a catalogue of the works of mr. hobbes hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1675 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43975 wing h2216 estc r9888 12713839 ocm 12713839 66141 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43975) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66141) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 357:15) a catalogue of the works of mr. hobbes hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1 sheet ([2] p.) w. crooke, [london] : [1675] place and date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679 -bibliography -catalogs. broadsides -england -17th century. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a catalogue of the works of mr. hobbes . 1 thucydides translated out of greek into english. folio . 2 de mirabilibus pecci , in 4 o a latine poem . 3 humane nature , in 12 o engl. 4 de corpore politico , in 12 o engl. 5 elementa philosophica de cive , 12 o lat. printed 1642. 6 idem in english in 12 o printed 1651. 7 of liberty and necessity , 12 o 1654. 8 the case stated betwixt bp bramhall and mr. hobbes , about liberty , necessity , and chance , 4 o engl. 1658. 9. de corpore philosophia , 8 o lat. 1655. 10. idem in english 4 o with six lessons to the professors of mathematicks in oxford . 1658. 11 leviathan , folio engl. 1650. 12 idem in latine printed at amsterdam , 4 o. 1661. 13 dialogus physicus , 8 o lat. 14 dialogus de aeris , 4 o lat. 15 de homine , 4 o lat. 16 examinatio , math. 4 o lat. 17 mr. hobbes considered , 8 o engl. 18 stigma , or marks upon dr. wallis , 4 o engl. 19 circulat . cube , 4 o lat. 1667. 20 de principio & ratione geomet . 4 o lat. 1666. 21 rosetum geometricum , sive propositiones aliquot frustra antehac tentatae , lat. 1671. 22 lux mathematica , 4 o lat. 1672. 23. primae partis doctrinae wallisianae de motu censura brevis . 4 o lat. 1671. 24 three papers presented to the royal society against dr. wallis , 4 o engl. 1671. 25 principia & problemata aliquot geometrica ante desperata , nunc breviter explicata & demonstrata , 4 o lat. 1674. 26 the travels of vlysses , 12 o engl. 1674. 27 translation of all homer's odysses out of greek into english , with a preface about heroick poetry , 12 o 1675. 28 epistol . ad d. wood , lat. 1675. 4 in two volumes in 4 o are printed at amsterdam , in latine , what are figured 5 , 9 , 11 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 19 , and 20. and in a third vol printed at london for w. crook , are these pieces figured 2 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , &c. the rest are to be had no otherwise but single . there are these following manuscripts of mr. hobbes's . 1 epitome of the civil wars of england , from 1640. to 1660. 2 a dialogue betwixt a student in the common laws of england , and a philosopher . 3 defence of his leviathan against bp bramhall . 4 hist. ecclesiastica romana . 5 of heresie , and the punishment thereof . 6. his life , written by himself . which manuscripts are delivered by the author into the hands of w. crooke . memorable sayings of mr. hobbes in his books and at the table hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1680 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44005 wing h2251a estc r14711 11845538 ocm 11845538 49833 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44005) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49833) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 35:2) memorable sayings of mr. hobbes in his books and at the table hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1 sheet ([1] p.) : port. s.n., [london : 1680] place and date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679 -quotations. broadsides -england -17th century. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion memorable sayings of mr. hobbes in his books and at the table . en ! quam modice habitat philosophia vera & viva effigies thomae hobbes malmesburiensis . aetat . suae . 92. obiit 4. decē 1679. malmsburiensis obît , decurso lumine vitae , qui genus humanum ingenio superavit , & omnes praestrinxit stellas , exortus uti aethereus sol. the love of the knowledg of causes draws a man from the consideration of the effect , to seek the cause , and again the cause of that cause , till of necessity he must come to this thought at last , that there is some cause , whereof there is no former cause , but is eternal , which is god ; so that it is impossible to make any profound enquiry into natural causes , without believing there is one eternal god. if any man think this world without a mind , i shall think him without a mind . nothing is law , where there are not manifest signs that it proceedeth from the will of the soveraign . to be slow in the belief of miracles , is not a contempt of divine power , but a just circumspection that our reason be not over-reacht . all devotion ought to be grounded upon reason , and truth , else it is will-worship , and the sacrifice of fools . the doctrine of original sin , ought to be cautiously handled , lest when the bowl wanders from the jack , the biass , not the hand that delivers it , be blamed . so ought the doctrine of imputed righteousness , lest a man with a silken stockin on a gouty leg think himself well and at ease . the credulous choose rather not to doubt , than not to err . distance of time impresseth false images of things upon the mind , as well as distance of place . most of the valuable opinions of mankind , if you search them in their originals , being like an aegyptian temple , with a magnificent portico , much sculpture , and picture ; but if you be admitted into the penetralia , to see the god , you will find but an ape , or an asses head , fancy or folly. my noble friend my lord herbert of cherbury , had no mean unworthy thought of god when he said , he was like the sun , that always shined unto mankind with the same light . the absurd opinions , and evil lives of the clergy make them contemptible . all the changes of religion in the world may be attributed to one and the same cause , unpleasing priests , and those not only among catholicks , but even in that church that hath presumed most upon reformation . men are easily drawn to believe any thing , from such men as have gotten credit with them , and can with gentleness , and dexterity , take hold of their fear , and ignorance . whatsoever power ecclesiasticks take upon themselves ( in any place where they are subject to the state ) in their own right , although they call it gods right , it is but usurpation . 't is strange that men , never having spoken with god almighty , nor knowing one more than another what he hath said , when the laws and preacher disagree , should so keenly follow the minister , for the most part an ignorant , though a ready tongued scholar , rather than the laws , that were made by the king , with the peers , and commons of the land. the papacy is the ghost of the deceased roman empire , sitting crowned upon the grave thereof . the pope is a shittle-cock , kept up by the differences of princes . the name of fulmen excommunicationis [ that is the thunderbolt of excommunication ] proceeded from an imagination of the bishop of rome that first used it , that he was king of kings , as the heathen made jupiter king of the gods , and assigned him a thunderbolt , wherewith to subdue and punish . excommunication is a sword that hath no other edge but what is given to it by the opinion of him against whom it is used . the roman clergy are a confederacy of deceivers , that to obtain dominion over other men , endeavour by mystery and nonsence to extinguish in them both the light of nature and the gospel . priest-craft is a sort of legerdemain , and the roman priests are to the rest of mankind , as the juglers in a fair to the rest of the people there , and must have mony given them before they will play their tricks . the papal ecclesiasticks in their receipts , accept the mony that the laicks do ; but when they are to make any payment it is in indulgences , masses and canonizations . he used to cite themistius often , [ in his consular oration to jovinian . ] the flattering bishops do not worship god , but the imperial purple . and a greek sentence [ in english thus ] a wise mans satisfaction , is to have a treasure of hope with the gods , or else not to fear them at all . fear and hope arising from ignorance of the causes of things , are for the most part groundless and violent , and in all matters , touching which a man hath great hope , or great fear , he is easily deceived ; which is the reason that the planters of false religions , do so industriously keep all true science from them they intend to impose upon . there is no doctrine which tendeth to the advancement of the power ecclesiastical , or to the reverence , or profit of the clergy , but the contradiction thereof is by the church of rome made heresie , and punished with death . i have been bitterly excepted against by the ecclesiasticks , for making the civil power too large ; by the sectaries , for taking away liberty of conscience ; by the lawyers , for setting soveraign princes above the laws , wherewith i am not much moved : for these men in doing this , do but their own business . there is nothing but infinite power that is not to fear . every man is bound by nature , as much as in him lyeth , to protect in war the authority by which he is himself protected in time of peace . ambitious men wade through other mens blood to their own power . evil government is like a tempest , may throw down here and there a fruitful tree , but civil war , or anarchy , like a deluge , would sweep away all before them . a prince ought to remember that nothing hath been more the agreement of mankind in all ages , and in all nations , than this , to change their government , for the opressions and corruptions in it . the majestas imperii , and the salus populi , are always quarrelling , there wants a deus terminus in the world to set out the bounds of dominion , and obedience so clearly , as the passions of prince or people , dare not adventure to leap over . drinking a glass of wine , he said , 't is with truth as it is with excellent wine , the drawer , ( the priest ) is not to fill out the dregs with the purer liquor . and after another glass , speaking of government , he cited the arcadia . princes are to remember whom they govern , men , rational creatures , who soon scorn at follies , and repine at injuries . adding of his own , that it was an unparallel'd arrogance , and fanaticism in any one man to believe , that god from eternity had appointed all creatures for his pleasure , men for his ambition , the women for his lust. and that the doctrine of preces and lachrymae , ought to be discreetly handled , least the people believe , they made themselves slaves , when they became christians ; and lest princes should so far mistake , as to believe their subjects made up of knees and eyes , and no hands . it is impossible without letters for any man to become either excellently wise , or [ unless his memory be hurt by disease or ill constitution of organs ] excellently foolish : for words are wise mens counters , they do but reckon by them ; but they are the mony of fools , that value them by the authority of an aristotle , a cicero , or a thomas . such opinions as are taken upon credit of antiquity , are not truly the judgment of those that cite them ; but words that pass ( like gaping ) from mouth to mouth . wealth , like women , is to be used , not loved ( platonickly . ) speaking of the lawyers ; he used to jeer them with gothofred , inter laudem , & placentiam non veronam versus ambulare solet vlpianus ; and with erasmus , doctum genus , hominum indoctorum . opinion , armed with power , passes for reason , law , and religion . it cannot be proved that the obedience which springs from the scorn of injustice is less acceptable to god , than that which proceeds from the fear of reward or hope of benefit . that which gives to human actions the relish of justice , is a certain nobleness or gallantness of courage , ( rarely found ) by which a man scorns to be beholden for the contentment of his life , to fraud or breach of promise . death , is a leap into the dark . quid prodest garrulis philosophis , de immortalitate animorum , de fortitudine , tam multa praedicare , deindè : minimo in periculo pallescere . et prope stans dictat mors mihi ne metue . when he was dying , he called for his chair ( in which he dyed ) saying , oportet philosophum sedentem mori . si quis morte obitâ sensus tellure sub imâ est hobbesii gaudent manes ; nec grandior umbra ambulat elysium . — finis . the last sayings, or, dying legacy of mr. thomas hobbs of malmesbury who departed this life on thursday, decemb. 