a leake , as well as any other , and in case it should , i doe not conceive , that all other ships of that fleet , were bound to doe so too , or else be counted fugitive , because they are unwilling to run that unhappy fate of sinne , or errour with her . sure if the praetorian should casually , or wilfully split upon a rock , you would not censure all others for pyraticall , that did not so too . the reasons are visible , why that sea of rome had the primacy at some time ( and at other times other seas put in their plea for it , and if they obtained not , yet was that an argument that it was never judged a matter of faith , because the pretenders were not condemned for haereticks , even when it went not with them ) viz : from the imperiall seat being placed in that city , with which the ecclesiasticall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , might proportionably goe along , just as your praetorian is that ship , where the admirall resides , or which peculiarly belongs to him . but what is that to infallibility ? that honour which comes by sympathy with the civill state , is not like to be such a charme , or amulet , so to elevate above humane condition , that it must presently set up for perfection . let your church have all its due and customary respects , but doe not so linke inerrablenesse with principality , unlesse you can bring some ground from scripture , for the union , and because in all your apology , annotations , and appendage you doe not so much as name any such , i shall conceive you are too wise to claime by [ tu es petrus ] or any other so unconcluding an argument . believe me , your prescription for some kinde of principality from the possession of it continued to that sea so many yeares , is a better plea than any other , and against that i am not now a disputing , but onely adde that greatnesse saecular is no marke of infallibility . as for your rule of judging by the association with rome , which assembly of christians is legitimate , which not , that that is an infallible way of judging is not at all proved by your magnificent simile . for first , the fleet may be broken asunder by some tempest , and so without any fault of any ship , be divided from the praetorian . 2. the praetorian may quarrell with all , or any of the rest , and by threats or bullets drive them from her , and then if the cause be not just , if it be for example upon no other crime , but that the other ships judge it necessary to cast out some vessels or trumpery which they are resolved to be either uselesse , or perhaps dangerous to the vessell and all the passengers , or againe because the rest of the ships are resolved to obey the commission that sent out the whole fleet , when the praetorian was resolved to disobey it , in this and the like cases , 't is cleare , that the praetorian is the onely schismatick ; or if it be just , yet the ships though confest guilty of that other crime , or crimes , which made that severity of the praetorian just , will yet not be guilty of a new crime of separation : the reason is cleare , because she is forced to that , driven away , and now ever since lies under it unwillingly , 't is her infelicity , not her crime ; her punishment , not her fault . or if there be a fault in that , viz : that she doth not humbly confesse the fault , and desire to be reconciled , yet sure it will not be infinitely true , that that is a fault , when either she was guilty before of no fault , but a pretended one , for which that punishment was inflicted ( to which purpose the chancellour of paris will advise you ) or when the condition of her being received againe is such , as cannot with any honesty be entertained , be it the undertaking any treasonable act against the king , whose admirall he is , which denominates that praetorian , and who is supreame master of the whole fl●et , or be it , but swearing any thing to be true which is false , or subscribing to the belief , or practice of what we believe neither true nor practicable . and that this is the state of our church in its separation from yours , i shall undertake to make good , whensoever you will yeild the point of infallibility , or exchange it for the question of schisme . you see i am not much edified by your way , and because you are not so importunate , that i should , but are modestly content that if i am not satisfied with it , i should set you downe a better , i shall humbly crave leave to doe it in very few words . the farre better way , more christian , because more humble and more charitable , ( and beyond all , probably the most peacefull too ) is , to make the scripture , as 't is interpreted by the antient fathers , the ground of our belief for all the substantiall , i. e. plaine parts of faith ; to define as few of this nature , as the primitive christians may be discerned to have done , to command and require obedience , and assent to these from all our inferiours under our authority , and to proceed to ecclesiasticall admonitions , in case of errour , to censures , in case of contumacy , but to blood , never purely for religion , nor too often for religion in ordine ad temporalia ; to tolerate with meeknesse , those that are contrary minded , in all things that are not either of the number of these few , very few necessariò credenda , or that have not a necessary connexion and immediate influence on practice , and good life ; this as it is farre from either pretending to infallibility , or letting loose the reines to licentiousnesse , so is it the happiest , most lasting , durable temper of a church , most agreeable to all those ends that christ hath made most estimable to us in his gospel , and so will be farre from that feare of yours , of betraying us to a deserting of the christian faith ▪ or falling to infidelity ; universall peace and charity and humility , being above all things most contrary to that . and so you see , 't is not so unpracticable a difficulty to compose an organon of faith so farre , as to preserve it among christians ; and for the planting it among infidels , that is not hujus considerationis , nor doe i much believe i shall have much reason to differ from any learned romanist on that subject , on condition he would agree with me in this . as for your judgement upon his lordship , that he was able to say more against an infallibility then for it , and that in the one he hath shewed his strength , in the other not , i easily believe , and must thinke my selfe bound to confesse , because i have seen a booke of his against infallibility , but never any for it . if this must be thought a fault in him , i must be content to lie under your severest censure for the same crime also , and sic habes confitentes reos , patiently expecting what you will pronounce against us . sect. 14. you are resolved it seemes to have a word or two about lawes , upon what temptation , or provocation from the precedent discourses , at least from the maine businesse in hand , i cannot readily satisfie my reader . the most i can guesse is , that in our meeting we fell into some discourse and difference about the nature of unjust lawes , whether they might be said to be lawes , or no. and perchance your charity led you now out of your rode to informe me in this matter ; if 't were onely so , i must acknowledge it an obligation , and shall thanke you for that , though i chance to dissent from you . and that matter i perceive will be soone stated : thus : that lawes , if ( considered in respect of the matter of them ) they be found to command me to doe ought , which by any superiour law , 't is unlawfull for me to doe , they are then unjust lawes , be the legislatour never so lawfully my magistrate ; and in this case 't is true , that god hath not given him power to make them ; meaning thereby such a power , that he may make them without being unjust ; but yet another power he hath given him , to wit , such an one , as that , if he exercise it thus against god the doners will , yet it shall not be lawfull for any man , or society of men on earth , to call him to account , and punish him , to resist violently , or reduce him in ordinem ; onely god that hath given him potestatem in genere ( which is libera ad utrosque actus , power to make good or evill lawes , but withall restrained by a command from the law of nature , and god , and limited by that law onely to the lawfull exercise of it , or making the good lawes ) is to receive an account of the talent given him to trade with as his steward , and to enquire whet●er he hath used it well or no. thus much , unlesse i am mistaken , your discourse gives me reason to thinke granted by you . and from thence i must conclude , that any such abuse of power in the law-giver , though it be in him aberration from the rule in respect of god , yet still is an act that hath some effect on the man which is borne , or lives under that law , though not to oblige him to doe what is commanded him , yet to oblige him to non-resistance , and suffering patiently , if the law-giver be so wicked to tyrannize over him . which obligation to passive , though not active obedience , is the result of a law , if not properly so called in your notion of it , yet very lawfully and intelligibly so called , as i have interpreted it ; and for the propriety or impropriety of the word , i shall not much contend with you , so the substance be agreed on ; and yet 't were easie enough to repay you with the quotations of schoole-men and casuists , which make no scruple to use the word in my sence , and to answer the places you have produced , and shew that 't was onely in that sence which we yeild that they did deny it . but enough of this . for your 15 section . what it signifies , or whether it would , i cannot i confesse divine ; 't was i conceive in you an excessive act of liberality , that you thought might be for my turne ; and , though i know not how at this time i shall reap profit by it , yet i cannot but accept your good intentions . and so being extreamly weary of a very thanklesse taske , i bid you heartily farewell . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45471-e1010 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tom. 2. pa. 272. dial. cum tryph. pag. 307. lib. 5. cap. 33. niceph. tom. 1. pag. 555. tom. 2. p. 206. de regno . coesarius . synesius . sophoc . notes for div a45471-e9320 * licet concilium generale representet totam ecclesiam universalem , tamen in veritate ibi non est vere vniversalis ecclesia , sed representative , quia universalis ecclesia constituitur ex collectione fidelium , & ista est ea ecclesiae quae errare non potest . c. signific . ex● : de electio . † antiquis patribus concilium celebraturis solenne suit jejuniis , orationibus , spiritûs assistentiam implorare , inutili sa●è diligentiâ si exploratum habebant se non posse falli aut deficere in his propter quae fuerant congregati . ep. 10. * the place to which these words reply , are upon this admonition mended by the apologist in his revisall , by putting in after the word [ metropolitan ] these words [ is the pope , who ] and two lines after in stead of [ it ] [ his diocesse ] he might as reasonably have mended the other also . * in this place the apologist in his revisal put in these words [ so that in fine all these three be infallible ] i must a little wonder to what purpose . for if they belong to the words immediatly precedent , they will then signify , that the three propps of his lordships discourse are infallible . but if to the former part of the section to signify reason &c. to be infallible , they are then either to be understood , that they are infallible in all cases , and then that is point blanke contrary to what he had said [ that they were fallible in some ] or else that they are infallible onely in some ; and then that he had said distinctly before , and needed not to have again a new repeated . prov. 3.32 . psal . 104.27 . * euscb . hist . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (a) ad a●n . 556. n. 25. (b) ib. n. 30. (c) greg. l. 2 . ●p . 4. (d) anonym : de aerat . eccles c. 7. ap . gol●astum in monarch . 1.1 . p. 29. (e) inter episiclas hyber . p. 49. in epist . ad scquiti senonensem . † de papat● . * that passage in the apologist to which this was returned , is by him in his last thoughts held better to be omitted , and accordingly i have left it out there . justin in dial. cum tryphone . p. 306. c. p. 307. p. 306. p. 307. p. 497. p. 498. advers . haer . l. 2. c. 39. master pym in the parliament house . on occasion of this or the like speech of mine answer , the apologist in his review thought fit to adde these words at the end of his 16 chapter : [ three propositions there are which we maintaine ; first , that none but true christians can be saved . secondly , none but true catholiques can be saved , for true catholiques and true christians be all one . thirdly , none be true catholiques but such as live under the obedience of the see of peter , and many doe so that through ignorance doe not seeme to doe . the gentiles find fault with the first proposition , divers sectaries with the second , and now the protestants with the third . all these have beene pretended by some or other to be false , but how to be uncharitable is very hard to be understood . ] to all which being onely said not attempted to be proved , i shall onely say that i am sory to see him out of his good mood so soone , and desire he will not expect we shall be so tame as to thinke him charitable that saith none of any other see but saint peters can be saved . (a) hist . trip. l. 8. ex zozomen . (b) propter discordiam ecclosiasticorum dogmatum . (c) forte hoc deo gratum magis esset . (d) magis timeat , i. e. be more humble , as fear by saint paul is opposed to high-mindednesse , and feare and trembling is by the greek fathers rendred humility . notes for div a45471-e43990 † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fol. 28. * answ . to c. 14. notes for div a45471-e55390 1. l. 5. c. 20. l. 3. c. 4.2 . l. 2. advers . crescon . c. 33. item ep . 118. item l. de unitate eccles . c. 22.3 . l. 4. c. 30.4 . l. 12. et est plenissima haec ostensio unam & eandem vivificatricem fidem , &c. irenaeus l. 3. c. 3. iren. l. 3. c. 4. augustin , ad honoratum manichaeum . * in conclus . of the power of the keyes, or, of binding and loosing hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1651 approx. 482 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 84 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45430 wing h569 estc r14534 12279466 ocm 12279466 58619 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45430) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58619) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 630:11) of the power of the keyes, or, of binding and loosing hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [11], 157 p. printed for richard royston ..., london : 1651. includes bibliographical references. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of the povver of the keyes : or , of binding and loosing . 1 cor. 11.31 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . london , printed for richard royston , at the angel in ivie-lane , 1651. the preface . that the prime act of power enstated by christ on his apostles , as for the governing of the church , ( and exorcising or banishing all devils out of it ) so for the effectual performing that great act of charity to mens souls , reducing pertinacious sinners to repentance , should be so either wholly dilapidated , or piteously deformed , as to continue in the church only under one of these two notions , either of an empty piece of formality , or of an engine of state , and secular contrivance , ( the true christian use of shaming sinners into reformation , being well-nigh vanished out of christendome ) might by an alien , or an heathens , much more by the pondering christian , be conceived very strange and unreasonable , were it not a title clear , that we are faln into those times of which it was foretold by two apostles , that in these last dayes , there should come scoffers , walking after their own lusts : the pride and contumacy ( which have almost become the genius ) of this prophane polluted age , heightning men to an atheistical fearlesse scoffing and scorning of all that pretends to work any cures , to lay any restraint on them , to rob them of any degree of that licentiousnesse , which is become the very religion , and doctrine of some ( under the disguise of christian liberty ) and ( the lord be merciful unto us ) the practise of most rankes of christian professors . this is the more sad & wounding a consideration , because it was antiently resolved , that christianity where-ever it entered in its purity , did plant all manner of exact and strict conscientious walking , all humility , meeknes , purity , peaceablenesse , justice , charity , sobriety , imaginable ; that wickednes and dissolution of manners was to be lookt on as the only heresie , ( and therefore simon magus , the nicolaitans , and gnosticks , with other their neerest followers , that led the van of hereticks in epiphanius , are notoriously known to have been persons of the most vitious , debauched , libidinous lives ) and good life revered as the only orthodox professor ▪ from whence ( as nothing can be more consequent , so ) i shall designe to inferre no farther conclusion , then onely this , that they which live ill in the profession of a most holy faith , ( or farther then so , embrace and disseminate doctrines which tend to the dissolution of mens lives , making the good spirit of god the author or cherisher of any of their unchristian enterprizes ) but especially they that discharge and banish out of the church those means which might help to make the generality of christians better , have the spirit of antichrist working in them , even when they think themselves most zealously busied in the beating down his kingdom . what those means are which might most effectually tend to the amending the lives of christians , i shal need no farther to interpose my judgement , then 1. by submitting it to christs , who put the keyes into the apostles hands , on purpose as a means to exemplifie the end of his coming , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. 18.11 . to save that which was lost , not to usurpe authority over the temporal power or sword , and like an apoplectick palsie-●it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to invade , or smite , or dissolve the sinews of civil government or peace , ( t is a most sacred truth , that the spiritual hand hath no manner of jurisdiction , nor was ever believed to have for the first 1100 years , over princes in their temporals ; and the composition of the anglican church most perfectly , i had almost said , peculiarly acknowledges it ) nor again to give an office of splendor or grandeur to the clergie , an authority valuable onely from the ability of hurting others , or magnifying our selves over them , ( which where it is pretended to , is indeed somewhat of the making of the heathen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that lorded it over gods heritage , served themselves , either their purses , or their ambitions , or their passions out of the subjects under them ) but as christ saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to administer charitably to them in the matters of the highest alloy , the divinest , valuablest charity of not suffering sin upon the brother , levit. 19. and 2. by minding my self and others , what the apostles say of this power , that it was given them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to build up the church of christ by it in general , and in particular 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to discipline them , whom no fairer means would work on , and teach them not to blaspheme in words or actions , to work them off from all lees of speculative , but especially of practical atheisme . that these are the [ not weak or carnal weapons of the churches warfare , but mighty to bring down every strong hold ] i. e. the most contumacious , stout , importunate sinner , that doth but acknowledge the truth of the gospel , i shall anon have leisure to shew you . in the mean , the only design of this praeloquium is , to awaken ( if it be possible ) the drousie world , and quicken them so far from the mortified , putrified state of sinne and stupidity , as to be willing but to hearken to christ himself when he comes but on a message of mercy to them , to redeem them from iniquity , and purifie to himself a possessed purchased people ( or the people which he had purchased for that one end , that they might be ) zealous of good works . if this general proposal , ( so pertinaciously decried by our actions ) might once be thought worth the hearing , then sure christs peculiar way and method of working this cure , would be thought of some use and advantage also ; not lookt on as a meer engine , or artifice of ambitious men , as they cannot be blamed to conceive it , who think it doth any way entrench on those regalities which are placed by god , i most willingly professe to believe , far above the reach of any humane authority , solo deo minores ; or else suppose it a tyrannizing , or triumphing over the most inferiour offender , ( he that can take any carnal or sensual pleasure in the exercise of those keyes , in the using that sharp engine of surgery , or ever draw it but in meer necessary charity , ( to edification , and not to destruction ) is one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sonnes of blood , not fit to be admitted on a common iury , much lesse advanced to be a spiritual iudge ) but as a most soveraigne medicinal recipe , that which hath the inscription of christ on it ; not as of a lord , but as a iesus ; not as a law-giver , but as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a saviour and a physitian of souls . and this peculiar way is the power of binding and loosing , ( the subject of this ensuing discourse ) which that it may be restored to its full vigor in this church again , and ( where ever sobriety shall advise ) by addition of penitential canons be reformed or regulated , and being put into the primative channel , may there be permi●ted to shew forth it self in the native purity and brightnesse , and so being ordered according to gods designation , obtain gods blessing to make it effectual to its end , ( the almost only piece of reformation which this church of england , as it hath been long , and as yet stands established by law , may justly be thought to stand in need of ) shall be the prayer of him , who professes to love and admire the beauty of this fabrick , even when it lyes polluted in its blood , and to wish no greater blessing to its dearest friends , or , for whom he daily prayes , most implacable enemies , then ( that of old ba●timaeus for himself , lord that they may receive their sight ) that the scales may fall off from all our eyes , that we may see and value what is so illustriously conspicuous , and ●stimable in it self , and not so blear our sight with the observation of the miscarriages in this kind as not to discern or value the designation ; which , if the abuses , and excesses , and mistakes ( that have crept in in that matter ) were timely discerned , and removed , and that which is christian and apostolical revived , and restored in prudence and sobriety , might yet again shew the world the use of that prelacy , which is now so zealously contemned , and recover at once the order and the estimation of it , set more saints on their knees in petitions for reducing and restoring , then ever imployed their hands toward the suppressing of it . i shall no longer need to detain the reader in his entrance , having no use of any popular topick to court , or get advantage on his affections , but desiring only to treat with his reason ( as that is elevated by christ ) his more noble masculine faculty , and 1. from the institution of christ , to shew him the benefit that will accrew to that better part of him , by continuing within subjection to this government : and 2. by the peculiarity of the fabrick of this excellent ( yet establisht ) church of england , to challenge the most sharp-sighted opposition to shew where the due execution of this power according to law can provoke him to any thing , but charity and gratitude , both to the saviour that designed , and to the prelate that is his angel in conveying this seasonable mercy to him ; and more generally , where , or in what point of conjunction , or motion , it can any way enterfere , or disturbe the civil interest . which it would be hard to affirm of any other national church in europe , which hath any power either of repressing hereticks , or of reforming , or but of shaming notorious offenders , left in it . the lord grant us unprejudicate honest hearts to judge uprightly of it , and every one of us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pretious ornament , 1 pet. 3.4 . ( in stead of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that bravery of hell in macarius , that the proud is so well pleased with ) i mean that meeknesse and quietnesse of spirit , to think some others may possibly discern betwixt good and evil , as well as our selves ; and when that prayer is once heard , i shal then suppose that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that hath given themistocles the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or preheminence over his fellows in the judgement of all posterity , ( viz. that every man named him next after himself ) will certainly end the present church-controversie of these sad times . a moderate episcopacy , with a standing assistant presbytery , and * every of those assigned his ful task and province of employment also ) being the onely fourth , which as it will certainly satisfie the desires of those whose pretensions are regular and moderate , ( having by their study of learning & christianity attained to some measure of that grace which aristonymus of old recites among the benefits of philosophy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) craving nothing more , and in many things lesse then the standing laws of the land allow them , so will it appear to be that which all other parties can best tolerate , and which next himself , both presbyterian , and independent , and erastian will make no question to chuse and prefer before any of the other pretenders . this , i conceive , is not by me magisterially dictated , but already demonstrated à posteriori , by the experience which the few last moneths have yeelded us , since the pretensions of the prelacy grew weaker , and of the other three more flattering and hopeful one against the other . where in every turn of the trembling motion , that which hath feared most to be supplanted by either of the other pretenders , hath been content to acknowledge , that their cost and industry in the eradication of prelacy , is not likely to be rewarded in this life , but with sorer pressures , or more dangerous loosnesse , then that which formerly they had mourned under . and for a demonstration à priori . i suppose it sufficient , if it be but calmely considered , that the several excellencies of the other three , by which they set themselves out amiable and desirable to admirer● or followers , ( the presbyterians sharpnesse and severity against all ignorance and sin , the independent zeale against mixt congregations , and the erastians care that the civil power may not be entrencht on , and that they that might receive benefit by the word and sacrament , should by no means be interdicted the use of them ) may all and each of them be found ( at least , as in mixture , refracted & ) compounded in this fourth : which to shew particularly , would require a length beyond the bounds of this preface , and on that civility to the reader , it is now omitted , as also that i may not seem to have mistaken the point of the present controversie ; which certainly among the quickest sharpest designers or managers of it , is not , what are the uses and excellencies of this power , but what the properest seat , who the fittest to be intrusted with it . one thing yet more there is , which in this matter will deserve to be considered , viz. the conscience of our sovereigne , in order both to our common duty to him , and to an honourable and durable peace , toward which how neer soever we conceive our selves advanced by providence , we cannot reasonably expect the sure blessing of god , to consummate and crown our hopes , if we doe not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the apostles phrase , i. e. use all the expedients , that any ambitious man would employ to the attaining his worldly designe , i mean , all that prudence will suggest , and sober christian conscience not reject , to the making up a happy compliance with him ; in a word , if we do not by all moderate lawfull means love and follow peace , and consider them who have the legal power over us . o that wee would know , at least in this our day , the things belonging to our peace , before that fatal voice go out , but now are they hid from your eyes . of the power of the keyes : or , of binding and loosing . for the clear stating of this point , there is but one method seasonable , ( because but one asterisme that hath any powerful influence upon it ) the conjunction of the severall passages in the new testament about the donation and exercise of this power . for in matters of christs institution , which have no foundation in the law of nature , it must needs be improper for reason to interpose and assert , or define what that accounts most agreeable , ( for that is to subject to our tribunal , not the acts of his justice , which god hath been willing to yeild us , isa . 5.3 . and ezek. 18.25 . and in them to appeal to our own reason , but the acts of his wisdome , ( for such are all his institutions ) which god will not allow us to judge , or dispute , rom. 9.20 . ) any farther then by discourse to conclude from the context , and words of that institution , what is most agreeable to the importance of those words , and by way of advice to direct us to compare our conceipts with the doctrines of those , who were nearest to the times of that institution , and might probably know more of it ( and be more instrumental to us for the deciding any difficulty ) then those that being farther removed , look on at that greater distance . and therefore , as in the businesse of the sacrament of the lords supper , the surest course to compose the controversies , and satisfie the scruples of men in that point , were to reduce it to its principles , and to resolve by consent to assert no more in that point ( as matter of faith at least ) then might be naturally and infallibly concluded from the places of scripture concerning the institution , use , and nature of that sacrament , or the antient primitive understanding of those places , and naturall deductions from them ( for the reducing of which operation to practice , an attempt hath been made in another place ) so will it be the most probable towardly course , i conceive , least subject to any dangerous mistake , to resolve and observe in this businesse . cap. i. sect. 1 and then the first thing observeable will be , that the three onely places to be met with in the gospel concerning this institution ( matth. 16.19 . matth. 18.18 . joh. 20.23 . ) are no two of them fully parallel to one another , or coincident ; i meane , no two of them narrations of the same one speech of christ , but ( as by the occasion and circumstances of time and place it will appear ) each delivered by christ at a severall time ; the first matth. 16.19 . was ( upon occasion of peters confession ) a promise of what should be conferred afterwards upon him by way of reward and encouragement [ i will ( not yet de presenti , i do ; but de futuro , i will ) give thee the keyes , &c. and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whatsoever thou shalt &c. ] the second matth. 18.18 . was an exemplifying of that glorious truth ver . 11. that christ came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to save that that was lost : upon the heeles of which bare assertion , followes first a parable , ver . 12.13.14 . ( a speciall piece of christs logick and rhetorick to prove popularly , and so to perswade ) and then v. 15. the institution of a piece of discipline perpetually to continue in the church of his plantation , as most eminently instrumentall to that designe , the reducing obstinate sinners to repentance . the consideration of which one thing , that these keyes , when christ was gone , were to continue imployed on that same great work , or designe , which brought christ into the world , the saving of such as were lost , will be able to set a competent value on this institution , and rescue it from the contempts and scornes , which the impious world is pleased to make its portion ; very agreeable to that greater stratagem of satan , who by complying with our wishes and our interests , easily prevailes with vitious men , to believe neither resurrection , nor judgement to come ; and this , as it is noted by the fathers , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the only beloved doctrine of the effeminate and voluptuous . the third place joh. 20.23 . is apparently part of christs speech to all his disciples ( after his resurrection , and his having confirm'd them all but thomas , in the truth of it , v. 20. ) and was a kind of farewell to his church , and an actuall inauguration , or consecration of them from disciples into apostles , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 disciples , v. 20. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent , v. 21. put together do import , ( and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they that were with them , luke 24.33 . doth not contradict , for there is no mention of these words , of binding and loosing in that gospel , and if there were , it would not follow that the power of binding was delivered to that mixt company , any more then the power from on high was promised to them v. 49. which surely belonged onely to the apostles , as will appear by the words immediately precedent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being rightly interpreted , [ and be ye witnesses of these things ] i. e. of his death and resurrection , which we know was peculiarly the office of the apostles ; ) which being a solemne donation was set out by a speciall ceremony , viz. that of christs breathing upon them , a significant one to expresse the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the eternall breath or spirit of god , which he would suddenly poure on them , and for it * prepares them by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , receive the holy ghost ( which were the words annext to that ceremony , the words of consecration , the same that we now retain in the ordination of a priest ) whose sins you do remit , ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if you doe remit any mens sins ) they are remitted to them , and if you do retain any , they are retained . from all which three places thus compared , the first generall sect. 2 result is this , that the power of binding and loosing is a solemn priviledge or a prerogative of the church of christ , thrice insisted on by our saviour . 1. by way of prediction , that he would conferre it , matth. 16. then secondly , by way of a more particular description of the manner , and direction for the end and use of it , matth. 18. and thirdly , by a preparatory ●ind of instating them in this power , an initial investing them with this sacred ghostly authority , joh. 20. ( immediately before his final departure from the world ) which seemeth to have been b throughly perfected and compleated , when after his ascension the holy ghost did visibly descend upon those to whom these words were by christ then delivered , [ receive the holy ghost , &c. ] this formal compleat instating of this power ( of binding and loosing ) upon them , and not only the giving of those gifts of tongues , &c. being a main branch and effect of this descending , and their receiving of the holy ghost , according to that of isa . 32. if you compare ver . 1. of the [ king and princes ruling in judgment , prophetically intimating christ and his apostles ] with ver . 15. & 16. where the descent of the spirit is mentioned as a preparative to the exercise of that judicative power . and so ephes . 4. he gave gifts unto men , v. 8. and gave some apostles , &c. v. 11. and this i conceive will direct us to the importance of those words , luke 24.49 . [ i send the promise of my father upon you ] so as they may be parallel with this place , joh. 20.23 . receive the holy ghost . no doubt that promise of the father was the holy ghost , joh. 15.26 . and the [ i send upon you ] ( both as a verbum ●olenne , i send , i. e. i instate on you ; and that in the present , i send , not in the future , i will send ) all one with the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , receive him ] and so the power from on high , in the end of the verse , clearly signifies that visible mission of the holy ghost , which they were to expect , as the means of compleating this donation : and so 't is clear by comparing it with act. 1.4 . & 8. where the same phrase are used . and therefore joh. 20.21 . immediately before the [ receive the holy ghost ] he saith , as my father sent me , so send i you ; intimating that as at his mission to his office he was anointed with the holy ghost , act. 10.38 . viz. upon his baptisme , luk. 3.23 . ( whereupon 't is said , that he by the spirit cast out devils , mat. 12.18 . which is clearly symbolical , and parallel to his loosing , or remission of sinnes ) so the apostles at their mission , or entrance on their power , should be anointed also . cap. ii. having proceeded thus far by way of generall precognition , sect. 1 that which is behind , will , i conceive , be most intelligible , if it be reduced to these few heads . 1. on whom this power was bestowed . 2. in what it consists . 3. to what use 't is designed , and to what sort of men it belongs objectivè , or who are to be bound and loosed . 4. what is the reall effect of it , or what conjunction it hath with binding and loosing in heaven . for the first , though to him that considereth the place of sect. 2 matth. 18. alone by it selfe ( which is an obscure place ) the matter be not so cleare to whom this power was given by christ , and though thereupon some mistakes have arisen , and occasion of conceiting this power of binding , &c. to be instated by christ on the whole aggregate of any particular church , yet surely the matter will be sufficiently clear , if ( as it is most reasonable ) we first allow that obscure place leave to borrow light from the two other most evident ones ( and not obscure the more evident by that : ) and secondly ( after we have brought that light to it ) observe , what glimmerings of light we shall be able to discern ( by that help ) even in that obscure place it selfe , which will ( as the weak light of the moon , with that treasure of light , borrowed from the sun , added to it ) become by this meanes exceeding lightsome . for although these three places are not parallel one to the other , in respect of the times and occasions of delivering them , and other circumstances , yet there is no doubt , but they belong all to the same generall matter , the power of binding , &c. and that being ( as it is apparent even by that of matth. 18.18 . ) instated not on the whole world , or community of men , but determinated to some peculiar subject , there is all reason to resolve that that subject , though diversly exprest , is yet the same in all those places , unlesse some evidence of scripture or authentick testimony of antient church , or practise shall demonstrate the contrary ; which that it doth not , will ( as far as concerns the scripture , which deserves our first search ) be thus cleared by considering the severall places . and first matth. 16.19 . which was occasioned thus ; christ sect. 3 examining his disciples what opinion they had of him , is answered by simon , that he was the christ , the messias , the sonne of the living god , vers . 16. upon which christ pronounceth him a blessed person , as having received the supernatural gift of faith from god himselfe , which no humane means could have helpt him to , and upon this , changes his name from simon bar-jona ( the only name he had , vers . 17. ) to cephas in syriack , that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek , or as homer and other good authors , and ( which beares most affinitie with the dialect of this book ) the author of the second book of mac. cap. 4.31 . used it in the masculine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying a rock or stone , to intimate that he should be ( as a foundation or strong rocky stone in a building is a principall ingredient in the building , and a meanes of the future stability of it , matth. 7.25 . the storme and flouds and winds came upon it , and it fell not , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it was founded on such a firme rocky stone ) a principal part , call it foundation , or rocke , or pillar of that church of christians , which partly by this confession of his , here recorded to all posterity , and partly by his future teaching , he should be a meanes to erect for christs service : and then being so glorious an instument of converting so many , christ is pleased to give him the keyes of this kingdome ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophyl . in mat. 16. authoritatively he gave him the keyes , as his father had done the revelation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as he goes on , a power of binding and loosing , &c. so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the pardoning and punishing of sinnes , in a word , is spirituall grace or power , or jurisdiction over these future converts of his ( as generally in the apostles times , and after , he that converted any country or chiefe city in his apostleship , was setled as their bishop or governour in spirituall matters , and so continued all his life , unlesse having setled them , he thought good to commit that office , and power to some body else , that so he might be the more free to go and preach and convert more ) though not as yet , because they were not by him as yet converted , yet by way of promise in diem to be performed , when time should serve ; i will give thee the keyes , and whatsoever thou shalt bind , &c. the summe is , peter was to be an apostle , and to do wonders in converting whole nations to christ , and among those whom he thus converted , christ promises that he should have a jurisdiction , a power to govern , and discipline , and censure , as there should be occasion in those churches . this being thus promised to peter , as a chiefe apostle , and sect. 4 confessour of christs , not exclusivè by way of exclusion , that none should have this power but he , but honorificè by way of honour mentioned first to him by the priviledge of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of being ( as i conceive he was ) the first that was call'd , but more peculiarly as a reward of his notable confession , v. 16. is by christ a little before his parting from the world , after his resurrection joh. 20.23 . actually instated both on him , and c the rest of the apostles , who were to ioyne in the same office with him of begetting unto christ , and educating those which were so begotten , of converting and preserving , or governing , and in order to that end were to have their severall provinces assigned them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith chrys . every of them his distinct part ) for preaching first , as afterward for jurisdiction , which i shall adventure to affirme not improbable to be the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to go to his own place act. 1.25 . applying it not to judas , but to matthias , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him that should be chosen , and so againe most probably of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the part , or lot , or portion of ministery and apostleship , in the beginning of the verse , ( the former of them belonging to the office of preaching peculiarly , the latter to that of governing also ) distributed to each , either by lot , or by joynt consent , and designement of that great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the colledge of the apostles ; it being most proper and according to analogy , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those which had laboured and toyl'd in the word and doctrine , for the converting and begetting men to christ , should be also thought worthy of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elder brothers priviledge and prerogative , to be rulers or masters of the family after the fathers departure , and so be endued with a paternal power of chastisements ( i. e. discipline ) and government for the keeping of them in some compasse , within the terms of a peaceable , holy , d truly-christian congregation ; and therefore after the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joh. 20.21 . i send you ) ( the forme of words that made th●m apostles answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nuntio's , messengers among the jewes , and not farre unlike to the proconsuls sent out , though on a quite distant arrant of secular power , among the romans ) immediately follows the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he breathed on them ( proportionable to god's course of making a living soul , gen. 2. v. 2. by breathing on him the breath of life ) and said , receive the holy ghost , if you remit any mens sinnes , they are remitted ; if you retain , they are retained ; which words were apparently delivered , ( and in them this power ) to as many as were breathed on , i. e. to as many as were e sent by christ , and indeed to no more , unlesse either first by way of communication from them to their successours , or secondly by speciall immediate vocation from heaven , by the bath col , as the hebrewes phrase is , the daughter of thunder , i. e. voice from heaven sent to consecrate them . thus st paul who was none of the twelve , yet speaking of the power of excommunicating , saith , it was given to him ( to him not as a successour of the apostles , but to him as one called immediately from heaven ) by the lord , or by christ , 2 cor. 13.10 . in a word , it was by christ immediately then given to the apostles all and each of them , and to none else , till matthias was received into the place of judas , and st paul was afterward extraordinarily designed , and called unto the same office , together with barnabas , act. 13.12 . proportionably it may seem to what befell the twelve patriarchs , ephraim and manasses being taken in● , in josephs stead that died , as these two in the place of james the brother of john , who was cut off , before he came to do that work to which he was sent , the preaching to all nations . sect. 5 those two places thus agreeing on the subjects of this power , or objects of this donation , 't is already more then probable , that the third witnesse producible will agree with those two , or if it seem otherwise , sure 't will not be thought reasonable , that these two shall be forced and violenced to consent to that , which is but an alien sense , by some interpreters imposed upon that third . sect. 6 this third place i shall set down at large , because i acknowledge there is some difficulty in it , matt. 18.15 . if thy brother shall offend against thee , it seems the place belongs not ( primarily , but onely paritate rationis , by analogie of reason ) ●o all sins in the latitude , but peculiarly , to trespasses or personal injuries done by one brother , one christian to another ; as besides the expresse words v. 15. ( if thy brother trespasse against thee ) is more clear by s. peters question to the same purpose , v. 21. ( how oft shall my brother trespasse against me , and i forgive him ? ) go and reprove him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. either reprehend him for it , ( as the word is used sometimes when 't is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chasten or discipline , heb. 12.5 . apoc. 3.19 . or again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , f make him sensible of the wrong he hath done thee , or as it may be rendred , g make him ashamed of his fact ) betwixt thee and him alone , ( i. e. do thy best by private admonitions to bring him to a sense ) if he heare thee ( be thus wrought on ) thou hast gain'd thy brother , gain'd him , first to thy self ( gotten a friend in stead of an enemy : ) and secondly to christ , gained a convert , a proselyte to him , and this also a great acquisition to thee , to have had the honour of doing that glorious thing , and of being capable of the reward of them , that convert any to righteousnesse . but if he heare thee not , if this first method of thy charity , and sect. 7 discipline of this calmer making succeed not , another assay must be made , another artifice used , take with thee ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 farther , or over and above ) one , or two , that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established , i. e. that the thing which thou lai●st to his charge , be so confirmed ; according to that , joh. 8.17 . the testimony of two men is true , i. e. of sufficient authority in law ( according to an hebraisme , whereby 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 true , among the greek translators signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fit to be credited ) that so either by the testimony of these as witnesses , he may no longer be able to deny the fact ( as heb. 6.16 . an oath is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ for establishing , or confirmation , in that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an end of affirming & denying . the thing so establisht ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by oath , cannot be denyed , or the parties denial will longer stand him in stead ) or by authority of these he may be induced ( as the judge is on the accused , deut. 10.19 . heb. 10.28 . ) to give sentence on , to condemne himself ; which if it may be obtained , is the prime end of all these charitable artifices , to bring the injurious to a sight and shame , the best preparatives to reformation ; to which purpose is that of tertullian , apol. c. 39. disciplinam praeceptorum inculcationibus densamus , we thicken the doctrine of precepts with waies of inculcating , i. e. presse them to reformation , whom our doctrine will not prevail on ; where he mentions these three degrees , exhortationes , castigationes , censura ; exhortations , and chastisements , and then censure . sect. 8 by what hath been said of this place , and in it by observing the method of the first and second admonition , you will by the way understand the meaning of that obscure verse in st paul , 2 cor. 13.1 . this third time i come unto you , in the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every word be established , &c. it refers clearly to this usage of the second admonition . st paul had written before , which was as it were the first single admonition , which v. 2. he cals ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i told you formerly ; ) but that prevailing not , at his third coming ( which it seems was his second medling with this matter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i foretell you the second time , ver . 2. he doth that which is answerable to the taking with him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one or two more , as appears by the addition of these very words which are in matth. [ in the mouth of two or three witnesses , &c. ] which is , you see , the stile and character of the second admonition . this by the way . sect. 9 but if he hear not them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if he be still refractary , either through non-conviction of the fact , or non-contrition for it ) if this second admonition be not in event 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 cor. 13.10 to edification , or instruction , if it work not on him , then tell it to the church , ( i shall tell you what that is presently ) and if he hear not the church ( continue his refractarinesse still ) let him be unto thee as a heathen or a publican ] which may possibly signifie , that in that case thou hast liberty to implead him , as thou wouldst do any heathen , in any foreign heathen court , for that injury , that trespasse done to thee , which was at the first mentioned . for certainly though it were unlawful for a christian , both here , and 1 cor. 6.1 . to implead a christian for a personall trespasse before a heathen tribunal , yet to deal thus with a heathen ( or publican which was in account the same ) was not either by christ , or the apostle counted unlawful ( but only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. christian with christian , v. 6. ) and consequently with a perverse refractary brother , whom you see christ gives leave to account and deal with , as with a heathen or publican , it would not be unlawful also . but another interpretation i shall not doubt to propose to you , that by heathen and publican may be meant a desperate deplored sinner , such as the rabbins call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sinner , as in the gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a deplored sinner ; thus in musar , if he will not then , ( i. e. when two or three friends have been taken to be present at his admonition ) be reconciled , go and leave him to himself ; for such an one is implacable , and is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of whom again 't is there said , si nec hoc modo quicquam profecerit , i. e. adhibitis amicis , if this second admonition doe no good , debet eum pudefacere coram multis , he must be ashamed before many , ( which may be the meaning of dic ecclesiae , tell it to the church , as will anon appear by 1 tim. 5.10 . ) and this interpretation of that phrase will seem most probable , if you mark 1. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publicans and sinners are frequently joyned together in the gospel , as once publicans and harlots , those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sinner-women . 