4, 1679. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1680 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43996 wing h2245 estc r26062 09340107 ocm 09340107 42776 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43996) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42776) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1310:1) the last sayings, or, dying legacy of mr. thomas hobbs of malmesbury who departed this life on thursday, decemb. 4, 1679. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1 broadside. printed for the author's executors, london : 1680. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last sayings , or dying legacy of mr. thomas hobbs of malmesbury , who departed this life on thursday , decemb. 4. 1679. — quid mihi curae erit transfuga ▪ senec ▪ fear of power invisible feign'd by the mind , or imagined from tales publickly allowed , is religion ; not allowed , is superstition . it is with the mysteries of religion , as with wholesom pills for the sick , which swallow'd whole , have the vertue to cure ; but chew'd , are for the most part cast up again without effect . to say that god hath spoken to a man in a dream , is no more than to say , he dreamt that god spake to him . to say he hath seen a vision , or heard a voice , is to say that he hath dreamt between sleeping and waking . to say he speaks by supernatural inspiration , is to say he finds an ardent desire to speak , or some strong opinion of himself , for the which he can alledge no natural reason . in matters of right or interest , where reason is against a man , a man will be against reason . evil men under pretext that god can do anything ▪ are so bold as to say he does every thing that may serve their turns . as for witches , i think not that their witchcraft is any real power ▪ but yet that they are justly punished , for the false belief they have that they can do such mischief , joyned with a purpose to do it if they could . for fairies and walking ghosts , i think that opinion is taught only to keep in credit the use of exorcisms , crosses , and holy-water , to lay those spirits which never were raised . the best prophet naturally is the best guesser ; and the best guesser , he that is most vers'd and studied in the matters he guesses at . whatsoever we imagine , is finite : therefore there is no idea or conception of any thing we call infinite . when we believe another man's revelation , not from the reason of the thing reveal'd , but from the authority and good opinion of him to whom it was so revealed , then is the speaker or enthusiast the only object of our faith , and the honour done in believing , is done to him only , and not to him that revealed it : so on the contrary , if livy says the gods once made a cow speak , and we believe it not ; herein we distrust not god , but livy . thhre is no greater argument of madness , than the arrogating to ones self inspiration : for if some man in bedlam , after he had made a long sober discourse , should at last tell you he was god the father , i think you need expect no further argument for his madness . he that believes a thing , only because it may be so ; may as well doubt of it , because it may be otherwise . a certainty of error in any part of a thing , implies a possibility of error in the whole . nil fuit in intellectu , quod non fuit prius in sensu . when a pope excommunicates a kingdom , he may rather be said to excommunicate himself ; the pope being the only loser thereby . that daemoniacks were no other than mad-men , from joh. 10. 20. he hath a devil , and is mad . as a man that is born blind , hearing men talk of warming themselves by the fire , and being brought to warm himself by the same , may easily conceive there is somewhat there which men call fire , and is the cause of the heat he feels , but can have no idea of it in his mind , such as they have that see it : so also by the visible things of this world , and their admirable order , a man may conceive there is a cause of them which men call god , and yet not have an idea or image of him in his mind . no persons ought so justly to die ▪ for religion , as those that get their living by it . to measure good or evil by the reward or punishment assigned by the laws of our own countrey , is like little children , who have no other measure of good or ill but from the correction of their parents . the church is a mother-in-law to the laity , but an own mother to the clergy . that the popish consecration is no other than conjuration or incantation : for when their priests in the sacrament pretend to turn the bread into christ's body , wherein differ they from the egyptian ▪ conjurers , who are said to have turn'd the rods into serpents , and the water into bloud ? however , if ( as in the sacrament the bread remain'd bread still ) the rods had also remain'd rods still , and they had nevertheless faced down the king , contrary to his own eye-sight , that they were serpents , what impudent rogues had these been ? that had been both enchantment and lying ; and so is it in transubstantiation . that we might not give too much credit to all pretended miracles , let us examine the many impostures wrought by confederacy , wherein we shall find , that there is nothing how impossible soever to be done , that is impossible to be believed : for two men conspiring , one to seem lame , and the other to cure him with a charm , will deceive many ; but many conspiring , one to seem lame , another to cure him , and all the rest to bear witness , will deceive more . in these four things , viz. opinion of ghosts , ignorance of second causes , devotion towards what men fear , and taking of things casual for prognosticks , consisteth the natural seed of religion ; which by reason of the different fancies , passions and judgements of several men , hath grown up into ceremonies so different , that those which are used by one man , are for the most part ridiculous to another . that law which is absolutely necessary to mankind's future happiness , ought ( if the law-giver be just ) to be generally made known unto all men : no one reveal'd law was ever made known unto all men ; ergo , no one reveal'd law is absolutely necessary to mankind's future happiness . that god is almighty matter . that the prime law of nature in the soul of man , is that of self-preservation . that the law of the civil magistrate , is the only obliging rule of just and unjust . dreams are the reverse of our waking imaginations ; the motion when we are awake , beginning at one end , and when we dream , at the other . london , printed for the author's executors , 1680. malmsburiensis obît , decurso lumine vitae , qui genus humanum ingenio superavit , & omnes praestrinxit stellas , exortus uti aethereus sol. the love of the knowledg of causes draws a man from the consideration of the effect , to seek the cause , and again the cause of that cause , till of necessity he must come to this thought at last , that there is some cause , whereof there is no former cause , but is eternal , which is god ; so that it is impossible to make any profound enquiry into natural causes , without believing there is one eternal god. if any man think this world without a mind , i shall think him without a mind . nothing is law , where there are not manifest signs that it proceedeth from the will of the soveraign . to be slow in the belief of miracles , is not a contempt of divine power , but a just circumspection that our reason be not over-reacht . all devotion ought to be grounded upon reason , and truth , else it is will-worship , and the sacrifice of fools . the doctrine of original sin , ought to be cautiously handled , lest when the bowl wanders from the jack , the biass , not the hand that delivers it , be blamed . so ought the doctrine of imputed righteousness , lest a man with a silken stockin on a gouty leg think himself well and at ease . the credulous choose rather not to doubt , than not to err . distance of time impresseth false images of things upon the mind , as well as distance of place . most of the valuable opinions of mankind , if you search them in their originals , being like an aegyptian temple , with a magnificent portico , much sculpture , and picture ; but if you be admitted into the penetralia , to see the god , you will find but an ape , or an asses head , fancy or folly. my noble friend my lord herbert of cherbury , had no mean unworthy thought of god when he said , he was like the sun , that always shined unto mankind with the same light . the absurd opinions , and evil lives of the clergy make them contemptible . all the changes of religion in the world may be attributed to one and the same cause , unpleasing priests , and those not only among catholicks , but even in that church that hath presumed most upon reformation . men are easily drawn to believe any thing , from such men as have gotten credit with them , and can with gentleness , and dexterity , take hold of their fear , and ignorance . whatsoever power ecclesiasticks take upon themselves ( in any place where they are subject to the state ) in their own right , although they call it gods right , it is but usurpation . 't is strange that men , never having spoken with god almighty , nor knowing one more than another what he hath said , when the laws and preacher disagree , should so keenly follow the minister , for the most part an ignorant , though a ready tongued scholar , rather than the laws , that were made by the king , with the peers , and commons of the land. the papacy is the ghost of the deceased roman empire , sitting crowned upon the grave thereof . the pope is a shittle-cock , kept up by the differences of princes . the name of fulmen excommunicationis [ that is the thunderbolt of excommunication ] proceeded from an imagination of the bishop of rome that first used it , that he was king of kings , as the heathen made jupiter king of the gods , and assigned him a thunderbolt , wherewith to subdue and punish . excommunication is a sword that hath no other edge but what is given to it by the opinion of him against whom it is used . the roman clergy are a confederacy of deceivers , that to obtain dominion over other men , endeavour by mystery and nonsence to extinguish in them both the light of nature and the gospel . priest-craft is a sort of legerdemain , and the roman priests are to the rest of mankind , as the juglers in a fair to the rest of the people there , and must have mony given them before they will play their tricks . the papal ecclesiasticks in their receipts , accept the mony that the laicks do ; but when they are to make any payment it is in indulgences , masses and canonizations . he used to cite themistius often , [ in his consular oration to jovinian . ] the flattering bishops do not worship god , but the imperial purple . and a greek sentence [ in english thus ] a wise mans satisfaction , is to have a treasure of hope with the gods , or else not to fear them at all . fear and hope arising from ignorance of the causes of things , are for the most part groundless and violent , and in all matters , touching which a man hath great hope , or great fear , he is easily deceived ; which is the reason that the planters of false religions , do so industriously keep all true science from them they intend to impose upon . there is no doctrine which tendeth to the advancement of the power ecclesiastical , or to the reverence , or profit of the clergy , but the contradiction thereof is by the church of rome made heresie , and punished with death . i have been bitterly excepted against by the ecclesiasticks , for making the civil power too ▪ large ; by the sectaries , for taking away liberty of conscience ; by the lawyers , for setting ▪ soveraign princes above the laws , wherewith i am not much moved : for these men in doing this , do but their own business . there is nothing but infinite power that is not to fear . every man is bound by nature , as much as in him lyeth , to protect in war the authority by which he is himself protected in time of peace . ambitious men wade through other mens blood to their own power . evil government is like a tempest , may throw down here and there a fruitful tree , but civil war , or anarchy , like a deluge , would sweep away all before them . a prince ought to remember that nothing hath been more the agreement of mankind in all ages , and in all nations , than this , to change their government , for the opressions and corruptions in it . the majestas imperii , and the salus populi , are always quarrelling , there wants a deus terminus in the world to set out the bounds of dominion , and obedience so clearly , as the passions of prince ▪ or people , dare not adventure to leap over . drinking a glass of wine , he said , 't is with truth as it is with excellent wine , the drawer ▪ ( the priest ) is not to fill out the dregs with the purer liquor . and after another glass , speaking of government , he cited the arcadia . princes are to remember whom they govern , men , rational creatures , who soon scorn at follies , and repine at injuries . adding of his own , that it was an unparallel'd arrogance , and fanaticism in any one man to believe , that god from eternity had appointed all creatures for his pleasure , men for his ambition , the women for his lust. and that the doctrine of preces and lachrymae , ought to be discreetly handled , least the people believe , they made themselves slaves , when they became christians ; and lest princes should so far mistake , as to believe their subjects made up of knees and eyes , and no hands . it is impossible without letters for any man to become either excellently wise , or [ unless his memory be hurt by disease or ill constitution of organs ] excellently foolish : for words are wise mens ▪ counters , they do but reckon by them ; but they are the mony of fools , that value them by the authority of an aristotle , a cicero , or a thomas . such opinions as are taken upon credit of antiquity , are not truly the judgment of those that cite them ; but words that pass ( like gaping ) from mouth to mouth . wealth , like women , is to be used , not loved ( platonickly . ) speaking of the lawyers ; he used to jeer them with gothofred , inter laudem , & placentiam non veronam versus ambulare solet ulpianus ; and with erasmus , doctum genus , hominum indoctorum . opinion , armed with power , passes for reason , law , and religion . it cannot be proved that the obedience which springs from the scorn of injustice is less acceptable to god , than that which proceeds from the fear of reward or hope of benefit . that which gives to human actions the relish of justice , is a certain nobleness or gallantness of courage , ( rarely found ) by which a man scorns to be beholden for the contentment of his life , to fraud or breach of promise . death , is a leap into the dark . quid prodest garrulis philosophis , de immortalitate animorum , de fortitudine , tam multa praedicare , deinde ▪ minimo in periculo pallescere . et prope stans dictat mors mihi ne metue . when he was dying , he called for his chair ( in which he dyed ) saying , oportet philosophum ▪ sedentem mori . si quis morte obit â sensus tellure sub imâ est hobbesii gaudent manes ; nec grandior umbra ▪ ambulat elysium . — finis . three papers presented to the royal society against dr. wallis together with considerations on dr. wallis his answer to them / by tho. hobbes. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1671 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44017 wing h2263 estc r25546 09012078 ocm 09012078 42220 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42220) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1287:5) three papers presented to the royal society against dr. wallis together with considerations on dr. wallis his answer to them / by tho. hobbes. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. wallis, john, 1616-1703. [3], 3, [1], 4 p. printed for the author, london : 1671. "to the right honorable and others, the learned members of the royal society for the advancement of the sciences" on leaf preceding t.p. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. to the right honourable and others, the learned members of the royal society for the advancement of the sciences--considerations upon the answer of dr. wallis to the three papers of mr. hobbes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mathematics -early works to 1800. square root -early works to 1800. 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right honourable and others , the learned members of the royal society , for the advancement of the sciences . presenteth to your consideration , your most humble servant thomas hobbes , a confutation of a theoreme which hath a long time passed for truth ; to the great hinderance of geometry , and also of natural philosophy , which thereon dependeth . the theoreme . the four sides of a square being divided into any number of equal parts , for example into 10 ; and straight lines drawn through the opposite points , which will divide the square into 100 lesser squares ; the received opinion , and which dr. wallis commonly useth , is , that the root of those 100 , namely 10 , is the side of the whole square . the confutation . the root 10 is a number of those squares , whereof the whole containeth 100 , whereof one square is an vnitie ; therefore the root 10 , is 10 squares : therefore the root of 100 squares is 10 squares , and not the side of any square ; because the side of a square is not a superficies , but a line . for as the root of 100 vnities is 10 vnities , or of 100 souldiers 10 souldiers : so the root of 100 squares is 10 of those squares . therefore the theoreme is false ; and more false , when the root is augmented by multiplying it by other greater numbers . hence it followeth , that no proposition can either be demonstrated or confuted from this false theoreme . upon which , and upon the numeration of infinites , is grounded all the geometry which dr. wallis hath hitherto published . and your said servant humbly prayeth to have your judgement hereupon : and that if you finde it to be false , you would be pleased to correct the same ; and not to suffer so necessary a science as geometry to be stifled , to save the credit of a professor . three papers presented to the royal society against dr. wallis . together with considerations on dr. wallis his answer to them . by tho. hobbes of malmsbury . london : printed for the author ; and are to be had at the green dragon without temple-bar . 1671. to the right honourable and others , the learned members of the royal society , for the advancement of the sciences . your most humble servant thomas hobbes presenteth , that the quantity of a line calculated by extraction of roots , is not to be truely found . and further presenteth to you the invention of a straight line equal to the arc of a circle . a square root is a number which multiplied into it self produceth a number . and the number so produced is called a square number . for example : because 10 multiplied into 10 makes 100 ; the root is 10 , and the square number 100. consequent . in the natural row of numbers , as 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , &c. every one is the square of some number in the same row . but square numbers ( beginning at 1 ) intermit first two numbers , then four , then six , &c. so that none of the intermitted numbers is a square number , nor has any square root . prop. i. a square root ( speaking of quantity ) is not a line , such as euclide defines , without latitude , but a rectangle . suppose a b c d be the square , and ab , bc , cd , da be the sides ; and every side divided into 10 equal parts , and lines drawn through the opposite points of division ; there will then be made 100 lesser squares , which taken all together are equal to the square abcd. therefore the whole square is 100 , whereof one square is an unit ; therefore 10 units , which is the root , is ten of the lesser squares , and consequently has latitude ; and therefore it cannot be the side of a square , which according to euclide is a line without latitude . consequent . it follows hence , that whosoever taketh for a principle , that a side of a square is a meer line without latitude , and that the root of a square is such a line , ( as dr. wallis continually does ) demonstrates nothing . but if a line be divided into what number of equal parts soever , so the line have bredth allowed it , ( as all lines must , if they be drawn ) and the length be to the bredth as number to an unite , the side and the root will be all of one length . prop. ii. any number given is produced by the greatest root multiplied into it self , and into the remaining fraction . let the number given be two hundred squares , the greatest root is 14 4 / 14 squares . i say , that 200 is equal to the product of 14 into it self , together with 14 multiplied into 4 / 14. for 14 multiplied into it self , makes 196. and 14 into 4 / 14 makes 56 / 14 , which is equal to 4. and 4 added to 196 maketh 200 ; as was to be proved . or take any other number 8 , the greatest root is 2 ; which multiplied into it self is 4 , and the remainder 4 / 2 multiplied into 2 is 4 ; and both together 8. prop. iii. but the same square calculated geometrically by the like parts , consisteth ( by eucl. 2.4 . ) of the same numeral great square 196 , and of the two rectangles under the greatest side 14 , and the remainder of the side , or ( which is all one ) of one rectangle under the greatest side , and double the remainder of the side ; and further of the square of the less segment ; which all together make 200 , and moreover 1 / 49 of those 200 squares , as by the operation it self appeareth thus . the side of the greater segment is 14¼ . 