2. that the heathen are call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sinners , as when 't is said that christ was by the jews delivered into the hands of sinners , i. e. romans heathen , and in st paul [ not sinners of the gentiles : ] and then those words , [ let him be to thee a heathen and a publican ] will sound no more , but [ give him over as a desperate deplored sinner , ] to whom those priviledges of a christian ( viz. of not being impleaded before an heathen tribunal ) &c. do not belong , i. e. leave him to himself . this sure is the simplest rendring of the place ; and then he that is such , that is capable of that denomination , is certainly fit , and ripe for the censures of the church , which follow in the next verse , ●nd are appointed to go out against this refractory incorrigible . for so immediately it follows , verily i say unto you : who are sect. 10 those you ? why 1. in the plurall number [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] secondly ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to you disciples ( for so in the first verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the disciples came to him with a question , and v. 3. he said , verily i say to you , i. e. to you disciples , and v. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what do you think ? asking the disciples , or appealing to their own judgement , and so still the same auditors continued , and his speech addrest to them , i say unto you disciples ) whatsoever you shall bind on earth , &c. sect. 11 after this , it follows v. 19. again i say unto you , that if two of you shall agree upon earth , &c. ] many false illations are by men of different perswasions made from these words , which will all vanish , i conceive , and the truth be dis-involved , if the reader will not despise this one observation which i shall offer to him ; and it is this , that the method oft-times used in scripture is , ( when it hath proposed one or two severals to speak of ) to resume the last first , and so orderly to go back , till it come to the first , to which you may accommodate that expression , and description of gods method in other things . many that are last , are first ( the last in proposing , first in handling or resuming , ) and the first last . if there be two things mentioned one after another , and any occasion to adde any thing on each of them , then i say the observation is , that the scripture sometimes uses to resume the second first , and the first after that . and so if there be more then two . i said this was oft-times the manner and stile of scripture , and to make good my observation , i am a little obliged to go out of my way , and present you with some examples . three visible ones i shall offer you out of one book , the epistle to the hebrews . first , chap. 5. where in the foure first verses there are three things propounded of an high priest , 1. that he offer for sinne , and negotiate the cause of men with god. 2. that he be compassionate toward sinners , and to that end he himself infirme , and offer for himselfe as well as the people . 3. that he be called to this office by god himself . to these three the author speaks particularly ( and applies them to christ ) in the remainder of the chapter , by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the last , first , v. 5 , 6. so likewise christ glorified not himself to be made an high priest , &c. to the second next , v. 7. & 8. who in the dayes of his flesh offered up prayers , and supplications , prayers , and the ceremonies of petitioners ( for so h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies , olive branches , the embleme that petitioners used to have in their hands ) with strong crying and teares to him that was able to deliver him out of death , ( as when he commended his spirit into gods hands , and cryed with a loud voice , matth. 27.50 . mark 15.37 . luke 23.46 . at the delivering these words ) and i was heard , for , or by his piety , through the great ardency of that his prayer ( exprest both by the loud voice in three evangelists , and by the bodily worship , bowing of his head , in the fourth , joh. 19.30 . ) or as it may possibly signifie , he was delivered from his fear , i. e. from that which he feared and prayed against . and though he were a son , yet from the things he suffered , he learnt obedience , ( whether to god thus designing him to those sufferings , and to that office of hearing prayers , or to men , by giving them audience in their prayers , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , so to heare , as to answer a request . ) and then the author returns to the first , last , v. 9. being made perfect he became the author of eternall salvation , &c. thus secondly , heb. 9.1 . the author having named two things , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ordinances of worship , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he dilates first of the latter of them , v. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. for there was a tabernacle made , the first , &c. and after the second vaile , the tabernacle , &c. and over it the cherubims of glory shadowing the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ( not mercy-seat , but ) k covering of the arke , &c. all these belonging to the second particular , and then afterwards he comes back to the former , the ordinances of worship , v. 6. now ●hen these things were thus ordain'd , the priest went alwaies , &c. so thirdly , chap. 10.33 . the author having mentioned two acts of suffering in them , the first personall in themselves , by reproaches , and afflictions , the second by way of sympathy with their apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partakers with , or relievers of others that were so tossed ; in the next verse he resumes both again , but first the latter , for ye had compassion of me in my bands , ver . 34. and then secondly the former , took joyfully the spoyling of your goods . this is farther evidenced by an example in this gospel , matth. 5.6 . give not that which is holy unto dogs , neither cast your pearls before swine , lest they tread them under their feet , and turning again , tear and rend thee . where there is no doubt , but the former of these latter speeches belongs to the latter of the former , and the latter of the latter to the former of the former ; per modum regressus , by way of going backward thus , lest the swine tread the pearls under their feet , and lest the dogs rend and tear thee . for it is not the manner of swine to fall upon men , and tear them , but of dogs it is ; and it is not the manner of dogs to tread a thing under their feet , but of swine it is ; so the 2 cor. 2.15 . st paul having mentioned the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first , and then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , them that are saved , and them that perish ; he goes back , ver . 16. first to the latter of them , to those a savour of death unto death , but to these a savour of life unto life ; so in the epistle to philemon v. 5. hearing of thy love , and faith which thou hast towards the lord jesus , and towards all the saints ; 't is apparent that the lord jesus is the object of the faith , and the [ all saints ] the object of the love . so again rom. 14. having set down two heads of discourse , that the strong should not set at nought the weake ; nor secondly the weake judge or condemne the strong , v. 3. he resumes the latter first , v. 4. who art thou that judgest ? and then v , 10. returns to the former , and thou why dost thou set at nought thy brother ? so matth. 23.25 . christ having mention'd first the outside of the cup or platter , then the inside , v. 26. he returns first to the cleansing of the inside , then the outside of it . so 1 cor. 6.11 . after the generall of washing , which contains the two subsequent , sanctifying and justifying ; the mention of our lord jesus christ , which is first named , must belong to the latter of the two , that of justification ; and the spirit of our god to the former , that of sanctifying . other examples of this observation i shall leave the reader sect. 12 to observe , when he reads the scripture more ponderingly , and only proceed to help him to take notice of it in the point in hand . three cases , it is apparent , are here mention'd orderly by our saviour in the matter of trespasse , 1. telling the trespasser of his fault between him and thee alone . secondly , taking one or two with thee , to do it more convincingly , and with greater authority . thirdly , telling the church of it . having said somewhat to each of these , as he delivered them in the three first verses , 15 , 16 , 17. he resumes the matter again , and speakes first to the last of them , v. 18. telling them , what , after the not succeeding of the third admonition , the apostles and their successors are to doe , when the cognizance of this injury and contumacy comes before them ( which , that in every case of trespasse , it alwayes should , i conceive , doth not hence appear to be necessary , save only in case that the magistrate or secular tribunal be heathen , because that supposition may perhaps be the ground of the sit tibi ethnicus , on which the other is superstructed ) viz. excommunicate such a refractary till reformation , and then upon that , absolve him again , and [ verily i say unto you , whatsoever you shall bind on earth , &c. ] from this view it is not irrational to conclude , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church and the disciples ( considered prophetically under the notion of apostles , i. e. founders first , then governours of churches ) may in that place signifie the same thing . so saith st chrysost . in mat. hom. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tell it to the church , i. e. to the presidents and rulers of it ; and theophyl . in mat. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the church for the rulers of the church ; to which purpose it is observable , what kimchi a jewish learned rabbi hath affirmed , that the governours , and rulers are oft meant by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or congregation ; and so philo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the congregation is the priests . agreeable to which is the inscription of the ancient apostolical epistle of clemens romanus to the corinthians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of god that dwels at rome , meaning , i conceive by the title [ the church ] himself ( who wrote the epistle , and was chief there , or bishop at that time ) and the other clergy with him ; for so the other part of the inscription [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the church of god at corinth ] is after explained by him , in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the bishops , and deacons ; but if this will not be acknowledged , then by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i shal give you leave to understand any meeting or congregation of pious men , either a consessus presbyterorum , a colledge of presbyters , which were ordinarily assistant to the bishop in the antient church , or possibly the whole or any part of the people convened , whose authority or consent may work somewhat upon the offender , as st paul conceives it were apt to doe , when he commands timothy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to rebuke the offenders before all men , i. e. in the presence of the community of the people , 1 tim. 5.20 . and perhaps when he speaks of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 cor. 2.6 . the rebuke that was by or under the many , though it be not certain whether that signifie the chastisement , ( as our english reads ) punishment and censure inflicted by the presbyterie , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under them , those assisting or joyning in the censure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts of canonical severity , ( which in case of sorrow and relenting of the offender upon rebuke , or admonition before ejection out of the church , were wont to be thought sufficient without excommunication , and after excommunication , as in this place to the corinthians , if they were submitted to , were sufficient , though not presently to restore him to the communion , yet to make him capable of being prayed for by the church , 1 joh. 5.16 . and to be delivered from the stripes of satan , the diseases that the delivering to satan in the apostles times brought upon them ; ) or whether , as the words may be rendred , it import the rebuke , or reproof , viz. the third admonition , ( or the second given by the bishop , which was equivalent to that ) which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under , or in the presence of many , viz. of the people or congregation . the former of these senses seems more agreeable to the place to the cor. the latter rather to belong to that in the 1 tim. and so that which even now in musar was coram multis , before many , and in s. paul ( if not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under many , yet ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the presence of all men , christ may here expresse by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the church . this interpretation being admitted , or not rejected , it then follows commodiously , and reasonably in the text of the evangelist , that after the matter is brought to them ( i. e. to those many ) or after this act of reproofe , or rebuke before them , & upon continued refractarinesse to these last admonitions , then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that sure is ) the apostles or governors of the church , the pastors , ( which cannot be in any reason excluded from under the former word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church , whatsoever it signifies ) and those already promised this power , chap. 16. may , or shall bind , or excommunicate them . and that is the summe of the 18. v. in reference to the 17. and then v. 19. again i say unto you , ( or as a very l antient manuscript , and some printed copies read it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , again verily i say unto you , that second verily noting the speech to be of a new matter ) that if two of you shall agree upon the earth , or here below , ( in reference to the second thing mention'd , v. 16. take with you one or two ) concerning any thing , which they shall aske , it shall be done unto them of my father , &c. for where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am i in the midst of them , which words are brought to give authority to the solemn admonitions of the second order ( addrest by the injur'd man , accompanied with one or two assistants or witnesses to inforce them ) by telling them , that as the consessus trium virorum , the assize of three men among the jewes had some power ; so shall any two or three christians be considerable in this matter , having the priviledge of gods presence , as in their prayers thus united , so also in this act of united admonition ; for , first , god is to be thought to be in the midst of them , ( as that fourth person added to the three children in the furnace , and the face of that fourth like the son of god ) to be present with them ( as it is 1 cor. 5.4 . ) in this his ordinance , in this piece of discipline apointed by him ; whereupon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the refractarinesse of the transgressor is become so much the greater in this case ; and besides , secondly , if upon admonition , they shall be hearkned to , it will be in their power to pray for the penitent trespasser , ( as james 5.16 . ) and that prayer of theirs joyned with the injured person is likely to be more effectuall then a single prayer , and so in both these respects a greater weight is set on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the taking of one , or two with him . thus having returned to the second of the three , in the second place , and dispatched that , the method would direct to go on to the first again in the third place ; but in stead of that , st peter it seems asks again about it , how long a man is to forgive private injuries ; and the answer in the following words supplieth the place of having proceeded to that , and serves for the conclusion of the whole matter . the result then of this whole chapter is this , that of the sect. 13 three places of the gospel , concerning the donation of the power of binding , and loosing , two of them at the first sight most clearly convince , this power to be given to the apostles , as governors of the church , ( which will not be communicable to any , but either to others that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also , set apart to the office , immediately by christ , or to their successours , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in mat. 18. ) and the third upon a thorough consideration doth the same also . for this we have the plain testimony of theophylact on that place mat. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the power of binding and loosing was given to all the apostles ; when ? why , when he said , whose sins ye remit , they are remitted , &c. i. e. in this place of st john : and again , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . [ and i will give ] it signifies the future , i. e. the time after the resurrection , which is that in s. john also ; and again on mat. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where the binding in s. mat. and the remitting in s. john are put together , as belonging to the same matter : and it is confirm'd by no mean authority , that of s. paul himself , of himself , 2 cor. 13.10 . where speaking of these censures , ( noted there by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 using excision , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is all one , and which , it seems , he as an apostle was to use among them , he , not the congregation ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i will not spare ) he addeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the power that christ hath given me , ( which sure was not peculiar to him , but common to the rest of the apostles , which had it before him , and in a more ordinary way ) and ver . 3. he distinctly calls it , christ speaking in him , a high expression , making every such act of judicature in him , an act of christ . cap. iii. sect. 1 the only difficulty remaining in the point , will be , who are the apostles successors in that power ; and when the question is asked of that power , i must be understood of the power of governing the church peculiarly ( of which the power of the keyes was , and is a principal branch ) for it must again be remembred , that the apostles are to be considered under a double notion : 1. as planters , then as governors of the church . the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in its literall notation of missus , sent , ( embassadour or messenger ) belongs peculiarly to the former of these , and so though it have some extraordinary privileges annext to it , necessary to the work of planting , ( as the gift of tongues , the power of working miracles ) which ennobles it beyond the order of governours in the churches since their plantation , yet in the persons of the apostles , it was but a precedaneous power , preparatory to that other of ruling , or governing , which no doubt is the reason that chrysost . calls ignatius the martyr , both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an apostle and bishop , and perhaps is the meaning of that saying of an anonymus writer , in m photius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the apostle timothy was by st paul ordained , and enthronized , or seated bishop of the metropolis of the ephesians , i. e. that he that had helped to plant churches , and so was an apostle sent out to that purpose , was at length ordained bishop to govern that of ephesus being planted . which distinction being premised ' , the question will now more easily be satisfied , being proposed in these terms , [ who were the apostles successors in that power , which concerned the governing these churches which they had planted ] and 1. i answer , that it being a matter of fact , or story , later then that the scripture can universally reach to it , cannot be fully satisfied , or answered from thence , any further then the persons of timothy or titus , &c. and the severall angels of the churches in the apocalypse ( who are acknowledged by all the antients to be single persons , that had power over all others in those churches , ) but will in the full latitude through the universal church in those times , be made clear from the next evidences , that we have , viz. from the consent of the greek and latine fathers , who generally resolve , that bishops are those successors . this i shall not be so unreasonable as to attempt to prove at large through the writings of those fathers , but content my self with one or two of the first of them . of this number i conceive the testimony of clemens romanus sect. 2 in his epistle to the corinth . ( which hath been so often of late produced ) might to any disinteressed person be allowed to have some force in it ; where speaking of the apostles , he saith , that they foreseeing that there would be contention and emulation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the name , or ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may denote , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) dignity of bishops or episcopacy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for i doubt not but that is the reading , and the sense there ) they set down a list , or continuation of successors , ( as when hesychius , ( and out of him varinus ) renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps it may be a false print , as there be many in the edition of that book , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but howsoever the analogy from thence will extend to this also , that as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inheritance , or succession ) that when any dyed such a certain person should succeed him . to which affirmation of clemens , when i have added ( that which all ecclesiasticall stories have made familiar to us ) that there were preserved in several churches such n rols and catalogues of bishops beginning from the apostles in each see , i shall conceive that that of clemens was a pertinent testimony to this purpose ; especially when the voice of antiquity is so clear , that o clemens himself was one of those bishops ( an adjutor of the apostles in their life time , and after the departure of linus , and cletus , the onely one that retained the name of bishop in rome , all others being stiled presbyters only ) that p vedelius at geneva hath at large acknowledged it , exercit. in ignat. ignat. epist . ad mar. cassabol . c. 3. sect. 3 after clemens ( an assertor at once , and example of this truth ) i must next appeal to the martyr ignatius himself also bishop of antioch , that lived in the apostles age , and is by the enemies of episcopacy discerned to be so full a treasure of this truth ( and of others in this kind ) in so many notable passages , that there hath been no way ( imaginable by those who resolve to have it otherwise ) to resist the plainnesse of his authorities ; but first by q scoffes and defamations ; secondly , by r confident rejecting of our whole volume of his epistles , as spurious , and of a latter birth ; and thirdly , by some very slender shewes of proof , that they are so . one special of this sort ( which i see lately made use of by salmasius , and for which it ſ now appears he was beholding to a sight of blundels book , not then printed ) i shall mention to remove prejudices , and it is this ; that in the epistle to the magnesians , he distinctly calls episcopacy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which , saith that learned grammarian , signifies it to be a new order , and he attempts to prove it , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , cannot be referred to the age ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , agreeable whereunto he interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 tim. 2.22 . to be novae , or novarum rerum cupiditates , new desires , or of new things . the dealing of this learned grammarian in this businesse will sect. 4 be sufficiently strange to him , that considers the whole matter . i shall only ( in passing ) give some few hints of judging it , by telling you first , that the generality of copies read not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the youth of the bishop ( and no one of the greek editions hath so much as mention'd any various lection in that place , till now the florentine or laurentian copy hath given us that variety . ) secondly , that the whole context of the epistle drives to this of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as even this author confesses , by saying , that he perswades them to receive their bishop , and give him honour , quamvis aetate juniori , though he were younger then they , and again that he goes on to tell them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it becomes them not to be too familiar with the age of their bishop . but then besides this , thirdly , the vulgar , and even geneva edition reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , back it with citation of places of scripture pertinent only to that sense , as that wisdome is not alwayes with the hoary hair , &c. fourthly , that other reading is not avowed by , or cited from any greek manuscript , but onely that in the laurentiana bibliotheca , and the old latine , made use of by the most reverend primate of armach , which is directly translated out of it , and so doth not at all adde to the authority . but then fifthly , if that reading of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be acknowledged , yet would it conclude nothing against the order of bishops in those first times . for 1. what if it were a new order in ignatius his time ? that were pretty antient , ignatius living with the apostles ; for that it was written by some body else above 200. years after christ , wil want some other probation . secondly , there is no necessity that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie a new order , for although , as he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not signifie age , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 young , but may be interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new , &c. yet we are not bound to accept that interpretation of it , when the context of the epistle belongs to another matter , and when another interpretation of this phrase may be given , which ( if that reading were acknowledged ) wil reconcile all difficulties ; for why may not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie ordination ? and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that , that belongs to a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a young man , and so it shall be the ordination of a young man , or a young mans being bishop , which might have been apt to provoke contempt in inferiors , if that good martyr had not fortified them against that temptation . and lastly for the interpretation of that place of s. paul to timothy , it is so new , and so irrationally preferred before the ordinary one , that one may justly conclude , 't was prejudice , and willingnesse to find an example for his novelty , that made him think of this ; for why should not the lusts ( there appointed to be avoided ) be youthfull lusts , or such as young men are subject to ? why new lusts ; or desires of new things ? were not the old ordinary lusts ( so frequent among young men ) fit enough to be avoided ? might any other be enjoyed , so they were not new ? i am sorry i have insisted so long on so weak an objection , and yet it is the best that that learned man ( so much looked on , and believed in this matter by those who desire change ) hath produced , on which to build a●l his confidence , that those epistles are not ignatius's : and 't is a little strange that another learned man t and. rivet should speak of episcopacy as of a novell order , and adde [ sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut loquitur ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] making ignatius to say this , which if he doth , then is not only his illustriss . salmatius deceived , but also episcopacy must be acknowledged in ignatius's time , in which if it were acknowledged to be novel , it will still be antient enough ; and so 't is indeed by that author confest ( perhaps by incogitancy ) in the next page , when he acknowledges , that the custome of presbyters joyning with the bishop in imposition of hands on a presbyter ( which sure is to suppose , not to deny the office of bishops ) ex veteris aevi reliquiis mansit , and specifies what age he means , by [ juxta illud apostoli per impositionem manuum presbyterii ] wherein yet it had been more ingenuous to have rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum , and not have chang'd it into per , quite contrary to the text ; but this by the way . as for that other argument added by salmasius , that in that epistle to the magnesians there is mention of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as when he saith that christ was not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by which he concludes that epistle writen after valentinus , whose idiom that was ; if the argumemt were concluding , ( as v is . vossius in his late edition hath sufficently proved it is not ) it cannot sure be in force against us , who find no such thing in our former greek copies ; or , if we did , could readily acknowledge any such passage to be supposititious , and those few words taken into the text out of the margent , without casting away the whole volume of epistles in that fit of jealousie , or rage ; if i could discerne in that writer any other sh●w of argument against that general opinion , which the christian world hath had of these epistles , i should proceed to the weighing of it . but now upon the edition of blondels book ( out of which salmasius only brought us some gleanings ) we find a great deale of paines taken to cast off those epistles ; and it is very observable first , that he that hath taken in all the antient church-writers into his catalogue ( even hermas himselfe , without any note or character of apocryphal set upon him ) and out of each of them laboured ( though very improsperously ) to gather some honey to his hive , some word or other , that might look like an accordance with that opinion which he asserts out of st hierome , and , it seemes , had skill enough to make even tertullian , irenaeus , and cyprian , ( and many others that have innumerable manifest places against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality of bishops and presbyters ) instrumental to his designe , was not able to find one sentence in ignatius , which might be perswaded to be usefull to him , and therefore hath exprest that severity on him , that he hath not thought reasonable on any other , even those which all antiquity hath rejected ; so partial and unequal is the mind of man , when that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that i say no worse ) hath the ruling of our counsels . the exceptions which this learned man hath made against ignatius being the author of those epistles , are 1. scriptionis genus affectatum , an affected kind of writing , pompous epithets ( which saith he , could not agree with an apostle , panting in the chaines of martyrs ) such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the very naming of which , i suppose , doth shew the frivolousnesse of the charge , and weaknesse of the inference from it ; for sure an authour may use compounded words , ( yea and words of his own making , as , i suppose , st paul's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is acknowledged to be , and yet many of these recited from those epistles are not ) without the crime of affectation , as well as st paul might his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like : and though a holy martyr in his chains may not be allowed the vanity of affectation as that hunts for glory from men , yet sure he may be allowed to have elevated affections , and by the command of them , to use expressions which are not vulgar & ordinary . the second is his barbarous words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which indeed are latine words made greek , but so there are many more in the new testament , in stead of those four charged on ignatius as barbarismes , these fifteen which are ready at hand to me , ( i will not take the pains to seek for others ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and many as latinizing ( i. e. barbarous ) phrases , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like . and 't is a little strange how this learned man hath minced this matter , confessing indeed that there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the gospel ( naming only one of so great a number ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hegesippus : and for the excuse of that one word in hegesippus , adding that he was at rome from the year 150 to 170. whereas this liberty might be allowed either ignatius , or hegesippus , without having been so long at rome , as wel as the writers of the new testament , which have three times more of such words then he cites out of both of them . the third is , severall passages , quae incommodè dicta videri possunt , which may seem incommodiously spoken , ( and if it be but [ seem , ] and that but [ may seem , ] and at last but [ incommodiously spoken , ] sure this charge will not wound deep ) & comparationes non exactae ad amussim , comparisons not drawn by the rule exactly , ( and truly the martyr that was not to be permitted to have the vanity to affect , might as well be thought not to have the leasure to take the line and the plummet , and delineate every expression so exactly ; but what are the miscarriages , and defects in this kinde ? why , that he calls the spirit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a cord , and faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the leader , whence , saith he , in ignatius's esteem , fidei potior quàm spiritus functio , faith hath a nobler office then the spirit . but why may not i more truly say , that the advantage in that comparison is given to the spirit , because that is said to draw , when faith doth lead only ? 't is certainly clear that his anger was very causlesse , who could quarrell at that doctrine , which is in effect no more then this , that the word of god apprehended by faith doth lead us our way to heaven , and the spirit of god is the cord to draw us thither . 2. that he calls his bands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spirituall jewels , in which he wishes he might rise , whereas , saith blondel , there is nothing properly spirituall in the bands which wicked men put on the body of a martyr , and no hope that he should rise in those bands . but sure his sufferings may be called his bands , and those be matter of joy , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to his spirit , more then all the gemmes to the most vain glorious worldling , and this be very commodiously exprest by those words , and then sure he might wish , ( though not hope ) ( and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no more ) to have this matter of joy continued to him , and so that he might rise with them . 3. that he uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so oft ; what a cruelty upon a patient martyr is this , not to give him leave to use such frequent innocent words as these frequently , as well as st paul is allowed the very same , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. these are certainly streined exceptions , the learned man was at great leasure to quarel , when this provocation was accepted . 4. that when baptisme is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 weapons , he calls faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as an hlmet ; love , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a spear ; patience , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a compleat armour . for x what , saith he , doth faith and love , &c. confer to him that is already armed by baptisme ? and if patience be the christians compleat armour , what new advantage hath he by having a helmet from faith ? but why may not baptisme be called weapons in the plurall , and every of those graces profest and vowed in baptisme , have their severall uses in the after life ? and sure the armour of baptisme is not so perfectly of proof , but that there is need of the exercise of every one of those christian virtues to hold out against the impressions of satan , which are like to be so oft repeated ; and if faith do not defend the head , and charity the heart , and patience and perseverance every part of the body , i. e. every action of the future life , that subtle enemy may chance to wound us mortally . as for the new advantage of faith to him that hath the compleat armour of patience , the author of that epistle saith no such thing , but on the other side first requires the helmet of faith , and then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of patience , that sure is the arming of all parts , which were not before armed , and that may go for an addition , as perseverance is to sanctity , and as our saviour saith of his believers , that he that endureth to the end shall be saved . 5. that 't is not likely that presently after ignatius comming into asia , bishops , presbyters , and deacons should be ordained ejus rogatu , at his intreaty , qui ad antiochinos asinorum gratulatorias epistòlas deferrent , who should carry the gratulatory epistles of the asians to the christians of antioch . i shall only say to this , 1. that they were ordained to some other end beside this , yet might perform that task also , and that very solemnly . 2. that a probable argument , or a conceived improbability against a narration of a matter of fact ( which relies not upon a confluence of all probabilities , but only on the authority of the relatour ) is of all other the most unconvincing ; there was nothing ever done 1600 years ago , but a good phansie will observe some improbability in it , and the matter of fact being still but one , when the possibilities which never did come to passe , are infinite , some one of those possibilities may perhaps become at a distance , to him that knows nothing of the fact ( but would perswade others that 't was never done ) tolerably probable also . 3. that he bids follow the bishop as christ did his father ; and the presbytery , ut apostolos , as the apostles , and saith that he that doth any thing clancularly without the bishops knowledge , is to be thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to serve the devil : whereupon , saith he , an episcopos ullos prerbyterorum comparatione dominos , imo deos à christi martyre habitos credere par est ? is it fit to believe that any bishops in comparison to presbyters should be counted lords , yea gods by that martyr of christ ? but sure this is to pervert and torment the sense of that martyr ; for to bid follow bishops as christ did his father , is far enough from making lords or gods of them : nay if the comparison were bound to hold that way , it were more proper to prove the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or equality of bishops and presbyters , for sure christ was equall with his father : and 't is observable that in the place of polycarp set down by this learned man , p. 15. when obedience is required to presbyters and deacons as to god and christ , he finds no fault with it , though that be the very thing actually said by polycarp of presbyters and deacons , that here he unjustly first imposes on , then accuses in ignatius's words of bishops , which yet are , onely for the manner of performing the obedience due to bishops , as christ obeyed his father , and cannot be extended to any equalizing the bishop to god , or the least appearance of doing so . 't were too long to go thorow , and render formal answers to the rest of the heap of exceptions , which are every one single so slight , and of no value ( and consequently the totall of them will not amount any higher , it being not in the power of 1000 probables to become one demonstration , or to be equipollent to one , much lesse of a few slight improbables ) that 't is clear the number of the exceptions was the thing depended on , and not the weight of them : witnesse these four more , that shut up the rear ; 1. that he saith that all pious men are changed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into a new leaven , which he thinks inconvenient , when st paul calls the godly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unleavened , whereas christ being by ignatius in the next words expressed to be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new leaven ; there is then nothing fit to be quarrel'd in it , unlesse to grow in grace , and the practise of all christian duties ( which is the meaning of that expression ) being an inconvenient advise . 2. that he bids fly to the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to the presbytery of the church , whereon having resolved that by the apostles he must mean the apostles writings , ( because in the ninth of trajan then past all the apostles were dead ) he concludes that the author of that saying makes no more of the apostles writings , then of the congregations of men subject to error . where in all sober reason and equality , if the apostles signifie the apostles writings , then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 need not signifie any other latter presbytery , but those apostles themselve , who when they wrote those writings , were the christian sanhed●in , or presbytery of the church , which was to decide all their controversies in religion . 3. that writing to polycarp , tanquam ad plebe●um nescio quem , as unto an ordinary person , he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , observe your bishop : as if forsooth the epistle written to polycarp might not be written to the church under him also , to whom 't is clear that plural precept [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] must belong , and not to any one man , though he were never such a plebeian . 4. that he saith he will flatter , nay , if they will not , force the wild beasts to kill him , which saith he is like the desperabunda saeculi mancipia , the most desperate slaves among the heathen . as if these fervent expressions of desire to suffer for christ were thus to be deformed , and charged against a pious man. after all this unprovoked severity , one act of grace and mercy these epistles are vouchsafed from this authour , viz. that he contains himself from making use of one passage which suppositionis earum argumentum videri possit , might seem an argument of the supposititiousnesse of them ; ( and yet no greater an argument then that [ multa quae incommodè dicta vider possunt ] made up a great number of arguments even now ) the passage is , that he disputed profestly against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that affirm'd christs , humanity to have been but an appearance , no reality ; for saith he , whether you make cass●an with baronius , or saturninus , basilides , and valentinus the antesignanos docetarum , the principal authors of that heresie , these being under adrian and antoninus pius , will appear to be after ignatius : having gone thus far , he comes off again , with a volens hoc argumento abstineo , he willingly abstains from using this argument ; because saith he , simon magus was before ignatius , and he , saith irenaeus , taught this doctrine of christs appearing only , not being a true man ; and that cassan , &c. were call'd the chief of them , must signifie , not that they were the first broachers , but in their times the chief maintainers and abetters of that heresie . this mercy , i confesse , was but seasonable , and had much of justice in it , and shews that that author was able to have answered his other arguments , if he had so pleased , particularly that which is made use of so confidently both by him and salmasius of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the valentian dialect , which is by isaacus vossius satisfied with this very answer which here blondel gives to the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. that valentinus was not the first that said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ortion , but that 't is agreed on by the antients , that he was not the founder of a new , but reviver of an old opini●n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith irenaeus , and other fathers to the same purpose as isaacus vossius hath collected their affirmation sin his annot. on the place . having gone thus far in rejecting these epistles , he is at last at leasure to remember and acknowledge , plenom illis ipsis , quas confictas putamus epistolis , fidem habere patres , that the fathers ( indefinitely , if not universally , and it seems he had no one to produce to the contrary , if he had , he would certainly have produced it , and with reason have depended on it more , then all these other topicks ) afforded a full plenary belief to these very epistles , which the two champions of the age salmasius and he think to be supposititious , [ putamus ] is but a poor word , salmasius could speak bigger on weaker or fewer arguments , [ tam certò scio , quam me haec scribere . ] to this authority of the fathers against his opinion , his answer is short , but hath much weight and asperity in it ( which they that have as strong an appetite to lay the presbyterians flat , as the presbyterians have exprest to destroy the bishops , they that have the same exceptions against all distinction , or discrimination of lay and clergy , as blondel and salmasius have against the impariety and inequality of bishops and presbyters , will , when they can hope to be heard , be ready enough to make use of , and must not be denied to have urged an argument ad homines unaswerable , whensoever they shall please to make use of it ) and 't is but this , quid tum ? what then ? the authority of the fathers in a matter of fact ( as that ignatius wrote these epistles ) cast off without any ceremony , or difficulty in two syllables . and the reason for so doing , which is added will help the matter but little ; quàm multa minimè suspicaces ac imparatos & fefellerunt semper , & quotidie fallunt ? how many things have alwayes deceived , and daily do deceive men that are not suspicious , nor upon their guard ? and if all the fathers of the church , beginning from those that were nearest ignatius's time , must be involved in the number of these incautious , cheatable men , i shall be afraid to mention the consequences , that will too readily be deducible from hence . i shal only say ; may not this liberty , or licence rather , be soon extended very inordinately to the invasion of the sacred canon of scripture ? nay , when the same current , and consent of fathers , which delivers down all the books which make up our canon of scripture , for canonicall , and theopneust , shall be found at the same time to deliver down , and make use of these epistles of ignatius , onely with the distinction of apocryphal , ( and mean by that , not supposititious books , or books which are under suspition that they are not their off-spring , whom they call father , but only books of inferior authority , as apocryphal is opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the books of divine scripture , & legi domini , to the law or word of god , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to those that are put in the canon , and in a word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as you may see in the end of nicephorus's chronography , and in others ; inter scripta novi testamenti novi apocrypha , numbred among the apocryphal books , not of ignatius , but of the new testament , and appointed to be read by pious men , though not allowed that same authority and dignity , in which the books of sacred scripture have been justly estated ) when , i say , the same hands of the antient church shall deliver both the epistles of st peter for divine scripture , and these epistles of ignatius for the epistles of ignatius , though not for divine scripture , who can say that y salmasius when he had thus confidently thrown off these epistles from being written by ignatius , did not consequently , and agreeably to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in throwing off one of st peters epistles also ? and who can think it reasonable that our warinesse and censoriousnes shall enable us at 1500 years distance to judge more truly of a matter of fact , ( which none but they that are near , be they never so wary , and suspicious , can discern any thing of ) then they that lived in those times which were nearest to the scene of action ? nay , how much more rational is that of the same salmasius ? who in the controversie about the parts of the crosse , i. e. when he conceiv'd antiquity to be favourable to that opinion which he defended , hath made this argumentative against his adversaries , an credibile est gregorium qui vixit tanto tempore postquam crucis supplicio nemo amplius afficebatur , certiorem esse testem de habitu crucis totius , &c. quàm eos authores qui scripsere cùm adhuc passim in usu esset communissimo nocentum crucifixio ? is it credible , that he that lived so long after the use of that kind of death was left off , should be a surer witnesse of any thing that belongs to it , then those authors that wrote when it was in use ? de cruce , p. 255. and again , if blondel may say without proof , that the fathers were incautious in general , and thence conclude , that they were actually deceived in this particular ; why may not i as reasonably affirm ( having given my reasons , when he hath not ) that blondel is too censorious , and partial , and willing to bring all to the cause he hath espoused , and thence conclude ( knowing how contrary these epistles are to his interests ) that he hath actually exprest his passion , and injustice in this causlesse censure of these epistles ? i have done with this learned mans observations in this matter , and when i shall hear of any other argument which can seem of force against these epistles , i shall be glad to consider it , professing my self to conceive , that as long as that one author stands in the church in his just value , the cause of prelacy and hierarchy cannot want supports , every page almost of those epistles being sufficient ( which the adversaries acknowledge in saying he doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in season and out of season , at all turns assert episcopacy ) to interpret the obscurer vestigia in the new testament , and to assure us what was the practise and doctrine of the apostles and primitive churches in that point ; and that is the reason i have insisted so long on a thing which may seem so extrinsecall to my first undertaking , and shall not think my self out of my way , if i be content to return to this controversie again ( as having such an immediate influence on the cause in hand ) whensoever i shall be call'd to it ; in the mean , i shall content my self with this view of that matter ; and for the present , as i cannot but conceive it rashnesse to cast an epistle of st peter upon a bare affirmation in a parenthesis ( quae sola planè genuina est ) so will it be in a lower degree , but in like manner , to deal with a most antient apostolical-spirited volume , upon such unproved censures as these ; and it is observable , that the first writer that ever undertook to be thus severe against that whole volume of epistles , did with as much confidence , and as little pretention to argument , cast off one of the books of canonical scripture . this i thought not amisse here to insert , to vindicate the writings of that antient martyr , though it may be taken for a parergon in this place . supposing then this writer to stand in the same repute in sect. 5 the church of god , in which he did , before he was observed to be unreconcileable with the designs of the new reformers , i shall proceed to make use of his testimony . he commands obedience to be paid to bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to the apostles ; to the presbyters as to the seventy , to the deacons , as to the deacons in the acts. the passage is known , and although in another place , he makes the presbyters parallel to the apostles , and the bishops to christ , yet these places are easily reconciled , it being clear , that that latter place considers the apostles at the time , when christ was here on earth , at which time they were indeed but a second rank ( and in that respect it is that origen saith , tr. in mat. 24. propriè episcopus dominus jesus est , presbyteri apostoli , christ is properly the bishop , and the apostles presbyters ) but the former place considering that after christs departure , is that which more properly belongs to this matter ; this power ( though promised before ) being not yet instated on them , till after his resurrection , immediately before his leaving of this world ( or indeed till the coming of the holy ghost ) at which time they were left the governors of the church , as christ had been before , and the bishops , their successors ever since . to which purpose st cyprian , ep. 65. apostolos , i. e. episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit , the lord chose apostles , i. e. bishops and governors . so judas's apostolical function is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishoprick act. 1.29 so theodoret thinks epaphroditus was bishop of the philipians , because he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apostle , and on 1 tim. 3. saith thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that are now call'd bishops , they then call'd apostles , so titus , saith he , and so apollos , and so ( saith remig. on 1 cor. 4. ) sosthenes also . thus st hilary frequently calls st paul episcopum , bishop . and hilarius sardus in eph. apostoli episcopi sunt , the apostles are bishops . so the scriptor qu. in vet . & nov . test . qu. 27. nemo ignorat episcopos servatorem eccles●is instituisse , ipse enim priusquàm in coelos ascenderet , imponens manum apostolis , ordinavit eos episcopos . no man is ignorant that our saviour instituted bishops over the churches . for he himself before he ascended to heaven , laying his hand on the apostles ordained them bishops . so saith rabanus maur. in 1 tim. 4.14 . of the apostles times , episcopi provincias integras regebant , apostolorum nomine nun cupati . the bishops were call'd apostles . so doth blondel himself confesse not only out of gildas , that st matthew episcopatum sortitus est , was bishop , but acknowledges it of st james the brother of the lord , as the voice of all antiquity , that he was bishop of jerusalem . jacobum hierosol . ecclesiae episcopatum constanter asserunt veteres omnes . apol. pro sent. hieron . p. 50. and if it be said , that he meant by the word episcopus bishop , no more then a presbyter , one of many ; i shall only then put him or the reader in minde , what the same blondel in his censure of the pontif. epistles ( when they say he was not so severe against bishops ) hath put together of st james . hierosol . ecclesiam rexisse statuunt veteres , & à christo episcopale munus accepisse , ait hegesippus apud hieron . in cat. epiphan . haer . 