14¼ . which multiplied into it self , makes 200. the product of 14 the greatest segment , into the two fractions 4 / 14 , that is , into 4 / 14 ( or into twice 2 / 14 ) is 56 / 14 ( that is 4 ) and that 4 added to 196 makes 200. lastly , the product of 2 / 14 into 2 / 142 or 1 / 7 into 1 / 7 , is 1 / 49. and so the same square calculated by roots , is less by 1 / 49 of one of those two hundred squares , then by the true and geometrical calculation ; as was to be demonstrated . consequent . it is hence manifest , that whosoever calculates the length of an arc or other line by the extraction of roots , must necessarily make it shorter then the truth , unless the square have a true root . the radius of a circle is a mean proportional between the arc of a quadrant and two fifths of the same . describe a square abcd , and in it a quadrant dca . in the side dc take dt two fifths of dc ; and between dc and dt a mean proportional dr ; and describe the quadrantal arcs rs , tv. i say , the arc rs is equal to the streight line dc . for seeing the proportion of dc to dt is duplicate of the proportion of dc to dr , it will be also duplicate of the proportion of the arc ca to the arc rs ; and likewise duplicate of the proportion of the arc rs to the arc tv. suppose some other arc less or greater then the arc rs to be equal to dc , as for example rs : then the proportion of the arc rs to the streight line dt will be duplicate of the proportion of rs to tv , or dr to dt . which is absurd ; because dr is by construction greater or less then dr . therefore the arc rs is equal to the side dc . which was to be demonstrated . corol. hence it follows that dr is equal to two fifths of the arc ca. for rs , tv , dt being continually proportional ; and the arc tv being described by dt , the arc rs will be described by a streight line equal to tv. but rs is described by the streight line dr . therefore dr is equal to tv , that is , to two fifths of ca. and your said servant most humbly prayeth you to consider ( if the demonstration be true and evident ) whether the way of objecting against it by square roots , used by dr. wallis ; and whether all his geometry , as being , built upon it , and upon his supposition of an infinite number , be not false . considerations upon the answer of dr. wallis to the three papers of mr. hobbes . dr . wallis sayes , all that is affirmed , is but , if we svppose that , this will follow . but it seemeth to me , that if the supposition be impossible , then that which follows will either be false , or at least undemonstrated . first , this proposition being founded upon his arithmetica infinitorum , if there he affirm an absolute infiniteness , he must here also be understood to affirm the same . but in his 39th proposition he saith thus : seeing that the number of terms increasing , the excess above sub-quadruple is perpetually diminished , so as at last it becomes less than any proportion that can be assigned ; if it proceed in infinitum it must utterly vanish . and therefore if there be propounded an infinite row of quantities in triplicate proportion of quantities arithmetically proportional ( that is , according to the row of cubical numbers ) beginning from a point or 0 ; that row shall be to a row of as many , equal to the greatest , as 1 to 4. it is therefore manifest that he affirms , that in an infinite row of quantities the last is given ; and he knows well enough that this is but a shift . secondly , he sayes , that usually in euclide and all after him , by infinite is meant but , more than any assignable finite , or the greatest possible . i am content it be so interpreted . but then from thence he must demonstrate those his conclusions , which he hath not yet done . and when he shall have done it , not only the conclusions , but also the demonstration will be the same with mine in cap. 14. art. 2 , 3 , &c. of my book de corpore . and so he steals what he once condemn'd . a fine quality . thirdly , he sayes ( by euclides 10th proposition , but he tells not of what book ) that a line may be bisected , and the halves of it may again be bisected , and so onwards infinitely ; and that upon such supposed section infinitely continued , the parts must be supposed infinitely many . i deny that ; for euclide , if he sayes a line may be divisible into parts perpetually divisible , he means , that all the divisions , and all the parts arising from those divisions , are perpetually finite in number . fourthly , he sayes , that there may be supposed a row of quantities infinitely many , and continually increasing , whereof the last is given . 't is true , a man may say ( if that be supposing ) that white is black ; but if supposing be thinking , he cannot suppose an infinite row of quantities whereof the last is given . and if he say it , he can demonstrate nothing from it . fifthly , he sayes ( for one absurdity begets another ) that a superficies or solid may be supposed so constituted , as to be infinitely long , but finitely great ( the breadth continually decreasing in greater proportion than the length increaseth ) and so as to have no center of gravity . such is toricellio 's solidum hyperbolicum acutum , and others innumerable discovered by dr. wallis , monsieur fermat , and others . but to determine this , requires more of geometry and logick ( whatsoever it do of the latine tongue ) than mr. hobbes is master of . i do not remember this of toricellio , and i doubt dr wallis does him wrong , and monsieur fermat too . for to understand this for sense , 't is not required that a man should be a geometrician or a logician , but that he should be mad . in the next place he puts to me a question as absurd as his answers are to mine . let him ask himself ( saith he ) if he be still of opinion , that there is no argument in natural philosophy to prove that the world had a beginning : first , whether in case it had no beginning , there must not have passed an infinite number of years before mr. hobbes was born . secondly , whether at this time there have not passed more , that is , more than that infinite number . thirdly , whether , in that infinite ( or more than infinite ) number of years , there have not been a greater number of dayes and hours , and of which hitherto the last is given . fourthly , whether , if this be an absurdity , we have not then ( contrary to what mr. hobbes would perswade us ) an argument in nature to prove the world had a beginning . to this i answer , not willingly , but in service to the truth , that by the same argument he might as well prove that god had a beginning . thus : in case he had not , there must have passed an infinite length of time before mr. hobbes was born ; but there hath passed at this day more than that infinite length ( by eighty four years ) . and this day , which is the last , is given . if this be an absurdity , have we not then an argument in nature to prove that god had a beginning ? thus 't is when men intangle themselves in a dispute of that which they cannot comprehend . but perhaps he looks for a solution of his argument to prove that there is somewhat greater than infinite ; which i shall do so far , as to shew it is not concluding . if from this day backwards to eternity be more than infinite , and from mr. hobbes his birth backwards to the same eternity be infinite , then take away from this day backwards to the time of adam , which is more than from this day to mr. hobbes his birth , then that which remains backwards must be less than infinite . all this arguing of infinites is but the ambition of school-boyes . to the latter part of the first paper . there is no doubt , if we give what proportion we will of the radius to the arc , but that the arc upon that arc will have the same proportion . but that is nothing to my demonstration . he knows it , and wrongs the royal society in presuming they cannot find the impertinence of it . my proof is this ; that if the arc on tv , and the arc rs , and the streight line cd , be not equal , then the arc on tv , the arc on rs , and the arc on ca , cannot be proportional . which is manifest by supposing in dc a less than the said dc ; but equal to rs , and another streight line , less than rs , equal to the arc on tv ; and any body may examine it by himself . i have been asked by some that think themselves logicians , why i proceeded upon 2 / 5 rather than any other part of the radius . the reason i had for it was , that long ago some arabians had determined , that a streight line whose square is equal to 10 squares of half the radius , is equal to a quarter of the perimiter ; but their demonstrations are lost . from that equality it follows , that the third proportional to the quadrant and radius , must be a mean proportional between the radius and 2 / 5 of the same . but my answer to the logicians was , that though i took any part of the radius to proceed on , and lighted on the truth by chance , the truth it self would appear by the absurdity arising from the denial of it . and this is it that aristotle meant , where he distinguisheth between a direct demonstration , and a demonstration leading to an absurdity . hence it appears , that dr. wallis his objections to my rosetum are invalid , as built upon roots . to the second paper . first , he sayes , that it concerns him no more than other men . which is true . i meant it against the whole herd of them who apply their algebra to geometry . secondly , he sayes , that a bare number cannot be the side of a square figure . i would know what he means by a bare number . ten lines may be the side of a square figure . is there any number so bare , as by it we are not to conceive or consider any thing numbred ? or by ten nothings understands he bare 10 ? he struggles in vain , his conscience puzzles him . thirdly , he sayes , ten squares is the root of 100 square-squares . to which i answer , first , that there is no such figure as a square-square . secondly , that it follows hence that a root is a superficies , for such is 10 squares . lastly , he sayes , that neither the number 10 , nor 10 souldiers is the root of 100 souldiers ; because 100 souldiers is not the product of 10 souldiers into 10 souldiers . that last i grant , because nothing but numbers can be multiplied into one another . a souldier cannot be multiplied by a souldier . but no more can a square-figure by a square-figure , though a square-number may . again , if a captain will place his hundred men in a square form , must not he take the root of 100 to make a rank or file ? and are not those 10 men ? to the third paper . he objects nothing here , but that , the side of a square is not a superficies but a line , and that a square root ( speaking of quantity ) is not a line but a rectangle , is a contradiction . the reader is to judge of that . to his scoffings i say no more , but that they may be retorted in the same words , and are therefore childish . and now i submit the whole to the royal society , with confidence that they will never ingage themselves in the maintenance of these unintelligible doctrines of dr. wallis , that tend to the suppression of the sciences which they endeavour to advance . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a44017-e250 definition . the life of mr. thomas hobbes of malmesbury written by himself in a latine poem, and now translated into english. thomas hobbesii malmesburiensis vita. english hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1680 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44004 wing h2251 estc r13395 11833475 ocm 11833475 49741 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44004) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49741) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 497:7) the life of mr. thomas hobbes of malmesbury written by himself in a latine poem, and now translated into english. thomas hobbesii malmesburiensis vita. english hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [2], 18 p. printed for a.c. ..., london : 1680. translation of thomas hobbesii malmesburiensis vita. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the life of mr. thomas hobbes of malmesbury . written by himself in a latine poem . and now translated into english . london : printed for a. c. and are to be sold in fleetstreet , and without temple-bar . 1680. the life of mr. thomas hobbes of malmesbury . in fifteen hundred eighty eight , old style , when that armada did invade our isle , call'd the invincible ; whos 's freight was then , nothing but murd'ring steel , and murd'ring men ; most of which navy was disperst , or lost , and had the fate to perish on our coast : april the fifth ( though now with age outworn ) i' th' early spring , i , a poor worm , was born . in malmesbury baptiz'd , and named there by my own father , then a minister . many things worth relating had this town ; and first , a monastery of renown , and castle , or two rather it may seem , on a hill seated , with a double stream almost environ'd , from whence still are sent two burgesses to sit in parliament . here lie the bones of noble athelstane , whose stone-effigies does there remain ; who for reward gave them the neighbouring plains , which he had moistned with the blood of danes . here was the roman muse by adelm brought , here also the first latin schole was taught . my native place i 'm not asham'd to own ; th' ill times , and ills born with me , i bemoan : for fame had rumour'd , that a fleet at sea , wou'd cause our nations catastrophe ; and hereupon it was my mother dear did bring forth twins at once , both me , and fear . for this , my countries foes i e'r did hate , with calm peace and my muse associate . did learn to speak four languages , to write and read them too , which was my sole delight . six years i' th' greek and latin tongue i spent , and at fourteen i was to oxford sent ; and there of magd'len-hall admitted , i my self to logick first did then apply , and sedulously i my tutor heard , who gravely read , althou ' he had no beard . barbara , celarent , darii , ferio , baralypton , these modes hath the first figure ; then goes on caesare , camestres , festino , baroco , darapti , this hath of modes the same variety . felapton , disamis , datisi , bocardo , ferison , these just so many modes are look'd upon . which i , tho' slowly learn , and then dispense with them , and prove things after my own sense . then physicks read , and my tutor display'd , how all things were of form and matter made . the aëry particles which make forms we see , both visible and audible , to be th' effects of sympathy , antipathy . and many things above my reach taught me . therefore more pleasant studies i then sought , which i was formerly , tho' not well taught . my phancie and my mind divert i do , with maps celestial and terrestrial too . rejoyce t' accompany sol cloath'd with rays , know by what art he measures out our days ; how drake and cavendish a girdle made quite round the world , what climates they survey'd ; and strive to find the smaller cells of men. and painted monsters in their unknown den. nay there 's a fulness in geography ; for nature e'r abhor'd vacuity . thus in due time took i my first degree of batchelor i' th' university . then oxford left ; serv'd ca'ndish known to be a noble and conspicuous family . our college-rector did me recommend , where i most pleasantly my days did spend . thus youth tutor'd a youth ; for he was still under command , and at his father's will : serv'd him full twenty years , who prov'd to be , not a lord only , but a friend to me. that my life's sweetest comfort was , and made my slumbers pleasant in nights darkest shade . thus i at ease did live , of books , whilst he did with all sorts supply my library . then i our own historians did peruse , greek , latin , and convers'd too with my muse. homer and virgil , horace , sophocles , plautus , euripides , aristophanes , i understood , nay more ; but of all these , there 's none that pleas'd me like thucydides . he says democracy's a foolish thing , than a republick wiser is one king. this author i taught english , that even he a guide to rhetoricians might be . to forrain countries at that time did i travel , saw france , italy , germany . this debonaire lord th' earl of devonshire , i serv'd complete the space of twenty year . his life by sickness conquer'd , fled away , t' exchange it for a better the last day . but yet provided ere he di'd for me , who liv'd with little most contentedly . i left my pleasant mansion , went away to paris , and there eighteen months did stay , thence to be tutor i 'm cal'd back agen , to my lord's son , the earl of devon then . this noble lord i did instruct when young , both how to speak and write the roman tongue ; and by what arts the rhetor deceives those that are illiterate ; taught him verse and prose ; the mathematick precepts too , with all the windings in the globe terrestrial ; the whole design of law , and how he must judge between that which equal is and just. seven years to him these arts i did explain : he quickly learnt , and firmly did retain . we spent not all this time in books alone , unless you 'l take the world for to be one ; travel'd through italy and france , did view the sweet retirements of savoy too . whether on horse , in coach , or ship , still i was most intent on my philosophy . one only thing i' th' world seem'd true to me , tho' several ways that falsified be . one only true thing , the basis of all those things whereby we any thing do call . how sleep does fly away , and what things still by opticks i can multiply at will. phancie's internal , th' issue of our brain , th'internal parts only motion contain : and he that studies physicks first must know what motion is , and what motion can do . to matter , motion , i my self apply , and thus i spend my time in italy . i scribbled nothing o'er , nor then e'r wrought ; i ever had a mistriss that me taught . then leaving italy , return we do to paris , and its stately fabricks view . here with mersennus i acquainted grew , shew'd him of motion what i ever knew . he both prais'd and approv'd it , and so , sir , i was reputed a philosopher . eight months elaps'd , i return'd , and thought good for to connect what e'r i understood . that principles at second hand more clear , by their concatenation might appear . to various matter various motion brings me , and the different species of things . man's inward motions and his thoughts to know , the good of government , and justice too , these were my studies then , and in these three consists the whole course of philosophy . man , body , citizen , for there i do heap matter up , designing three books too . i' th' interim breaks forth a horrid war , injurious to my study , and a bar. in the year sixteen hundred forty , then brake out a sickness , whereof many men of learning , languishing , gave up their breath at last , and yielded to impartial death . wherewith when seized , he reputed was the man that knew divine and humane laws . the war 's now hot , i dread to see it so , therefore to paris well-belov'd , i go . two years elaps'd , i published in print my book de cive ; the new matter in 't gratifi'd learned men , which was the cause it was translated , and with great applause by several nations , and great scholars read , so that my name was famous , and far spread . england in her sad pangs of war , and those commend it too , whom i do most oppose . but what 's disadvantageous now , who wou'd , though it be just , ever esteem it good ? then i four years spent to contrive which way to pen my book de corpore , night and day ; compare together each corporeal thing , think whence the known changes of forms do spring . inquire how i compel this proteus may , his cheats and artifices to display . about this time mersennus was ( by name ) a friar minorite , yet of great fame , learned , wise , good , whose single cell might be prefer'd before an university . to him all persons brought what e'r they found by learning , if new principle , or ground , in clear and proper phrase , without the dress of gawdy rhet'rick , pride , deceitfulness . which he imparts to th' learned , who might there discuss them , or at leisure , any where . publish'd some rare inventions , to the fame of their own author , with each authors name . about mersennus , like an axis , here each star wheel'd round , as in its orb or sphere . england , scotland , and ireland was the stage of civil war , and with its four years rage , harras'd and wasted was ; perfidious fate exil'd the good , and help'd the profligate . nay , charles , the kingdom 's heir , attended then , by a retinue of brave , noble men , to paris came , in hope times might amend , and popular fury once be at an end . my book de corpore then i design'd to write , all things being ready to my mind . but must desist : such crimes and sufferings i will not impute unto the deity . first i resolv'd divine laws to fulfil ; this by degrees , and carefully i will. my prince's studies i then waited on , but cou'd not constantly attend my own . then for six months was sick ; but yet at length , though very weak , i did recover strength , and finish'd it in my own mother-tongue , to be read for the good of old and young . the book at london printed was , and thence , hath visited the neighbouring nations since ; was read by many a great and learned man , known by its dreadful name , leviathan . this book contended with all kings , and they by any title , who bear royal sway . in the mean time the king 's sold by the scot , murder'd by th' english , an eternal blot . king charles at paris who did then reside , had right to england's scepter undeny'd . a rebel rou● the kingdom kept in aw , and rul'd the giddy rabble without law , who boldly parliament themselves did call , though but a poor handful of men in all . blood-thirsty leeches , hating all that 's good , glutted with innocent and noble blood. down go the miters , neither do we see that they establish the presbytery . th' ambition of the stateliest clergie-men , did not at all prevail in england then . hence many scholars to the king did go , expel'd , sad , indigent , burthensome too . as yet my studies undisturbed were , and my grand climacterick past one year . when that book was perus'd by knowing men , the gates of janus temple opened then ; and they accus'd me to the king , that i seem'd to approve cromwel's impiety , and countenance the worst of wickedness : this was believ'd , and i appear'd no less than a grand enemy , so that i was for 't banish'd both the king's presence and his court. then i began on this to ruminate on dorislaus , and on ascham's fate . and stood amazed , like a poor exile , encompassed with terrour all the while . nor cou'd i blame th'young king for his assent to those intrusted with his government . then home i came , not sure of safety there , though i cou'd not be safer any where . th'wind , frost , snow sharp , with age grown gray , a plunging beast , and most unpleasant way . at london , lest i should appear a spy , unto the state my self i did apply ; that done , i quietly retired to follow my study , as i us'd to do . a parliament so cal'd did govern here ; there was no prelate then , nor presbyter . nothing but arms and souldiers , one alone design'd to rule , and cromwel was that one . what royalist can there , or man alive , blame my defence o' th' kings prerogative ? all men did scribble what they wou'd , content and yielding to the present government . my book de corpore through this liberty i wrote , which prov'd a constant war to me . the clergy at leviathan repines , and both of them oppos'd were by divines . for whilst i did inveigh 'gainst papal pride , these , though prohibited , were not deny'd t' appear in print : 'gainst my leviathan they rail , which made it read by many a man , and did confirm 't the more ; 't is hop'd by me , that it will last to all eternity . 