78. hieron . in gal. c. 1. greg. turon . l. 1. c. 17. nic. methon . de pane consecr . à christo & apostolis . eus . l. f. 7. c. 19. constit . l. 8. c. 35. ab apostolis , constit . l. 7. c. 48. l. 8. c. ult . clem. alexand. apud z euseb . l. 2. c. 1. athanas . in synop. euseb . l. 2. c. 2. hieronymus de script . eccl. beda de 6. aetat . & martyrl . ad cal. maii. & chron. gr. anon . scriptor . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acknowledging all , that as bishop he governed that church , as a single person , sa●e in the see or throne ; all the difference between the antients being , whether by christ or the apostles , or both , or by st peter only , he was ordained bishop . thus , saith s. a chrys . did christ invest the apostles with this sect. 6 power of retaining and remitting sins , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as when a king sends governors over provinces , he gives them power of imprisoning and releasing , intimating the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rulers of the church to be the men that are here represented by the apostles , and so in l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ speaking of the weighty office of bishops ( to excuse himself who had fled from it ) he principally insists on the power which is intrusted to them , and in that respect applies to them the style of the faithfull and wise servant , whom god makes ruler over his household . so theophylact on matth. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they that after the manner of st peter , are vouchsafed the honor of being bishops , have the power of binding and loosing . so again appears by the forecited testimonies of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 presidents in st chrys . and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praefects of the church , in theophylact. and so in the name and sense of the greek church , gabriel of philadelphia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his second difference betwixt the greek and the roman church ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief priests , i. e. bishops , are the successors of the apostles , and in plain words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so that 't is manifest , that the apostles were bishops , and applies to them that of the psalmist , psal . 45.16 . of gods constituting them rulers over all the earth , and names the severall churches wherein the several apostles ordain'd bishops , st john in asia , st andrew in achaia , st thomas in india , &c. thus also among the latines st jerome who was not very sect. 7 favourable to bishops , saith expresly that they were the apostles successors , episcopi omnes apostolorum successores sunt . ep. 83. ad evagrium . so st ambrose , claves illas regni coelorum in beato petro apostolo cuncti suscepimus sacerdotes . all we , that are stiled sacerdotes , in the blessed apostle st peter received the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . and what sacerdos signifies among the writers of that time , and particularly in st ambrose , the observation of any diligent reader will instruct him ; viz. that which the [ suscepimus ] applyed to st ambrose's person , will inforce , he being bishop of millain at that time , ( and this is agreeable even to the heathens acception of the phrase , who use sacerdos and pontifex promiscuously ; witnesse servius in aen. 3. ) so de dignitate sacerd. c. 2. he shews out of scripture , that the sheep are delivered sacerdotibus , i shall render it to bishops , because it follows , and so must be subject to those rulers . so in st chrys . in the fore-cited 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 2. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which together with pastor in latine , is ordinarily the bishops title , in order to the shepherds office of ruling , and governing , as well as feeding the flock ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacerdos , are promiscuously taken , and the latter by the interpreter there rendred episcopus , bishop . and to the same purpose most clearly st cyprian , ep. 12. sect. 8 speaking of the lapsi , those who having fallen were under the censures of the church , and how the presbyters had presumed to reconcile , or absolve them , he concludes that they did not ( reservare episcopo honorem sacerdotii sui , & cathedrae ( reserve to the bishop the honour of his priesthood , and chaire , shewing the indifferent use of those words episcopus and sacerdos , at that time and that in opposition to presbytery , appropriating to the one the power of the keyes , exclusively to the other . this he had set down more plainly before epist . 10. shewing and aggravating the greatnesse of the fault of those presbyters that had taken upon them to use the keyes ▪ in that case , praepositum sibi episcopum non cogitantes , not thinking that there was a bishop set over them ; quod nunquam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , resolving that it was a fact without any precedent in the church ; and again , l. 1. epist . 3. having proved the episcopal power to be immediately from god , he expresseth it in these words , sacerdotalis authoritas & potestas divinâ dignatione firmatur , the sacerdotall power is setled by divine dignation , and addes the occasion of all schismes in the church to be , quod sacerdoti dei non obtemperatur , that the bishop is not obeyed : nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos , & ad tempus judex , vice christi cogitatur ; and that 't is not considered , that the one priest , i. e. bishop , and judge , is for the time in the church in christs stead ; which is yet more clear by his making sacerdotum collegium , the colledge of priests , all one with coepiscoporum consensus , the consent of fellow-bishops , and presently adding , that he that sets himselfe above this unus sacerdos , one priest , se non episcopi , sed dei judicem faceret , makes himself judge not of the bishop , but of god. and therefore 't is a strange proofe of blondels , that episcopacy and presbytery is all one , from that speech of pontius diaconus concerning this cyprian , quod ad officium sacerdotii & episcopatus gradum novellus electus est , having before said , presbyterium & sacerdotium statim accepisse . whereas the equipollence of the word sacerdos and episcopus being observed , and the difference of presbyter from them , doth clearly infer the contrary ; and that is apparent by the very place , multa sunt quae jam presbyter fecit ; ad probationem bonorum operum satis est , quod ad officium sacerdotii & episcopatus gradum adhuc novellus electus est . he was it seems a presbyter first , and did many things in that state , and a proof that he did so , was his election to the office of sacerdos or bishop , when he was a novice , then presently or soon after his conversion , where the difference of his being a presbyter and a bishop is most manifest . so when st b hilarius pictav . saith , aarone sacerdotes significari non ambiguum , in levi , ministros ostendi ; the same blondel concludes , sacerdotes sive praepositos , & seniores to be all one , not knowing or observing again that that sacerdos signifies bishop , who is there set parallel to aaron , in lege primus sacerdos , the first priest in the law . sect. 9 many other evidences might be produced out of those and after times , as in the councel of taurinum speaking of palladius ; a triferio sacerdote fuerat mulctatus , he was punished by triferius , who , that he was a bishop , ( if it were doubted ) would appear by the acts of that councel , and particularly by his excommunicating exuperantius , a presbyter , can. 4. which sure none but a summus sacerdos , a high priest , or bishop could doe . sect. 10 but there can be no need of more proofs in this matter , and if there were now any more doubt , that the bishops were the confest successors of the apostles in this priviledge or prerogative , that one canon of the apostles might satisfie it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. let not the presbyters , or deacons do any thing without the consent of the bishop , for he hath the people of the lord intrusted to him , and shall one day be required an account of their souls : which besides that it is evidenced to belong to this power of the keyes , by the usefulnesse of that to the discharging the trust about souls , appears further by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prohibiting of presbyters to do any thing without him . sect. 11 a saying , which whatsoever is thought of it , is the voice of the first antiquity . ignatius must begin the number in epist . ad trall . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is necessary that whatever ye do , ye do nothing without the bishop . and if , because it follows immediately , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , obey the presbyters , as the apostles . it be conceived , that that precept belongs to the people onely , and not to the presbyters , it will then be easily replyed , that to the whole matter the same ignatius in epist . ad magn. hath given it in a latitude , which had prevented this scruple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as the lord christ doth nothing without the father , so you also without the bishop ; you , whether presbyter , or deacon , or laick . once more in epist . ad smyrn . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let no man without the bishop do any of those things which belong unto the church . and the councel of laodicea hath ( almost in ignatius's words ) commanded the same . can. 56. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presbyters must do nothing without the consent of the bishop ; and many more acts and canons might be produced to the same purpose . and if against all these , this exception be made , that by the sect. 12 force of such rules not only the power of the keyes , but also all other power belonging to the church is appropriated to bishops : to this the answer ( as it will be easie , so it ) will tend much to the clearing , and serve for the shutting up of this whole matter ; that indeed there is great truth in the objection , that all power in all matters ecclesiastical did primarily belong to the bishop , and no others , even presbyters themselves ; but as it was by the bishop communicated to them , not only by that first act of ordination , in giving them the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first power , but also by a second act necessary to give them that other power to use or exercise that power , when they have it . this is the plain sense of the canon of the councel of arles , sect. 13 can. 19. nec presbyteris civitatis sine episcopi praecepto amplius aliquid imperare , vel sine authoritate literarum ejus in unaquaque parochia aliquid agere . the presbyters of any city must not command any thing without the precept of the bishop , nor do any thing in any parish , without authority of the bishops letters licensing them to do it . thus , i say , it is not only for the power of the keyes , but even for the ignatius's saying last produced in epist . ad smyrn is by him thus in larged , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let that eucharist be reputed firm ( or rightly celebrated ) which is done by the bishop , or by him to whom he shall give leave ; and for baptisme , and that together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is not lawfull without the bishop , i. e. without his leave , either to baptize , or administer the sacrament , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but when he shall think fit according to gods pleasure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that all that you do , may be safe and firme . it seems the consent of the bishop was thought necessary to make it safe for any presbyter to doe any ecclesiastical act , or to give validity to it , when 't was done by him . so tertull. de cor . mil. non de aliorum quàm de praesidentium manu eucharistiam sumimus , we receive the eucharist from none but the presidents or governors . they are all one with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in just . mart. apol. 2. to whom that whole businesse is there remitted . so again tertul. de bapt . dandi baptismum jus habet summus sacerdos qui est episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi authoritate , propter ecclesiae honorem , quo salvo salva pax est . the chief priest who is the bishop , hath the power of giving baptisme , after him the presbyters and deacons , yet not without the authority of the bishop , for the honor of the church , which as long as it is preserved , the peace of the church will be preserved also . so when the scriptor . anon . quaest . in v. & nov. test . which is thought to be hilary , saith , in alexandriâ & per totum aegyptum , si desit episcopus , consecrat presbyter ; that in alexandria and aegypt , if there be no bishop , the presbyter consecrates , 't is clear by the mention of that liberty in the presbyter , as of a thing peculiar to aegypt , and that too , only when there is no bishop present , that regularly this power belong'd to none but the bishops , and to those presbyters to whom he gave it . where by the way will appear a great mistake of blondel and ( i suppose out of him , as his many other notes in his apparatus against bishops ) of salmasius , who in another place of hilary in eph. 4. cited by both of them , [ apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus , in aegypt the presbyters consigne , if the bishop be not present ] interpret consigning , either to be c confirmation or blessing ( i suppose absolving ) of penitents , or ordination . it being clear by the other place , just now cited , that consignatio signifies there consecrating of the sacrament , which is peculiarly call'd consecration , that of giving orders being ordination , not as he calls it ordinandorum consecratio ( which what it would grammatically signifie i know not , unlesse some benediction of them that are after to be ordain'd ) and it seems d blondel himself , p. 61. thinks it possible that consignatio may signifie the consecrating the elements , and by what follows , i conceive him to use it in that sense , saying , quod antiquis per solam episcoporum absentiam licuit , omnibus nunc absolutè licet , that which antiently was made lawful to all ( i. e. to presbyters ) onely by the bishops absence , is now absolutely lawfull to all : which i suppose he must mean of consecrating the sacrament , and i am sure could not reasonably believe of ordination . but this by the way , in passage , to confirm that assertion of ignatius sufficiently , that the church was by the apostles put into the hands of bishops , that ordinarily the consent of the bishop was required to enable a presbyter for any ecclesiastical act , the plenitude of power being by christ delivered down to the apostles , and through them to their successor-bishops , and by them dispenst out to others in that measure , and those portions , which they should think fit . and if it be demanded here , what it is which in our church sect. 14 is given to presbyters in their ordination , as the full importance of the form then used [ receive the holy ghost : ] i answer , not all that is at any time contained under that phrase , when it is used in the consecration , but only the particulars which are after mentioned ; and so distinctly not the power of ordaining , which is not mentioned , and which is a particular , that never was regular for any presbyter in the antient church to assume to himself , or to any number of that order without a bishop over them ( and it would not be hard to give an account of all that hath been produced of late by salmasius , or any other from the origines alexandrini , or any other record of antiquity to the contrary , but that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and would be too large a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place : ) and if the practice of some few protestant churches in this last century be opposed against it ; then 1. i shal conceive those very unfit to be confronted against the vniversal for 1500 years ; and therefore secondly , i shall not doubt to affirm , that want is not only a defect , but a corruption among them . thirdly , it will be observable , that even those that want it among them , have formerly thought fit to excuse it by the case of necessity , and to acknowledge it their infelicity , but not their fault , ( their superiors in the state not permitting them to have bishops to ordain them ; ) and to give their judgements freely , that where episcopacy is , it is to be preserv'd ; and where it is not , it is to be wisht for ; which is a sufficient expression of their sense of it . and if the improsperousnesse of the cause of late in this kingdome hath moved some of them to change their style , i suppose there is no greater reason to depend on their judgements who are mov'd or wrought on by such extrinsecal arguments , then on his , who lately made no scruple to confesse , in giving his opinion of h. grotius , ego non probo prudentiam minùs felicem . he lik'd not the choice of that side which was not prosperous . and then fourthly , that this cannot be applicable by way of excuse to those who desire to cast out bishops where they are , on purpose that presbyters may usurp the power which belongs to them . secondly , not al power of binding and loosing , retaining or remitting , though those words are there added ( whose sins you do remit , &c. ) but so much as the bishops or governours are presumed to have thought fit to impart to them , and what that is , will appear by other acts of our church , especially by the liturgy : as 1. the declaring of absolution in the church after the confession of sins ; 2. the absolving them by way of prayer before the sacrament ( in case the bishop be not present ) and 3. in baptismal washing , and 4. upon speciall confession on the sick-bed ; or any time else which may by analogy or reduction come under these same heads , as in the case of private conference , and confession at other times : in all these the remitting of sins is allowed among us to a bare presbyter , not only by way of pronouncing , or declaring of absolution , but ( as a ministerial act ) actually absolving him , ( by christs authority committed to the presbyters ) from all his sins . sect. 15 all which yet will not extend to the absolving from the band of excommunication , or proportionably to such power of binding , any further ( at most ) then to confer the first power of it , which if it be then given , doth yet remain ( as the other power of preaching , and administring the sacraments ) bound and restrained from being exercised , till they be further loosed by the donation of a second power , as luke 24.49 . when christ sent them the promise of his father , which was at the time of his breathing on them , joh. 20.22 . and gave them a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a grace , or first power of it , he yet restrains the exercise of it , till the actuall descent of the holy ghost , ( but tarry you in jerusalem till you be indued with power from above ) and that is not done in this church as it stands established by law , ( in this particular of the keys ) till he become a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a ruling elder , whether by being made bishop , or otherwise by having jurisdiction vested on him : and thus much will serve turn for the first enquiry , on whom the power of the keyes was bestowed . cap. iv. i come now to the second general enquiry , in what this power sect. 1 consists , and shews it self : which i shall make no stay , or scruple to define in this proposition , that the power of binding and loosing in these places of the gospels , is e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a spiritual gift , or grace , and belongs to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in theoph. in mat. 16. the pardoning or punishing of faults , the former to the censures of the church , the ecclesiastical punishments of excommunication , and the later , the power of loosing , to that of absolving from them . this position i must vindicate from the contrary interpretations , or objections which are thought to keep these texts from concluding or countenaning any such censures . and of these , though they are not all to one sense , yet one interpretation i have chosen rather to insist on , because it hath not yet been considered by others , and because it seems to pretend to more antient grounds , then the rest formerly have done , i mean that , which proceeds by interpreting the phrases out of the writings of the talmudists , and from them concludes ( i shall sect. 2 give it you in the learned writers own words ) that the power of binding and loosing is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facultas decernendi , explicandi , interpretandi , declarandi de ligato & soluto , quod planè millies in talmudicis ex vetustissimae ecclesiae illius usu denotat , quid vetitum ex lege sacrâ , quid permissum ( quemadmodum & graecis * scimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod ligare est , etiam interdicere sonare , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod est solvere , etiam permittere , seu obligationem sive auferre , sive nondum inductam monstrare , aut asserere ) adeóque ad docendi , seu interpretandi , seu theologiae praeceptivae munus solum ibi attinuit , &c. making it no more then the faculty of explicating , or interpreting what is lawful , what not , &c. in a word , no more then the power of deciding cases of conscience , seu sic de jure publicè respondendi illúdque dicendi , &c. the truth of which , i shall , with all due respect , for a while take boldnesse to examine . first , by yeelding , or for the present not denying , that there was or might be an office or power among the jews intrusted to some select elders of the people , of teaching and giving publique responses ( by way of deciding cases of conscience , though not by way of judicature ) what was to be accounted lawful , what not , both by the law of god , and the tradition of the antients ; which yet being supposed and granted , i must secondly interpose , that it is not thereby proved that this is called in the talmud , or by any of those writers , the power of binding and loosing , ( or that the power of binding and loosing , is by them so described ) but ( which is quite another thing ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a power of teaching or instructing , &c. what is lawful , what forbidden . nor will it be a proof of any force to conclude ( that which we have no reason to believe without a proof , or some kinde of affinity in the phrases , viz. ) that this power of binding is that power of teaching , and no more , only because there was such a power of teaching among the jews . for if we will judge à pari , experience proves the contrary , in this church of ours ; where though there be a power of binding , and a munus docendi , an office of teaching , &c. yet no man is bound from thence to acknowledge these two to be all one , but we have long believed them to be two faculties , or offices , the one given the apostles in the donation of the keys , the other in the mission to preach ; ( and though it were granted that we were mistaken in affirming them to be two such distinct faculties , yet would not that hinder the truth of this assertion , that in our books they are so distinguished , the question being now of the fact , & not of the right , and it being clear that in our practice our preaching is one thing , and our excommunicating is another ) and secondly , because 't is clear , there were two distinct powers among the jews , one of declaring in foro , as well as the other extra forum , one judicial , as well as the other doctrinal ; and sure it would be but a poore supersedeas , or prohibition to keep the sanhedrin among them from judging and punishing any offender brought before them , by telling them that there was among the jews a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a licence or faculty of declaring what was lawful , without any power of punishing ; for they would be soon able to say , that 't was by some other power ( and not by that of declaring ) that they undertook thus to judge and punish : and let me add that although the power among the jews were acknowledged only to be a civil power , yet might christ in his church set up an ecclesiastical power proportionable to that , and imitate that in the sacred , which they used onely in civil judicatures , as anon we shall have occasion to demonstrate . and thirdly , the phrase of the gospel , from whence we pretend , is not the facultas , faculty , or power of binding , but the donation of keyes , and with that , christs promise , that whatsoever they shall bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven : and therefore i conceive this will not be a convincing way of inferring this conclusion . we must therefore in the next place proceed to examine the sect. 3 reasons , or arguments produced to perswade us , that the power of binding and loosing is no more then the power of declaring , &c. what is prohibited , what is permitted , the office of the casuist only . and these reasons i can finde to be but two . 1. that ligatum & solutum planè millies in talmudicis ex vetustissimo sect. 4 ecclesiae illius usu denotat quid vetitum , quid permissum . 2. that in some places of greek authors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind and loose are used also . for the first of these , i shall first say , that if it were true , that sect. 5 the idiom of the talmudists were ex vetustissimo ecclesiae illius usu , out of the most antient use of that church the law of moses , and the scriptures of the old testament , being the records of the most antient church , some footsteps of it might be expected there ; but i shall suppose there are no such to be found , not onely because i have there sought them in vain , but because i presume the author would have conceived any testimony from thence to be more authentick then the talmud , and so would certainly have produced them , if there had been any . secondly , for the talmudists acception of the phrases ; first i might say , that we are no way obliged to interpret greek words in the new testament by the use of the talmudists , because though the traditions concerning hebrew customes mentioned in the talmud may reasonably be thought antienter then christs time ( and so the testimonies brought thence be worth the heeding for such , and fit sometimes to be used for the explaining the like customs mentioned in the new testament ) yet the booke it self , and consequently the word in it ( which only we have now to consider ) was written , and set out long after the new testament , the misnaioth , or first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which contain the text of the talmud , being set forth by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tannaim , or doctores mischinici , about the year 150 after christ , who as they professe to have had their beginning per continuam successionem acceptionis legis oralis à mose , saith buxtorf , by a continual succession of tradition of the oral law from the times of moses , so they acknowledge to end in r. jehudah hakkàdosch , ( stiled hannasi , the chief or prince , and by way of eminence rabbi , when he is cited in the gemara ) who lived under antoninus in the midst of the second century . after these tannaim , are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amoriam whom scaliger cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the authours of the gemara , and of that gemara , i. e. those disputations , and decisions of those learned men at jerusalem together with the mischna forementioned , doth the jerusalem-talmud consist , and was set forth f an . 230. as the collection of the like disputations and decisions on the mischna , which were had in academiis pombedithana , soriah , and nahardeah , make up the talmud babylonicum , which was compleated an . 500. this will be sufficient to shew that the words of christ , either as they were spoken by him , or repeated by the evangelists , ought not to be conceived to have imitated the phrases of the talmudists so long after them ; and there will be as little reason to believe ( what is left the only possible ) that the writers of the talmuds have imitated the phrases in the gospel , being themselves both jews and enemies to the christian religion ; and besides , if the idiom of the talmudists were of any weight in this matter , yet sure it is not sufficient to weigh down the contrary interpretation of the christian fathers , ( who are to us in all reason to be heeded , as the veryer talmudists of the two , the traditors and deliverers of our gospel , and creed unto us ) or the use of it among the jews that have written in greek , particularly of the author of ecclesiasticus , who is conceived to be the famous ben-sira , and with him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is punctually to forgive sins , c. 28.2 . however no way able to extend it self to that other place in st john , where the phrase is varyed , and the [ power of remitting and retaining of sins ] is given to the disciples , which will have no analogy with that which is here pretended ; for whatever should be granted of the words ligatum & solutum , b●ing all one with prohibited , &c. the retaining or remitting of sins , will be distant from it , for sure that will not be , to declare one mans sins unlawfull , anothers lawful , which it must do , if this interpretation be applyed to that place also . this being premised as an answer sufficient to take away sect. 6 the force , or convincingnesse of this interpretation , i shall ex abundanti superadd , that i have used som care to examine those words , and to observe their importance in those , and other jewish writings : i shall give you an account of it . the hebrew word for binding is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i shall make no scruple to acknowledge , doth in the talmud many times signifie to forbid and prohibit ; and from thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a thing forbidden , prohibited , unlawful ; onely by the way i shal crave leave to shew you by what degrees it comes to signifie thus . the word in the old testament signifies to bind , ( and sure that is the best interpreter of idioms in the new ) and accordingly is rendred by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and is used commonly for binding with cords , and sometimes for that band , or obligation , that proceeds from having made a vow as numb . 30.4 . and is then rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 definition or decree , because by that vow i bind , or define , or determine my self to such a performance ; farther then this , 't is true this word is rendred by our translators , num. 11.28 . to [ forbid ] lord moses forbid them , where yet 't is observable that the forbiding there , which joshua desires , is applied to the persons , and and not to the thing , and signifies a checking , repressing , [ lord moses suffered them not , cohibeto eos ] as when by chiding , or disciplining , a superior restrains another ; according to which use of the word it is , that philip de aquin. makes it agree in sense with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prohibuit and cohibuit , forbidding , and repressing : and thus it will be very agreeable with our sense of binding , as that signifies church-censure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disciplining , repressing offenders by that means . in the whole scripture i believe there will not one place be found where that word is rendred by the 72. by any word signifying barely to prohibit , or the like , unlesse you will say it doth dan. 6.7 , 8 , 9. where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a decree , and yet if you examine that place , and the nature of the decree , you shall finde , that it was not a bare prohibition , but a binding to punishment upon non-performance ( for the decree was there , v. 7. that whosoever shall ask any petition from either god or man , but of thee , o king , shall be cast into the den of lions ) and so the decree is that designation to the punishment of casting into the den , which is there call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 binding , as when the jugde decrees the offender to be excommunicated , that act of judicature is a decree , yet neverthelesse a binding , ( this binding being a judicial act , and from thence receiving its force of obligation ) and è converso in that a binding , or obligation to punishment ; that it is such a decree , to wit , a decree sub poenâ , that such a thing shall be done , so saith schindler , that the chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is obligavit ad obedientiam , aut poenam , binding to obedience , or penalty , and elias levita , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. every thing from which either sinne or punishment commeth unto him that doth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is said to be bound , or is call'd assur ; and therefore munster giving an account of the use of the word in the commentaries of the rabbins , saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies edictum aut sententiam , quâ quis tenetur , &c. by which any man is bound to punishment , if he obey it not . in like manner as he that vows , binds , ( and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 num. 30.4 . &c. belongs peculiarly to that ) because in vowing he doth either by words of execration explicitly , or else by intimation implicitly , call punishment upon himself , if he perform not his vow , and so binds himself to that punishment . and so still the word [ binding ] by denoting a decree in this kinde , doth not at all vary from our present sense of binding by way of censure , which now we contend for , but rather confirm and concurre with it ; and so i conceive ( in those excerpta about excommunication , which j. coch hath set down in latine out of maimonides ) those words of maimonides do import , quod totus israel decrevit , non observat princeps , &c. what all israel decreed , the prince observes not : he speaks of inflicting anathema's , and i shall grant that the word rendred decrevit , is in the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word for binding ( in reference to which it follows in the next words , by him set down , remittitur à laeso , si ei satisfecerit , &c. the injur'd person remits , if satisfaction be made him ) and from thence shall conclude , that even when it is to be rendred decrevit , it may yet note punishment , particularly that of excommunication , or decree ad excommunicandum , sentence to punishment being a kinde of legislation , and all binding to that , an act of command or power . having thus considered the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i shall as freely grant sect. 7 that the participles , or nounes deduced from thence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the rabbins or talmudists , signifie very often a thing forbidden , prohibited , unlawfull ( though in the old testament again the nouns there used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie not so , but are taken in a regular sense , and so rendred by the 72 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a band , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an ordinance or decree , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bound or imprison'd , and the like , and not the thing unlawfull or prohibited ) which yet being granted and added to what was before granted of the talmudical use of the verb , comes not home to prove the objecters conclusion , which is this , that the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies among the talmudists , decernere , explicare , interpretari , declarare , de ligato , vel quid ligatum sit , i. e. quid vetitum : to decern , explicat , interpret , declare concerning a thing bound , or what is bound , i. e. what is forbidden : for to prove this sense of the verb , that other supposed use of the participle is not sufficient , any more then my confessing amatum to signifie a thing loved , will conclude me to affirm , that amo signifies to declare a thing to be loved , which we know signifies formally to love , and nothing else . that the verb signifies to forbid , or decree , per modum legislationis sect. 8 ( which is all that could be deduced from these premises , ( though supposed true ) of ligatum in the talmud signifying nothing but illicitum ) 't is acknowledged , but that will not serve the turn , thereby wholly to evacuate & nullifie the power of the keyes , which is pretended to belong to the church from these texts ; if the apostles had this power to forbid or decree , this were 1. more then to interpret or declare a thing to be unlawful , the office of making laws is more then that of the casuist , or counsellour , or preacher : and beside , secondly , it would be but reason to suppose those decrees backt with some power of censures against resisters , and so indeed the word imports , to decree sub poenâ under penalty , and not simply to decree . but the thing for which this talmudical interpretation contends , and which we oppose , is that this power of binding is onely a power of declaring , and explaining a thing to be unlawful ; and for this from all that is pretended , or offer'd to our view , i have after all my search no temptation to suspect , that even the talmudists themselves do use the word . the verb with them may signifie [ to prohibit ] and the nouns , and participle , a thing prohibited , or unlawful , and that is the utmost that buxtorf could observe of the words among the talmudists , or that the author of the interpretation offers any proof for [ ligatum & solutum , i. e. millies in talmudicis vetitum lege sa●râ aut permissum ; ] and if these notions will be taken , then the meaning of [ whatsoever yee shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven ] will be , that whatsoever they shall by decree prohibit on earth , shall be prohibited , or unlawfull in heaven ; which were onely to exchange the power of censures , for the power of giving laws , which , as it is more then that of the casuist , so , i conceive , is never to be found any where without power of punishing also . sect. 9 this i conceive to be answer sufficient to all that is produced , or pretended , even upon supposition that the talmud were the umpire , or the use of words there the best nomenclature for the new testament . but then over and above , we must again remember , that this talmudical observation will be but little conviction to us , who finde that the writers of the new testament have no sympathy with the talmud in this matter , but use variety of other words to expresse [ commanding , or decreeing , or forbidding ; ] such are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like , but never 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or any of that making ; and in like manner have other phrases to expresse a thing unlawful , or forbidden ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like , but never 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or any thing like it : neither is it , i conceive , pretended , that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have any such sense in any other place of the new testament ; but onely in these two , which are ( parallel one to another , and so ) in effect but one , and that the matter of the present controversie , and so a petitio principii , when 't is made use of to confute him that concludes the censures from thence . adde unto these yet farther , that even in the talmud it self sect. 10 the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( of which this observation is made ) signifies binding too , and that not only in the obvious vulgar senses , but in that also which we here contend for , of binding by censures , or binding over to punishment , ( obstrinxit ad poenam , as schindler renders the chaldee , and as elias levita the rabbinical word , be bound over to punishment ) and so with great reason may be resolved ( even when it signifies to prohibite ) to belong only to such penal prohibitions , or at least , ( belonging at first to such only ) to have fallen after in common use ( which sure hath been observ'd to bend words from their primitive sense ) to signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all kind of decrees or prohibitions : which surely will not exclude , but contain under it that which we now contend for . i shall shew the strength of this argument by a parallel , as i conceive , exactly proportion'd to it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in arabick signifies millies , very ordinarily [ to g forbid , or resolve any thing to be unlawful , from thence the noun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is vetitum , any thing prohibited or forbidden , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prohibition ; suppose now in some discourses concerning the kinds or degrees of excommunication among the iews , or of the power of the sanhedrin , or indifferently in any jewish writing , i should meet with the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and render it in latine prohibuit , interdixit , and a friend ingenuously admonish me that it ought to be rendred anathematizavit , devovit ; would it be thought reason or ingenuity in me to reply to my admonisher , no , but i have rendred it aright , for in arabick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies prohibuit , and therefore 't is but an ignorance in the arabick dialect , to render the hebrew anathematizavit , and but a popular error ( to be reform'd from hence ) in them , that conceive there was any kind of excommunication among the iewes , meant by that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas 't is clear , that word signifies onely prohibition , and therefore belongs among the jews only ad theologiae praeceptivae munus , or to the office of teaching and interpreting , what is [ vetitum , vel interdictum lege sacrâ . ] if , i say , i should deal thus with any peece of plain hebrew , my first question would be , whether this account of my rendring that word would be accepted ; and if not , my second now is , whether the processe of the present arguing hath not done the like , or somewhat more . sect. 11 this wil be yet clearer , by proceeding to consider the words which are opposite to it , ( and to which this author refers when he saith , solutum millies in talmudicis licitum aut permissum ; a thing loosed is taken a thousand times in the talmud for lawful or permitted ) such are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which i also acknowledge to be taken amongst the talmudists for licitum & permissum , lawful and unforbidden . sect. 12 of which yet somewhat must be further observed , 1. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from whence they come , in hiphil signifies solvere , to loose ; ( as indeed that which hath no obligation laid on it , which is loose from all band to obedience , or obligation to punishment , is properly resolv'd to be lawful ) but then this hinders not , but that the verb in hiphil may still signifie , ( and indeed even among the rabbins ordinarily doth ) to loose , both properly & metaphorically ; properly , as to loose or unty those that are bound with cords , or such like bands , properly so called , as ps . 146.7 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solvite vinctos , loose those that are bound , & ps . 105.20 . the king sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and loosed them , where the chaldee paraphrase reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & solvit eum , and the 72 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and psal . 146.7 . dominus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui solvit vinctos , loosing men out of prison : or metaphorically , and that in a double sense , either as it is applied to doubts , or difficulties , and then 't is to dissolve them ; or to persons , and then 't is to let loose or unoblige , and in this latter sense j. coch cites it ex cap. 1. nedarim , that on whom the anathema or cherem is inflicted coram , or in his presence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it shall not be remitted to him , but before his face also : where this word signifies clearly remission or absolution , and that from a sentence of excommunication ; so again in that constitution of the law cited by buxtorf , the word is twice used most clearly in our sense , he that continues in niddui 30 dayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and desires not to have it loosed , they separate him , or put him under niddui again , & if he continue so 30 dayes more , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and desires not to have it loosed , ( or as he renders it , relaxate ) they excommunicate , or put him under cherem ; & therefore schindler mentioning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the rabbins use of it , renders it simply solutio , loosing ; and there is a saying in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which it bears this sense . if any man swear in this form , [ if this be true , let me be excommunicate in this world , and in the other ] and be perjured , he cannot be absolved by any . another word synonymous to this , and ordinarily used by sect. 13 the talmudists is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that primarily signifying ( as the other did ) to loose or dissolve , as to loose cords which tye , or camels which are tyed with them , is by the talmudists taken for h absolving , remitting , forgiving , pardoning ; so saith elias levita in thisby , it is used by the rabbins for pardoning and remitting , as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the merciful god pardon hillel ! and in the prayer that begins , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all shall be remitted , or pardon'd . so in a place cited by coch out of gem. moed . caton . c. 3. quid remedii ? age cum ipso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut remittat tibi , that he may loose you from the excommunication : and again , adi principem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he may remit it to you . so c. 1. nedarim , steti coram r. huna , cum audiens quandam nomen dei in vanum proferre , eam excommunicaret , & statim eâ praesente anathema relaxaret ; there the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used again , for loosing in our sense , relaxating of , or freeing from a censure of excommunication , directly all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remittatur ipsi , following in the same place , which even now we produced . a third word there is ordinarily used to this purpose , of sect. 14 the same importance , and that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so in i moed katon , sapiens potest seipsum excommunicare , a wiseman may excommunicate himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and free or loose himself again : and so in that out of 1. nedarim , in j. coch , excommunicationem posse è vestigio rescindi , there the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in both , contrary to excommunication . by the little that hath been said , it may sufficiently appear , sect. 15 that to bind and to loose may be found even among the talmudists to signifie somewhat beside interpreting or declaring , quid vetitum , quid permissum sacrâ lege , what is forbidden , what permitted by the law of god , as that referres simply ad solum docendi , & interpretandi , vel theologiae praeceptivae munus , onely to the office of teaching , and interpreting , and of preceptive divinity , &c. and that 't is no way contrary to the stile or idiom of those writers to affirm , that binding and loosing belongs to censures , ( and not only to stating of cases of conscience ) even if the talmud were our judge : for sure there is nothing more ordinary in that , then to heare of loosing them who are excommunicate ; which must needs imply , that they which were so excommunicate , till they were loosed , were supposed bound also . sect. 16 and therefore it may be observed ( in passing ) that the learned h. grotius having in his notes on matth. 16.19 . made this talmudical observation , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bind , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to loose , are by the hebrewes attributed to the interpreters of the law , ( which seems something agreeable to this observation ) conceiving the keyes there spoken of , to be the keyes of knowledge , luk. 11.52 . doth yet on matth. 16.19 . interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 binding and loosing there , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 retaining and remitting , joh. 20.23 . and in his notes on that third place acknowledges , that thus the apostles did remit , either when by baptisme they received into the church those that professed the faith , or when after the testimony of serious repentance they received into their communion those that had been lapst or fallen , and applies to it that of the 2 cor. 2.10 . to whom ye forgive any thing , i forgive also , ( which belongs clearly to the excommunicate , incestuous person , in the former epistle , who was it seems by this ecclesiastical course brought to a capacity of remission , and absolution by that time , and now absolved by st. p●ul ) and for the conjunction of both these senses in the interpretation of that place , he produces s. cyprians authority , ep. 73. to which i shall only adde , that in another part of his notes upon the gospels , luk. 6.22 . this very judicious man ( whose education might have given him as great prejudices against the prelacie , as any other ) hath given us a very excellent tract concerning this subject of excommunication , or censures ; and at last resolves out of st. cyprians epistles , totum ferme christianae disciplinae vigorem in istis judiciis constitisse , &c. that well nigh all the vigor of christian discipline consisted in those judgments of the church . quem morem qui ex ecclesiâ sublatum volunt , gravissimum infligunt vulnus disciplinae , quam corruptis adeò christianorum moribus ad veterem severitatem reduci maximum sit operae pretium , tantùm abest , ut ulla ejus pars reliqua laxari debeat , &c. which custome they which would remove out of the church , inflict a most grievous wound on discipline , which ( now in this notable corruption of the manners of christians ) it were most excellently worth any mans pains to have reduced to its antient severity , so far is it from being fit , that any remaining member or part of it should be loosed , or put out of joynt ; and in another place , disciplinam morum ego non refugio , ut modò pax coeat , nulla futura sit tam severa , cui non libenter me meosque sim subjecturus . for the discipline in order to manners , i would willingly subject my self , and all that belong to me , to the severest that could be brought into the church . but this by the way . for the perfecting of this answer , and satisfying all the contrary sect. 17 appearances fully , it must yet farther be observed , that there is one thing presumed , and not undertaken to be proved in this objection , without which all the observations from the talmud are utterly invalid and unconcluding , and that one thing not at all to be granted by us , being indeed , as i conceive , very far from truth . it is this ; that by the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ whatsoever ye shall bind , &c. ] is noted the thing , and not the person , for so that interpretation requires [ what thing soever ye shall declare to be unlawful , &c. ] whereas it 's no new thing in all languages and dialects to put the neuter for the masculine gender , things for persons , and that in the new testament , is not without example ; as joh. 17.7 . 't is our saviours dialect ( and it is the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we have now in hand ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ &c. whatsoever , i. e. all those men , v. 6. and so 1 joh. 5.4 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. v. 18. every thing , i. e. every one , that is born of god. thus when s. john , apoc. 21.27 . speaketh of man , and other the like inhabitants of the new jerusalem , he saith , there shall not enter in there any thing that defileth , or that worketh abomination , or a lye ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the neuter , which is , no doubt , no unclean abominable person , &c. so 2 thess . 2.4 . the apostle speaking of antichrist , saith , that he exalteth himself above all that is called god ; where the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all ] in the neuter , sure signifies in the masc●line , every person that partakes of that name , the king and potentates of the earth ; so heb. 7.7 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the neuter , for the lesser or inferior person , v. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for no man ; and ch. 12 , 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for him that is lame : with which examples the phrase in this text bea●●s such proportion , that it cannot be unjust to resolve , that it is at least possible , that the neuters here may in sense be masculine also ; which very possibility were enough to evacuate the talmudical observation , the accommodation of which to this place supposes the neutral sense of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be certainly there meant , and is not reconcilable with the masculine . for to say [ whomsoever you shall declare to be unlawful or prohibited , &c were not sense ; whereas on the other side , the granting the neutral sense , would not so necessarily destroy our pretensions , this rendring of the words being proper enough , and home to our turn , [ whatsoever yee shall bind on earth , i. e. whatever sins of any trespasser ye shall conclude under the censures ] or again , whatsoever punishment you shall bind on mens shoulders ( the speech being still limited to this one sort of punishments ) it shall be bound or ratified in heaven : though the truth is , the personal notion of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being so agreeable to other phrases of the scripture , i have no temptation to doubt but that it is the importance of the place [ whatsoever , i. e. whomsoever you shall bind on earth , by the power of the keyes , shut out of this lower kingdom of heaven , conclude under the ecclesiastical bands , or censures , &c. shall be bound in heaven , &c. ] i. e. by god ratified there , ( supposing that what they do , they do according to the rule , ) this is most commodious & agreeable to the mention of the keyes ( to which 't is annext , matt. 16. ) which certainly denote power of receiving , or excluding not some thing , but some person , & to the trespassing brother supposed to become refractary ( to which 't is annext , matth. 18. ) who is still a person also ; to which i will onely add that in the beginning of that discourse , matth. 18.11 . there is another manifest example of a neuter word in a masculine sense , the sonne of man came to save , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which was lost , i. e. those little ones , v. 10. of whom god would not that one should perish , v. 14. sect. 18 to this account of that first argument ( sufficient i conceive to prove that this interpretation hanging thus loose from the talmudical use of the word , is not in the rendring this text of the new testament , necessary to be received ) i shal yet farther add these two observations more , 1. that the talmudical sense cannot have place in the latter part of christs speech [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall be bound in heaven ] and therefore will be improbable in the former . for sure the binding in heaven ] is somewhat more then gods interpretation or declaration of the lawfulnesse of any thing ; and if the church should be thought unfit to have any kind of power , yet heaven is acknowledged capable of it ; besides , the form and composure of the words will enforce , that if that pretended talmudical sense were admitted in both places , gods declaring any thing to be lawful , or unlawful , must be consequent to the ministers declaration here , which will be very unreasonable ; for though gods censures may by vertue of his promise follow the censures of the church , yet gods laws ( for such are his declarations of what is law ) sure cannot , or if they do , this will be a great assurance that there is some power in the church , when it is so backt by god. a second argument to this purpose may be taken from the sect. 19 analogy of scripture , or comparing the two places in matth. of binding and loosing , with that third in john of remitting and retaining ; which i conceive is proved to belong to the same matter , whatsoever that should prove to be , but then will not be so capable of the talmudical interpretation , for sure that will not be so clear from those writers also , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to retain , hath that sense among the talmudists , which was imposed upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind , which for the present i shall take for granted , till some proof be offer'd to the contrary , and in that found the power of the church , ( supposing it were not deducible from s. matthew ) and then by analogie of those places in s. matthew , with this in s. john , apply it to those places also . now for the second proof which is offer'd by the same hand sect. 20 against the received interpretation , the places in greek authors where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or binding is vouched to signifie forbidding onely , though i might justly say , that forbidding is much more then declaring , or interpreting a thing to be forbidden , that an act of power , and not onely of doctrine , of a magistrate , and not onely of a casuist ; and secondly , that we are not wont to require the dictions of the new testament , which have so much of the old testament hebrew idiom in them , to be tryed by attical heathen greek writers , y●t shall i not now need to refuse that trial which is here offer'd . two onely places there are produced ( or in the margent appointed to be consulted with ) to purpose , eustathius and didymus in hom. ii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and inscription . isidis ap . diod. sic. l. 1. these two places i have with all attention considered , and shall truly report what i have found in them . sect. 21 eustathius brings several interpretations of these words in hom. the first of which is , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which that you may understand , you must know the occasion of homers speech , it was this ; patroclus was slain , and achilles knew not how to help him , or avenge his death , for which he hath very passionate sorrow , even to wish he were dead himself , because he could not avenge that death of his , this he thus expresses in homers language : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i would , or , o that i might presently dye , in that i was not able to avenge the death of my companion ! he dyed far from his countrey , and mars , or the fate of war hath bound , or hindred , or restrained me from being avenger of his blood : where it must be observed , that mars did not give any precept or interdict to achilles not to avenge patroclus , or declare that it was unlawful , but only that the fate of the war had not so far favour'd him , as that he could find any means to do it , which he calls binding or hindring him ; and therefore didymus , to whom we are referred , renders it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hindred , and explains the whole matter by this paraphrase : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the fight having deprived me of my arms , would not suffer me to go out and help patroclus ; and so it seems the forbidding , by which they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is only that of hindring or stopping ( which is a natural effect of the vulgar notion of the word , as it signifies hinding , he that is bound being hindred or stopt from his course or action ) not of prohibiting or interdicting . but then moreover you must consider , that the same eustathius and didymus observe in that last verse many different lections , as for example , one especially , in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mars in the nominative case , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hurt , or mischief in the genitive , which reading they reject not , but accordingly explain the place , and render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , damni averruncatorem ▪ and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , patroclus had need of me , to avert that mischief from him ; and this , saith eustathius , the antients thus paraphrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mars wanted my action , or the help which might have come by me ; and aristarchus somewhat to the same purpose , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he wanted me to avert the danger of the warre ; and agreeably didymus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which different lection thus explained by them , takes off all colour , or pretence of affirming that binding signifies prohibiting , or interdicting in that place , but onely standing in need of , which is another sense of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so still 't is apparent , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may signifie somewhat else in that place , and if it doe signifie binding , and that be rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to forbid , that yet it must not be taken in that sense , that forbidding signifies preceptive interdiction , especially not the bare pronouncing a thing unlawfull , ( the sense which 't is brought to prove , and which alone is against our pretensions ) but only forbidding , as when the matter forbids , hindring , or restraining , or binding from a possibility of doing it , and just so the hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which philip de aquin. renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 binding , ordinarily signifies to hinder . as for the other place referr'd to , the inscription of isis , thus sect. 22 it lies in diodorus siculus , l. 1. p. 16. of stephanus's edition . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am isis the queen of the whole region , educated by , or under mercury , and whatsoever i shall bind , no body can loose . what advantage can be taken at these words thus lying ( & not restrained , by either antecedents , or consequents ) toward the justifying or approving of the foremention'd interpretation , or acception of the phrase , for declaring , or pronouncing of the unlawfulnesse of a thing , i do not fully discern ; for why may not the later words passe for an interpretation of the former , and so the sense be , that she being queen of the whole region had all power in her hands , to do , or constitute ( not onely what lawes , but ) what punishments she would , and then , that no body had power to undo whatsoever she thus did , to rescind , or loose , or absolve what she so bound ? in as wide a sense as this , i could produce many places in greek authors , particularly a passage of proclus out of plato in his sixth discourse about the eternity of the world ; where to prove the world cannot be dissolv'd by the creator of it , and yet by none but the creator , he expresses it often in these two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] meaning by binding , the composing the whole compages of the world , and by loosing the destroying , or , as we say , the dissolution of it : this , i confesse , is nothing to our sense of the words , ( and as little to that other ) and yet very neer as much as the place now cited . being left to guesse what was the occasion of producing this place to that other purpose , i shall think it possible that it was occasion'd by this , that in the margent stephanus hath set 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which if it were conceived to be a scholion , might be taken to be a testimony , that binding signifies making of lawes , as far as that scholiasts authority would reach . for the present , i shall suppose that this is it , because i cannot think of any other way to help this medium to inferre the desired conclusion in any degree , and yet make no question but there was some : but then , if that be it , i must interpose , 1. that that in the margent is not a scholion , but an emendation , or various lection , as the mark prefixed signifies ; and then seeing 't is assured , that diod. sic. or the inscription it self which he sets down , had not both these readings , it will thence follow , that either it was truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( and then there is no authority from thence for any signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or else that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then there is no appearance of proof , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and this is sufficient to the matter in hand , which part soever of the dilemma be accepted . sect. 23 but having said this , i shall superadde ex abundanti my opinion of the importance of that inscription , viz. that isis the queen of that region , was taught or instructed by mercury in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hidden philosophy ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dark representations of truth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the enigmatical wisdome which their theologie was full of , mention'd by k plut. de is . & osir . and that no body was able to reveale , or expound her riddles or mysteries . the ground of this my interpretation is , an inscription of isis's temple mention'd by plutarch , immediately upon his discourse of that enigmaticall theology in the place foremention'd . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the temple of minerva ( which they take for isis ) in saos had such an inscription ( not literally this , but such an one , or to this purpose ) i am every thing that hath been , and that is , and that shall be , and my vaile ( or what i shall think fit to conceale ) no mortall hath ever been able to discover . this seems to be a paraphrase of that other inscription in diodorus , and then though the words differ ( which the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ not the very same , but such an one ] intimates ) yet the sense of the one seems to be fully exprest by the other , & then the conclusion will be this , that as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in diodorus , signifying no more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to reveale in plutarch ( as to loose a riddle , a secret , is to reveal it , to which the key of knowledge in the scripture may also referre , ) belongs not at all to the matter in hand , or declaring a thing to be lawfull , so the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not applyable to that purpose of forbidding , or declaring a thing to be forbidden ▪ and so much for that testimony also . to all this which hath been said the reader may farther add , sect. 24 that suidas , hesychius , and phavorinus have no other notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ then that of binding in bands , and therefore render it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●nd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 onely in hesychius in one place i find these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which words stand in need of some emendation ( as a very great part of that book doth ) & may be thus set right , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man bound by law , i. e. a prisoner ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bound , i. e. a prisoner of the law ; or else this seems to be the designe of them , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in a sense proportionable to that wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 law , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a band , as indeed every law is a band to all those that are under it : but then you may observe , that this is a very distant sense of the word from that which was cited from the talmudists , ( where the thing bound is said to be forbidden , ) for here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies bound , or commanded , and so this ( beside that it gives the church a power from christ , of commanding and making laws , to which in any probability the power of punishing would be consequent ) is little to our present disquisition . sect. 25 i cannot satisfie my self , that i have vindicated my position sufficiently , unlesse unto the consideration of the former objections , i add also some few words in taking notice of what the socinians have resolved to this matter ; which i shall transcribe out of volkelius , de ver . cel . l. 6. c. 4. where having exprest the power of binding and loosing , to be the power , alios quidem reatu peccatorum quodammodo constringendi , alios verò ab illo absolvendi ; of binding some in some manner under the guilt of sins , but of absolving others , he resolves this to consist in this onely , ut pro authoritate muneris , quod tanquam christi ligatus sustinebat , aliis quidem nempe omnibus in christum credentibus , atque ex animo ei obtemperantibus , remissionem peccatorum , ipsius nomine offerret , aliis verò poenas sempiternas denunciaret . that by authority of that office which he sustains as an embassador of christ , he should offer in his name remission of sins to some , to wit , to all that believe in christ , and cordially obey him , but denounce unto others eternall punishments . so that in effect the power of binding and loosing should be onely the power of offering remission of sins to penitents , that is , preaching the gospel , and no more . sect. 26 this magisterial affirmation having no tender or offer of proof annext to it , will need no long stay to consider it ; what ever is in it of poyson , or danger , will easily be dispell'd by an antidote , which the very same shop in another box will yield us , and that is another very distant interpretation of that power of binding and loosing , c. 15. of that book ( how faln from the same pen of him that had before said in eo tantum fuisse constitutam , ut remissionem offerret , &c. that it consisted onely in the offering of remission , &c. or , by what means reconcilable with that sense , i will not go about to conjecture ) where affirming the power of exterminating impious christians , to be intrusted to the church , he proves it , 1. from the words of st. paul about the excommunicating the incestuous corinthian ; then from this , that christ speaking of the contumacious trespasser refusing to obey the church , and thereupon commanding him to be accounted as a heathen , and a publican , in coelo ratum esse dicit , quicquid ecclesia in terris ligat , aut solvit , affirms that to be ratified in heaven , whatsoever it is the church on earth bindes or looses , i. e. quoscunque vel à fidelium commercio segregat , vel in eorum numerum reponit , whomsever the church separates from the commerce of the faithfull , or restores to the number of them : where i conceive it apparent , ( unlesse some very close sophisme lye hid under plain words ) that binding signifies disterminating , excommunicating , segregating from the commerce of the faithfull , which i willingly embrace , as the concession of that man , and the sense of his fellows , very fit to be confronted to his former negation , especially being backt , as it is , with a conjecture of his ( which i have long thought to be most probable ) that st. paul forbidding timothy , to lay hands suddenly on any man , 1 tim. 5.22 . lest he partake of other mens sins , refers to the reception of penitents that had been formerly excommunicate . for such , he truly saith , were wont to be received into the church again by imposition of hands . evidences of that custome he brings from the narrations of sect. 27 victor , about the vandalick persecution , l. 2. qui nobis poenitentiae manus collaturi sunt , & reconciliationis indulgentiam , obstrictos peccato peccatorum vinculis soluturi : who confer on us the hands of penitence , and favour of reconciliation , loosing from the bands of sinnes , those which are bound by sin . where the poenitentiae manus , the hands of penitence , and loosing from bands of sin , belong to those which were bound , but now are reconciled : and the like from the 5th canon of the councell of carthage , dist . 50. presbyteris ac diaconis , si quando de gravi aliquâ culpâ convicti à ministerio remoti fuissent manus non imponerentur , ut poenitentibus , vel aliis ex fidelium laicis . that presbyters and deacons , when upon conviction of any grievous fault they are removed from the ministry , should not have imposition of hands , as penitents , &c. and out of fulgentius , ep. 1. de conjug . illâ aegrotâ acceptâ manus impositione poenitentiam secundum morem , quem habet christiana religio , peregit ; she performed her penance by receiving imposition of hands according to the manner observed in the christian religion . to these you may add that of alcimus ep. 24. manus impositionem adhibete converso ab haeresi ; they that were recover'd from heresie , were to have imposition of hands , a signe of absolution . interdictâ nominis ejus in posterum , si ex corde convertitur , mentione ; and his name no longer to be mention'd in the bedrole of the hereticks . and the author contra praedestin . l. 3. non ausi sunt ecclesiarum pontifices manum imponere poenitenti , nisi confessionem voluntariam ostendenti . the bishops durst not impose hands on the penitent , unlesse he exprest a voluntary confession ; and many the like . and in the chron. of jo. gerundens . speaking of the arrians synod of toledo , congregated by leovigildus , one of the canons is , de romanâ religione ad nostram catholicam fidem venientes non debere baptizari , sed tantummodo per manus impositionem & communionis perceptionem ablui . they which came over to them from that which they counted heresie , should only have imposition of hands , &c. and not baptism anew , and many other passages there are of that kind . this is a very probable interpretation , as antient as s. cyprian , and may , by the way , farther be attested not only by the analogy between absolution , and healing diseases , of which imposition was the ceremony , but also by the context it self , where v. 19. is set down the proceeding , by way of censure , against a presbyter , and the publike checking of sinners , v. 20. a charge to do all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 21. without prejudging , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing by favour or inclination ; and then immediately follows , lay hands on no man suddenly ; absolution very properly annext to censures , ( and i conceive a caution , that by knowing mens sinnes , he be not brought to partake with them , but that he keep himself unpolluted , in the remainder of that verse , upon which the 23. verse may follow pertinently , though as in a parenthesis , that timothy may drink a little wine for his health , and not incurre that danger of partaking of other mens sinnes ) and then v. 24. a rule of direction for that whole matter , that as some mens sins are conspicuous before-hand , and so bring them per modum meriti praecedentis , by way of precedent merit , to censure ; and in some other men the sins follow after censure also , as when there is no reformation upon censures , ( in which case there must be no absolution ) so in like manner also mens good works ( in case they do reform upon censure ) are , or must be manifest before absolution , ( and therefore the antient canons require the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 good works or almes-deeds in the penitent to prepare for absolution ) and those that are not so , ( i. e. their not bringing forth such worthy fruits of repentance ) cannot be concealed , and so by that means timothy may discern who are fit to be absolved , who not , and so all the context clearly belongs to this matter . but this by the way . onely having so pregnant an opportunity , i shall add what sect. 28 i conceive concerning the imposition of hands , heb. 6.2 . joyned there with the doctrine of baptismes . the apostle there had mention'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the discourse of the beginning of christ , i. e. the first things that we read of in the gospel ; and he refers them , as i conceive , to four heads , 1. repentance , or change from dead works ; 2. faith on god : these two he calls the doctrine of baptismes , & of the imposition of hands , either by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( of which i gave you l examples in the sacred stile ) and then the doctrine of baptismes will be appropriated to faith on god , unto which men are baptiz'd , and the doctrine of imposition of hands to repentance , which is the preparatory to absolution ; or else both of these together , faith and repentance , must be affirmed to be the doctrine both of baptismes in the plural , and of imposition of hands too , and that both as it denotes confirmation , act. 15.41 . parallel to christs blessing ( of those which had been baptized before ) with laying his hands on them , and absolution too , parallel to his laying hands on the sick , luke 4. when he healed them , which is called loosing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from a band , luk. 13.16 . and all this will be proper : for both the baptisme of john , and of christ , required of them that came to it , repentance and faith ; and confirmation being but a kind of sealing , and repetition of the covenant , and the promises made in baptisme , ( without water , onely by laying on of hands ) was so too ; and absolution , though it peculiarly required repentance , yet it included also faith on god , and peculiarly that branch of it , the believing remission of sins upon repentance . besides these , there follow two doctrines more , the resurrection , and eternal judgment , which may be also reduced to these two heads , the resurrection to that of faith in baptisme , of which it was a peculiar part , ( the trina immersio , the three dippings , so antient in the church , referring distinctly to his rising the third day , and so perhaps the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 15. i. e. in s. chrysostomes opinion , being baptized into the faith , or belief of that article , intimated , or briefly exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the dead ) and everlasting judgment to that of repentance from dead works , which if not repented from , i. e. forsaken , would bring that judgement upon men . but this by the way , and a● a conjecture incident , and agreeable to the former . sect. 29 i have thus far proceeded in this matter for the removing of prejudices , & vindicating our position from two sorts of objecters , & might now think it reasonable to proceed to a third view , viz. of erastus's structure , and all that he hath said of this matter ; but this would require so intolerable a length , that if i should apply my self to it , i should both tire the most patient reader , and leave the rest which i have to say on the other points at first proposed , to be overwhelmed or lost under the shade of so vast a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . some prudence therefore there will be need of for the compounding of this businesse , that i may neither too much despise , nor too largely prosecute this objecter : and the most convenient middle betwixt these two extremities , i suppose , will be , 1. to bring you acquainted with the person , 2. to give you an account how he fell out , or on what occasion his quarrell to excommunication began . 3. to view the place , and the weapons , at which we are likely to meet , i. e. to follow him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · so far , till we see directly what the state of the question is , wherein the point of the difference between us consists ; and then to put off the combat , till the spectators are ready to call for it , and shall professe themselves armed with patience to fit it out . sect. 30 for the first of these , the view of the person , i shall say no more , then that he was a dr. of physick in geneva , who having fallen on an age when novelties were in fashion , ( the bishop turn'd out , and a government brought in , which within few years before was acknowledg'd so new , that calvin was fain to write to the protestants in helvetia , that they would but signifie their approbation of it , and could not obtain that neither , though soon after , it undertook to be the only divine modell in the world since christs time ) thought it not unreasonable to step out of his profession , and offer to the world his novelty too ; and having in his own profession exprest in some particulars , a zeale , which others of his faculty will affirm to have been without knowledge , ( as when he speaks of the preparation of stibium , or crocus metallorum , and the antinomian receits , he resolves that no man can salvâ conscientiâ , with a safe conscience administer them , which yet every physitian knows now by daily experience to be very useful and safe ) it will not be matter of wonder , if he committed the like mistake in the businesse of excommunication ( a medicine more out of the proper rode of his studies ) and conceived that poysonous noxious recipe in the church , ( judging , it seems , at a first view , that they which were most wicked needed rather to be invited to the church , then driven from it ) which the experience of all christian churches , and the advice of christ himselfe , as a physitian of souls , have concluded to be very harmlesse and medicinal . i shall say no more of his person , but that he doth not seem by his book to have considered much of divinity , save only of this one head , and in order to that present controversie . and then though i should not make an objection against an author , that his book and he were of divers professions , and faculties , because he that is not a divine by profession , may yet , if he have no calling , have spent his whole time on divinity , and if he have undertaken another profession , may yet neglect that , that he may spend his time in this nobler faculty , or may have those excellent abilities , that he may attain to as great an height in two faculties , as others of meaner parts may do in one , yet , if it appear by any sure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that that physitian which writes in divinity , hath studied little more divinity then at that time a few moneths could help him to , and thinks this provision sufficient to furnish him , to write contrary to the whole judgement of the church before him , i may as safely commend a divine , that when he is sick first of a disease , then , through impatience of his physitian , shall by looking over some physick-hooks take confidence to control his physitian , and that he may do so the more authoritatively , cast off all the antient masters of that faculty before him , or affirm that in them he finds nothing contrary to his opinion , when they that have read them all , know there is nothing more contrary . this i have said , because this doctor makes his complaint of the opposition , and contempt , and affronts put upon him by those friends , to whom before the setting out he had communicated his book , objecting , saith he , nothing against him , but that he was besides his calling , which therefore with him , i confesse , to be an unsufficient argument against his book , if it have no other to joyn with it ; and i rather conceive , that it was a civility in his friends which used it , then an entire and sole objection , designed by them as a means to take him off from a confidence that he had done well ( by telling him , he was no competent judge whether he had or no , and advising him , that being a stanger in that faculty , he should not depend too much upon his own judgement ) rather then an acknowledgement , that they had nothing else to object to him . and if civilities be apt to be thus mistaken , the truth is , a little plain dealing were a more friendly office . i shall therefore have no necessity of replying to his answers to those friends : that [ scrutamini scripturas ] and [ probate spiritualia ] [ search the scriptures ] and [ try the things that are spiritual ] were a sufficient comminssion to him for that attempt , especially if 't were true which he addes , m that if he had had a stipend to read divinity , this fact of his would then have nothing in it , in their opinion aliene from his office or duty . where yet , i suppose , the office might be distinguisht from the stipend ; and though the money be not apt to inspire , as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or grace , yet sure the mun●s , or calling to the office may go for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to which we may hope for the annexion of gods blessing , more then to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( the meddling in faculties , or studies that belong not to us , ) we have any promise to authorize us to expect . sect. 31 2. for the occasion of his quarrel against excommunication , i shall give you no other account , then what from himself i have received ( who , i suppose , was able to speak the bottom of the truth , and nothing else ) and while i do so , shall desire the reader to observe , how certain it is , that the fabrick of the church of england , i mean the antient structure , as it stands by law , and the doctrines thereof , would never have provoked him to this enmity , if he had lived here under the best , or perhaps worst daies of our episcopacy ; and then as his hippocrates in his excellent tract 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will tell us of a mighty influence , that the place , the air , or some such accidentall circumstance may have upon the bodies first , and through them , the minds of men , so will the read●r find , that his having chang'd the air , had been excellent effectuall physick for him , and in all probability , might have made a shift to have changed his opions also . the first thing , which , saith he , cast him on those considerations sect. 32 against excommunication , was the unseasonablenesse of the time for the administring of such purging physick . there was then saith he , a great paucity of protestant professors , and the number of papists extremely overtopt them in those parts ; and of the protestants scarce the thirtieth part understood , and approved the doctrine ; and therefore it must be , in his opinion , a strange improper season for the setting up this course of severe ruggid discipline , which would exclude from the sacrament so many of the few protestants , that it would both unpeople their assemblies , and necessarily cause a dangerous scissure in the multitude . the second thing was his having observ'd the unfitnesse of the sect. 33 persons , that were imploy'd and presided in this matter ( their ministers and lay-elders ) fit , saith he , neither for age , nor experience , nor wit , nor judgement , nor manners , nor authority , to be esteem'd able to sustain so great an office with dignity . the third thing ( and that which advanced him in his conceit sect. 34 that he had faln upon the right sense of the scriptures produced and pleaded for this discipline ) was , the consideration of the state of the commonwealth and church among the jews , god having said , deut. 4. that that people had laws and statutes so just and wise , that the institutions of no nations , the sanctions of no commonwealth , no ordinances , though never so wisely thought on , could compare with them , and therefore that that church must needs be best , and most wisely disposed , which came nearest to the jewish form . a consideration indeed , that it seems , was of great weight with him , not observing that that comparison in deut. was made only betwixt the jewish , and other heathen nations of the world at that time , and only in relation to their present state , and not to the prejudice of christs institutions after , when that nation and religion was destroyed ; and that if that argument were of weight , ( besides that he must be bound to prove his modell out of the mosaicall law ) he must be obliged also to bring back all the sacrifices , passeover , circumcision , ceremonies of the jews into the christian church , and turn both the lords day , the sacraments , and the very religion of christ the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the law of faith , out of it . the fourth thing , saith he , and that which set him on writing was , an accident that he then observed , an english man which at that time had quitted this kingdome on the dislike of ceremonies , and came to geneva , and proposed his thesis there de adiaphoris & vestibus , of things indifferent , and of vestments ; particularly , the surplice , &c. he was , saith he , not permitted to maintain them publickly , ne anglos offenderent , that they might not offend the english ; this man therefore changing his purpose , chose a new thesis , in quavis rectè institutâ ecclesiâ hanc servari procurationem , in quâ ministri c●m suo delecto ad eam rem presbyterio jus teneant quosvis peccantes etiam principes excommunicandi : that in every well o der'd church this government was to be observed , in which the ministers with their elderships chosen to that purpose should have power of excommunicating all offenders , even princes themselves : and this thesis , saith he , he was permitted to maintain . i hope , he did not beleeve , that the english would be better pleased , or lesse offended with it , then with that other about surplices , but only that ' twat a doctrine , wherein that common-wealth of geneva was more concern'd , and so did not so much consider how the english might take it from them , as in the other , where they were lesse interessed , they had leasure to do . that the doctrine of the anglican church , and constant practise of it , is utterly abhorrent from this dangerous sacrilegious excesse , i shall not be so wary or humble , as to think it necessary to demonstrate , but confesse that he which saw that doctrine so confidently , and so early avow'd by the disciplinarians , had a great temptation to write against their excommunication , though no ground of assurance , that all which he should say against that subject , would therefore prove true , because that one doctrine of those which asserted it was so far from being such . mr hooker hath given a very good judgement of his enterprise ; that beza and he divided the truth betwixt them , neither of them saying all truth , nor all falshood , each of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disguising , and allaying , and drowning a little of wholesome doctrine , with a great deal of the contrary . and let me say , to conclude this point , that both in the taking up his opinion , and in maintaining it , erastus hath more to impute to beza's and the genevan's errors , and innovations , and excesses and extravagances ( which upon inquiry into the antient church records , he truly saith , he could not find avowed , or authorized ) then to his own grounds , or arguments against excommunication . the last motive , which , he confesses , perfected the work , and sect. 35 put him upon the presse , was the contempts and affronts of his friends , i. e. in effect , the opinions and good advises of all men that saw his theses , and could by no means like them : but this hath been occasionally mentioned already , and only gives the reader occasion to admire , and bewail the infelicity of passionate men , who cannot receive any benefit by their friends , are in the unluckiest condition of all men living , ( beyond which no enemy can wish them a greater curse ) sure to be the worse for that , which god meant us for the most inestimable blessing , i mean th● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their telling us truth , and ( out of desire of doing us good ) admonishing us of our miscarriages ; which he that cannot make any other use of , then to interpret those hugest obligations for affronts , those friendships for rudenesses , and therefore resolves to publish his conceits , because all his friends to whom he communicates them , advise him by all means to suppresse them , may well be allowed to write a volume against all kind of excommunication , being already , it appears , so far from being able to bear such strong physick , that the most private prudent , first , or second admonition of single persons , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the joynt act of a college of friends and physitians do but make him more incurable . i come now to my third undertaking , i. e. to view his theses sect. 36 of excommunication , and follow him step by step , till we have sprang the point of the difficulty between us ; and , i think , that part of the progresse will sufficiently discover the weaknesse of his fabrick ; at least how little appearance of advantage he hath against us , that are not for the geneva-presbytery , how well soever ad homines he may be thought to have disputed . his n first thesis layes the ground of his discourse , and of his sect. 37 mistake . the word [ excommunication ] he will have taken from 1 cor. 10. which is false , and not endeavored to be proved , and upon the back of that errour , another falsity , viz. that communion is there call'd corpus christi , the body of christ ; all that is there said toward that matter , is , that the wine is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the communication ( not communion ) of the bloud of christ , the bestowing his bloud upon us , a means or a pledge of making us partakers of that rich mercy , that bloud that was shed for us . that that is the right rendring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is undertaken in another discourse upon the sacrament , and needs no further to be repeated here , the notion of the word excommunication being most clear and uncontroverted , that it is the sequestring of an offender from the o communion , i. e. the visible society of christians , without ever thinking to cut him off , but on the contrary desiring to engraffe him the more firmly into the invisible , and then also again into the church , the visible ( but mystical ) body of christ . and therefore , sect. 38 for the distinction of that communion in the p second thesis , into internall and externall , visible and invisible , we say that one onely member of the distinction belongs to the point in hand according to our stating of it . ( and if the adversary of geneva did presse the other , we do not defend him in it ) viz. the externall and visible society of beleevers or christian professors , from which onely we affirm any man to be cut off by the act of excommunication ; and if he that is so cut off from that , be also finally cut off from the other , this is but accidentall , and very extrinsecall to that act , and distant from the design and end of it , being the effect onely of his sin , which , before he was excommunicated for it , is supposed to have concluded him under the wrath of god and of his contumacy , which will not permit this most fatherly punishment of the church to work any good upon him ; to which though it be consequent indeed , that this censure obtaining not the desired effect , shall tend to his greater condemnation , yet will this consequent no more be chargeable on that censure , then on any other the methods of mercy or chastisement , by god used on purpose for his reformation . in q the third thesis it is by us acknowledged true , that internall sect. 39 and externall society go not alwayes together ; and the consequents which erastus builds on that , are true , and acknowledged in an unjust excommunication , but these belong nothing at all to a just , nor consequently infer any thing against the institution , which giving rules that it may , and commands that it should be alwaies exercised justly , may be permitted to suppose it is so ; or if by error or miscarriage it be not , it doth not exclude him from that inward communion , that was not before excluded , ( supposing that he behave himself meekly and christianly under that unjust censure ) and if there be ( as indeed there is ) great difficulty to judge , whether the person thus to be excommunicated , be first excluded from the inward communion or no , yet will not this conclude the censures unlawfull , because if he be not quite out before , this puts him not out ( nor is occasion of doing so , any more then chastisement from god , which may possibly work impatience and blasphemy in the person , but is not of necessity , or in any propriety of causation to do so ) but rather is a means of keeping him in , of setting him upon his guard , of awaking or rescuing him from the danger of falling out of it , ( and then abundans cautela non nocet , he that is awake already will be never the worse for calling ) and withall of exercising some christian virtues in him , which might possibly lye uselesse by him , if they were not thus imploy'd , and call'd out to practise . to the r fourth thesis we say , that no man thinks , or according sect. 40 to our principles , hath any need to think , that any but god can joyn any to that internal communion of christ and the faithful , i. e. beget faith in any ( nor consequently cut off any from it ) unlesse ministerially , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , workers under , and with christ , and so only by power d●rived from him , we pretend to do what in the censures is done toward it . sect. 41 to ſ the fifth thesis , we answer that there is a mistake , for we are made consortes externae & visibilis ecclesiae , partakers of the external and visible church , not onely by those three as they are the acts of the man who is so partaker , but to those three must be added a second notion of the third of these , which seems not here to be taken notice of , ( though also the words are so set , that 't is not excluded ) and that is the act of the church , first according to christ's commission to the apostles , in receiving them into the church by baptisme , and when for lapses and returns into sin they are excommunicate , restoring them by absolution , and at all fit times allowing them the sacrament of the lords supper , in charity supposing them ( as long as they are in the church ) such members as ought not to be denied that priviledge , and if they be not unworthy , effectually sealing to them the benefits of christianity . from whence 't is clear that such the usurpatio sacramentorum may be , ( viz. if he receive the sacrament of the lords supper that is v not baptized , or that is justly excommunicate ) that 't will be perfectly an usurpation , and not sufficient to give him right to be reckon'd inter membra externi fidelium coetus , among the members of a visible church . sect. 42 th. 6. u in the first part there is need of a distinction : for the confession of faith , and approbation of christian doctrine may be 1. either cordial , or hypocritical . 2. either private or publike . if it be cordial , then 1. it makes me partaker of the inward communion with christ and his members , and supposes a man to be in that state , in which he that is , ought not to be excommunicate , and so 't is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it belongs not to this matter . if it be hypocritical ( as it will appear , if he that acknowledges christ , & approves his doctrine with his mouth , denies it with his actions ) then is it fit to bring the censure upon him , which he most hates and fears , to cast him out of the church , which is onely his disguise and vizard , or turn him out of that hypocriticall confession of christ , to display and lay open his hypocrisie , that he may be asham'd , and think good to reform , and to that end , to deny him the publick hearing of the word , which it seems hath wrought so little good upon him , and to assure him that he shall not be accounted a christian , unlesse his actions accord with his profession ; all which you may mark is so far from deterring him from the cordiall profession , that 't is the most probable means to invite him to it . so again for private confession and approbation , ( which belongs more to the internall communion again , then to the externall ) we drive no man from that by excommunicatio● ▪ but onely from publick performance of it in the congregation ( under which , and which only , the publick hearing of the word read or preach'd is contained . ) and by so doing we separate him from that visible church on that charitable one purpose , that he may see how he hath abused that benefit , and timely learn to make better use of it , though again we do not invite him to that bare empty oral publick or private confession , or that oral approbation , which his hands , i. e. his actions confute , or that unprofitable hearing , which will onely heap judgement on him ; yet on the other side are f●r from deterring him from the real publick confession , &c. but by thus dealing with him we shew him the necessity of it , and so by beating him out of his false holds , which will do him no good , drive ( which is more then inviting ) him to the true refuge or sanctuary , the reall confession , the effectuall approbation , & profitable hearing . to which head i must add , that i much wonder why all this while in the number of the constitutives of external communion , publick prayer is not mentioned ( not so much as reductively , as here hearing of the word is : ) this ought to have been added , and then i shall add of it , that though that be a duty that men would be invited to , as vehemently as to any , yet 't is lawfull to exclude any from this benefit in publick , when that exclusion may be a means most probable to awake a lethargick sinner . by this it appears how groundlesse the last part of the sixt sect. 43 th. is , that excommunication is only excluding from the sacrament ; for 't is also from prayer , and hearing , ( viz. in publike ) as well as from the sacrament : when that is thought expedient to reform any . thus tertul. mentions exclusion à communicatione orationis , & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii , apol. c. 39. from partaking of prayer and all sacred commerce : and generally the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 antiently was from all : ( though the manner of receiving in penitents being first by admitting them to hearing , and then to partaking in the prayers , which were before those that are joyn'd with the communion ; and after , to those prayers also , and in time to the communion it self ) it was after thought fit that some of the censures should not be totall to the excluding from all , but only setting them inter audientes , or catechumenos , which were not yet admitted to the sacrament , of which only the practise which he sets himself against seems to be an imitation . what follows therefore in the conclusion of that thesis , that , [ quod aliae poenae non pertinent ad substantiam excommunicationis certum est . 't is certain that other penalties belong not to the substance of excommunication ] is very false , and proceeds from an ignorance , or willingnesse to deceive , as if the word excommunication denoted only the keeping from the sacrament of the lords supper ( to which end , it now seems , it was , that the first thesis was designed , and against whatsoever it is argumentative 't will not be against us ) whereas it denotes the excision from all , or any degree of communion in sacris , and is a generical word , of which there be different species according to the several kinds of holy things ( the word , the prayers , the sacraments ) from which one may be excommunicate ; and that of exclusion from the sacrament is one degree of exclusion , and the exclusion from either or both of the other also is an addition to that , never inflicted upon any but those to whom the sacrament was denied . so far from truth is that which is added , that those other punishments possunt non excommunicatis infligi , may be inflicted upon those that are not excommunicate in his sense of excommunicatus , for one excluded from the sacrament : for no man was denyed prayers and hearing , that was admitted to the sacrament , ( nor is it rationall that one should , for sure he that is thought worthy of the highest dignity and benefit in a church , must be wronged i● he be denied and thought uncapable of the lowest ) though the other part upon this reason be confest to be true , that these punishments of exclusion from prayers & hearing , may sometimes excommunicatis non infligi , be not inflicted upon them that are excommunicate ; as he that is thought unworthy the priests office , may yet be allowed to be one of the nethinim or door-keepers , as in the antient church , he that was suspended from the sacerdotal function was yet suffer'd to communicate , ut laicus , as a laick . by which the answer is clear to the x next thesis as far as sect. 44 concerns the interdictio templorum , exclusion out of the church ( and for the other two , that of the private commerce , & actus cujusvis liciti , of doing any lawful act , we interpose not ) i. e. from all the parts of the publick service , which that it was brought into the church by the pontificians , or that it is contra apertam scripturam , against manifest scripture , is certainly so very far from truth , that no man that hath read any part of antiquity , can doubt of this practise and usage , before the tyranny of popery is affirm'd by any to have come into the world ; and for the second , what that aperta scriptura is , i shall not divine , but resolve that if it be that which is named in the end of the thesis , 1 cor. 14. there is nothing at all conc●uding from thence . the verse that seems to be referred to ( for we are left to divine ) is v. 23. or 24. where the speaking in the church , praying or prophecying , &c. in an unknown tongue , is by st paul proved to be improper , and not to tend to edification , because prophesying , i. e. explaining of scripture , praying , singing of psalmes , &c. being designed for the use of the beleevers , and no others , are in any reason to be in a known tongue , that they may understand . and joyn in them , v. 16. the unknown tongues being designed , either only as a sign , v. 22. i. e. a miracle to convert unbeleevers to the faith , when they s●e illiterate men all jews speak all kinds of languages , or as a means of preaching to men of every country in their own language , from whence , saith the apostle , 't is consequent that if unknown tongues were used in a congregation of beleevers , unlearned men that understand not those tongues , or unbelievers that have no reverence to the congregation , & do not at all discern any miracle in their speaking with divers tongues , but look only upon the ridiculousnesse of the action , as of a gabbling of that which no man understands , wil resolve that this is a direct madnesse thus to do . whereas on the other side that of prophesying , interpreting of the doctrine of christ intelligibly , and the other parts of the church-service in a known language , will be apt to convince , or instruct those unbeleevers or ignorants ; this , and no more but this , is the direct rationall importance of those verses ; wherein though there be mention of unbeleevers coming in , yet that being only by way of supposition [ if they come in , &c. ] i might justly say , that that is no plain affirmation of scripture , that heathens , & alii quilibet , any others that will , are not prohibited the hearing of gods word , &c. for , 1. 