't will be the rule of justice , and severe reproof of those that men ambitious are . the king's defence and guard , the peoples good , and satisfaction , read , and understood . i , two years after , print a book to show how every reader may himself well know . where i teach ethicks , the phantomes of sense , how th'wise with spectres , fearless may dispense . publish'd my book de corpore withal , whose matter 's wholly geometrical . with great applause the algebrists then read wallis his algebra now published , a hundred years that geometrick pest ago began , which did that age infest. the art of finding out the numbers sought , which diophantus once , and gheber taught : and then vieta tells you that by this , each geometrick problem solved is savil the oxford reader did supply wallis with principles noble and high , that infinite had end , and finite shou'd have parts , but yet those without end allow'd . both which opinions did enrage and scare all those who geometricasters were . this was enough to set me writing , who was then in years no less than seaventy two , and in six dialogues i do inveigh against that new and geometrick way , but to no purpose , great men it doth please , and thus the med'cine yields to the disease . i printed then two treatises that stung the bishop bramhal , in our mother-tongue . the question at that time was , and is still , whether at god's , or our own choice we will. and this was the result proceeding thence , he the schools follow'd , i made use of sense . six problems , not long after , publish'd i , a tract but small , yet pure philosophy . wherein i teach how nature does cast down all weighty bodies , and huge massy stone : how vapors are exhaled by the sun ; how winds engender cold , when that is done : the reason of their levity , and how the barren clouds do hang on heaven's brow ; how move , and when that they are pregnant grown with moisture , do in violent showers pour down . by what cement hard matter is conjoyn'd , and how hard things grow soft , the cause do find : whence lightning , snow , ice do proceed , and thunder , breaking through wat'ry clouds , even to wonder : how loadstones iron attract : how , and which way they th' arctick and antarctick poles obey . why from the sea unequal waves do glide , i' th' year , or month , each day a double tide ; and why a ship doth sail against the wind , in that small treatise all these things you find , which may in time tread with applause the stage , as yet unblam'd in such a carping age. the nature of the air i do discry in a small volume ; and most pithily , compos'd on purpose for to obviate an inanifick machin form'd of late . then , leaving physicks , i return again to my beloved mathematick strain : for now the barb'rous , bloody enemy had left the place , where my estate did ly . the truth i cou'd not teach ; for none but foole may hope t' instruct in their declaming schools . another book of principles i print , nothing cou'd be more clear than what was in 't . whereby the nature of proportion is explain'd so fully , none can say amiss . upon this subject most agreed that i of every one had gain'd the victory ; others seem in it to find errors store , but they are crazy grown , and i the more press upon them ; then do ascend the high and lofty summet of geometry . the circles quadrature i publish then ; the pythian god's porisma teach all men. by a new method i thought to o'rcome , though not by the same reasons neither , some o' th' former demonstrations , but in vain . mathematicians half-witted complain , who blush for to subscribe ; but i 'll not lose my labour any longer , thinking those indocil brutes will ever master sense , or with good literature ever dispense . then my rosetum was put forth , which i stor'd with rare flowers of geometry . wallis opposes , and i lost the day , as both divines and algebrists do say . the army then discamp'd , and gone , thereby wallis of nothing thinks , but victory ; who having chosen an unpleasant field , which thick and troublesome deep roots did yield , liking the combat , i turn , scatter quite all in a moment , numbers infinite . these were my wars ; what more have i to say ? how rich am i , that is , how wise , i pray ? no matter for my money or my land ; if any ask that , let him understand , a small parcel of ground i had to show , my own inheritance , and let him know , that this i on my brother did bestow : of small extent , but a most fertil ground , which did with store of bladed wheat abound fit for a prince ; and had not ev'ry thing run cross , i had been counted a great king. when i the civil war approaching find , and people led by every breath of wind , i sought than this a more commodious place to live and study in , and that paris was . stock'd with five hundred pounds of coin before i did desert , or leave my native shore ; to these two hundred added , but withal , a weighty lasting grief did me befal . ( thou' rt dead , godolphin , who lov'dst reason , true justice and peace , soldier belov'd , adieu ) twice forty pounds , a yearly pension , then i from my own country receiv'd ; and when king charles restored was , a hundred more was allow'd me out of his private store . a noble gift : i slight reproaches , when i know i 'm good , from other black-mouth'd men. content with this , desire no more pelf ; who but a mad-man lives beneath himself ? let my estate by yours computed be , and greater seem ; if not , it 's enough for me . my sums are small , and yet live happy so , richer than croesus far , and crassus too . verdusius , thou know'st my temper well , and those who read my works , and with thee dwell . my life and writings speak one congruous sense ; justice i teach , and justice reverence . none but the covetous we wicked call , for avarice can do no good at all . i 've now compleated my eighty fourth year , and death approaching , prompts me not to fear . finis . an historical narration concerning heresie and the punishment thereof by thomas hobbes. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1680 approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43990 wing h2238 estc r30774 11467418 ocm 11467418 47806 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43990) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47806) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1463:40) an historical narration concerning heresie and the punishment thereof by thomas hobbes. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 3-18 p. [s.n.], london : 1680. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng heresy -history. offenses against religion. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an historical narration concerning heresie , and the punishment thereof . by thomas hobbes of malmsbvry . london : printed in the year 1680. an historical narration concerning heresie , and the punishment thereof . the word heresie is greek , and signifies a taking of any thing , and particularly the taking of an opinion . after the study of philosophy begun in greece , and the philosophers disagreeing amongst themselves , had started many questions , not onely about things natural , but also moral and civil ; because every man took what opinion he pleased , each several opinion was called a heresie ; which signified no more than a private opinion , without reference to truth or falshood . the beginners of these heresies were chiefly pythagoras , epicurus , zeno , plato , and aristotle ; men who as they held many errours , so also found they out many true and useful doctrines , in all kinds of learning : and for that cause were well esteemed of by the greatest personages of their own times ; and so also were some few of their followers . but the rest , ignorant men , and very often needy knaves , having learned by heart the tenets , some of pythagoras , some of epicurus , some of zeno , some of plato , some of aristotle , and pretending to take after them , made use thereof to get their living by the teaching of rich mens children that happened to be in love with these famous names . but by their ignorant discourse , sordid and ridiculous manners , they were generally despised , of what sect or heresie soever they were ; whether they were pythagoreans , or epicureans , or stoicks ( who followed zeno ) or academicks ( followers of plato ) or peripateticks ( followers of aristotle : ) for these were the names of heresies , or ( as the latines call them ) sects , à sequendo , so much talkt of from after the time of alexander till this present day , and that have perpetually troubled or deceived the people with whom they lived , and were never more numerous than in the time of the primitive church . but the heresie of aristotle was more predominant than any , or perhaps than all the rest : nor was the name of heresie then a disgrace , nor the word heretick at all in use , though the several sects , especially the epicureans and the stoicks , hated one another ; and the stoicks being the fiercer men , used to revile those that differed from them with the most despightful words they could invent . it cannot be doubted , but that , by the preaching of the apostles and disciples of christ in greece and other parts of the roman empire , full of these philosophers , many thousands of men were converted to the christian faith , some really , and some feignedly , for factious ends , or for need ; ( for christians lived then in common , and were charitable : ) and because most of these philosophers had better skill in disputing and oratory than the common people , and thereby were better qualified both to defend and propagate the gospel , there is no doubt ( i say ) but most of the pastors of the primitive church were for that reason chosen out of the number of these philosophers ; who retaining still many doctrines which they had taken up on the authority of their former masters , whom they had in reverence , endeavoured many of them to draw the scriptures every one to his own heresie . and thus at first entred heresie into the church of christ. yet these men were all of them christians , as they were when they were first baptized : nor did they deny the