't is an old rule , that suppositio non ponit , the supposing ( if they do ) doth not suppose they do , much lesse that lawfully they may : and 2. that text names only ethnicks and ignorants , and belongs not at all to the alii quivis , any other that will , as that contains the impenitent christians , which are the only persons , to which our excommunication belongs ; and of them the apostle is far from affirming or supposing , that they might not be so excluded , and if they should by way of reduction be forced into that verse , the apostles reasons would be spoiled , for they being supposeable to understand that unknown tongue ( as they may do for all their impenitence ) at least to know what belongs to the gift of tongues , and to what use they were designed , would not think them mad presently that used it ; which being said , i may further add , that those heathens coming into the church , or the not prohibiting them to enter , is a very distinct thing from the admission of the impenitent christians , when they are by church censures prohibited , because the apostle himself which prohibits communion with the brother ( that is , the christian ) which is a fornicator , doth yet not prohibit it with an heathen or fornicator of this world ; and the end of excommunication being only on design of charity , to make the christian offender by that means ashamed , and reformable , would be utterly cast away upon an heathen , who would rather be made obdurate by that means ; and indeed 't were ridiculous to turn out them who are not so forward to come in , and are not by st paul here supposed so , unlesse tanquam exploratores , to see how christians behave themselves there , and if they can finde any such madnesse amongst them , as he there mentions , would be likely to charge it home upon them ; though on the other side if they finde such a regular frame , and beauty of all things there , they may possibly be convinced , and wrought on by that admirable order , & doctrine , as st austin was by st ambroses sermon , though he came thither on a quite d●stant arrant . and so sure all this while this is a feeble text to be relyed on , as the only argument to conclude apostolicall practise to be contrary to the excluding of any à verbi divini auditione , &c. from prayer , or from hearing the word in publick , the place being quite extrinsecal to this matter , and saying nothing at all to it . that which hath been said , sufficiently arms us against the sect. 45 concludency of that which y th. 8. is inferr'd from the premises , and therefore there is no need of saying more to it ; save onely this , that in this thesis there are some little mistakes committed , which i shall only name , 1. ( that which is to the matter in hand , and on which his conclusion stands , or falls , and had been mentioned and is by us answered before in the 1. th. ) that ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 1 cor. 10. signifies communion , whereas , i say , it signifies indeed ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 communico ) communicatio , and so belongs there ( quite to another matter then that , to which it is here applyed ) only to the affirming the wine , &c. in the sacrament to be the communication , or the making us partakers of the bloud of christ , not to our communion one with another in sacris , which is the thing from which excommunication cuts us off , as is noted by that definition of it , which thes . 1. is by the author produced , that 't is exclusio à societate & communione fidelium , an exclusion from the society of beleevers . a second mistake ( besides that which is consequent to the former , a new definition of it by only sacramentorum interdictio , interdiction of , or exclusion from the sacraments , which should more unlimitedly have been sacrorum , from holy things ) that sacramentorum is put in the plurall number , which must needs be either not like a divine , or not like a protestant ; for if it note baptisme as well as the lords supper , then 't is not like a divine , for no divine would say that excommunication is an interdiction of baptisme ; for till they are once baptized , they are out of the church , are not capable of excommunication ; and when they are once baptized , though they were not excommunicate , they should be baptized no more . but if by that plurall , he mean any other sacraments besides these two , that is not like a protestant , for such acknowledge no more . having mention'd these two mistakes , i shall not add a third , that in this interdiction , the persons to whom this cognizance belongs , are not rightly named , because though it be true , that they are not , yet the men against whom he wrote were of that opinion ; and i am a little perswaded , that if it had been an episcopall audience , that should have had this cognizance , he had never written this book , nor been put upon those arts to evacuate the church-censures . one thing only i may have leasure to commend in that thesis , that he defines excommunication by publica & solennis interdictio , a publick solemne interdiction , & praeeunte cognitione ( i suppose he means legitimâ ) with a legall cognizance preceding it , and shall add , that they quite deform the primitive institution , who deny the sacrament to whole congregations at once without any charge laid to all or any part of them , ( save only that they are a mixt congregation , wherein there are some evil men , which yet is not legally proved neither ) and they also who deny it to particular men sufficiently catechised , without any publick cognizance of their crime , or processe of admonition first , and second , or that design that exclusion to any other end , then ut peccantes resipiscant , the reducing sinners to repentance : and therefore no small petty trifle is a sufficient matter for this , but contumacious continuing in some scandalous sin after admonitions , from which when they return again by a sincere a●proved repentance , they are to be absolved . sect. 46 z th. 9. is the proposing of the question in the termes , wherein it is to be handled , wherein i shal only interpose for perspicuity sake , that the phrase [ an removendus sit ? ] may have a little ambiguity in it , for perhaps it may ( though lesse properly ) be set to signifie this , whether it be lawfull to remove such an one ? ( for if it be but so , then he that pretends to write against excommunication , and to pretend it unlawfull , will be sufficiently concluded ) and then i answer , that for any but for the governor of the church , to whom the cognizance of his ill life belongs , and who hath had a legal cognizance of it , and proceeded legally by the severall degrees of ecclesiastical processe against him , it is not lawfull : but for the bishop , or praefect , or lawfull governour succeeding to that power which christ gave his apostles with the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , it is lawfull , and by the commission of [ ego dabo ] and afterwards [ ego mitto ] they are sufficiently authorized to do this : and upon this issue , if this be it , we will joyn most willingly . but then secondly , the ( an sit removendus ) may perhaps ( and to that the words more incline ) denote a necessity of doing it , and then the question will be , whether he must be removed ? to which i then answer , that there lies not any such necessity on this , as arises from any pollution that will accrue to others that communicate with him , if he be not prohibited , any further then the example of his sin , and the impunity may extend , and this the fathers maintained against the nova●ians . nor thirdly , any necessity lying on the minister that administers , for he having admonished ( according to our church orders in our liturgy ) every such sinner to go home , and repent , and not to approach to that table , is in charity to believe ( being not able to search the heart ) that he , that after that so comes , is a true penitent . only if in prudence he think it unlikely , and therefore out of care to a poor mans soul , and for the preventing of the sin of unworthy receiving , he think fit to admonish him more privately , or particularly to that end , or to do any thing else , which in prudence may contribute to it , this is but his duty to an erring brother , and when that is done , any farther emergent guilt lies upon the receiver , and he is not ( in case of the mans unworthy receiving ) partaker of that sin . all the necessity then that is in this matter , lies first upon the sect. 47 receiver himself , that he be wary , that he come not till he be prepared ( and that belongs not to our present consideraton ) and upon the bishops , or governours of the church , that when charity to souls requires it of them , they fail not thus to proceed , that when mercy and friendly admonitions prevail not , they then take in severity , the apostles rod in the season for a rod , in stead of his spirit of mercy , and meeknesse , and to that end be watchfull over the flock , that they fall not into such dangers , and infections , by their neglect or mercifulnesse . sect. 48 as for the qualifying of the persons , of whom this question is ask'd , i shall not differ with the proposer , but resolve , as anon we shall shew , that he that is thus , may ( and ought in the sense that i mention ) be thus dealt with , and we shall joyn issue with him for the precept and examples of scripture commanding and teaching us to do so . sect. 49 and having now , as i conceive , so easie a task before me , and such an army of seconds on my side ( the consent and practise of the whole christian world for 1500 years ) against one single combetant , walking in a melancholy posture by himself ( till after so many years , the concurrence of some accidentall conceived conveniences have at last helpt him to some company ) and him again not very much used to the weapon ( i mean divinity ) which he hath undertaken to trust to , and beside having an advantage against him , which he did not foresee , we of this church being not the men against whom his reasons were framed , and so not so like to be prest by them , ( the arguments designed against beza and his presbyterians being utterly unconcludent against us ) i must confesse my self to be under a temptation to make use of the present advantage , and to prosecute this triall to the uttermost ; but i must in justice consider , what a chasme and rent it would make in this discourse , what an unweildy bulk it would swell it to , and therefore must recover so much constancy of minde , as not to be thus passionately hurried out of my resolution , but leave it , till i have a louder call to it , being ready to give any man an account of what i now say in this matter . sect. 50 it will be a more moderate excursion , and more reconcileable with my designed brevity , to mention one opinion or pretension more in this matter , that of another gentleman , who though he strive not to take excommunication out of the church any more then baptisme , but moreover acknowledges also , that it belongs to the future pastors as well as to the then present apostles ; yet having first resolved , that ecclesia & civitas christianorum are all one , he then concludes that the cognizance , and judgment of any fault , whether it be such or no , belongs to the church in that notion of his , i. e. to the city or common-wealth , ( which with him also signifies the civil magistrate , or , as he saith , judicem summum , the supreme judge ; ) and that the power of binding and loosing ( as that also of baptizing , which saith he , is all one with it ) is no farther in the pastor , then that he eject those out of the church , whom the church in his notion hath condemned ; and receive into it , whom the church judges worthy of absolution . i shall not labour to multiply differences , but at this time make my exceptions onely to one part of this scheme , viz. that the church in his notion , i. e. the judex summus , the civil magistrate , hath the power of judging who are to be excommunicated , who absolved . the proofs that i can collect from him of that assertion , are only two ; first , that mat. 18. christ bids , in case the trespasser hear not the two or three , ( i. e. saith he , either deny the fact , or confessing it deny it to be a trespasse ) then dic ecclesiae , that it should be told the church ; [ quare autem ecclesiae , nisi ut ipsa judicet an peccatum sit , necne ? why should the church be told it , but that that may judge whether that be a sin or no ? ] and if he obeyed not , then let him be to thee a publican , &c. non dicit , dic apostolis , it is not , saith he , tell the apostles , to note that the sentence or judgement , whether it be a sinne or no , belongs not to them , but to the church ; and consequently that this power was no more , then to bind those whom the church had before judged impenitent . his second argument is from the practise and words of st paul , who asks the corinthians [ do you not judge them that are within ? ] yet himself pronounces the fornicator excommunicate . to the former of these , i shall answer only this one thing , that there are other reasons very prompt , & pertinent , why the matter should be told the church , though the church be taken in a notion wherein it is not supposed to judge of it : as either , 1. the [ densare inculcationibus ] in tertullians phrase , the fortifying the former successlesse reprehensions with this addition of authority from the number , that as the two or three might be more likely to work upon the offender , then the injur'd person alone , so now the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the many , or the church in the loosest notion of it , for any assembly or meeting of many christians together , ( supposing that it do not signifie the governors of the church , as the antients yet say it doth , and is far more probable , and asserted on stronger grounds , then that it should signifie the civitas or summus judex ) might probably be more effectuall ; or 2. the [ pudefacere coram multis ] formerly cited out of the rabbins , the making the offender ashamed when his fact is thus publisht , and to do that is by us acknowledged the end of the admonitions , and censures ; or 3. if there be need , the using the multitude as a cloud of witnesses to convince him of the fact , or sinfulnesse of it , which the text refers to before , ( that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established ) and in all reason may be a commodious sense here also , this third being but the ascending to an higher , and more probable convincing course , when the former had miscarried . either of these three , much more altogether , will be a sufficient ground of telling it to the church , and so from thence there is no necessity to conclude that the judgement is the act of the church , or civil magistrate in that place . and indeed it will be hard to suppose that possible at that time , when 't is clear the civil magistrate was not christian , and therefore unfit not only for the title of the church , but much more to be appealed to as the judge by christians , who , 't is certain , are bound by christ to use all other means possible ( and telling it to the church in our notion is one of those possibles ) to get satisfaction for trespasses , before they proceed to any heathen tribunal , to implead their fellow-christian there . nor will it , i conceive , be reasonable to reply , that christs speech belongs to aftertimes , when the magistrate should be christian ; for then , 1. he must acknowledge that till then , it was to be in the church in our notion , and consequently that the ecclesiastical governors were the judge at that time , and then by his own doctrine ( that data est potestas ligandi , &c. futuris pastoribus eodem modo quo praesentibus apostolis ) it will still belong to the ecclesiastical superior . and 2. though it may very justly be extended to that future state , ( as what was said to the apostles was not personal , but belonged to their successors also ) yet there will be no probable argument that the apostles then present should be themselves excluded . for , besides that this must lie on him to prove , if he wil assert it against all antiquity , it will also be a little unreasonable to affirm ; for that were for our saviour to give all the power , and direct all the speech to the successors , not to the apostles , as a prophesie only , or a prediction , no evangelical instating on these to whom he spake . this i suppose a sufficient answer to this proof , without proceeding to any deeper search or examination of that which in the argument is taken for granted , viz. that the church signifies the summus judex , which yet is as far from being formerly convincingly inferred , as it is from the sound of the words , or the notion , wherein all the antient church have uniformly taken it , ( which will , i hope , be considerable in this matter ) for that christ did not take upon him to be a judge , or introduce any change in civil government , as it is by us acknowledged most true , so will it not belong to this of binding , &c. which is but a spiritual , not civil punishment , only a denying them that , which christ brought into the world , and gave those messengers of his the sole power of disposing it , and indow'd them with power from on high , particularly for the exercise of it . as for the second argument , 't is certainly a mistake , if it be thought to conclude that the apostle did but pronounce the judgement of the church in that matter of the incestuous , or that the judgement of the civil state was preparative to his . for sure the apostle had , ( before the using of those words of [ do not you judge them that are within ? ] in the end of that chapt. ) past his sentence definitive on that incestuous in the beginning of it , ver . 3. for i have already ( not ego autem , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as absent in body , but present in spirit , judg'd him that hath thus done this thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have judg'd this evil doer : judg'd , i say , and what is the sentence ? why , in the name of our lord jesus christ , you and my spirit being met together ( the apostle and his presbytery , or he in the face of the church ) with the power of our lord jesus christ , to deliver such an one to satan , &c. and this at a time when 't is clear , the church had not pass'd sentence on him , for v. 2. they were puft up , as he complains , and through an opinion of their own deeper wisdome ( a leaven , v. 6. i. e. a doctrine either of the heathen philosophers , or of the gnosticks among them ) took it for an indifferent thing , and did not mourn for him that had done it , the ceremony used by the church , when any was to be excommunicate , and notes that they should have so joyn'd together in mourning , in complaining to the apostle , and prayer to christ , that this censure might passe on such an one , but that they did not do it , nay , it seems proceeded not so far as to fraternal correption which was infallibly their duty toward him . as for the words cited , [ nonne vos judicatis ? ] they come in no another incidental occasion ( not directly to this first matter ) to make the distinction betwixt the dealing with the christian and heathen fornicators ; the apostle restraining his prescription of not conversing with fornicators , v. 9. to the christian fornicator , whom , saith he being within the church , 't is reasonable to conclude within the churches censures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ do you not judge them that are within ? not you emphatically or in opposition to the apostle , but you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a general title of christians , who use not to judge any but christians , all other being left to gods judgement , the church having nothing to do with them . it is clear enough , that the context looketh wholly that w●y , and consequently there will be little reason to extend these words any farther then this , that the church judgeth , christian not heathens ; and the church in the notion only wherein 't is opposed to god , not in which 't is opposed to st paul , but in which in any reason it includes the apostle or governor of it ; for sure he may judge them that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , within the church , ( for so he doth , v. 3. and no part of the context of that ch. seems to say any thing to the contrary ) though them that are without he cannot ; which is the only thing the apostle had in hand to say at that time . having briefly answered the reasons , i shall by way of compounding the controversie with this gentleman , most willingly acknowledge , that somewhat the church in his notion , or more clearly the supreme magistrate , being supposed christian , may have to do in this businesse of censures , praecedaneous to the judgement of the apostle , or before the pastor or ecclesiastical governor proceed to them , as 1. in the choosing or nominating him to that office ; 2. in the setting of rules , or laws by which he ought to proceed in hearing or judging : no question , this may and in christian common-wealths very reasonably ought to belong to the civil magistrate ; and truly this discouse doth not pretend to , or desire any unlimited , or arbitrary power in the bishop , but only that , the rules being prudently set by those to whom the power of making laws belongs in every common-wealth , he should have the cognizance in such causes , as regularly belong to his audience , and according to that rule , & not otherwise , give sentence on the offender ▪ and that only thus far , that he shall be turn'd out of christian society , or received into it again : ( which , beside that this is , and hath alwayes been taken for an institution of christs , which 't is reasonable we should obey , and not dispute , is also in it self simply considered , far from any degree of unreasonable , no man in ordinary reason being more fit to judge who is fit to enjoy the privileges of the church , who likely to be reformed by being deprived of them , then he that hath studied that great skill of winning souls , and is intrusted by christ with the charge of them . ) again 3. it will be granted that the church in the ordinary notion , as it signifies the whole diffusive christian society in any place , may so far be interessed in this matter , as that these only shall be liable to these censures , who have offended others by their notorious sins , and are by the proxyes , as it were of those others , i mean , by their chosen officers , or by the publick fame , the voyce again and interpreter of their sense , delated , or complain'd of to the governours of the church , as those that have wrong'd the church , and defamed that christian profession , to which they had given up their names ; and this is a kind of judging ( in large or loose speaking , as to be infamous offenders signifies to be conceiv'd and judg'd such by the community among whom they live , for otherwise they are not infamous ) but yet in strict propriety , is only a preparative to the sentence of the judge , and an accusing or impleading rather , and is not , i suppose , the thing for which this author doth pretend , or if it were , would not to us be matter of contention with him . the truth is , the power of binding , &c. which we contend for , as the office more then privilege of bishops , ( in the careful exercise of which they minister most charitably to the good of the souls intrusted to them ) is another manner of thing , then what this gentleman seems to have conceived it ( both here , and especially when of it he concludes , vnusquisque si mentis compos sit obediat in omnibus simpliciter ei , cujus arbitrio credit se salvandum aut damnandum esse . ) god knows they pretend to no such arbitrium in the saving or damning of any man ; it is only an engine of christs invention to make a battery and an impression on the obdurate sinner to win him to himself to a blesse , not to triumph over him , ( which very thing he hath in one place excellently exprest , b the end of this discipline , saith he , is by depriving men for a time of the favour and spiritual privileges of the church , to humble them to salvation , ) much lesse to invade any part of civil judicature , or loosen the bands thereof by these spiritual pretences , but to leave the government of the world just in the posture that it was before christs coming , or as it would be supposed to be , if he had never left any keyes in his church . and therefore , when in an annotation affixt to his last edition he was pleased to extend his observation of the c doctrines that might disturb government , not only to that power which many attribute to the pope of rome in other mens dominions , and to the liberty usurpt by the cives infimi , under pretence of religion , but also to that which alicubi extra ecclesiam romanam episcopi in civitate suâ sibi postulant , i must hope that it was a mistake , or which i rather think ( being perswaded of the uprightness of his affections to our establisht government ) that his [ alicubi ] did not in any wise refer ( as i was apt to fear it did ) to the constitution of episcopacy in this native kingdome of his and mine . for that this , since it departed from the roman church , hath been perfectly free from any degree of that guilt , is that of which we are so far perswaded , that we neither fear , nor deprecate any historians instance , nor can imagine what one particle of the doctrine , or constitution of our church there is , on which a rational man can by any consequence build such a d charge ; of which nothing can make vs capable , but leaving the [ non ] out of it ; and that makes me a little confident , that either [ episcopi ] in that place signifies not in the known vulgar christian sense , or that the [ alicubi ] lookt not on this kingdome or church of ours ( as it hath long stood establisht by law ) which most cheerfully acknowledges the truth of his many other observations , ( particularly that of moses's , not aarons chair , of abi●thar the high-priest being no way exempt from the command of solomon , of his three axioms also concerning excommunication , that neither the common-wealth , nor the supreme magistrate , nor all the persons in any common-wealth can be excommunicate ) and resolves that no man shall ever deprive her of this glorying , that she is pure from the bloud of all men , hath entertain'd no one principle , or doctrine in any degree incompetible with the civil power , or peace in the utmost extent , in which the most loyal author ha●h design'd to establish it . and if it must be arminianism ( as one hath lately confuted it under that title ) to teach e that the ecclesiastical power is subjected to the civil magistrate , who in all causes over all persons is acknowledged by us supreme under christ , we must be content to lye down under that envie , and not excuse or renounce that piece of loyal arminianism . i have thus far proceeded in this matter for the removing of sect. 51 prejudices , and vindicating our proposition from three sorts of objecters : 't is now time to advance a little toward the positive assertive part , and to that end ( the knowledge of loosing depending wholly from the consideration of binding ) i shall in the first place examine what images of binding we have in the scripture , and those we shall refer to two heads : first , those that belong to the power , and practise apostolical , ( in the time and persons of the apostles ; ) secondly , those that after the apostles persons , ( and ever since ) were to continue in the church , which we shall call ecclesiastical discipline ( as distant from apostolical ) exercised ( the one , as the other ) upon offenders either publick and scandalous , or whose crimes otherwise came unto their cognizance , and consisting either in separating and removing to some distance , or in casting them totally out of the church , or congregation of visible professors here on earth ; answerable unto which , [ loosing ] must consequently be a delivering from those censures , the absolving of him , who was formerly separated , or excommunicated , restoring him to the visible church ; or any part thereof ( to the privileges of a christian , and the comforts of the word , and services , and sacraments ) who was before legally cast ou● of it , and deprived of them . for the understanding of which , and specially of the former , the apostolical power and practise ( or as it was discernable among the apostles ) it will not be amisse to do these three things : 1. to give you a view of the several sorts of excommunication among the jews , to which some phrases in the new testament refer : ( because i see there is some controversie raised concerning them . ) 2. to mention some of those places in the new testament , which seem to refer to these ; and then 3. to observe the phrases in the new testament , which are more purely christian , i. e. which more distinctly and peculiarly respect the use of these censures among christians . sect. 52 for the first , i am sure , 't will be no news to say that there were three degrees of excommunication among the jews ; the first called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remotion or separation ; the second , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 execration , a more solemn excommunication ( with curses out of moses law and execrations added to it , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which we have act. 8.20 . ) inflicted on him who after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first for 30 dayes , and then being allowed 30 dayes more ( which is doubling of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) still continued in that contumacy , for then , say the jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they anathematize him without defining any limited ●ime , as before in niddui they did . the third is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a kind of proscription and delivering to desolation and destruction ; or to the coming of the lord in judgement against him , noted by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( added to the anathema ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the oriental tongues signifying dominus ; whence in etruria the kings are called murani , saith servius in aen. 12. and the syrians now maranitae , because they call christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our lord agreeable to which it is , that in epiphanius , god is by the gazari call'd marnas , and by the cretians their virgins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ladies , as among the spaniards the form hath been used , sit anathema marano , & excommunicatus , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let him be excommunicate from the hope of the lord : ( and though he that loves not the lord jesus christ be not 1 cor. 16.22 . appointed to be excommunicated by that phrase , yet doth it referre to the use of the phrase among the jews , though there it be by way of accommodation set to signifie another matter , that higher more direful sentence of ( go you cursed , &c. ) of these three species thus set down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i should not add much more , but that again i see two things resolved on by a fore-mentioned learned author , contrary to what hath been generally received in this matter , and the latter of them apt , if believed , to divest the church of all kinde of discipline , even of such as was instituted on no other design but to bring sinners to heaven , and which we desire should be used onely to that end . they are these , 1. that there are but two species of excommunication among the jews , niddui and cherem , and that schammatha is all one with niddui . 2. that these punishments among the jews belonged not to exclusion from sacred , but only from civil society . for the first of these , that which i find produced to disprove sect. 53 those three species , is , 1. the promiscuous use of niddui and schammatha among the talmudical writings . secondly , the derivation of schammatha from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which among them signifies no more then to separate and to abdicate : and thirdly , that elias levita , and david de pomis , which are for these three species , were not lawyers , but grammarians , and so did oscitanter negligently and drowsily make three species of excommunication , when they should have made but two . to all which i answer , that those learned men which maintain the three species may very well do it for ought these objections enforce to the contrary . for it will not be necessary for us to affirm that the talmudists should use these several words constantly according to their distinct , proper , peculiar , critical importance ; there is nothing more ordinary then for words that are used in foro to lose their native proper significations , and to be used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for somewhat else of affinity , and near signification with them ; and therefore it will be worth observing , that as schammatha in the talmud is sometimes taken only for separation ( which is the reason that they which are against the three species make schammatha to be all one with niddui , and to set down niddui and cherem for the two : ) so in other places niddui is set to denote schammatha as a higher degree then cherem , as will appear ( to any that cannot otherwise passe judgement on it ) by the places which buxtorf hath produced in his rabbinical lexicon , which shew clearly that schammatha is a heavier degree of excommunication , and yet that niddui is by them put for schammatha , which indeed will be a proof that niddui and schammatha are used promiscuously , & sine discrimine among those writers , but not at all , that there are but two degrees or species , niddui and cherem , but clearly the contrary , that cherem is a middle species , beyond which there is schamatha , ( which they sometimes improperly cal niddui ) as wel as below it niddui , which they sometimes call schammatha ; and therefore jo. coch which is cited to prove that niddui & schammatha are all one , saith withall , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non tantum de leviori , sed & de graviori indifferenter usurpantur , ex● . gem. san. p. 146. both used for the greater , as well as both for the lighter excommunication . to which i shall add , that the hebr. writers are so far from speaking constantly , and exactly , & critically in this matter , that they sometimes put cherem , or anathema lowest , and ad schammatha to that , and then set niddui as the last of the three , as in jelammedenu sect . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaking of the samaritans ▪ the species of excommunication are thus enumerated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and they anathematized , and schammatized and excommunicated him , by which it will appear , how promiscuously those words have been used among hebr. writers , ( to which purpose may be again remembred , what was even now produced of the phrase in spain , sit anathema marano , & excommunicatus , excommunicatus after the highest anathema ) but it will not be a proof of any validity , against the three species of excommunication , or the order or difference of them , when they do speak exactly . sect. 54 for the second proof taken from the derivation of schammatha from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which , saith he , signifies no more then to separate or abdicate , i desire this may be noted , that there is no such ancient hebrew word as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but only of later use among the rabbins , and talmudists , which to me is an argument convincing that that verb may come from schammatha , and not schammatha from the verb ; and therefore buxtorf , when he meets with it , renders it schammatizare , as a verbal from that noun , not willing to affix any other interpretation to it , but this , that so he might leave it to signifie in the same latitude ( as a verb ) that belongs to schammatha , as a substan●ive , i. e somtimes to be taken properly and strictly to denote the third species , sometimes improperly , to be all one with niddui , or the first species . sect. 55 for the confirming of what i now say , i shal premise what suppose will be easily granted me , that every compound or derivative hebrew word , is to be reduced to some original hebrew root or roots , from which it is derived , or of which compounded consequently that the same must be resolved of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which that it is not a derivative from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i conceive is sufficiently evinc'd , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no primitive hebrew word to be found in the bible , or other authentick hebrew writing ( which he that will not trust his own observation , but survey schindler and buxtorf , will acknowledge with me ) but only among the rabbins and talmudists , and may rather be thought to come from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then schammatha from that ; this is not my conjecture , but the direct words of the learned buxtorf , in his institution of hebrew epistles p. 58. in these words , talmudiei ex nomine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verbum faciunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pros●ribere , proscriptionis poenam in aliquem fer●e the talmudists from the noun schammatha make the verb schammeth , to proscribe , &c. and though buxtorf in his rabbinical lexicon place the verb before the noun , yet is that no argument of disagreement between these two writings , but is only caused by a care of observing his wonted litteral method of setting the verb of the three letters before the noun of one letter more . if it be demanded of me from whence then the noun comes , sect. 56 ( seeing i make the verb come from that ) i answer that learned jews have given it several originations , some bringing it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dominus venit , the lord comes , making it all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 16.22 . ( but the dagesh in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes me that i cannot consent to that etymology ) others from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibi mors , there is death ; others from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desolatio erit , there shall be desolation . of these two latter i know not which to choose , 1. having little objection aginst either of them , and 2. finding them both avowed in the gemara moed katon , in these words , what is schammatha ? rab answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is death , and samuel said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there shall be desolation , &c. and 3. finding the sense of both those originations to come to the same purpose of death , or desolation , or destruction , noting that kinde of offender to be by that censure given up to divine vengeance , which is generally the notion of that 3 degree of excommunication , which makes it to be taken for the same with ma●anatha in the apostle , that god comes as a judge or avenger to such an one . for let me add to this matter this one thing , that this third degree of censure among the jews at christs time , was proper to him , that under moses law had deserved death , but by reason that the power of capital punishments was taken from the jews , could not by them be so punished , and therefore was by this way thus delivered up to gods hands , to inflict vengeance upon him , which they say did very frequently befall them in a remarkable manner ; and s. austins observation is to this purpose , quaest . super deu. l. 5. c. 38. hoc nunc agit in ecclesiâ excommunicatio , quod agebat tunc interfectio . excommunication doth the same among christians , that killing did among the jews . as for the third proof of the objection , taken from the lessening of the authority of elias levita , and david de pomis , it will be sufficient to say , 1. that to make that argumentative , it ought to have been ( but is not ) proved , that others which have call'd the three species in question , are of greater authority then these . 2. that grammarians ( if they be such indeed , as those have been allowed that reputation ) are f criticks also , and so as fit to be hearkned unto in such a matter of ancient custome among the jews , as if they had been lawyers , they would have been ; more , i am sure , then any other lawyers , which had not been so good grammarians ; and yet that any jewish lawyer hath avowed the contrary opinion , is not , that i know of , as yet pretended : and 3. for the negligence or oscitance of these grammarians , that hath not with any proof or confirmation been laid to their charge , and if it were , 't is as possible that jewish lawyers might have been guilty of it as they , nay it were more reasonable to accuse them of oscitancy , that make but two , and them of double diligence that have discerned one species more then they . to this topick ab authoritate i shall add only , that aloysius ( whom the reader is by this gentleman advised to turn to sched . sacro prof . l. 7. c. 10. ) doth affirm in these direct words , sunt apud hebraeos plures excommunicationis gradus , niddui , cherem , schamatha ; there are several degrees of excommmunication among the hebrews , those three by name , though he inlarge not to explain the third , as he doth these two former : and so much for the first particular . now for the second thing , that these species of excommunication sect. 57 among the jews were only to exclude from civil society , and had nothing to do with sacred , i shal venture it to the judgment of intelligent indifferent men , who shall but examine what they meet with on this subject , if it be but at second hand in g buxtorf , &c. out of the hebrew writers . it is his observation of niddui the lowest species , that it is remotio ab aliorum congressu quàm sacro , quàm politico , & domestico , ad 4 passus ; separation not onely from civil commerce , but from sacred also . now that which i conceive hath caused this mistake in this first kind ( & from thence perhaps without any new cause extended it to the rest ) is that such an one that was separated by niddui , was allowed to come to the sacred meetings , to be present at common-prayers , to teach others ▪ and to be taught with others , as the same author affirms ; but then this concludeth not against us , for the same buxtorf still adds , sed semper sub dictâ lege remotionis , alwayes under the forementioned law of remotion , and distance . and so these two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it seems are reconcileable thus : niddui is not a totall remotion or separation neither from sacred , nor from civil society , ( being you know but the first degree or species ) but onely ad 4 passus , that none can come within the distance of foure paces of him that is under the censure ; and this degree of separation being extended to sacred as well as civil assemblies , yet excluded him not either from praying with the congregation , or learning , or ( if he were a doctor ) teaching in it ; onely a mark was set upon him , to discriminate him from others , which were under no censure ; this is described in r. eliezer , c. 17. king solomon , saith he , when he built the house of the sanctuary , made two gates , one for bridegrooms , another for mourners and excommunicate persons , by which they went into the temple . and to these two gates and sorts of men the apostle may seem sect. 58 to allude rom. 12.15 . & 1 cor. 7.30 . when he speaks of weeping with them that weep , & rejoycing with them that rejoyce ; and no question the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we render bewayling , 1 cor. 5.2 . refers to that stile of mourners , and denotes the solemnity usual among the jews of putting on mourning habit , and wailing over them that were excommunicate , according to that of the author of the constitutions under clements name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. 2. let the incurable be put out of the church with sorrow and wailing . these mourners , or excommunicate in that rabbi were those under niddui , who it seems were admitted to the temple , but appointed to come in at a doore peculiar to them , and with some such mark of discrimination , that they that saw them might pray for them in this form , qui inhabitat domum hanc , consoletur te , indátque animo tuo ut obtemperes , &c. he that dwels in this house , comfort thee , and give thee a heart to obey ; by which i am forced to confesse , that niddui did not separate from all society in sacris , but only remove to such a distance ; and yet the reader will be forced to confesse also , that this separation or rather remotion belonged ad sacra , as well as ad politica , and in the same degree that it restrain'd the one kind of society , it restrain'd the other also ; and so saith jo. mich. dilherr . elector . l. 2. c. 10. having premised that niddui est hominis ab aliorum conventu tam sacro , quam politico , & domestico , ad 4 usque cubitus sive passus per dies 30 remotio , &c. a remotion from sacred , civil , domestick commerce , to the distance of foure paces for 30 dayes , a deprivation of the marriage bed , of shaving , and washing , and such other commodities , he adds that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that is under this censure , may be present at sacred meetings , but so many paces off from the rest of the company . sect. 59 and therefore whereas this author affirmeth that by niddui is not meant an ejection out of the church , but only a deprivation of that liberty of civil society within four paces , & applies to it that sense , wherein the poet cals the britains , toto divisos orbe , divided from the whol world , not that they are totally divided from the rest of the world , but to denote a peculiar situation of those islands in the ocean , i shal acknowledge the observation so far as it denies a totall separation , but not as it intimates a greater separation in civilibus , then in sacris , as the words [ peculiari illâ civilis inter suos consortii libertatis deprivation ? ] would seem to import , and as the intention of the writer is by himself demonstrated to be . the matter is sufficiently clear that niddui is but a lighter censure , remotion or restraint for such a degree , but not a total separation either from sacred , or civil society , yet stil as much from sacred as from civil , in both limitedly 30 dayes , and for the distance of four cubits . sect. 60 but then for cherem the second degree , that is defin'd by h buxtorf , exclusion from the sacred assemblies , casting out of the synagogue with all the curses of deut. 28. ( to which , say i others , was added the ceremony of putting out the candles , to signifie him deprived of the light of heaven ) and he hath proof for it out of maimonides in madda , c. 7. muchram non docet néque discit cum aliis . he that is under the second censure , is excluded from hearing the law in publick ; and , as k buxtorf elswhere adds , ò synagogâ , conventibus , negotiis , publicis , sacris , & politicis omnibus exclusus , donec resipiscat ; which may further appear by the form of this anathema , which he brings out of an antient hebr. manuscript . sit in anathemate sanctorum excelsorum , in anathemate , seraphim , & ophunnim , in anathemate totius ecclesiae , &c. now from this , the third species differs onely in this , that as that was a total separation , donec resipiscat , til he repent , but reversible upon repentance , total for the present , but not irremissible , so this was both total and final too , & so undoubtedly ( not remitting of the severity of the second but adding to it ) extended to the separation in sacris also ; and therefore whatsoever may be said of schammatha in the wide rabbinical acception of it , as it goes indifferently for niddui , there wil be little doubt , but the schammatha peculiarly so called , or that which is call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the schammatha of the lord , or of the god of israel , is , as the learned define it , ea quâ quis totaliter & finaliter ab ecclesiâ ( as that notes coetum sacrum , as well as civilem ) segregatus , divino judicio sit devotus , & cum eâ mors & exitium ; so dilherr . l. 2. of maranatha ( which he supposes to be al one with it ) est proscriptio extrema , & absque spe veniae irrogata , quâ reus omnibus humanae societatis juribus , legibus , & officiis exclusus , judicio divino committitur , & ad extremam desolationem condemnatur . a perfect proscription , without hope of pardon , by which the offender is excluded from all privileges , and offices of humane society , and committed to the judgement of god , and condemned to extream desolation . i shal abstain from adding more to the proof of this truth in the several species , conceiving that i have sufficiently proved or vindicated in the lowest , & shewed the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the cause or the occasion of their mistake , who deny it ; and then there will be little need to confirm it any further in the other two degrees , which do adde to that lowest , but cannot be thought to come short of it . and having thus clear'd the first thing which we proposed , sect. 61 view'd the several sorts of excommunication among the jews , i proceed now to the second , to those places of the new testament which seem to refer to them : in which matter i shall not be confident or dogmatical , but deliver my thoughts as for the present it seems to me , & shew you the grounds of my so seeming . and 1. that place luk. 6.22 . doth appear to belong to excommunication among the jews , but whether to one only or more species of it , i am uncertain ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 surely belongs to the first kind , that of niddui , which cannot be more literally rendred in greek then by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , separation , or remotion , 4 paces off , and perhaps that with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 added to it , signifies to do it contumeliously ; but yet because 't is possible , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may have a greater force in it , and be a notation of cursing and execration , not only in this but in other places of the gospel , therefore i conceive that word ( set immediately after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) may denote the second degree , that of cherem , & then to the same wil belong that third phrase also of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to cast out your name as evil , for an hebraism there is in these words , which though a very learned man conceive to consist in this ; 1. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall be all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as indeed sometimes it is ) 2. that as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to bring up an evil report , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shal signifie the same thing ; yet i shal take leave to interpose , 1. that the phrase used for bringing up an evil report , num. 14.36 . is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in brief , that i canot find any where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the translators of the old , or writers of the new testament , for bringing up an evil report . 2. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cast out your name as evil ; 1. [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yours ] then [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as ] added , wil be somewhat another kind of phrase then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as [ to bring up an evil name or report ] is in our language a very intelligible phrase for defaming , but [ to bring up your name or report as evil ] is not so ; and therefore i shall venture to propose my conjecture , that the hebraism is not in the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but in the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] & [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ] so that 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall signifie no more then your persons , or you ( as mat. 1.23 . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is no more then he ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 1.15 . signifies persons of men ) shall be ( not he shall be named by that name ) a god with us , or god incarnate ) and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall signifie [ as scandalous ] or offensive , or abominable , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by the 72. sometimes rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being ashamed ( whence perhaps our english bashful and abash ) sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to abominate , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be evil or wicked , gen. 34.24 . esd . 4.12 . and so [ to cast out your names as evil ] will clearly signifie to cast you out as wicked , shameful , abominable persons , a denotation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was not onely separating or removing to a distance , but total casting out , and that with reproaches , curses , and execrations , such as in moses are denounced against greater malefactors ; whether these circumstances of this text do thus denote , i am not confident , and therefore have onely proposed a conjecture , but that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do referre to the niddui and cherem i doubt not , nor if you marke it , doth h. grotius who hath enlarged on that subject of excommunication , in his annotations on that verse . no more do i find my self moved by the arguments of that sect. 62 learned gentleman to doubt , but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be turned out of the synagogue , joh. 9.22.12.42.16.2 . refers to the second of these species among the jewes , for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do sometime signifie a civil congregation or assembly , and not alwayes a sacred ( as when the hypocrite is said to pray standing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in places of publike concourse and corners of the streets , as the most visible places , matth. 6. ) i shall easily grant , & yet not think my self thereby concluded , or obliged to yeeld , but that it may also , at other times , note the holy assembly , or meeting for the performance of sacred duties , out of which it was sure no news for the jews ( after that capital judgements were taken away from them ) to eject notorious malefactors , particularly hereticks , false prophets , or their sectators , and disciples , as these here for preaching of christ , whom the jews acknowledged not ; in like manner as in the time of the captivity , esd . 10.8 . the order is given , that whoso●ver appears not upon summons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all his estate shall be ( forfeited we render , the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noting the cherem which we now speak of ) devoted , anathematized , as an evidence of that kinde of excommunication which followes in the next words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shall be separated from the church or congregation of the captivity , not only from civil , but ecclesiastical society with them , for so cherem was formerly demonstrated to signifie ; nay , it may with some reason be conceived in that place from ecclesiastical only , in case of cherem or total ejection ; for 't is more probable , that the king under whom they were captive , allowing them some liberty for the exercise of their religion , but in civil matters keeping them as captives and servants , should permit them to punish one another by that way of casting out of their ecclesiastical assemblies , then by that other of civil interdict , especially if it be conceiv'd to extend to banishment , &c. which would intrench upon his prerogative , and be a kind of turning the captive out of his captivity . sect. 63 that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs to this second species , and so to casting out of the society in sacris , is the distinct affirmation of the learned l buxtorf in these words , haec est illa excommunicatio ( speaking of cherem ) de qua in evangelio iohannis , cap. 9.22.12.42 . etsi ab eo tempore rabbini quaedam ipsi adjecerint : and the intimation of m john coch also in these words , qui simpliciter excommunicatus est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est ille quidem separatus à coetu , ita ut pro vero membro ecclesiae non habeatur , non tamen videtur esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quia doctrinae particeps est . from which words of that very learned man , i observe these two things contrary to what i see lately affirm'd . 1. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not belong to niddui , but to cherem . 2. that it is an ejection not only ab ecclesiâ , synagogâ , as that notes rempublicam judaicam , but from sacred assemblies , noted by doctrinae particeps , according to that rule in maimonides . devotus nec docet nee docetur , such an one is excluded from both , it seems , and so from those holy assemblies , where that was wont to be done . sect. 64 to this phrase of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is subjoyned jo. 16.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but ( or yea ) the hour cometh that every man that killeth you shall seem , or be thought to do god service , or to offer a sacrifice to him ; whereon i shall interpose a conjecture , that those words may possibly denote the third degree , that of schammatha , at least a consequent of it , for so saith n buxtorf of that species , mortem dicit , quia cujusvis manibus ejus vita exposita est , & euilibet eum interficiendi libera potestas : it is so call'd , because such a mans life is exposed to any ones hands , every one having a free power of killing him : & so to that he applies the maranatha which is added to anathema , 1 cor. 16.22 . a forme of extreme proscription , delivering up the sinner to divine revenge , in which case whosoever kill'd him , conceived himself to perform an act of execution of justice , and service to god. some other places there are in the new testament belonging sect. 65 to these judaical censures , fit to be explained ; but i have chosen to insist onely on those because , i lately find them otherwise rendred , but yet discern no reason to recede from what i have now delivered , that they do belong to those species of excommunication not only from civil but from sacred assemblies , though one in an higher degree then another . to which i shall onely adde , that they which have applied these places to christian excommunication , any otherwise then only by way of accommodation , shall not be pleaded for by me , who acknowledge that they belong to the jews , and to their usage of christians , and not to some christians dealing with others ; but then sure there is as little reason on their side who will not allow that way of accommodation , which would not be at all unreasonable , though those phrases among the jewes were supposed to belong only to civil commerce ; it being ordinary for christ to ordain some things in his church , which were answerable to civil not sacred customes among the jews ( as the lords supper , sure an ecclesiastical rite among us , was to their post-coenium , which was not so , and many the like , ) to transplant from their forum to our church , and therefore no way unfit for the apostles and following church to appropriate those words to ecclesiastical senses , though they were supposed to be among the jewes of a greater latitude : of which sort , because i formerly promised it , i shall now specifie in some instances . this may be discern'd in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which if sect. 66 any man should prove to have no other sense among christians , then that of a meeting together in a town hall , upon no other way of probation , but that the hebrew words answerable to that , are by the talmudists , yea even in the scripture of the old testament taken in this sense , this would be a little strange ; the matter of fact being most evident to the contrary , and it being most prompt and proper , that words used either among the greeks or hebrewes in forinsecal senses , may be bent by christian writers to a sacred . sect. 67 so in like manner , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is acknowledged , is answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the jewes , and that word denoted among them some offices , which if they may in any respect be counted ecclesiastical , are yet very distant from the christian use of it : such was that of the messengers sent out to demand and bring in the dues to the temple , which cannot without the helpe of accommodation be applyed to the christian acception of the word ; and such againe was the proxy in contracting or marrying two persons , for he was call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. apostolus also , an intercessor or internunce betwixt them , which as a sponsor , undertook for one to the other , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as samson had judg. 14.20 . i. e. in varinus his definition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of whom he saith that when the bridegroome himselfe must not goe into the fathers house , ( viz. in a o second marriage , such as that was of god with the gentiles , who had before espoused the jewes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee sends one of his friends : to which m●tion of the word ( according to one punctation of the place ) the apostle may seem to referre , 2 cor. 11.2 . when he expresses his apostleship by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have espoused you to one husband , according to that sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acknowledged by p julius pollux , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or sponsor all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the interceding or mediating a marriage , all one with that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there used by st. paul , agreeable to which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by pollux further extended to the mediators of any kinde of league , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and then according to that notion also , is the apostles pacifick office , praying and beseeching us in christs stead to be reconciled to god , all which are very convenient accommodations , but farre from requiring the christian word to the very kinde of sense that the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did import . so againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishops in the christian church , doe in sect. 68 respect of their office , particularly that of imposition of hands , ( peculiar to them above the presbyters even in st. jeromes confession ) referre to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the princeps synedrii , who imposed hands upon those that were elected into the sanhedrim , but in respect of the name they referre to the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the jewes , and accordingly the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both 1 mac. 1.53 . and in josephus , set to signifie them that are set over any publike businesse , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that set men a worke , and require an account of the performance , and yet are by way of accommodation brought both in the new testament , and in all sacred writers since , to signifie an office parallel to this , but purely ecclesiastick . so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though in the old testament sect. 69 it belong properly to the elders of the people either in a common notion , or as members of their sanhedrim , not any body , or single persons peculiarly ecclesiasticke , ( though by the way 't is most cleare , that the high priests were not onely of that number , part of their sanhedrim , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also the chiefe of them , and therefore in the new testament the mention of the high priests and elders comes oft together in point of judicature ; and the businesse of that court , being all kinde of affaires , civil as well as ecclesiasticke , it was most reasonable that some persons of both conditions should be intrusted with them , and there being so , no wonder that there was no other court , or tribunal meerly ecclesiastical ) yet doth it unquestionably belong , both in many places of the new testament , and in the constant acception of primitive and after-writers , to an order of ecclesiasticks , as is most apparent both by clemens , and ignatius , and is confest by them , which assert the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of bishops , and presbyters : which makes it not very reasonable to consent to the way of arguing , twice used by that learned writer , who from the talmudical writings of the creation of the jewish elders , would conclude how little , or how nothing there is in the creation of a presbyter among christians , more then of a doctor of law , &c. but this by the way . sect. 70 lastly , so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deacons in the christian church are directly parallel to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under the synagogue , called by epiphanius ( by a light inflexion or change of the hebrew ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or treasurers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in philo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in josephus ) which i wonder a * learned man should carpe at , onely upon this exception , because it was not proved they were in synagogis praefecti , ut ministrarent mensis , when 't is cleare that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the acts , noting first the ministring to them in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that common table for the poore and rich , doth in universum signifie [ providing for the poore ] and that is as clearly parallel to the office of those treasurers among the jewes , as if they had literally in the synagogue served tables . sect. 71 i should now proceed to my third proposal , the phrases which are purely christian , but that i conceive it not unfit to take notice of one difficulty ( which wee have not yet mentioned , nor shall have occasion to mention among the phrases purely christian ) and to give some account of that in this place . and it is , to examine what was the condition , 1. of heathens . 2. of samaritans . 3. of those that are called sinners . 4. of publicans among the jewes ; being tempted to that ( if it be an extravagance ) by another parenthesis in a learned authour before mentioned . for gentiles , they were of three sorts ; either 1. proselytes sect. 72 of justice , who were circumcised , and undertook their whole law , and these were allowed to live among them , to enjoy all liberty and priviledges , that any jew did , differing from them in nothing but their gentile-birth . secondly , proselytes of the gates , which were converted so far by them , as to receive the precepts of the sonnes of adam and noah , but not to be circumcised , &c. and these were also permitted to live freely among them in civii society , and to come to the temple ( gods house being a house of prayer to all people , i. e. to all such gentle worshippers , or godly men of the nation ) but that with a marke of difference from the jewes , and perfect proselytes , there being a court provided on purpose for them , called the court of the gentiles , divided from the court of the jewes by a little partition called by the apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on which was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that no such gentile proselyte might goe in i. e. beyond their owne , into the jewes court ; and so these though admitted to society in sacris , yet were so removed or separated by law , the whole body of them , that they were in a manner under the censure of niddui , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , separated from them for some small space , proportionable to that of foure paces , but this not by any act of excommvnication , but by a general law or tradition , thus discriminating them from jewes in this particular . thirdly , there were the gentiles continuing still utterly sect. 73 unconverted in their gentilisme , and with those they were not to have society at all ( not onely in sacris , for there was no need of interdicting that , they would not joyne with them and for them to joyne in the gentile sacrifices were down-right idolatry ) but to separate from them , for feare their company and conversation should infuse their gentiles sinnes into them , wherein they were so strict , that they would not goe into the praetorium , where the band of roman ( i. e. such gentile ) souldiers were , joh. 18. ver . 28. counting it a pollution , if they had so done . so you see what was the condition of the gentiles among the jewes , and all this by law or standing custome among them , without any interposition of any degree of excommunication , as having nothing to do to judge them which are without , i. e. the last kind of gentiles , and having set rules for the other two . sect. 74 then for the samaritans , they are almost , if not quite , in the same case with the last sort of gentiles , no conversation allowed between the jewes and them , as you see joh. 4. ver . 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the jewes have not common commerce with the samaritans , no not so farre , as that one should give the other meat or drinke in his want , or helpe him to it , as appeares by the former part of that verse , doest thou being a jew aske to drinke of me being a samaritan ? they might not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eat together , which was proportionable to the niddui , ( that being a separation , to the distance of foure paces , à congressu domestico , as well as sacro & civili , and a prohibition of eating and drinking together promiseuously ) and not onely so , but an interdicting of acts of common humanity , as helping to necessaries of life , like the proscription among the romans ; but this is not by way of excommunication againe , ( but by standing law or custome ) for the samaritans used not the same place of worship with the jewes , came not to jerusalem , joh. 4. ver . 20. and so could not be excommunicated by them . nay , matth. 10. ver . 5. you shall see the samaritans and the gentiles joyned together in opposition to the jews , when the apostles are commanded to go neither to the way of the gentiles , nor to the city of samaria , but onely to the lost sheep of the house of israel ; that is , first to them , before either samaritans or gentiles were preacht to , which were all one in effect , the samaritan being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an aliene , luke 17.16 . in the next place , the word sinners is in the new testament an equivocal word ; for it may signifie either gentiles , as gal. 2.15 . sinners of the gentlles ; or else scandalous offenders , infamous persons , harlots , &c. these ( it seems ) it was unlawful to eat with , mat. 9.11 . if taken under the first notion , the case will be clear upon the same account , as before we gave you of the heathens : but under the second notion , if sinners signifie notorious offenders , then are they considered either as men under the punishment of excommunication , or at least worthy to be under it , and that either under niddui or cherem , the lowest of which would make them uncapable of familiar conversation , and eating together with other jews ; and upon that ground , the jewes might quarrel with christ for eating with them , and s. paul speaking of the incestuous person might refer to the jewish custome , and thereupon command 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to eat with him , ( that remotion in niddui for the distance of four cubits , being unreconcileable with familiar eating together ) and so the pharisee , when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luk. 7.37 . came with her cruse of ointment , and anointed and kist christs feet , resolves that if christ knew what she were , he would not admit of so neer a commerce with her , and concludes him no prophet , that he did not know it . lastly , for the publicans , who were also thought unfit for sect. 76 men to eat and drink with , i conceive that is not again from any of the jewish censures past upon them , but only because either they were gentiles , and so uncapable of that commerce , or else being jews , yet being officers of the romans , they were supposed to commerce ordinarily with gentiles , and so to be polluted by that means , and by the law of legal pollution interdicted that familiar reception among the jewes ; notwithstanding which , it appeares , the publican , luk. 18 , 10. went up to the temple to pray , as well as the pharisee ; and if the parable be argumentative , it seems the pharisee and the publican were in the same court of the temple , ( as maybe guest by the pharisees pointing him out , this publican ) and so that the publican enjoyed all the same priviledges of accesse that the other did , ( though still he continued afar off , & that in a most humble posture , as if he he were ander niddui , that lowest degree of excommunication ) but because it may be subject to mistake , to argue from parables , i shall not do so , but leave the publican joyned with the sinner , as one heathen with another , both by the jewish laws , forbidden to converse with , and not expelled by any censure of excommunication . these conjectures being thus obiter and in passage premised , only on purpose to discard some lesse pertinent places , which some others perhaps have taken liberty to make use of , and not out of design to make any special advantage of this explication of them , in order to my present purpose , or in opposition to any ; i come now to the last thing proposed even now , to shew you the phrases more purely christian : such are , 1. to deliver unto satan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 5.5 . 1 tim. 1.20 . answerable to cherem among the jews , so far as belonged to the society in sacris , a turning the blasphemer out of the church of christ . this was the frequent stile of excommunication , because it was the depriving the man of those every-day means which are in christianity afforded , as ordinarily usefull to eject satan and the power of his kingdom out of the heart : such are , 1. the prayers of the church . 2. the publick use of the word or doctrine of christianity : ( for so he that is under gherem , nec docet nec docetur , neither teacheth nor are taught , and in the ancient christian church it appears they were excluded from that , & upon repentance received for the first three years among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or hearers in the porch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith zonaras , which being the first degree of their return to communion , argues that before they were excluded from it ) and thirdly , the sacrament of the lords supper , in which respect scandalous sinners are by s. jude call'd spots in their feasts , or agapae ( which being annext to the lords supper denoted the whole action ) i. e. unfit , as blemished sacrifices to be received there . the use of which means being in the oeconomy of the gospel designed to so much advantage to the soule , for the casting satan out of it , consequently the banishing from , or depriving of the use of those means is properly stiled the delivering to satan , though in gods gracious disposal of all things , that be d●signed by him also to the same gracious end , to cast satan out of him , on whom nothing else can be able to work . sect. 77 but then secondly , it was so call'd , because in the apostles times a sad consequent there was of this tradition or excommunication , proportionable to the dirae or execrations in the jewish cherem , which , say they , rarò effectu carebant , seldome wanted the effect , to wit , corporal power and possession , and inflictions of satan on those , who were delivered up to him , as to a lictor or carnifex ( in like manner as we read befell saul after his defection from god , when the evill spirit came upon him , 1 sam. 16. vers . 14. ) for it must be remembred , that about christs time , and a little sect. 78 after , the devil was permitted to have such a ranging unlimited power , that he did ordinarily obtain leave to tyrannize over the bodies of mortal men , laying all kinds of diseases upon them , ( as indeed there is scarce any kind of disease , but some resemblance of it you may finde in some or other of those described in the gospel ) which is somtimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , satans buffeting , 2 cor. 12.7 . sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , racking or tormenting , as of the paralytick , mat. 8.6 . grievously tormented , and so mat. 4. v. 24. that condition of men is described by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : we render it , taken with divers diseases and torments , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is used ordinarily for those , that are possest with devils , and so here of those consequents of such possessions , and therefore follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and possest with devils . and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind , as luk. 11.13 . in the story of the woman which had the spirit of infirmity , vers . 11. ( i. e. a devil or evil spirit that inflicted a strange infirmity or disease upon her ) 18. years , bowing her together , that she was not able to look up ; 't is said of her , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that satan had bound her , ver . 16. and the curing her is called loosing her from her infirmity , ver . 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from her bond , ver . 16. agreeable to the phrase of binding and loosing in this businesse , mat. 16.19 . & 18.10 . hence it is that the apostles delivering to satan , is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 5.5 . to the destruction of the flesh , i. e. by way of pain or disease , a speciall part of apostolical discipline . thus in ignatius epistle to the romans , we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the punishment of the devil , which i conceive in that place must belong onely to temporal inflictions , because he wishes it were upon himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he may by that means obtain or come to christ , of which eternal would deprive him ; and , perhaps s. pauls wish extended no farther , rom. 9. then to be thus excommunicate from the church of christ , and to be under those temporal evils that attended it , which was an exuberance of love also to his brethren . sect. 79 the summe of what hath been spoken on this point , is , that as amongst the ancient heathen romans there was banishment , and interdictio ignis & aquae , offenders were interdicted the necessaries of life : and as in iosephus , the esseni [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. cast out from their congregation such as are taken in notorious offences , and they that are thus cast out , come many times to miserable deaths , consumed with hunger , &c. or as heliodorus , 2 mac. 3. in his sacrilegious enterprise was scourged by two angels in the shape of young men , v. 26. and hardly came off with life . so the apostolical excommunication , or anathema , was attended with these adversaries of life , diseases , pains , & grievous torments , to lay a necessity on them of returning , or being reformed by that means . and this i conceive is the rod which the apostle mentions , 1 cor. 4.21 . the power of inflicting death , as on ananias ; or diseases , blindnesse on elymas , and the like ; the heb : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rod , being isa . 10.24 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a plague , all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mar. 3.10 . and so very capable in that place of this interpretation , & by the matter of the choice there proposed to the corinthians most fitly applied to it . sect. 80 this have i said ▪ ( and might adde a great deal more ) to illustrate this one phrase of delivering to satan , and in it that apostolical censure of excommunication , and its attendant , corporal inflictions of diseases and pains . sect. 81 to all which , methinks cains condition described , gen. 4. is very applyable , ( by way of accommodation at least ) ver . 14. behold , thou hast driven me out from the face of the earth ; answerable to v. 11. thou art cursed from the earth , theor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anathema to which the cursing there is answerable , being a species of excommunication higher then niddui or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even a driving or casting out , the english of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before mentioned , luk. 6.22 . i. e. either from the church ( as anon you shall see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie ) or which is all one , from that part of the earth , where adam and his other children dwelt , as the sole church then existent , and thereupon immediatly it follows , and from thy face shal i be hid : gods face typically noting the church , where god had alwayes a peculiar presence , to which refers the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bread of faces ; or shewbread in the temple , shewing or signifying the presence of god there , and i shal be a fugitive and vagabond ; and then finally it shal come to passe , saith he , that every one that findeth me , shall stay me ; there is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 death , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; excision , from which though god freed him , v. 15. yet the other he lay under , as appears by v. 16. cain went out from the presence of the lord , went out , i. e. was turned out ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. 25.46 . is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chap. 8.12 . ) of the presence of the lord , i. e. out of the church , or visible congregation of gods servants , the place where god is pleased peculiarly to exhibite himself , i. e. out of adams family or the place where he dwelt , for it follows , cain dwelt in the land of nod on the east of eden , but this onely as an image or accommodation . one thing i desire here to interpose as in a parenthesis , sect. 82 which hath been touched on in other * papers , but wil be here seasonably set down more at large , as peculiarly pertinent to the matter now in hand of delivering to satan , and 't is this , that this act of the church in delivering up to satan , is but an image of gods real dealing , who is wont upon occasion tradere satanae , to deliver men unto satan . the ground of this affirmation you may discern by compounding these scripture truths together . 1. that satan is our adversary before god , and therefore call'd satan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies so , and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enemy , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 set against us , &c. secondly , that one main act of his satanship is exprest in accusing us before god , rev. 12.11 . and thence he is call'd peculiarly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. an opposite , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in court of judicature , 1 pet. 5.8 . and that either 1. upon some false suggestion , no real crime , as particularly that of unsincerity ( or serving god only as long as god used him wel , allowed him the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in the case of job , chap. 1. vers . 9.11 . in which respect he is peculiarly call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a calumniator ; and 't is observable that the 72. doe most what render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by that word , noting this act of calumnia●ing gods servants to their master , to be a special piece of his being our adversary ; or else , secondly , upon the real commission of some sin , which advantage he will be sure not to omit , when he can take it , for sure he that will accuse falsly , will not spare to accuse when he hath true matter of accusation allowed him . to which purpose he is stiled observator calcanei , an observer of the heel , in the vulgar latine , gen. 3.15 . ( agreeable to the septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unless ( which i easily believe ) that be a fals print for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) an observer of the heel of christ , i. e. of christians , or one that goeth up and down , to and fro in the earth , job 1.7 . to finde out matter of accusation , and in this sense he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. an accuser ( as that differs critically from a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or calumniator ) of the brethren , i. e. christians , or believers , when they fal into a fault . an example of this , i conceive , we have in the case of s. peter , luk. 22.31 . where satans desiring to have peter , seems to be founded upon some previous or precedent accusation of him for some criminal commission , perhaps that of striving with the other disciples for superiority , immediately preceding . v. 24. ( as his successor at rome hath done ever since ) or for some other sin , which satan saw , though we do not at this distance . sect. 83 and upon this putting in of accusations against any , follows in the third place , his expetivit ut cribraret , luk. 22.31 . his desiring to winnow , his solemne petition to god that he that hath so offended , may be delivered unto him ; parallel to which our english bibles make that other place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seeking whom he may devour , 1 pet. 5.8 . which is there plainly attributed to him , as he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a plaintiff or adversary in a court , impleading , or accusing , or delivering to the judge , matt. 5.25 . that so he may deliver him back , again as to a tormentor ; and then if this satanical course or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prevaile , if this accusation be received , this petition be granted , as it was ( though with limitation ) job 1.12 . the result is , a man delivered up to satan , to have as job had , so many assayes of his malice practised upon him . to which purpose you may please to observe what psellus hath given us in his scholia on the chaldean oracles on that text [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the devils have the power of binding men ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these punitive envious devils do bind , and even strangle the soules of good and ( as we say ) regenerate men : and from thence it follows , saith he , that we oft see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , many of pure and holy conversations falling into unexpected calamities : according to that of the apostle , for this cause are many sick and weak among you , &c. and perhaps it may on this ground be farther observable , that when men are thus by god delivered up into satans hand ; and he by that permission designs them any mischief , he is able to foretell it to his instruments , and so somtimes doth foretell such future events , to get a reputation in the world of fore-knowing all things . now this being the condition of the apostolical censure or delivering sect. 84 to satan , that who were thus delivered , satan corporally tormented them , brought them to deaths doore , and sometimes killed them , it must follow on the other side . 1. that the apostles by the power of the keys , must be enabled together , both to cast out devils , and to heal diseases , and so they were , mat. 16.17 . in my name they shall cast out devils , and 18. they shal lay their hands upon the sick , and they shall recover . 2. that whom the apostles absolve from the censure of excommunication , they might and should also cure of diseases , the consequents of that censure then ( though not alwayes now , and therefore perhaps only the first power belongs to the governours of the church now , to wit , that of absolving , not of curing ) and so every where in the gospel we read forgivenesse of sins , and healing of diseases , or casting out devils , joyned together , as mat. 9.2 . christ saith to the sick of the palsie , son be of good cheer , thy sins are forgiven thee , and then v. 6. arise , take up thy bed and walk , ( the stile and ceremony of christs cure ) and the curing of that disease , an argument in christs own logick convincing and demonstrative , that he had power to forgive sins on earth , for though in mat. and luke it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on earth either applyable to son of man , or to the power of the son of man on earth , as probably , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to forgive sins , yet in the parallel place in mar. 2.10 . 't is distinctly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to forgive sins on earth , which is not subject to that ambiguity , i. e. to absolve in the church , because those diseases being consequent to gods delivering up to satan , which is the idea of the churches binding , the sinner must be first loosed ( i. e. his sin forgiven ) before he could be cured , and therefore the phrase was critically exact and proper of the woman with the spirit of infirmity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be loosed from her bond , to expresse the cure of that disease . so jam. 5.15 . ( which if it strictly belong not , may yet commodiously be applied to this matter ) you find together the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) saving or recovering the sick , & [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] remission of his sins also : yea and it is observable what s. cyprian saith so many yeares after , that baptisme the seale of pardon of sin , freed those from evil spirits , that were before troubled with them ; ( whence sure it was , that the catechists that prepared converts for baptisme , are in the canons of the councils called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exorcists ) and if after baptisme they relapsed to sinning , the evil spirit returned again ; by which 't is manifest , saith he , that the devil in baptisme is turn'd out by the faith of the believer , and his faith failing , returns again . sect. 85 i shall only adde two things to this matter , 1. that this may possibly be the original and occasion , if not the p●ime importance of that phrase , 1 joh. 5.16 . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a sin unto death , ( in which the faithful are not bound to pray for him that is guilty of it , or in which case there is no promise that their prayers shall be heard ) i. e. a sin of such a nature , as to which the delivering up to satan the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs , the committer of which ( though he might in general be pray'd for , yet ) as long as he continued impenitent & obdurate he was deprived of the prayers of the church , at least was fit to be excluded out of the church , where men prayed in common one for another , as many as were present ; nay perhaps the apostles , having the power of discerning of spirits , might possibly discern some man impenetrably obstinate , and so irrecoverably gone , and so give over all praying or interceding for him , ( as on the other side [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] if any man without that spirit of discerning , see his brother sin a sin which is not unto death , he shall ask or pray , &c. nay on the contrary pray for his excision in some cases , as the after-church judging , though with an humane ( and so possibly fallible ) judgment , of julian the apostate , banisht him out of their prayers , ( and rather prayed for his cutting off ) to which yet i make no doubt they would have given him a return , if they should have discerned any probability of his return unto the faith . the second thing which i shal add hereby way of appendage , sect. 86 is , that from hence will appear , the meaning of anathema maranatha , 1 cor. 16.22 . which is as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the lord comes ) the third sort of the jewish censures ) compacted or put together into one , perhaps not to signifie in that place any peculiar kinde of censure among christians instituted ( as some would think ) in these words against those that have committed the sin against the holy ghost . for the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , loveth not ] there , will not properly signifie that sin , nor indeed any other , of which the church can have cognizance , ( loving , or not loving being a secret of the heart , til it break out into some actual virtue or sin , & then it puts off that title of the affection , and is call'd by the name of the action ) but by way of accommodation , to apply to the state of such a man the two last degrees of excommunication among the jews , the one noting total , the other final , irreversible excision ; and by that terrible representation , as by a clap and a flash of thunder and lightning together , to give a through sense of the danger of that state to set an amazing formidable mark or character upon those that love not the lord jesus : whether they be hypocrites , who whatsoever els they are , are certainly no lovers of christ , at least not lovers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in sincerity , ep. 6.24 . or whether haters of him , as al vicious persons are , and then the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him be ] is not alwayes a legal form of censure , but either a prophetick or apostolical denunciation , importing but this , that the hypocrite or hater of jesus christ shall undoubtedly be damned . by that which hath been said on occasion of this first phrase sect. 87 ( of delivering to satan ) wil appear distinctly , wherein this power of binding in the first branch of it , as peculiar to the apostles from after ages , consists , peculiarly in the power of delivering up to corporal inflictions , diseases , &c. the other phrases will express the matter as it is common to the apostles times with all after ages , the ecclesiasticall discipline , not as it differs from , but as 't is al one with the apostolical , devested only of that one consequent among them , the corporal inflictions . in this rank is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i will not spare , 2 cor. 13.2 . explained , sect. 88 v. 10. by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , abscision , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sublition , taking away , or turning out of the church ; for i conceive the ver . is thus to be paraphrased . these things i , now being absent , write to you , that when i come , i may not be forc'd to use acts of severity , according to the power which is given to me for edification ( which i rather desire to make use of ) and not according to the power which was given to me for destruction or excision . ) so again , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 cor. 5.9 . the apostles command of not communicating or associating with such . it hath much troubled some scrupulous enquirers , where or when it was that s. paul had thus written unto them , phansying it necessary to resolve that he had written some other epistle to the corinthians before this first . but sure the beginning of the chapter will lay this scruple , for to that ( and not to any other farther off ) the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have written in this epistle that you should not company , &c. ] doth belong , and that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i have now written , vers . 11. will enforce , for so in 3 , 4 and 5. verses we read , i verily , as absent in body , but present in spirit , have judged already as though i were present , concerning him that hath done this deed ; in the name of our lord jesus christ , when you and my spirit are gathered together with the power of the lord jesus christ , to deliver such an one unto satan , &c. the apostle though absent , yet having an apostolick ruling power or jurisdiction over them , passeth censure ( as formally , as if he had been amongst them ) upon that fornicator or incestuous person : and by that spirit or power of his , whereby he was present in their assemblies , doth therein pronounce this censure of excommunication or delivering up to satan against him , that by this means he may reduce that notorious offender ( that is the importance of those 3. verses ) and that others be not tainted by his example , verse 6. &c. and then verse 9. ( having a little digrest , v. 7 , 8. ) he resumes his matter again , and saith it over briefly in another phrase , with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. this then was it i wrote to you in , or , by epistle , ( because i was not present ) that you should not company with such . by which it appears that the delivering a man to satan , and the commanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one ( or one but a light addition to , or variation from the other ) all other men being so far concern'd in such a ones being so delivered , as not to company with him ; yet that not so much ( as men now a daies think ) lest they should be polluted by him , ( i. e. by that act of communion with him , as under the law by touching an unclean thing ) as to help discipline him , that the insensate sinner may see himself left alone to no society but satans ( avoided , abandoned by all ) and so be brought to a sense of his detestable dangerous condition , ( and others kept from thinking his actions exemplary or fit to be imitated by them ) and therefore though this discipline be not used upon sinners cut of the church , ver . 12. for they will not be wrought on by the christians abandoning their company , yet saith st. paul vers . 11. with a professor of christianity , one that lives in the church , and yet is guilty of this sin , or the like , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for so i conceive the words must be joyned , all betwixt being in a parenthesis ) neither to company nor eat with him , in stead of which , 2 thes . 3.14 . 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simply , onely with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which it seems is a preparative to it ) set a mark , or brand upon him , and doe not company with him ) which in either place whether it belong onely to exclusion from communion in sacris , or be to be extended to interdiction of ordinary civil society , i professe my self not over-confident ; for the former onely this may be said . 1 that although the sound of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( especially as we render it , no not to eat ) seem to contain the latter also , yet perhaps the aequipollence of that other phrase [ delivering to satan ] may restrain it to the former . 2. because the interdiction of conversing or eating with christian offenders might ( now at least ) make it necessary for a man to go out of the world , as w●ll as the interdict of heathen-fornicators company would have done then . 3. because the phrase [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which in the close of the chapter is set to expresse the former censure , is by the canons of the councels solemnly applyed to these ecclesiasticall censures , suspension either from the church or from office in it . and yet on the other side the jews were so severe to some , sect. 89 as to deem it unlawfull either to eat or familiarly to converse with them , as samaritans , publicans , heathens and sinners ( so call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. notorious sinners ) and a notable evidence and example of that practice of theirs we have in the 3. book of maccabees , where speaking of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , deserters , or those that fell off to any notorious breach of their law , the author saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they did expresse a detestation of them , judging them as enemies of the nation , and denyed them the civility of common converse or good usage , al friendly entertainments , &c. and the same is called after in that place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a separating from them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( though it be read corruptly , and without sense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) aversation , and exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they appeared enemies to them : and even the jewish nidui or first degree of excommunication , being a remotion ad 4. passus , not suffering any man to come within four paces of him that was so censured , was an interdiction of familiar conversation or eating with him . and therfore perhaps some of that their discipline may be here imitated , and retained ; but then again for the former opinion , christ by his contrary practice seemed to dislike that custome of theirs , and though he brought excommunication into the church or in sacris , 't is not necessary he should continue that other that extended to civil commerce , and therefore still perhaps may not . sect. 90 the best decision perhaps wil be , that this censure ordinarily belongs only to society in sacris ; but yet sometimes the state of affairs so requiring , and when some other defect may be so supplyed , the governours may proceed to the second interdict , that no man shal talk familiarly , or entertain , or eat with them , that all men shall avoid their company , discountenance them , and not so much as say god speed , allow them ordinary christian civility , by this means to besiege , and starve them up , and so , if possible , humble and reduce them . to which purpose it is observable what the learned and judicious hugo grotius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath noted concerning this matter , that in a christian church where either through the recentnesse of their plantation communes conventus non sunt , there are no constant common assemblies of the christians in it , or wherupon the same occasion there is no settled government in the hands of a bishop and assistent presbyters , or where the church is torn asunder by schismes , ( as in corinth , when this first epistle was written , chap. 11.18 . whence it follows , v. 31. that judgments or censures were neglected , and upon that neglect , diseases and deaths among them , ( i would , i could not say among us also ) whereas at the writing of the second epistle , the discipline together with a quiet judicature was restored , 2 cor. 2.6 . ) there in stead of exclusion from communion in sacris , that other interdict of private commerce , or avoyding of private familiarity hath been thought useful by the apostle ; to this you may apply , rom. 16.17 . where the apostle beseeches them , to mark and avoid such as cause divisions and offences among them , and so 2 thessal . 3.14 . just now mentioned , if any man obey not our word by this epistle , note that man , and have no company with him , &c. and if in this respect , mat. 18.17 . may be extended to this sense also , 't will no way contradict or prejudice our present pretensions , it being very reasonable for private christians to constrain themselves toward those who have exprest such a contradiction to all fraternal methods of charity , and by outward behaviour to shew a dislike of their contumacie and obduration , especially when an apostle at a distance shal pass that judgment on any particular man , & the present state of the church leaves no place for expectation of formal censures , the law of the heathen charondas being not unreasonable in this case ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that no man converse with a wicked man or woman , or bring a reproach on himself , as if he were like him . another phrase to expresse this censure is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sect. 91 tit. 3.10 . after a first and second admonition , avoid him ; which that it belongs to the method directed to by christ , mat. 18.15 , 16 , 17. 't is clear at the first sight : but seeing there be three admonitions before censure , mat. 18. the first of the injured person alone , the second of the two or three , the third of the church the difficulty will be , which 2. of those 3. are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first & second here ? my opinion of it , with submission , is , that the first & second here are the very same with the first & second in s. mat. 1. that of one alone , and then of that one , with one or two more with him . and if it be objected , that then the excommunication must not follow immediatly upon that second , i answer that those words , being spoken to titus bish . of creet by s. paul , telling him what he should do , must needs make a difference frō what it would be , if 't were a private man ; it appeared probable before that the admonition of the church signified that of the rulers of the church & therfore when they have admonished , there is no place for appeal to the church , nor consequently for that third admonition , and therefore in this case , where the governour ( who is representatively the church it self , a publique , no private person ) after a first and second admonition ( and the second with one or two , perhaps with some or all of the college of presbyters joyned with him ) comes to be despised , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 follows , or proceeding to censure without any third admonition interposing . which will appear to be the practice , if you look 2 cor. 13.2 . where immediately after the second admonition , in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , characterized v. 11. by [ in the mouth of two or three , &c. ] he tels the offenders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will not spare , i. e. i will proceed to censure : and ver . 