authority of those writings which were left them by the apostles and evangelists , but interpreted them many times with a bias to their former philosophy . and this dissention amongst themselves , was a great scandal to the unbelievers , and which not onely obstructed the way of the gospel , but also drew scorn and greater persecution upon the church . for remedy whereof , the chief pastors of churches did use , at the rising of any new opinion , to assemble themselves for the examining and determining of the same ; wherein , if the author of the opinion were convinced of his errour , and subscribed to the sentence of the church assembled , then all was well again : but if he still persisted in it , they laid him aside , and considered him but as an heathen man ; which , to an unfeigned christian , was a great ignominy , and of force to make him consider better of his own doctrine ; and sometimes brought him to the acknowledgment of the truth . but other punishment they could inflict none , that being a right appropriated to the civil power . so that all the punishment the church could inflict , was onely ignominy ; and that among the faithful , consisting in this , that his company was by all the godly avoided , and he himself branded with the name of heretick in opposition to the whole church , that condemned his doctrine . so that catholick and heretick were terms relative ; and here it was that heretick became to be a name , and a name of disgrace , both together . the first and most troublesome heresies in the primitive church , were about the trinity . for ( according to the usual curiosity of natural philosophers ) they could not abstain from disputing the very first principles of christianity , into which they were baptized , in the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost . some there were that made them allegorical . others would make one creator of good , and another of evil ; which was in effect to set up two gods , one contrary to another ; supposing that causation of evil could not be attributed to god , without impiety . from which doctrine they are not far distant , that now make the first cause of sinful actions to be every man as to his own sin . others there were that would have god to be a body with parts organical , as face , hands , fore-parts and back-parts . others , that christ had no real body , but was a meer phantasm : ( for phantasms were taken then , and have been ever since , by unlearned and superstitious men , for things real and subsistent ) . others denied the divinity of christ. others , that christ being god and man , was two persons . others confest he was one person , and withal that he had but one nature . and a great many other heresies arose from the too much adherence to the philosophy of those times , whereof some were supprest for a time by st. john's publishing his gospel , and some by their own unreasonableness vanished , and some lasted till the time of constantine the great , and after . when constantine the great ( made so by the assistance and valour of the christian souldiers ) had attained to be the onely roman emperour , he also himself became a christian , and caused the temples of the heathen gods to be demolished , and authorized christian religion onely to be publick . but in the latter end of his time , there arose a dispute in the city of alexandria , between alexander the bishop and arius a presbyter of the same city ; wherein arius maintained , first , that christ was inferiour to his father ; and afterwards , that he was no god , alleadging the words of christ , my father is greater than i. the bishop on the contrary alleadging the words of st. john , and the word was god ; and the words of st. thomas , my lord and my god. this controversie presently amongst the inhabitants and souldiers of alexandria became a quarrel , and was the cause of much bloudshed in and about the city ; and was likely then to spread further , as afterwards it did . this so far concerned the emperours civil government , that he thought it necessary to call a general council of all the bishops and other eminent divines throughout the roman empire , to meet at the city of nice . when they were assembled , they presented the emperour with libels of accusation one against another . when he had received these libels into his hands , he made an oration to the fathers assembled , exhorting them to agree , and to fall in hand with the settlement of the articles of faith , for which cause he had assembled them , saying , whatsoever they should decree therein , he would cause to be observed . this may perhaps seem a greater indifferency than would in these days be approved of . but so it is in the history ; and the articles of faith necessary to salvation , were not thought then to be so many as afterwards they were defined to be by the church of rome . when constantine had ended his oration , he caused the aforesaid libels to be cast into the fire , as became a wise king and a charitable christian. this done , the fathers fell in hand with their business , and following the method of a former creed , called now the apostles creed , made a confession of faith , viz. i believe in one god , the father almighty , maker of heaven and earth , and of all things visible and invisible , ( in which is condemned the polytheism of the gentiles . ) and in one lord iesus christ the onely begotten son of god , ( against the many sons of the many gods of the heathen . ) begotten of his father before all worlds , god of god , ( against the arians ) uery god of very god , ( against the valentinians , and against the heresie of apelles , and others , who made christ a meer phantasm . ) light of light , [ this was put in for explication , and used before to that purpose , by tertullian . ] begotten , not made , being of one substance with the father . in this again they condemn the doctrine of arius : for this word of one substance , in latine consubstantialis , but in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , of one essence , was put as a touchstone to discern an arian from a catholick : and much ado there was about it . constantine himself , at the passing of this creed , took notice of it for a hard word ; but yet approved of it , saying , that in a divine mystery it was fit to use divina & arcana verba ; that is , divine words , and hidden from humane understanding ; calling that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 divine , not because it was in the divine scripture , ( for it is not there ) but because it was to him arcanum , that is , not sufficiently understood . and in this again appeared the indifferency of the emperour , and that he had for his end , in the calling of the synod , not so much the truth , as the uniformity of the doctrine , and peace of his people that depended on it . the cause of the obscurity of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , proceeded chiefly from the difference between the greek and roman dialect , in the philosophy of the peripateticks . the first principle of religion in all nations , is , that god is , that is to say , that god really is something , and not a meer fancy ; but that which is really something , is considerable alone by it self , as being somewhere . in which sence a man is a thing real : for i can consider him to be , without considering any other thing to be besides him . and for the same reason , the earth , the air , the stars , heaven , and their parts , are all of them things real . and because whatsoever is real here , or there , or in any place , has dimensions , that is to say , magnitude ; and that which hath magnitude , whether it be visible or invisible , is called by all the learned a body , if it be finite ; and body or corporeal , if it be infinite : it followeth , that all real things , in that they are somewhere , are corporeal . on the contrary , essence , deity , humanity , and such-like names , signifie nothing that can be considered , without first considering there is an ens , a god , a man , &c. so also if there be any real thing that is white or black , hot or cold , the same may be considered by it self ; but whiteness , blackness , heat , coldness , cannot be considered , unless it be first supposed that there is some real thing to which they are attributed . these real things are called by the latine philosophers , entia subjecta , substantiae ; and by the greek philosophers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the other , which are incorporeal , are called by the greek philosophers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but most of the latine philosophers use to convert 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into substantia , and so confound real and corpororeal things with incorporeal ; which is not well : for essence and substance signifie divers things . and this mistake is received , and continues still in these parts , in all disputes both of philosophy and divinity : for in truth essentia signifies no more , than if we should talk ridiculously of the isness of the thing that is. [ by whom all things were made . ] this is proved out of st. john , cap. 1. vers . 1 , 2 , 3. and heb. cap. 1. vers . 3. and that again out of gen. 1. where god is said to create every thing by his sole word , as when he said , let there be light , and there was light. and then , that christ was that word , and in the beginning with god , may be gathered out of divers places of moses , david , and other of the prophets . nor was it ever questioned amongst christians ( except by the arians ) but that christ was god eternal , and his incarnation eternally decreed . but the fathers , all that write expositions on this creed , could not forbear to philosophize upon it , and most of them out of the principles of aristotle : which are the same the school-men now use ; as may partly appear by this , that many of them , amongst their treatises of religion , have affected to publish logick and physick principles according to the sense of aristotle ; as athanasius , and damascene . and so some later divines of note , as zanchius , still confounding the concret with the abstract , deus with deitas , ens with essentia , sapiens with sapientia , aeternus with aeternitas . if it be for exact and rigid truth sake , why do they not say also , that holiness is a holy man , covetousness a covetous man , hypocrisie an hypocrite , and drunkenness a drunkard , and the like , but that it is an error ? the fathers agree that the wisdome of god is the eternal son of god , by whom all things were made , and that he was incarnate by the holy ghost , if they meant it in the abstract : for if deitas abstracted be deus , we make two gods of one . this was well understood by damascene , in his treatise de fide orthodoxâ , ( which is an exposition of the nicene creed ) where he denies absolutely that deitas is deus , lest ( seeing god was made man ) it should follow , the deity was made man ; which is contrary to the doctrine of all the nicene fathers . the attributes therefore of god in the abstract , when they are put for god , are put metonymically ; which is a common thing in scripture ; for example , prov. 8.28 . where it is said , before the mountains were settled , before the hills was i brought forth ; the wisdome there spoken of being the wisdome of god , signifies the same with the wise god. this kinde of speaking is also ordinary in all languages . this