10. he tels them , that this admonition is ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that i may not proceed to excision , or cutting off , ( for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render sharpnesse , signifies ) which is there called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taking away , in the end of the verse ; the very word which is so ordinary in the ancient canons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tollatur , for the censure of excommunication . sect. 92 and the reason is there rendred , because you may know that such an one , that holds out against those admonitions of the church or rulers thereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a perverse wilful sinner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being self-condemned , i. e. i conceive by that non-submission to the churches admonitions , he withdraweth and divideth himself from that comm●nion , and so inflicteth that punishment upon himself , which the censures of the church are wont to do on malefactors , for that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 cor. 13.10 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cut●ing off from the church , which he being an heretick doth voluntarily without the judges sentence , his verv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , heresie being a willing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or excision . so saith s. jerome , whereas fornicators , &c. are turn'd out of the church , the hereti●k inflicts this on himself , suo arbitrio ab ecclesiâ recedens , going of his own choice from the church ; which departing , propriae conscientiae videtur esse damnatio , seems to be the censure of ones own conscience : so in the council of laodicea , can. 40. after an order that no bishop shal disobey a citation , when he is called to a co●n●el , 't is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if he contemn , he shal be conceived to acc●se himself , which is the next degree to self-condemnation . so in the 22. can. of the african codex , ( or in justellus his account , the 19. ) the words are clear of a bishop that being accused before a council appears not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shall be judged to have pronounced sentence of condemnation against himself , and so even in philostratus . l. 7. c. 7. it is a saying of apollonius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that shall decline a judicature , how shall he avoid the being thought to have condemned himself ? so in the 12. tables , praesenti litem addicito , i. e. that he that absents himself , be alwayes cast ; and so the franks have alwayes observed it , ut absens causâ caderet , ni sonnia nuntiasset , that the absent should be alwayes condemned , unlesse he gave a just excuse of his absence . and the regulae ab abbate floriacensi constitutae adde , qui non comparuerit , tanquam convictus judicabitur , he that appeareth not , shall be judged as convict , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : if you would see this interpretation more fully confirmed , i must refer you to marculsi formul . l. 1. c. 37. and bignonius on them , to stephan . fornerius rerum quotid . l. 6. c. 21. and out of him , justellus in the notes on cod. ecclesiae universae , p. 38. but enough of this . i shall take in no more places to examine for this point sect. 93 of the nature of this power , save only those in the gospel ( with which this discourse began ) which , as we have once gone over in relation to the first enquiry , so we shall now again in order to the second . first , then , mat. 16.19 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sect. 94 [ i will give you the keys of the kingdome of heaven ] where 't wil be no news to him that is vers'd in the new testament , if i tell him that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the kingdome of heaven , signifies the church of christ here below militant , being not a disparate body but a fellow-member of christ , with the other triumphant in heaven . i could weary my reader with places to this purpose , ready at every turn to justifie this interpretation , as when 't is said of st. john the baptist , matt. 11.11 . that though from the beginning there had not risen a greater then he , ( a more then prophet in pointing out rather then prophesying of christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , behold the lamb of god ) yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he least in this new church , ( this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the age to come , as the septuagint , es . 9.6 . cal it , & so heb. 2.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world to come , and perhaps heb. 6.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the powers of the age to come , i. e. of christianity , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the comming kingdom , as the phrase in s. mark. 11.10 . may i conceive , be rendred absolutly thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blessed in the name of ehe lord of our father david , be the comming kingdome ; or blessed in the name of the lord be the comming kingdome of our father david ; this church or kingdome of christ here on earth , not hereafter in heaven ) the least believer , at least teacher of the gospel here ( not saint there ) is greater then he . so mat. 8.11 . upon the centurions comming to christ , and expressing so great measure of faith , that he professes not to have found the like in any jew , he adds that many shall come from the east and west , all parts of the heathen world , and sit down with abraham , isaac , and jacob , in the kingdom of heaven , i. e. as that centurion did , believe in christ ( and become one church with the jews , of whom abraham the father of the faithful was the first ) and the children of the kingdome ( they that were till then the only church , to wit , the rebellious unbelieving jews ) should be cast out . so clearly ch. 13.24 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the kingdome of heaven , the church here below , not the kingdome above , is likened , &c. for sure there are no enemies to sow , nor tares to be sown in heaven , which in this kingdom are there said to be , ver . 15. ( as rev. 12.7 . the war that is mentioned in heaven may be an argument that heaven in that place signifies the church here below , which onely being militant can be said to have war in it ) and so in the other parables in that chapter . i have named enough for an hint to any to observe many more in this gospel , chap. 18.1 , 3 , 4. chap. 19.24 , 25. chap. 20.1 . chap. 21.43 . and ( which is a little nearer to the phrase in this place ) chap. 23.13 . the pharisees shutting up the kingdome of heaven before men , i. e. keeping men from entring the church , from becomming christians , and the like also in the other gospels . if this notion of the kingdome of heaven do yet seem alien , or forced , or lesse proper for this place , then you may but please to observe , that a key refers to a lock , a lock to a door , or entrance to any place , and then the church being supposed the door or gate , the only way of passage to heaven , these keys of heaven it self must be the keys of the church below , as of the door that leads thither , and then that will return to the same issue still . so then , peter , and in him the rest of the apostles and successor-governors of the church had the keyes of the church given them , i. e. clearly a power of shutting out , or receiving in to the visible militant church , of removing the contumacious by censure of excommunication , and receiving in the humble penitents by absolution , and so of binding and loosing , ( as it follows ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here below , upon the earth , answerable to that exception of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( for the church ) premised , and just agreeable to the phrase , mark. 2.10 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to forgive sins on earth , which ( it appears by the mentioning of the keyes as the foundation of this power ) signifies receiving men into the church , disexcommunicating , and therefore the binding is there peculiarly the censure of excommunication , and nothing else ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the thing we undertook to shew from hence . from whence by the way may be understood the meaning of sect. 96 that place , mat. 12.32 . it shall not be forgiven him , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impersonally ) he shall not receive absolution , either in this world , i. e. in the church from the ecclesiastick censure , nor at the day of judgement , i. e. in the world to come , the phrase seeming to me to refer to that rule among the jews mention'd before out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●r . de excom . si quis juret in hunc modum , &c. if any man swear after this manner , [ if this be not true , let me be excommunicated in this world , and in the other ] and be perjur'd , he cannot be absolv'd by any : and then how ridiculous are they that ground a purgatory on this place ? we shall not need to make any distinct survey of the second sect. 97 place , chap. 18.18 . because ( as to the matter of this power , our present enquiry ) it is verbatim ( only the number and some little unimportant circumstances changed ) the same with this former place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , binding and loosing in the earthly part of the kingdome of heaven , the church below . one thing only it will not be amisse again to add as an appendage common to these two places ( though we mentioned it before ) and it is this , that [ the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the mention of absolution is ( in both ) an attendant of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or binding precedent , as indeed loosing generally presupposes a band , and therefore act. 2.24 . where we read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and render it , ( loosed the pains of death ) 't is sufficiently clear , and confest that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are there taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( by the equivocalnesse of the hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies both , & is rendred by the 72. sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a band , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a pang of travail ) and so should be rendred in that place , bands of death , in relation to which it follows , he could not be holden , &c. which intimates absolution to be in universum , or absolutely necessary onely to those that have been bound , and so only after excommunication , the absolution proportion'd to the precedaneous censure , and that the onely thing that lyes upon any , necessitate praecepti here , or medii in any other respect , all other absolution without this precedent binding censure , being ( though it may be allowed very useful & profitable for the comfort and satisfaction of the penitent , yet ) neither commanded , prescribed the priest to give , nor the penitent to receive ( at least by either of these two places . ) sect. 98 as for the third place , joh. 20.26 . ( which by some is thought to belong to somewhat else , rather then those censures of the church , 1. because the phrases are other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remitting and retaining , in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , binding and loosing . 2. because the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ remit ] is before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ retain . ] and 3. because this is deliver'd to all the apostles together , whereas the two other were spoken , one personally to peter , the other of the church ) i in humility conceive , that as before we shewed that this place in s. john belonged to the same persons to which the other two belonged , to wit , the apostles and their succeeding rulers of the church , so it is perfectly parallel to them also in respect of the matter of the commission ; and my reasons are these : 1. because the phrases , though ( as the first reason pretends ) other in sound , are yet directly synonyma's with the former in scripture-stile . i say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to remit , is al one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to loose , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to retain , with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind . and therefore theophylact uses together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power of remitting and binding , confounding the two places in s. john and s. mat. together , and rendring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to retain , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to loose , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to remit , in mat. 16.19 . and so promiscuously in other writers . if there be the least difference it is onely this , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to bind , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind , and also to keep bound ; in which respect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is more proper here in s. john , because the order is inverted , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , retaining , put after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remitting , and so the word which signifies also [ to keep bound ] or to not-remit , is more perfectly & critically agreeable , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bind would have been ; and yet when binding is mentioned first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as exact as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in the other places : but yet for all this light accidental difference , i shall not retract saying , the words are in use perfectly synonymous ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remit , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , loose ; especially as applyed to sin ; both signifie forgiving of it ; the first as sin is taken under the notion either of a debt , or a thraldom , ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the n. test . applyed to both , to the one in the lords prayer , to the other luk. 4.18 . and both directly opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the second , as of a band ; so in the septuagints translation of the old testament , gen. 4.12 . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perhaps false copied for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , my sin is greater then can be forgiven ) or more clear●y , exod. 32.21 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if thou wilt , ( or , o that thou wouldst ) forgive them that sin ; and in divers other places ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remit ) taken for forgive , and so in like manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to loose , job 42.9 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( a translation of the words which are in hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god accepted the person of job praying for them ) he forgave them that sin by job , i. e. by his mediation . there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ to loose ] is taken for [ to forgive . ] so also for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bind , and to hold or retain , the sect. 99 same hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred by the septuagint , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) jer. 33.1 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dan. 10.8 . & 11.6 . and so act. 2.24 . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] being holden , is set opposite to ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) loosing of bands , and so must signifie keeping bound , ( and in almost all other places it signifies to hold fast , or take hold of , mat. 18.28.21.46.26.4 , &c. and is sometimes joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as holding fast is precedaneous , and preparative to binding , mat. 14.3 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , laying hold on him , bound him , and apoc. 20.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , held and bound ) and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though rendred to retain , is taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bind also , ( or if there be any difference , t is this , that it signifies lesse then binding , rather then more , and so will not conclude any thing which the former places were not able to conclude . ) and so you may observe in the fathers , viz. s. basil , speaking of the freedome of christians in their bands , he saith they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bound , but not capable of binding ; and many the like . secondly , because the inverting of the order of words is too light and casual a thing to be argumentative , and therefore the second reason is of little force , being taken onely from that change , for which yet some reasonable account also may be given from the variety of the words , which caused this inversion , and consequently no more argument will be deducible from this change of order , then from the change of words would be just to deduce : if the change of the words would argue ought , then i confess the inverting of the order , caused by that , would per modū accumulatiònis do so too ; but that being once cleared to import no new thing , this which is onely attendant on that , cānot be thought to do so , & so there will be no need of farther answer to that , when the former hath bin sufficiently answer'd . sect. 100 thirdly , because the third ground of scruple is as unconvincing also , the other two being delivered to all the apostles also , as well as this : the first to all in s. peters person , ( as 't is ordinary for donations made to communities to be delivered to one of that number for the use of all ) as is acknowledg'd by all but those , whose pretended interest in s. peter hath bribed them to inflame his , and lessen the other disciples prerogative , asmuch as they can . and the second in plain words with a preface of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , verily i say to you , i. e. to the disciples with whom the discourse had continued by way of mutual colloquie from the beginning of the chap. this i am sure is the affirmation of the greek fathers , particularly theophylact on mat. 13. where he affirms that promise of the power of binding and loosing to be fulfilled in those words of christ in s. john , whose sins you do remit , &c. the place was formerly set down at large , and need not be repeated ; and if you examine the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throughout the n.t. you will have no temptation to doubt it . sect. 101 having now declared out of the scripture the foundation & progresse of this power , these censures , and occasionally interweaved the interpretation of some places which i conceive to depend on this matter , it were now a fit season to proceed to the writings of the ancient church , and draw down the history of this practice through the first & purer times : but that hath been so faithfully performed by many others , particularly by spalatensis , that it would be a great insolence to attempt to do it better . only it will be worth our rehearsing , ( though we only refer you to that magazin for all farther explication of it ) that there were some nice differences observed in this matter between the binding which was a censure , and the other which was onely a punishment , the one conceived to bind in heaven , the other not . 2. betwixt the binding of the refractory impenitent , and the humble confitent penitent : the first for the cure and removing the scandal of some notorious crime ; the second on his voluntary confessing his crime , and submitting himself to be bound by way of penance , that so by being loosed again , he might be the more sure of that pardon in heaven , which is promised to those which are absolved on earth , & so propter majorem cautelam , to satisfie the trembling conscience , and assure it that god hath forgiven him . these are excellent profitable subjects , in which i desire the reader will satisfie himself out of those judicious collections of that very learned unhappy man. and if it be now demanded of me , whether private absolution be not contained under the importance of these places ? i answer , that this last distinction hath in effect answered this question , and defined , that in case of private binding it doth come under it , and that that , though in some sense it be left ad libitum , or voluntary to the penitents will or choice , is yet necessary to every one whose conscience either is not able to perform & go through the work of inward repentance with god alone , or is not able to satisfie it self with such performance without the ministers assistance called in . to which purpose i shall desire that that may be considered sect. 102 which is delivered by our church in the second exhortation before the communion , in these words : because it is requisite that no man should come to the holy communion but with a full trust in gods mercy , and with a quiet conscience ; therefore if there be any among you , which by the means aforesaid ( which were to examine their lives by the rule of gods commandments , and wherein they shall perceive themselves to have offended , either by will , word , or deed , there to bewaile their own sinful lives , and confesse themselves to almighty god with full purpose of amendment ; and if their offences be also against their neighbours , then to reconcile themselves to those , with readinesse to make restitution and satisfaction for wrong done , and to forgive others that have offended them ) cannot quiet his own conscience , but requireth farther comfort or counsel , then let him come to me , ( i. e. his lawful pastor ) or some other discreet and learned minister of gods word , and open his grief , that he may receive such ghostly counsel , advice , and comfort , as his conscience may be relieved , and that by the ministery of gods word he may receive comfort , and the benefit of absolution , to the quieting of his conscience , and avoiding all scruple and doubtfulnesse . all which being an exhortation of the church belonging to a particular case , [ when a man by the use of all helps which are within his own reach , cannot attain to quiet of conscience , or be satisfied that he is fit to receive the holy communion ; ] as they do imply that those foresaid meanes may happily serve the turn , without opening his case to the minister , and consequently without receiving absolution ; so are they a fervent exhortation to all , in case those means prove not successfull , to seek out , & make use of those auxiliaries , which whosoever in that case shall neglect , will be guilty of great unkindness to his own soul , and may well be thought to have betray'd it to great and needlesse danger . and it is worthy our noting from hence , that receiving of comfort , & the benefit of absolution are by our church here conjoyned , to signifie this absolution to be beneficial to him that once wanted comfort , as a meanes of confirming that comfort which the minister had now given him . to which end certainly 't is very proper & seasonable : for when a discreet & learned minister , having had the survey of my soul , ( the cognizance of my offence first , & then of my repentance ) shall from the word of god give me assurance , that ( if i am what to him i appear to be ) my estate is good , & thereupon pronounce me absolved , as a true penitent , from all my sins ; this will , 1. seal me a right of gods promise of forgivenesse in heaven , as it were solemnly and in the court ; and 2. extremely quiet me , and confirm to me that comfort , i. e. that comfortable opinion of my good estate , and hope of my future happiness , which he had given me , when i see him who hath no reason to be partial to me , and whom i cannot suspect of ignorance , or passion in this particular , ( both which perhaps i may upon enquiry discern in my self ) and beside , who is set over me by christ to this purpose , pronounce so clear a sentence of me , and that ( as the precedent words are ) by the ministery of gods word , i. by applying peculiar parts of that infallible truth to the present condition of my soul , and from thence pronouncing my absolution . and that this is the meaning of the absolution there , it is evident by that which is the second thing , which i thought worthy our observing from hence , viz. what is added in conclusion , as the ultimate end of that comfort and absolution , the quieting of conscience , and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulnesse ; which whether they be distinct , so that the quieting of conscience may be the completion of the comfort , and the avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulnesse , the end intended in , and obtained by absolution , or whether both together indiscretè belong to both together , the product will be still the same , that in case a man be not able to satisfie his own scruples and doubts concerning himself , the presbyter wil be able to stand him in good stead , by the word of god applied to his case to give comfort , and by pronouncing absolution to him to seal that comfort , and perswade him to a greater confirmation of mind , that that comfort is not groundlesse , and so take away doubts and scruples concerning that matter which before molested him , and made him unfit for the communion , which was the only occasion of the exhortation . beside this , it is also true , that in case of sicknesse s. jame's sect. 103 advice ( if not command ) is punctual , that the presbyters of the church be call'd for , and that they shall anoint the sick ( a ceremony used in those dayes by christ and his apostles in the curing of diseases , and casting out devils , not so much as a viand toward our last great journey , as among the romanists 't is continued , but either as a sign of our spiritual cure , or as a means sanctified by prayer to cure the sick , to deliver from the disease in the beginning of the verse ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and if he be that have committed sins , absolution shall be given him ; for so that phrase will be most grammatically rendred , not [ they shall be forgiven him ] for then it would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor that [ god shall forgive him ] for then it would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to agree with , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 immediately precedent , the lord shall raise him , but impersonally remittetur ei , he shall have absolution . of which absolution 1. there is little question , but that it is a very proper preparative to curing of his disease which is oft sent to awake some drowsie sinner , and is not removed til it have done the work in some measure , ecclus. 38.9 , 10. & therefore the ordinary preface to christs cures , is [ son thy sins are forgiven thee ] as 2. mac. 3. when heliodorus had been so scourged for his sacrilegious enterprize , and the high priest offered sacrifice for his recovery , verse 32. the priest is said to have made an attonement , and thereupon god granted him his life , verse 33. and so ecclus 2.11 . before gods delivering in time of tribulation , there is first his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remitting of sins , before releasing from the pressure ; and secondly , that absolution , as it is the ministers act peculiarly , and an act of benediction in him , contrary to the execration in the cherem , or anathema , may well be thought in common reason to have benign influence on the patient , as the curses of parents are generally believed to be fattal curses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in orpheus , the curses of parents are shrewd furies that haunt a man where ever he goes on the earth , have an inauspitious influence on all his earthly prosperities , devour and eat out his patrimony ; and so also by the rule of contraries , the blessings of parents , eccl. 3.9 . may availe toward the removing of temporal calamities , and so consequently , the prayers and blessings , and absolution of the presbyter the spiritual father . thirdly , there will be as little question who shal be the minister of it , when 't is considered that there is no supposition or presumption in that place of the presence of any , but onely of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presbyters of the church , and as little will there be of the fitnesse , and exceeding expedience , that the sins of which he is so peculiarly to receive absolution should be confessed , and bewailed before him , from whom the absolution is expected . one thing only the context may perhaps farther import , that this presbyterial absolution may not be ( by force of that place ) so absolutely necessary to all sick persons , but onely to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to him that hath ( formerly , & so as upon examination of himself , he may reasonably impute his sicknesse to it ) committed sins , either as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes greater sins , or as sins contrary to our duty towards god , whose minister the presbyter is , or as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to live indulgently in sin , and so as it is not reconcilable with a * regenerate estate , as long as it continues . for 't is worth observing what follows in that place , james 5.16 . confesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 your transgressions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to one another , one brother , i. e. christian to another , the sick to them in health , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be ye all subject to one another , 1 pet. 5.5 . i. e. all that are inferiours , to all superiours . where , whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie a trespasse peculiarly against our brethren , or whether ( as 't is resolved by grammarians ) lapses , or lighter sins , it seems to be here set in a distance from ( if not opposite to ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the greater sins , or those against god ; and then as the confession of them to the presbyter , gods officer , will in any reason be most proper , to obtain comfort on safe grounds , and the benefit of absolution upon sincere repentance ; so in those sins of an inferiour rank confession to the wronged brother , or to whatever fellow-christian , may possibly be sufficient ; and assuredly not unuseful or unnecessary , if it be but for the obtaining of the brothers united prayers , to help to remove the sicknesse , if that be inflicted ( as oft sicknesses are ) as a punishment for any such trespasses . in which case as the promise is there given of recovery to the sick upon those other mens prayers , and not otherwise , so there is little hope that god will accept thy private prayers for removing that punishment , till thou go and reconcile thy selfe unto thy brother , and desire and obtain his prayers for thee , ( as job's for his friends ) when thy injuring of him had cryed to haven , and fetch 't down that infliction on thee . nay thirdly , there will be little matter of doubt , or controversie , sect. 104 but that private , frequent , spiritual conference betwixt fellow-christians , but especially ( and in matters of high concernment and difficulty ) between the presbyter and those of his charge , even in the time of health ; and peculiarly , that part of it which is spent in the discussion of every mans special sins & infirmities , & inclinations , may prove very useful and advantageous ( in order to spiritual directions , reproof and comfort ) to the making the man of god perfect . and to tel truth , if the pride and self-conceit of some , the wretchlesnes of others , the bashfulnes of a third sort , the nauseating , and instant satiety of any good in a fourth , the follies of men , and artifices of satan had not put this practice quite out of fashion among us , there is no doubt , but more good might be done by ministers this way , then is now done by any other means separated from the use of this , particularly then by that of publick preaching , ( which yet need not be neglected the more when this is used ) which hath now the fate to be cryed up , and almost solely depended on , it being the likelier way , as quintilian saith ( comparing publick and private teaching of youth ) to fill narrow-mouth'd bottles , ( and such are the most of us ) by taking them single in the hand , and pouring in water into each , then by setting them altogether , and throwing never so many buckets of water on them . sect. 105 i conceive , i have now distinctly set down the ful importance of this power of binding & loosing , and how it belongs peculiarly to the publick censures of the church , the binding by way of excommunication , or depriving of the common benefits of christians , ( together with that branch of corporal discipline , or inflictions on mens bodies , peculiar to the apostles times and power ) and the loosing , in restoring the excommunicate person upon repentance to the assembly of the saints . and by this perhaps may be received some satisfaction to that question agitated sometimes , whether absolution in the church be onely declarative , or moreover ministerially authoritative ? which question wil not now have so much place , the matter being thus stated . for the churches absolution being not the actual eternal pardon of sins in heaven , ( which is left to be gods work , none but he justifyng sinners , except by way of consequent upon this promise of gods ) but peculiarly the freeing the penitent from ecclesiastical censures here below , & from that other farther obligation that arose from the churches binding , there will be no matter of doubt , but as the governour of the church authoritatively by commission from christ , preacheth the word , administreth sacraments , and inflicts censures , so he may authoritatively too , absolve on earth , free from punishments in the church inflicted on sinners , without any necessity of interposing or medling ( save only indirectly , or as i said by way of consequence ) with that which is due from god to them in another world ; to which purpose 't is ordinarily observable in the canons of the councels , that à pace ecclesiae arceri , being driven from the peace of the church , is the expression of being excommunicated , and pacem dari , is to be received into communion again . in other places we find both together , communio pacis , communion of peace , all noting that , which excommunication deprived them of , to be the peace or favour , or pardon of the church peculiarly , and not gods peace , or pardon , or favour directly , but either by supposing the person fit to be so dealt with , to be formerly deprived by god of that , or by way of consequence accidentally , more surely fastning him under gods disfavour , if this wrought not on him the good desired effect of reformation . to all which , by way of corollary i shall adde , that the bare sect. 106 binding of the church ( abstracted from our contempt of , and perverse standing out against it ) cannot damn any which is not otherwise ( and if he were not thus bound ) in a damnable estate that is , hath not any real influence on his damnation ( save only to bind him farther to it , in case he doth not submit to it ) distinct from that which proceeds from his sin , upon which he is bound , and from his refractarinesse continued in , in despight of this censure , ( which no doubt may make his case more highly dangerous , as the word is the savour of death to them that beleeve not ) but is rather a means tending , as it is designed , to the saving of him , as in the next chapter shall appear . on the other side loosing on earth , or the absolution of the sect. 107 church shall not free any impenitent unreformed sinner , in foro coeli , i. e. obtain pardon for any that is not contrite , ( much lesse turn attrition into contrition , as the romanists , or a votum poenitentiae , a wishing we were penitent into penitence , as others dream ) but will rather be a means of damning him the deeper , of betraying him to , and hardning him in an impenitent estate , who is absolved , or freed from under that discipline before he be reform'd ; which therefore the church in pure charity to the man is bound not to do , but to continue him under the punishment till it produce the reformation . cap. v. sect. 1 for the third enquiry , the end or use to which this binding is designed , &c. there will not be so much occasion to enlarge ; 't is speedily stated by answering , that the whole end , aim , design in inflicting of publique church-censures , may be reduced to these three heads ; 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for reformation of the offender : 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the repairing , or making up the honour of the church , which suffered by him : and 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that others may be warned by the example of his punishment , and not corrupted by example of his sin , but especially to reform those by these sharper methods , which no other calmer means of admonitions will work on , to cut off that member that balsams will not cure , or keep from gangrening , according to that of the writer of the answers ad orthodox : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when by long-suffering offenders are not reformed , then excision to them which are not corrigible , is more useful then clemencie . for both those distant wayes , 1. of application of plaisters ; and 2. of excision , are the same physitians methods of preserving the whole , and proportionably to them the ministration of the word and sacraments are the churches first method , and when that fails to produce its effect , this other of censure is the second , ( and upon the good working of that , absolution ) wherein the governours of the church are truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or co-workers with christ , to bring back sons unto god , as they are to beget them in the preaching of the word . sect. 2 to which purpose you may see and observe what the apostle constantly adds to his sentences of binding , or excommunication , or delivering up to satan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 5.5 . the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved , &c. so of hymenaeus and alexander , 1 tim. 1.20 . i have delivered them up to satan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they may be disciplined , instructed , taught not to blaspheme , or resist contumaciously ; whence the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which we render taught ) in a common notion , may perhaps be more critically taken in a notion peculiar to this purpose , by way of reference to the punishments amongst the jews . for of the four punishments put into esdra's hand by artaxerxes , esd . 7.26 . the second ( rendred by us banishment , but in heb. eradication , i. e. saith schindler , casting out of his inheritance ) is in the septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so vulgarly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for discipline or punishment , but there peculiarly for distermination , and so the fitter to expresse this turning out of the church , this church-banishment , or distermination , so 2 thes . 3.14 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the end of excommunication is again , that he may be ashamed , that he may see himself alone , no company but the devil thought bad enough for him , and so be brought to sense and shame of his own vilenesse , which is the most necessary preparative to reformation ; and therefore to signifie it an act of mercy and charity , of all other the greatest , ( though under the shew of severity and wrath ) it follows in that place , v. 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , count him not an enemy , but admonish him as a brother ; and therefore mat. 18.18 . the doctrine of binding , &c. is used as a means of exemplifying that great evangelical truth , vers . 11. that christ came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to save , rescue , deliver , reduce that which was lost , i. e. impenitent sinners , or those , that the soft ministery of the word would do no good on . for there being ( among others ) two principal meanes of sect. 3 continuing men in sin . 1. in some an opinion ; that christian profession , or the bare being christians ( however qualified , or demeaning themselves ) will stand them in stead , and prove sufficient ; or if not so , yet the creditablenesse of an unchristian impious life , so long as they may be allowed but the christian name ( mens generall design being to get the praise of men , not of god. ) 2. in others a mistaking sorrow or attrition , or any the most slight wish that they were penitent , for that repentance which christ cals for , and accepts and crowns : it follows hence , that unlesse men may be driven out of these falseholds , they will never set themselves aright in the way to that great work : and therefore proportionable to these two heads , are the two exercises of the power of the keyes designed ; the first to turn the christian professor , that will go on in sin , quite out of all society of christianity , not allowing him the priviledges of his christianity , the word , the sacraments , &c. unlesse he will walk worthy of so honourable a vocation , the second to set him his task of repentance , to prescribe him some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & probations , by which he shall be discerned whether he be in earnest contrite and willing to make his peace with heaven , to take any the most laborious course to approve himself to christ . the former of these in the act of excommunication , the latter in imposing the penance , upon which he shall be received again , & both together to bring sinners to repentance . sect. 4 when sinners by obstinacy provoke god , 't is his manner to withdraw his grace , to deliver them up to themselves , ( a worse kind of devil or satan ) that by this means they may see their former forlorne condition , their vilenesse first , and then their danger ; & so he uses to bring the secure , proud sinner to humility , to the use of prayer , & wrestling with god , to caise him out of this sad estate . and so the church in like manner by christs direction withdraws the benefits and priviledges of christians , from those whom it judges contumacious , delivers them up to plain barbarousnesse and heathenisme , deals with them as god did with nebuchad-nezzar , driving him from the court into the wildernesse , transforming him into the shape of a very beast ; & all to this end , that his understanding might by that means return to him , the field teach him lessons of piety , whom the palace could not . agreeable to which is that of pletho upon zoroaster , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the revengefull devils or furies do gripe men to bring them off from sin , and set them on vertue . sect. 5 and then as afflictions are one of gods engines and stratagems to besiege , enter , and take the soul , ( when he flew them , they sought him , saith the psalmist ) so among the apostles were those corporal inflictions , diseases , &c. superadded on purpose to make the impression more violent , and to work more effectually on their hearts . sect. 6 the effectualnesse of which we may discern in one of the degrees of penitents in the ancient church , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom we find weeping and howling in the church-porch , not permitted to come in , lying without , for them that enter'd to tread on in their passage , which was certainly a means to make them prize those benefits more dearly , which they saw themselves interdicted , and others partakers of , and withal to read them a lecture of their own unworthinesse , seeing themselves of the number of those dogs , and evil workers that are without . the second end which i named , was the repairing the honour sect. 7 and dignity of the church , which consisting in the purity of the lives of christian professors , is necessarily lost both in the opinion of god , and men ( especially those which are without ) by the impieties and unchristian actions of any which are called by christs name , which is therefore by the apostle said to be blasphemed or evil spoken of , when christians fall into any notorious sins , and then there is no way to recover the reputation of the church , and even of the christian religion , and in a kinde , of christ himself , but by expressing the wrath and displeasure of the church against those who walk th●s inordinately , and so proclaiming unto all , that christianity is not a doctrine ( as zozimus , and celsus , and julian mistook it ) of security or impunity to any sort of impenitents , but of strict , precise , exact purity , though some ungracious persons walk contrary to those prescriptions : this is the only tabula post naufragium , plank or means of relief , when the same and good name of the church is thus ship-wrackt , and so fit to be designed in the second place . a third gain and profit designed by these censures is the warning sect. 8 and admonishing of others ; not lest they should be polluted by presence among the profane , as they that toucht the unclean thing were polluted under the law , ( any farther then by the spreading , leprous quality of their example ) which is the comon errour of the proud fastidious pharisees of all ages , and is clearly confuted by st. paul , 1 cor. 5.10 . where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not extended to heathen fornicators , which sure would be able to pollute by society , as much as christian sinners ) and by clemens or that ancient author under his name , constit . ap. l. 2. c. 14. who hath a notable place to fortifie against this mistake , speaking of those which ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) unmercifully affirm that men ought not to pollute themselves by accompanying with sinners , nor converse with them , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for such reasonings savour of men that know not god and his providence , of unreasonable judges , and untamed beasts . for they observe not that the communion with sinners that must be avoided , is not that of conversing with , but imitating of them , not speaking , but doing with them . sect. 9 but the design is to set a brand upon such sins , which otherwise might haply be thought imitable , and insensibly grow into fashion , and so infect , and pollute , were not men thus told of their uglinesse , shew'd their deformity , and fore-warn'd of their danger , which is sure another act of mercy to all easie , seducible spectators , to the church it selfe , and to him whose scandalous sins are by this means hindred from being damners of other men . sect. 10 and as the censures themselves , so the inexorablenesse , or at least , difficulty of some ages , ( of canons , of councils , and practice of churches ) in granting of absolution to penitents , that also hath been designed out of pure charity to help multiply their fruits of repentance , to set a value on gods ordinances , to quicken their zeal , to demonstrate their sincerity both to others , and to their own souls , each of which might perhaps be missing , if absolution were over-easily obtainable . sect. 11 all which the more it is weighed , ( how this institution of christs , ( besides that , as 't is so , it ought not to be neglected ) is an act of special christian charity in not suffering sin upon thy neighbour , but in any wise rebuking him , lev. 19.17 . ) the more reproachful wil it be to this age of ours , the more bitter pasquin , and lasting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when it shall be told in gath and askalon , that for some years the arts of some uncharitable men have so prevailed , that all exercise of this institution of christ hath been cast and kept out of this church of ours ; the first , i think , that is recorded since christs time to have continued any considerable space without liberty of using that power of the keyes in excommunication , left unto the church by christ . the lord be merciful to us in this matter . sect. 12 as for them who either look upon this in others ( or use it themselves ) as a matter of secular advantage , or accruement either of power or gain to the rulers of the church , and so as a carnal design or engine disguised in the shape of a spiritual institution , and on that ground either are willing by their calumnies to help rend it out of the hands of the church , or being themselves in place , either by passion , or mistake , or sloth betray it to the odium & censure of other men ( whose shortnes of discourse cannot separate the order from the person , or the abuse from the institution ) i shall suppose they will change their minds , & their practices , when i shal have given them one advertisment , which i may hope to do more effectually , not onely by putting them in mind of s. chrysostoms judgment , who in this very matter having resolv'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that the sacerdotal dignity in pardoning and retaining of sins is very great , expresses that presently by this only way of probation , that a priest if he live never so well himself , if he be not accurately careful of other mens lives , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he bears those wicked men ( which he reform'd not ) company to hell ; and often when he is not betrayed by his own , he perishes by others mens sins , if he have not done all things rightly , which may tend to their recovery , and in that , founds all the respect and obedience that st. paul requires to be paid to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also , and especially if i present it to them in a breif paraphrase of one place of scripture , which by mistake and rash judgement , is wont to be produced against all exercise of power in church-men , but being rightly weighed , as it doth not take away the power which we onely plead for , that of exercising charity , of disciplining , reforming , i. e. doing the greatest good to those that are placed under us so will it teach every man ( to whom that power is entrusted to learn nothing but meeknesse and diligence , and all kinde of christian temper from the condition and peculiarity of this honour , and authority of his . the place is that known text mat. 20. i shal deduce it from sect. 13 the beginning of the sense , & lay it plain before you . v. 21. the mother of zebedees children ( having heard by her sons of the promise made to the disciples by christ , mat. 19.28 . that they should have the dignity of so many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which among the jews , was a dignity next unto the regal ) petitions christ in the behalf of her two sons , whom she conceived favoured by him above all the rest , judging it by the expressions to them two , & s. peter ; and her petition was this ; that ( seeing in the equality of that dignity promised to all , there might be yet , nay if ( it were according to the old jewish pattern , where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belonged to judah and joseph ) must be some kinde of inequality , at least a precedence of some before others ) her sons that he had shewed such a speciall kindnesse to , might have that favour by him confer'd on them . jesus represses her demand by telling her , she is mistaken in the kinde of dignity , that should be instated upon his disciples , 't was not such a one as in any worldly respects would prove very desirable , but as a place of great burthen , so subject to great persecutions , and even death it self , of which indeed her sons should undoubtedly taste , as histories testifie they did . if this would not satisfie her , then let her know her importunity should gain nothing ; for * the disposing of any such honours , was to be according as god the father had determined it , and although all power were conferred upon the son by the father , yet there was smal hope that the son should thwart god●he ●he fathers destination in any such act of dignifying any . this was fully satisfactory to the woman , and therefore she ( nor her sons ) reply not ; but the rest of the disciples upon advertisement what had past , begin to mock the two brethren , and so there is another tempest raised which christ must also calm ; and therefore to this indignation of the disciples ( not now to the ambitious request of the mother , or brethren ) he accommodates an answer ; that they need not be offended at the ambition of those brethren , for if they had had their desires , they had been but smal gainers by i● ; for in christs kingdome preeminence signified ( or brought along with it ) no great secular felicity , ( such as was to be among heathen emperours ( the great ones ) and princes , that being under them , and over others , were served and benefited by their subjects , which is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 28. used their power in order to their own profits and pleasures , and pride , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , behaving themselves as lords and masters over so many servants , like those nehem. 5.15 . where the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used ) but quite contrary , an office of burthen , and pains , and humility , and doing of service , ( as s. mark reads it more clearly , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chap. 10.43 . shall be your minister ) and he that will have that preeminence , must provide himself for that task , by the qualifications which are most agreeable to that , and count of that way both of acquiring and enjoying it , for otherwise it will not be had ; ( and upon these terms you need not envy them it ) as you may guesse by christ himself , whose kingdome in this world was of this nature , not administred in that way as might bring in splendour or profit to himself , but in acts of charity , ministring of all kinds of grace , enduring , and serving , and dying for his people , and not requiring that service , those offices from them , as other kings have done . this excludes not disciples of christ from power , ( for he sect. 14 regulates them by his own example , and no farther , and he , we know , was not onely as god , king of kings and lord of lords , but as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had all power given unto him in heaven and in earth , and in this his state of condescension here , he was a master over his disciples ; and when he was called good master , although he asked , why he called him good ? yet the title of master he disclaims not , nay tels them clearly that they did well , who called him master , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord , joh. 13.13 . ) but shews the lot that was like to befal them , the same it did him , whose greatnes was exprest in humility , and charity , and patience , and offices of servitude ; and so the greater any of them should be , the greater portion of these should be expected from them , as the appendage of their greatnesse ; which consideration fully makes up the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rational importance of the place , which was to be answer satisfactory , 1. to the ambition of the two brethren , by disabusing them ; 2. to the envy or indignation of the rest , by shewing , that preeminence was no fit object for any ones envy , but pity rather . as for the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't wil be best rendred to lord it , sect. 15 to play the lord , and the importance of that , discerned by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that follows v. 28. or if you wil by comparing it with 1 pet. 5. v. 3. where 't is explained by that which precedes in the same sense , ver . 2. by feeding , or governing , ( for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by force or violence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to make gain , filthy , unlawful gain , of the flock , which is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as in the gospel , heathen kings did over their people ) and contrary to that , is ruling them by perswasion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making them willing and ready to do , what they ought , and that by his own exemplary obedience , setting them patterns to transcribe , which certainly is the clergy mans duty , ( and best way of ruling , if it may possible prevaile ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who must be no striker , no covetous person , titus 1.17 . and to the same purpose , 1 tim. 3.3 , 4 , 5. and so sure 2 cor. 1.24 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies imperious behaviour in any kinde , as there over mens faith , very contrary to meek , gentle perswasion , the method that s. paul and all followers of him ought to use , and i shall never excuse them if they doe not . sect. 16 all which i suppose not impertinent ( as to justifie the authority so ) to limit and regulate the use of that , and determine it to that one christian spiritual end , the reforming and winning , and saving of soules ; a thing of all other , the most contrary to oppressing or violating , invading or tyrannizing over them , in brief ( to them which have need of it ) the onely seasonable mercy and charity in the world , thus in any wise to reprove , and not hate or suffer sin upon my brother . sect. 17 for the other part of the 2. enquiry , who are the objects of these censures , subjected to the power of the keyes by christ , i answer , 1. negatively , that the supream magistrate in every kingdome is exempted from it , and not onely à posteriori , because the offering him up to shame and contumely ( which is the work of excommunication ) would be a certain means to expose him to the contempt of his subjects , and so be in danger to dissolve & shake the peace and setled government of a kingdom , ( which i suppose to have been the design of that pestilent romish heildebrandine or gregorian doctrine , that the subjects of an excommunicate prince were discharged from their allegiance , which was but a smal encreas of the former doctrin ( if that were supposed true ) of christs placing a power in the hands of the church to excommunicate princes ; for from the concession of that , the other would generally follow of its own accord , and need no new doctrin to help it forward , the universal distemper of mens passions being a sufficient encouragement to the many , to cast off allegiance to those persons which they conceive themselves taught by christ , and so by christianity appointed to despise ; ) but also à priori , because christ found the world disposed by his father , in a regular subjection of all men to the powers placed over them ( and those higher powers at the time of christs birth , as far as stories will help us to discern , were all regal or monarchical through the whole world ) and was so far from changing that course by any new law of his , that he laboured by all means possible , to settle and confirm it on that basis , and not so much as to accept , when it was offered him , the exercise of any sec●lar or civil power , but to submit himself , and consequently all his , and so all that can plead or pretend any title from him , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. say the fathers ) to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supream power in any kingdom . for the practice & opinion of the church to this matter , through all times , infinite testimonies might be alleadged . i shall refer the reader to david blondel in this book , de formulâ regnante christo , and not endeavour a further dis●roving of that doctrine which he thought more worthy of an exclamation in the language of saint athanasius , ad epist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; who ever in the church or among christians , heard or taught , or learnt that gregorian doctrine ? what an hell was it which vomited it out ? i shall adde no more to the negative part , which being supposed , and to be remembred in that which follows . i answer , in the second place , positively , that the objects of this sect. 18 church-charity or church-censures are , every open , notorious offender , ( whose crimes come to our cognizance , whether by complaint of others , by notoriety of the action , or by his own confession ) that lives , and indulges himself in any grievous crime , any wilfull sin ; every such i say is to be bound by the church , when after admonition first lesse , then more publique , he continues refractory , unreformed , and not till then . the more shame for the easie denouncers of that censure , that either inflict it on every trivial commission , without consideration whether repented of or no ; or that use this soveraign recipe , this generos●m medicamentum , ( that , say artists , must not be cast away , either on the wanton or the desperate patient , but onely on those whom we see to want it , and hope it may doe some good on ) this strong physick , this last and most generous medicament so * unadvisedly and uncharitably , so for any other end , rather then reforming of prophane men . sect. 19 then for loosing , who is capable of that , is agreed in general , the greatest sinners , upon approbation of their repentance : as for novatus who denyed absolution to the lapsi , he himself was censur'd and punished for that severity , as you may see in the 8. can. of the nic. council , on which saith zonaras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was cast out and anathematiz'd in a council at rome , cornelius being pope , and decius emperour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though he offended not in matter of faith , yet for his want of compassion and kindnesse to the brethren . but then , what degree of approbation will serve turn , what time of humiliation , what fruits and evidences of repentance may be thought sufficient to give capacity of this loosing ; the judgement of councils and churches have much varied in that particular , the * roman being anciently milder then any other churches ; and how much these latter ages have been more favourable to the guiltiest sons of the church , then the most mercifull of the first ages had learned to be , even those very councils that condemn'd the severity of novatus and the cathari , are able to testifie ; i will give you but an hint or two out of the canons of the council of nice , ( before quoted against novatus ) can. 11. the council speaking of them that fell in the time of licinius his tyranny , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without any violence , or plundring , or danger of either , the censure is upon true and unfained repentance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , three years shall they continue among the audients ( i. e. saith zonaras , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) stand without the church in the porch so long , and onely partake in hearing the holy scriptures . then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. saith zonaras , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ) for the space of seven years more they have leave to be admitted within the church , but to be behind a pillar , near the doore , and go out with the catechumeni . ten years already , you see , and yet farther , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , two years shall they joyn in prayer with the people , but without the oblation : i. e. saith zonaras , they shall not yet be vouchsafed the participation of the holy things , till these two years be over . this approbation of their repentance cost them , it seems , no lesse then 12. years . but then the same council speaking of others , that having sect. 21 made some profession of christian valour , like dogs returned to their vomit again , can 12. resolves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , af●er the three years in the porch among the audients , they must be ten years at the pillar ; the seven years it seems are improved into ten , and t is probable the two years of communicating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 still behinde , and so the probation fifteen years long . one●y the bishop had power left him of the remitting of this sect. 22 severity , if he saw them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by humility and tears , and patience , and almsdee●s , demonstrate their conversion to be sincere , not fained . and so alcimus to victorius the bishop , authoritatis vestrae est , errantium compunctione perspectâ severitatis ordinem temporare ; 't is the part of your authority , when you perceive the compunction of those that have sinned , to temper the order of severity , i. e. to receive him earlier into the church , epist . 16. that which might be added in this point out of the ancient sect. 23 canons , would be endlesse to relate , he that would see a particular description of the several degrees of these penitents , may have it very clearly set down in zozomens history , l. 7. c. 17. and i shall not so much as enquire what grounds our latter ages have had to remit so much of the ancient discipline , till at length it be crumbled and moultred away into a nothing , or a meer formality : what is amisse in it , i beseech god may be reform'd . i shall only add to this chapter , that there have beeen in the sect. 24 practice of the church , ( i say not grounded in those texts of the gospel ) two sorts of binding ; one temporary or penitential when the person confesses himself penitent , and desires the absolution of the church , at least when there is hope of repentance , in which case the custome hath been to impose for some set time the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such works as are agreeable to that repentance , and proportioned to the former sin , & not to absolve til what is imposed be performed . this the nicene fathers expresse by this style , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] for whose penance the time is defined , and the season set , zonaras by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the space determined for the penance of those that had faln : and alcimus by propositis observationibus interim ab ecclesiâ sequestrari , to be appointed some observances , and in the mean time to be sequestred from the church : & notae excommunicationis indictio donec publicâ poenitentiae professione desuescant , setting a mark ( answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in saint paul ) of excommunication upon him , till by publique profession of repentance he disuse his former course , a kinde of niddui , or temporary remotion ; the second absolute , & sine praefinito tempore , without any certain definition of time . when men are refractory , and give no hope of amendment , and that is a kind of alcimus's irrevocable anathema , the binding over for ever , perennis excommunicatio , turon . concil . 2. c. 20. paris . conc. 3. can . 5. or usque ad reformationem , for ever if they reform not . the former of these is sometimes , but not alwayes , an exclusion , or abscission from the church , ( but somtimes on the other side a command to frequent the prayers of the church , or the sacrament , every lords day for such a space , hath been the penance or discipline ) nor consequently is it a binding that man so , that his sin is not yet pardoned on earth , but t is designed for other uses , for satisfaction to the churches edification , &c. but they of the second sort are truly under that band , and cut off from the communion of the church and by no means admitted to the services of it . cap. vi. there is but one enquiry now behind , i. e. what is the real sect. 1 effect of binding and loosing , or what conjunction it hath with binding and loosing in heaven . which though it be the weightiest consideration of all the four , yet shall i have occasion to say least to it , and indeed only this , that a censure of the church is a venerable thing , not only casting a christian out of the church , wherein he is appointed to seek salvation , and of which as long as he is thought unworthy , he is uncapable of heaven ; but withall a superaddition to the band in heaven , by which that sin is made indissoluble before god , til● it be absolved on earth , or that absolution duly sought from the church ; christ having affirmed of him , that in this case his sins shall not be pardoned there ; as on the other side , that being by repentance return'd to that capacity , heaven shall return again to be his portion , and that pardon by the promise of christ become due to him . the plain reason of it is , the denunciation is irreversible , and sect. 2 indispensably universal , [ except you repent you shall all perish ] and the promise as infallible and immutable [ he that confesseth and forsaketh , shall have mercy . ] now the binding , if it be as it should be ( clave non errante ) supposeth the man impenitent and refractory , and so to continue till he use means to return to the peace of the church again ; and then without controversie , whosoever is so bound on earth , ( cast out of the church for an impenitent and refractorie , and continuing so ) is bound in heaven , cast out from all title to that by god also . to which purpose is that known ancient passage in tertullians apol. speaking of these censures . judicatur cum magno pondere ut apud certos de dei conspectu . summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est , si quis ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commercii relegetur . c. 39. the judgements of the church are exercised with great weight , as being among them that are certainly resolved that they are in the sight of god. and it is but a preparative pronouncing or passing of the future judgement , if any man offend so highly , that he be banish't from communication or partaking of prayer , of church-meetings , and all holy commerce . sect. 3 but on the other side , he that upon his repentance , and approbation of that to be sincere , is ( clave non errante , still ) let into the church again , is ipso facto supposed to have right , ( and by his absolution that right sealed to him visibly , and christs promise particular for it ) to heaven . sect. 4 now if it be demanded , whether a true repentant sinner once bound by the church be not presently loosed in heaven , i. e. pardoned and forgiven at the first minute of his repentance , without ( or before he receive ) absolution from the church ? i answer , that in case of publique or scandalous crimes , the reformation must be publique and notorious also . and to that purpose confession and satisfaction before the congregation , and him that bound , i. e. the governour of the church ( to repair the injury done to the former by the ill example , and to testifie the sincerity of the repentance to the latter ) is necessarily requir'd to the approving of this repentance even to god , without which non remittetur peccatum , there is no more possibility of loosing in heaven , then hope of absolution on earth . but on the sincere performance of this , as there is no doubt but god will have mercy , will loose in heaven , will justifie and pardon that ( such a ) penitent sinner ; so is the church-ruler on earth bound to loose him here below , to restore him to the church also , as soon as by his submission to his penance he approves himselfe to him to be such ; and though 't is possible he may be sincerely penitent in gods sight , before he appear so to the church , yet is he obliged to seek thus to approve himself to the church , if his case have come under her cognizance , or in case he desire to have any of that assurance which is to be had from the church , or by title to the promise in those texts . sect. 5 and yet this exercise of the keyes is not to be conceived so absolutely necessary , that none can be damned without that seal of damnation , or binding , or non-forgivenesse , nor again that none can be saved , or forgiven without the seal of remission ; for sure the neglect of the bishop in the first case , his not-performing his office of excision , is no way able to rescue the impenitent from the eternal guilt and punishment of his sins , but rather a means to leave him remedilesse unto it ( his binding being indeed such a remedy , if it be made use of ) and the bare want of the remission or absolution , so it be joyned with readiness to perform all that is preparative to it , and an hearty desire to be partaker of it , is in the merciful , gracious court of gods audience sure to be accepted , when there is no space or room for more . for the words of christ ( whatsoever you shall bind , &c. ) though they be universal , binding all in heaven that are bound on earth , yet are they not exclusive , so as none shall be bound in heaven , but such as are bound on earth , or in the church below . nor on the other side , [ whatsoever you shall loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . ] 't is [ whatsoever ye , that i ] but not [ whatsoever not ye , that i ] and consequently , this double affirmation of christ may be perfectly true ; whosoever stands bound here , stands bound there , and whosoever are absolved here , are absolved there ; and yet for all that , are many bound in heaven which are not bound in the church , & loosed in heaven which are not absolved by the church . and if the phrase used in saint john , [ whatsoever ye retained , it is retained ] seem to any to have an exclusive sense , thus , that what we absolve not here , we do retain ; and consequently , that whom we absolve not , god will not absolve . i answer , that this is a mistake , arising from the equivocalnesse of the word [ retain ] which in the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as we shewed ) signifies no more in this place then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or binding in the other gospels ; in which , because that intimates not any exclusive power , neither will it be reasonable that this shall . and so much for the fourth particular also . to which , before we part from it , it will not perhaps be unseasonable ( though i hope i shall not be obliged to justifie the truth of the relations ) to annex a passage or two out of the latter stories of the greek church , ( believed generally by them , & mentioned on affirmation of particular knowledge by some which have come from them to this place , & lived amongst us ) which will acquaint us with the awe , and signifie the opinion which it seems they have of the real efficacie of these censures of the church . it is related ( saith crucius in turco-graecia ) in the constantinopolitan histories , that the sultan mahomet among other things concerning the christian religion , asked the patriarch maxims , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning excommunication of which he had heard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that if the high priests , and priests of the christians should excommunicate any person upon just cause , the body of that man dissolves not into the earth , but remains entire and whole ; and when the sepulchre of any such is opened , they appear like drums or timbrels , and black , i. e. the body swell'd , but whole , and withal much discoloured : and that upon absolution the body is dissolved to dust . in the truth of which tradition the sultan desired to be confirmed by the patriarch , who upon search made , found ( saith he ) that a certain loose woman having defamed a former patriarch , genadius scholarius , was by him excommunicate , and so dyed . her sepulchre maximus caused to be opened , and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o the wonders of god , saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , she was found as she was at the time of her buriall , only swell●a and black . this ( saith he ) was certified to the sultan , who sent some of his nobles to view it , which they did with admiration , and caused the corps to be sealed up in a coffin with the imperial seal , and returned at a set day then the patriarch opened it , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , officiated and read the prayer of absolution : whereupon the joynts of her hands and feet were immediately loosed . they sealed it up again , and returning after three dayes found all turn'd to dust . this they reported to the sultan , who wondred , and was astonished , and said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that this religion and faith of the christians was wonderful and true . this same story is related again at large , l. 2. turco gr. § . 32. in the patriarchial history of emanuel malaxus in vulgar greek . a like example there is also of one arsenius , who dyed excommunicate , l. 2. § . 43. p. 151. and also of johannicius , a pseudo-patriarch , l. 2. p. 156. of whom , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the excommunicate was found hard and swelled as a drum or timbrel . the truth of the passages , i hope it will not be expected of me to assert or confirm ( nor can i any further then the fore-mentioned authority will bear ) i shal rather give the reader ●y conjecture how this perswasion became so general , & these stories so confid●ntly reported among them . it was , i suppose , from the observing , but not understanding in the gospel the phrases of binding and loosing , which not knowing to what they belong'd ( for the modern graecians are far from being very learned ) they may have applied them to the dissolving , or not dissolving of mens bodies in the earth , which they there expresse by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word of the evangelist . if this be not it , i have no more to say of it , but that it was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and now having taken this licence a little to expatiate , i shal sect. 6 enlarge ●y teather a little wider ; and having said thus much of this custome of excommunication among jews and christians , proceed yet farther , ex abundanti , and by way of appendix , shew the consent of others , even of heathen people in this matter , by that means ( if not to confirm , as by an instance , that ancient truth of clemens so oft repeated by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the grecians knowledge and solemn practices are generally stoln from the jews , yet ) to shew the opinion of other men , imbued with other principles of theologie , by which the design of this former treatise may with a rational man , who is not a divine , be somewhat established , i shall instance but in two particulars ( because it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as ex abundanti , that i say any thing of it . ) the first , of the ancient grecians , as i find it mentioned by diod. si●ulus . bibl. 16. in the discourse of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sacred war betwixt the phocenses and lacedaemonians on one side , and the thebans , &c. on the other ; of which there is mention in thucydides , but a full narration in diodorus siculus in the place fore-cited . from that one author in one page these few things may be learnt by way of story . 1. that on occasion of sacriledge or invasion of the rights of their gods , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as the plowing up a peice of sacred ground call'd cirrhaea ( which was the crime of the phocenses ) or the taking in war , and seizing on the like place call'd cadmea ( which was the lacedemonians fault ) the senate of the amphictyones upon complaint of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or recorders of holy things , did devote or anathematize even a whole country or region at once , as that of the lacedemonians , and that other of the phocenses . 2. that what was thus done , was confirm'd by the grecians generally , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 3. that though sacriledge was the occasion of this devoting , yet was it not the immediate cause or crime wherein it was founded , but their not submitting to some former punishments , not paying the mulcts which had been inflicted on them by the same judges for that crime . the punishments of those first crimes are there mentioned to have been great summes of money laid on the offenders , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and upon the not paying of that , this devoting follows . 4. the nature of this punishment consisted , 1. in the shame that it brought upon the offenders , such as philomelus tels his phocenses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is the part of unmanly persons not to lay it to heart , or consider it . 2. in the consequents of it , in that it would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bring danger and subversion to all their lives , & that in two respects . 1. in respect of god , to whose vengeance they were thus devoted , ( answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 forementioned , added to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in which respect it is , in order to the phocenses , called there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being consecrated or devoted . 2. in respect of men , to whose mischief also they were exposed , ( parallel to what we read of cain when he was cast out of gods presence ; any man , saith he , that meets me , will kill me ) and therefore in order to the spartans , it is call'd there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an exposing them to the common hatred of all men . 5. that for them that were under any such sentence , there was no way , but to obey the mulct that was formerly inflicted on them , i. e. to reform their contumacie , which they that were not able to do , or not willing , and therefore pretend they were not able ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) have no way left , but endeavour to nul the sentence , by proving it unjust , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by shewing that it was no fault , on which the former punishment , ( to which their contumacie had been exprest ) was inflicted . and to make good this plea , their best & indeed only way was that of force , viz. to make philomelus their general , & to provide him an army , which was accordingly done , and after some three or four prosperous sights on that side , the conclusion was , that at last agreeably to the cause , in the sight of his prosperous impiety he was routed and slain . and so you have a brief of the first passage . the other is that known one of the druids among the ancient galls , mentioned by caesar de bell. gal. l. 6. the summe of it is this . among the galls two onely sorts of men there are , saith he , qui in aliquo sunt numero & honore , which are of account and honour among them , the druids , and the equites , or noblemen , all the rest being pezants and slaves . the former of these are thus described , by their offices or imployments , illi rebus divinis intersunt , sacrificia publica & privata procurant , religiones interpretantur , ad hos magnus adolescentium numerus disciplinae causâ concurrit , magnóque ii sunt apud eos honore ; nam ferè de omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque constituunt , & si quid est admissum facinus , si caedes facta , de haereditate , de finibus controversia est , iidem decernunt , praemia poenasque constituunt : si quis aut privatus , aut populus , eorum decreto non steterit , sacrificiis interdicunt . haec poena apud eos est gravissima ; quibus ita est interdictum , ii numero impiorum ac sceleratorum habentur , ab iis omnes decedunt , aditum eorum sermonemque defugiunt , ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant , neque iis petentibus jus redditur , neque ullus honos communicatur . his omnibus druidibus praeest unus , &c. they are the men employed in all the service of god , perform the publike and private sacrifices , instruct the youth , and are honoured by them , are the judges in wel-nigh all both publique and private controversies ; if any outrage or murder be committed , any difficulty about bounds or inheritance , they decree and determine both rewards and punishments ; if any private person or people stand not to their decrees , they forbid him their sacrifices . this is of all other the most grievous punishment , they that are under this interdict , are accounted as impious and enormous persons , all men refuse their company , come not neer them , nor discourse with them , lest the contagion hurt them ; they receive no advantage by the lawes of the kingdom , nor are capable of any honour in it . of all these druids there is one prefect or president , &c. and it seems this custome and institution among them was conceived to have had its original from britain . disciplina in britanniâ reperta , atque inde in galliam translata esse existimatur , & nunc qui diligentiùs eam rem cognoscere volunt , plerunque illò discendi causâ proficiscuntur . this discipline was found in britain , and thence brought unto the galls , and they that are willing to have any exact knowledge of it , do now ordinarily go thither to learn it . the story being in it self thus clear and full , will have little need of my comment or observation on it ; all that i meant to do was to shew you the consent of other religions , & nations , and by that to conclude , that the heathens thought not that unreasonable , which now christ hath by standing law establisht in his church , and many that are called christians , are so willing to cast out of it . and so much so this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also . cap. vii . sect. 1 and now by way of conclusion of this whole discourse , i shall add somewhat of the utility of this peice of discipline , if with another preparatory to it , it might by the governours of every church be carefully exercised : that other preparative which i mean , is that , if not apostolical , yet ecclesiastical institution of confirmation . the intention of which , and design of our church in it , every man sufficiently knows ( although it have been much and with very ill consequence of late neglected ) and therefore i shall not here insist on it ; and besides it hath been set down at large in * another discourse . this whole office of confirmation , and the necessary preparatives of it , that of the ministers catechising ( and throughly instructing all the youth of both sexes , and of all sorts within his cure , and explaining to the understanding of each , and laying home to his heart all the duties undertaken in his baptisme ) being solemnly premised , according to the rules and intention of our church , and all duties perform'd and observed by the curate , the child , and the bishop ( and none permitted to come to the lords table that hath not laudably past through this course ) would ( in the opinion of a goldy and learned man , who did much study the wayes of advancing piety and learning ) tend most probably to the keeping men at least within bounds of christian civility , from falling into enormous sins , which they had in their own persons so solemnly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against . and therefore the use of that discipline , were extreamly to be wish't for , that it were revived in each christian common-wealth : and if it should be objected , that having been so long neglected in this , it cannot now possibly be recovered again , because of the vast number of those that have been either not at all , or else but formally , and perfunctorily , or without precedent preparation confirm'd : i answer , that that argument proves not the impossibility , but only difficulty of doing it , or if the difficulty be so great , as to advance into a kinde of moral impossibility , yet ought it not therefore to be left unattempted , ( we are required to endeavour the doing of things which appear morally impossible to be done ; because god may enable us to do that , which , till we try , we conceive impossible ; and though the not performing may not be damning , yet the not endeavouring may ) or if still the difficulty of an universal reformation in this kind , discourage even from attempting it , yet may it be reasonable and feacible for every pastour , now to begin with all the youth of his parish , which have not yet come to the lords supper , and keep them to this probation ; and so for ever hereafter constantly to continue ; and then , though the elder sort of this present age come not under this method , nor consequently this means of reformation ; yet perhaps the example of , and instructions bestowed on those under them , may work somewhat on them : and howsoever the stock of the succeeding age will now be wrought on , and so posterity be mended , though the present age cannot , which to every good christian will be worth considering . this course being thus taken for the planting , and rooting all good resolutions , and obtaining the blessing of god , upon the young and tender , ( by the prayers of the church , and the purport of christs promise of habenti dabitur ) together with the use of the sacrament of the lords supper , and attention to reading , and preaching of the word , might very probably hope to be successefull ; but then because possibly it may not , ( some christians will be perjur'd and impudent , rather then be chaste and conscientious , after all this ) therefore comes in the use and utility of the censures of the church , as a tabula post naufragium , a means of bringing him to repentance , that by the former means could not be kept innocent ; of reducing him by the rod , that the crook could not keep from straying . and if 't were thus used , if every one that fel after confirmation , were first admonisht by one , then if it served not , by two or three , and then upon refractarinesse , or indulgence in sin , delivered up to sathan , turn'd out of all christian communion without any partiality , or respect of persons , this would be as propable a means as the wit of man could invent , either by the fear and expectation of this censure to deter them , and prevent those enormities that are now so ordinary among christians , or else by shame , and other consequent inconveniences , as by causticks to work the cure . for it cannot but be observed , what force shame , and credit have on the minds of men . a sin that is gotten into some countenance or reputation , though it be destitute of all other lovelinesse or ability to tempt any , doth yet carry all before it without resistance ; the fear of shame makes men vicious , that otherwise are not inclined to it , and certainly the same means would be able to commend virtue to us : there is not that infinite natural aversation against all goodnes in the minds of men ( unlesse as that word signifies the passions , or carnal affections ) as that men would be very wicked to lose by it ; afflictio dabit intellectum , and such afflictions as these that fall upon the fame , are not the most easily supportable , and therefore may possibly help even a sensual man to some understanding ; and though the certain truth of this observation cannot otherwise be proved , but by our resolution to make experience of it ; yet seems it to me to have the authority and testimony of saint paul himself in these words , ( though usually , by those that are led by the sound of them , otherwise applyed ) 2 cor. 10.4 . the weapons of our warfare are not carnal , but mighty through god , ( or to god , or ( by an hebraisme very ordinary ) very or exceeding mighty ) to the pulling down of strong holds , &c. which words that they belong to the point in hand , will 1. be probable by the context , where the apostle speaks of proceeding against offenders , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being bold towards them , v. 1.2 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to revenge or punish disobedience , v. 6. and this according to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or authority which the lord had given him for edification or instruction , and not for destruction ( which before i shewed you belong'd unto the power of censure ) & then he adds a caution to remove a prejudice , that unreformed sinners had against him , his letters were severe , and so he , when he was absent ; but far from all such severity , when he came amongst them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; vile or tame , or unconsiderable , when he was among them , i. e. that he threatned to excommunicate , but when he came would not do it , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , terrifying by letters , v. 9. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , weighty or powerful letters , v. 10. i. e. severe and terrifying , which yet he threatens shall be equalled by his actions , when he comes among them , ver . 11. and so all along you see the businesse is about censures . and then 2. this sense of the words will be more then probable , by weighing the words themselves , wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies confestly the apostles ministery , as it doth so in the onely other place , where 't is used in the new testament , 1 tim. 1.18 . that thou mightest war a good warfare , i. e. discharge the duty of thy ministery , as thou oughtest , according to the importance of the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is sometimes rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , warfare , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministery [ then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the weapons of that warfare ] are the means to discharge that duty in the ministery , of which nature though there be many more , preaching , catechizing , administration of sacraments confirmation , &c. yet the context , or antecedents , and consequents of this place belonging , as was shew'd to the businesse of censures , will restrain it in this place peculiarly to those . then , that these are not [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , carnal ] signifies that they are not weak , for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at every turn in these epistles signifies weaknesse , ( and from thence oftentimes the law , because it was so weak , so unable to give strength to any disciple of moses to perform it , as in the epistles to the romans and galatians 't is insisted on ) and so to omit more places of testimony , in the next precedent verse , though we walk in the flesh , i. e. though we are weak , as men , and have no power over you , yet as ministers , we are not , our ministery is with power , and therefore it follows , as a explication of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not carnal ] but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mighty , or powerful , through , or to god , or exceeding powerful . and wherein doth this mightinesse or power expresse it self ? why , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we render it , pulling down of strong holds , & so it may literally be rendred , as the end of excommunication , pulling down of all fortresses , that maintain or secure a man in sin ; but more critically , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies excommunication it self , both ver . 8. and chap. 13.10 . and generally in the canons of the councils , and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , strong holds , may signifie all impenitent obdurate sinners , that will not otherwise be wrought upon , and are called , ver . 15. every high thing , that exalteth it self against the knowledge of god , i. e. against piety or christianity ; and so the words being thus interpreted in the retaile , and then put together again in the grosse , will run thus : [ the weapons of our warfare are not carnal , but mighty through god , to the pulling down of strong holds : ] i. e. the censures of the church are exceeding powerful , and that power consists in excommunicating pertinacious offenders . the truth of which observation , if not interpretation , will be undoubted to him that doth but remember , what this discourse hath so oft inculcated , that excommunication was delivering a man to satan , and a consequent of that in those first times , corporal inflictions , diseases , ( and sometime death it self ) which , if any humane thing , would most probably work upon one . onely it may be objected , that that consequent was peculiar to the apostles times , and is not now in use , and consequently that a great part of the power of ecclesiastical censures is now lost , and so now the weapons of our warfare may be carnal , our censures unsufficient to perform their task , to reduce impenitents , though theirs were not . to which i answer , by confessing the objection , that indeed it is so ; and very reasonable it should , christian princes having now taken the tuition of the church into their hands , and so those keen weapons in the spiritual hand not so necessary ; as you know the manna ceased to be rain'd from heaven , when the people were come into the promised land , flowing with milk and honey . onely i shall then reply , that therefore it is more then fit , that some means should be used , in case of any discernable defect , to interpose by way of supply , and adde the more then moral perswasive power of some other fit engine beside that of the censures of the church , especially in cases of enormous , infamous crimes , which may be done by the secular arm , in such cases ( when the ecclesiastical censures perswade not ) the impression of inflicting penalties , severe enough , as may be found expedient , usque ad reformationem , untill they make themselves capable ( by testimonies of amendment ) to receive release both from god and man ; that so by that means , as god supplyed the want of humane aid , by his extraordinary from heaven ; and when the secular magistrates discharged not their duty , exercised not the power given them to the purging of the church from rotten , vicious , prophane , incorrigible members , god gave this power to the apostles of inflicting diseases on malefactors ; so now that extraordinary power being withdrawn from the church , the magistrate should think himself most strictly obliged to perform his duty , for which if it should be required , that we produce the expresse commands or directions of christ and his apostles , or primitive presidents ; i answer , that will be unjust to require of us , 1. because in scripture times , there were other means to supply that want , the devils corporal inflictions on them that were delivered to him , and so any other might be spared : 2. because this duty naturally belongs to the magistrate , who alone hath ordinarily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , compulsive jurisdiction , which as it was practised by the kings in the old testament , so was it not interdicted by christ in the new , but all left in that matter by him as he found it ; which being granted , it may be said , that as christ or the apostles give no directions for this , so they needed not to give any . 3. because both then , and in the primitive church , the secular power was not christian , and therefore the assistance could not be expected from them , which now most reasonably may , to awake , and hazen , and drive those that will not be allured and drawn , that so even in this world , there may be no peace , quiet rest , tranquility ; or security to the wicked . isa . 1.15 , 16 , 17 , 18. wash yee , make you clean , &c. the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45430-e90 tim. 2.14 . * vid. con. of present use concern . change of church-gover pag. 16. notes for div a45430-e1780 pract. cat. l. 6. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in joh. 20. the words [ receive the holy ghost ▪ ] signifie , be you ready to receive him . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in mat. 16. in the sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joh. 1.12 . for priv●lege , or right , or power . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theo. in joh. 20. the perfect gift of the holy ghost was distributed to them in the pentecost , a preparative only administred to them in that breathing . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. theoph. in matt. 16. p. 94. though 't were said only to peter [ i will give thee ] yet 't was given to all the apostles : when ? when he said , if you remit any mans sins , joh. 21. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ chrys . in joh. 20. as a king that sends out rulers over provinces , gives them power to cast in person , and to let out ; so sending the apostles he endues them with this power . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophyl . to all the apostles f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phavor . & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. & so joh. 3.20 . he that doth evil cometh not to the light , lest his deeds should be reproved , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ discovered ] in our margent : and therefore 1 cor. 14.24 . when 't is said of the unbeliever , that he is convinced of all , &c. 't is added , v. 25. thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest . so ephes . 5.13 . all things that are reproved , or discovered , are made manifest by the light ; for whatsoever doth make manifest , is light . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ph. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . phavor . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which signifies both to propitiate and to cover ) is here to be rendred covering , and though the greek be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the former sense of the word , yet being to denote a part of the ark in this place , it must be taken in the other sense of the hebrew , and rendred , as if it had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is exod. 26.34 . and 30.6 . or as the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if it had been retained , would have imported . l in coll. magd. oxon. m bibl. num . 254. p. 57. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. & successiones episcoporum quibus apostolicam quae in unoquoque loco est , ecclesiam tradiderunt , ib. lib. 4. cap. 63. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. p solus clemens superstes , solus episcopi nomen retinuit , tum quia inter adjutores apostolorum solus ipse restabat , ●um quia jam invaluerat distinctio episcopi , & presbyteri , it a ut caeteris ecclesiae romanae presbyteris qui cum solo clemente essent , nomen illud non fuerit tributum . q ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubique inculcat episcoporum supra presbyteros gradum eminentem . salmas . apar . ad l. de prim . pap. p. 55. r non esse ignatium tam certò scio quàm me haec scribere . ib. p. 58. non esse ignatium luce clarius est , &c. nemo mihi unquam persuadebit , &c. p. 56. ſ haec argumenta praestantissimo salmasio nuper probata gaudeo . blondel . apol. t grot. discuss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 400. v annot. p. 277. euseb . l. 3. cap. 27. x quid enim fides , &c. con●erunt jam per baptismum armato ? si christiani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patientia est , quid novi jam accedit ex fide galealo ? y wal. messalin . z the same author in his chron. p. 43. affirms that he was by the apostles ordain'd bishop of jerusalem , the nineteenth year of tiberius , i. e. the very next year in his account after the death of christ . a hom. 86. in joh. apol. pro sent. hieron . b in psal . c sive baptizatorum confirmatio , sive poenitentium benedictio , sive ordinandorum consecratio . blond . apol. p. 57. & salmas . in appar . ad l. de prim. papae . d sive de eucharistiae confectione , sive de chrismatione , sive de ordinationibus sacris interpretari placeat . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. chrys . in jo. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. in joh. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ib * vide eustath . & did. in illud iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & inscrip . isid . apud diodor. sic. l. 1 f vid. buxtorf . lex . rabb . p. 283. exc. gem. sanhedr . p. 147. g vetare , prohibere , illici●um statuere . ep. h●b . insti● . p. 57. h vid. buxtorf . rabb . 〈◊〉 . i vid. buxtorf . lex . rabb . p. 2465. p. 680. k edit . paris . p. 354. b. p. 148. l cap. 1. sec . 10. i● praef. m si stipendio conductus theologica docerem , nihil sec . ipsos ab officio , & muncre in hac parte alieni facerem . p●aes . n th. 1. excommunicationis nomen videtur ex 1 cor. 10. desumptum esse , atque amotionem significare à communione illâ , quae ibidem corpus christi nominatur . o sané nunc excommunicatio ab omnibus definitur exclusione è societate & communione fidelium . ib. p th. 2. est autem duplex fidelium societas , interna , sc . ●c spiritualis , externa seu visibilis ac politica . q th. 3. tantum verò inter utramque discrimen est , ut qui in alterutrâ continetur , non etiam comprehendatur in alterâ necessariò . nam ut membrum christi esse potest qui injuste ex visibili aliquâ ecclesiá ejectus est , aut inter infideles latere habitar●ve cogitur , ita qui in visibili c●tu num●rantur non omnes etiam membra viva sunt christi , ex quo sequitur discrepare res illas posse , quae uni nos conjungunt non alteri , & ab unâ nos abjungunt & non ab alterâ . r th. 4. membra quidem christi efficimu● , i. e. internae spiritual●que christi societati conjungimu ▪ per solam fidem , quae per charitatem est efficax , & ●âdem hâc per solam infidelitatem excidimus , pro●nde non potest nos huic insercre , aut câdem excludere , nisi qui fidem donare , eandemque nobis iterum au●erre potest . ſ th. 5. externae verò visibilisque ecclesiae conso●tes reddimur ejusdem fidei professione ejusdemque doctrinae approbatione , denique corundam sacramento●um usurpatione ; in quo tria haec insunt , in tantisper dum ei insunt , inter membra externi fidelium coelus computatur , etiamsi ad eternam spiritus & mentis communionem non pertingat . v though sacramentorum usurpatio , in proper speaking , suppose baptisme , which is one of those sacraments ; yet sacramentorum participatio , thes . 6. signifying only receiving the lords supper , i have reason to suppose it may do so here too , and therefore i put in this . u th. 6. ergo qui ex ecclesiae communione extern● ejicitur ( i. e. qui excommunicatur ) vel ab omnibus his●e tribus , vel à duobus , vel ab uno tantùm removetur , sed à duobus primis , nempe à confessione fidei , & à christianae doctrinae app●obatione ( sub qua volo verbi & doctrinae auditionem comprehendi ) repelli nullus debet , quin potiùs hùc invitandi & quavis ratione adducendi sunt omnes . quocirca relinquitur , ut qui excommunicatur , à solâ ( ex tribus commemoratis ) sacramento●um participatione prohibeatur . huic , utrùm inseparab●l●ter cohaereat privati commercii negatio , an separari possit , postea considerabitur . alias poenas non pertinere ad substantiam excommunicationis hujus certum est ▪ etenim possit eadem etiam non excommunicat●● infligi , & excommunicatis non infligi . x th. 7. malè pontificii propter hanc excommunicationem ( quam ipsi minore appellârunt , ac solâ sacramentorum negatione rectè definierunt ) aliam insuper addiderunt , quam majorem & anathema vocârunt : atque contra apertam scripturam interdictione templorum , privati , comercii , & actus cujusvis lici . i definierunt , quoniam apostolus 1 cor. 14. palàm ostendit neque ethnicos , neque alios quoslibet , à divini verbi auditione , lectione , gratiarū actionibus , ac precibus christianorū prohibites fuisse . y th. 8. ex dictis liquet excommunicationem nihil aliud esse , quàm publicam & solennem sacramentorum , p●aesertim coenae dominicae ( quam privatim apostolus communionem ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) appellat , ut de principio dictum fuit ) interdictionem , praeeunte seniorem cognitione : quo peccantes resipiscant , rursusque ad sacramentorum perceptionem admittantur . z th. 9. hìcjam o●itus quaestio , u●rum aliquis propter commissum peccatum aut vitam impurè actam , siquidem usurpare sacramenta cum cae●eris christianis cupiat , ab eorundem usu & perceptione sit r●●●vendus ? quaestio de ●o p●oponitur , qui candem fidem nobiscum profitetur , ecclesiae per baptismum insertus est , atque doctrinà ab ead●m non dissentit ( ut in th. 5. posuimus ) sed in solâ ●itâ & moribus errat . hoc ergo quaeritur , utrum in s. literis vel mandatum vel exemplū aliquod extet , quo tales jubeantur aut doceantur à sacramentis submoveri ? p. 369. p. 363. p. 357. p. 367. p. 369. p. 367. p. 368. p. 363. 1 cor. 5.12 . p. 407. a act. 3.26 . b finis hujusmodi disciplinae erat ut destituti ad tempus gratiá & privilegiis ecclesiae spiritualibus , humiliarentur ad salutem . p. 407. c doctrinae quaedam quibus imbuti cives obedientiam civitati negari , & contra principes summos , summasque potestates pugnare , idque jure posse , imo oporte●e arbitrantur . p. 101. d nam quod bellum civ●le in o●be christiano unquam extuit , quod ab 〈…〉 ortum atque alitum non fuerit ? p. 102. p. 190. p. 192. p. 371 372. e errant primò arminian . qui magistratus politico ecclesiasticum regimen subjectum esse docebant . p. 2467. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mosc . g instit . ep . he● . p. 55. h lexicon rab. p. 827. i dilherr . elect· l. 2. k ep. hebr. instit . p. 56. l instit . ep. he. p. 56. m exc. gem. sanhedr . c. 1. p. 149. n ep. heb. insti . p. 58. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , phavor . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * rivet . grot. disc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 475. buxt . ep. heb. instit . p. 55. * of consc . 8.34 . pag. 93. de rep . eccl. l. 5. c. 7. & 9. * he that is born of god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not commit sin , 1 joh. 3.9 . concil . eliber . can. 61. can. 47. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is not mine to give , save to whom it is prepared , &c. p. 187 , 188 , 189 , &c. * hence avitus alcimus , ep. 61. to constantius the bishop , illud monere praesumo ne propter leves causas , & non ad deum , sed saeculum pertinentes , ne laici quidem , non dicam clerici , sanctâ communione priventur , quia nescit cujus dignitatis sit ipsa communio , qui non eam omni animositate sepositâ & cum magno dolore suspendit , & cum maximâ festinatione restituit . vid. can. 2. concil . aurel. 5. & leon. magn . ep. 89. taxing hilary for that fault . * vid. gro. in heb. p. 820. edit . rhodoman p. 425. l. 1. p. 73. p. 425. pag. 432. * vindic. of lit.