considered , such abstracted words ought not to be used in arguing , and especially in the deducing the articles of our faith ; though in the language of god's eternal worship , and in all godly discourses , they cannot be avoided : and the creed it self is less difficult to be assented to in its own words , than in all such expositions of the fathers . who for us men and our salvation came down from heaven , and was incarnate by the holy ghost of the uirgin mary , and was made man. i have not read of any exception to this : for where athanasius in his creed says of the son , he was not made , but begotten , it is to be understood of the son as he was god eternal ; whereas here it is spoken of the son as he is man. and of the son also as he was man , it may be said he was begotten of the holy ghost ; for a woman conceiveth not but of him that begetteth ; which is also confirmed , mat. 1.20 . that which is begotten in her ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is of the holy ghost . and was also crucified for us under pontius pilate : he suffered and was buried : and the third day he rose again according to the scriptures , and ascended into heaven : and sitteth on the right hand of the father ; and he shall come again with glory to judge both the quick and the dead . whose kingdome shall have no end . [ of this part of the creed i have not met with any doubt made by any christian. ] hither the council of nice proceeded in their general confession of faith , and no further . this finished , some of the bishops present at the council ( seventeen or eighteen , whereof eusebius bishop of caesarea was one ) not sufficiently satisfied , refused to subscribe till this doctrine of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be better explained . thereupon the council decreed , that whosoever shall say that god hath parts , shall be anathematized ; to which the said bishops subscribed . and eusebius by order of the council wrote a letter , the copies whereof were sent to every absent bishop , that being satisfied with the reason of their subscribing , they also should subscribe . the reason they gave of their subscription was this , that they had now a form of words prescribed , by which , as a rule , they might guide themselves so , as not to violate the peace of the church . by this it is manifest , that no man was an heretick , but he that in plain and direct words contradicted that form by the church prescribed , and that no man could be made an heretick by consequence . and because the said form was not put into the body of the creed , but directed only to the bishops , there was no reason to punish any lay-person that should speak to the contrary . but what was the meaning of this doctrine , that god has no parts ? was it made heresie to say , that god , who is a real substance , cannot be considered or spoken of as here , or there , or any where , which are parts of places ? or that there is any real thing without length every way , that is to say , which hath no magnitude at all , finite nor infinite ? or is there any whole substance , whose two halves or three thirds are not the same with that whole ? or did they mean to condemn the argument of tertullian , by which he confuted apelles and other hereticks of his time ; namely , whatsoever was not corporeal , was nothing but fantasm , and not corporeal , for heretical ? no certainly , no divines say that . they went to establish the doctrine of one individual god in trinity ; to abolish the diversity of species in god , not the distinction of here and there in substance . when st. paul asked the corinthians , is christ divided ? he did not think they thought him impossible to be considered as having hands and feet , but that they might think him ( according to the manner of the gentiles ) one of the sons of god , as arius did ; but not the only begotten son of god. and thus also it is expounded in the creed of athanasius , who was present in that council , by these words , not confounding the persons , nor dividing the substances ; that is to say , that god is not divided into three persons , as man is divided into peter , james , and john ; nor are the three persons one and the same person . but aristotle , and from him all the greek fathers , and other learned men , when they distinguish the general latitude of a word , they call it division ; as when they divide animal into man and beast , they call these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , species ; and when they again divide the species man , into peter and john , they call these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partes individuae . and by this confounding the division of the substance with the distinction of words , divers men have been led into the error of attributing to god a name , which is not the name of any substance at all , viz. incorporeal . by these words , god has no parts , thus explained , together with the part of the creed which was at that time agreed on , many of those heresies which were antecedent to that first general council , were condemned ; as that of menes , who appeared about thirty years before the reign of constantine , by the first article , i believe in one god ; though in other words it seems to me to remain still in the doctrine of the church of rome , which so ascribeth a liberty of the will to men , as that their will and purpose to commit sin , should not proceed from the cause of all things , god ; but originally from themselves , or from the devil . it may seem perhaps to some , that by the same words the anthropomorphites also were then condemned : and certainly , if by parts were meant not persons individual , but pieces , they were condemned : for face , arms , feet , and the like , are pieces . but this cannot be , for the anthropomorphites appeared not till the time of valens the emperour , which was after the council of nice between fourty and fifty years ; and was not condemned till the second general council at constantinople . now for the punishment of hereticks ordained by constantine , we read of none ; but that ecclesiastical officers , bishops and other preachers , if they refused to subscribe to this faith , or taught the contrary doctrine , were for the first fault deprived of their offices , and for the second banished . and thus did heresie , which at first was the name of private opinion , and no crime , by vertue of a law of the emperour , made only for the peace of the church , become a crime in a pastor , and punishable with deprivation first , and next with banishment . after this part of the creed was thus established , there arose presently many new heresies , partly about the interpretation of it , and partly about the holy ghost , of which the nicene council had not determined . concerning the part established , there arose disputes about the nature of christ , and the word hypostasis , id est , substance ; for of persons there was yet no mention made , the creed being written in greek , in which language there is no word that answereth to the latine word persona . and the union , as the fathers called it , of the humane and divine nature in christ , hypostatical , caused eutyches , and after him dioscorus , to affirm , there was but one nature in christ ; thinking that whensoever two things are united , they are one : and this was condemned as arianism in the councils of constantinople and ephesus . others , because they thought two living and rational substances , such as are god and man , must needs be also two hypostases , maintained that christ had two hypostases : but these were two heresies condemned together . then concerning the holy ghost , nestorius bishop of constantinople , and some others , denied the divinity thereof . and whereas about seventy years before the nicene council , there had been holden a provincial council at carthage , wherein it was decreed , that those christians which in the persecutions had denied the faith of christ , should not be received again into the church , unless they were again baptized : this also was condemned , though the president in that council were that most sincere and pious christian , cyprian . but at last the creed was made up entire as we have it , in the calcedonian council , by addition of these words , and i believe in the holy ghost , the lord and giver of life , who proceedeth from the father and the son. who with the father & the son together is worshipped and glorified . who spake by the prophets . and i believe one catholick & apostolick church . i acknowledge one baptism for the remission of sins . and i look for the resurrection of the dead , and the life of the world to come . in this addition are condemned , first the nestorians and others , in these words , who with the father and the son together is worshipped and glorified : and secondly the doctrine of the council of carthage , in these words , i believe one baptism for the remission of sins : for one baptism is not there put as opposite to several sorts or manners of baptism , but to the iteration of it : st. cyprian was a better christian than to allow any baptism that was not in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost . in the general confession of faith contained in the creed called the nicene creed , there is no mention of hypostasis , nor of hypostatical union , nor of corporeal , nor of incorporeal , nor of parts ; the understanding of which words being not required of the vulgar , but only of the pastors , whose disagreement else might trouble the church ; nor were such points necessary to salvation , but set abroach for ostentation of learning , or else to dazle men , with design to lead them towards some ends of their own . the changes of prevalence in the empire between the catholicks and the arians , and how the great athanasius , the most fierce of the catholicks , was banished by constantine , and afterwards restored , and again banished , i let pass ; only it is to be remembred , that athanasius composed his creed then , when ( banished ) he was in rome , liberius being pope ; by whom , as is most likely , the word hypostasis , as it was in athanasius's creed , was disliked : for the roman church could never be brought to receive it , but instead thereof used their own word persona . but the first and last words of that creed the church of rome refused not : for they make every article , not only those of the body of the creed , but all the definitions of the nicene fathers to be such , as a man cannot be saved , unless he believe them all stedfastly ; though made only for peace sake , and to unite the mindes of the clergy , whose disputes were like to trouble the peace of the empire . after these four first general councils , the power of the roman church grew up apace ; and either by the negligence or weakness of the succeeding emperours , the pope did what he pleased in religion . there was no doctrine which tended to the power ecclesiastical , or to the reverence of the clergy , the contradiction whereof was not by one council or another made heresie , and punished arbitrarily by the emperours with banishment or death . and at last kings themselves , and commonwealths , unless they purged their dominions of hereticks , were excommunicated , interdicted , and their subjects let loose upon them by the pope ; insomuch as to an ingenuous and serious christian , there was nothing so dangerous as to enquire concerning his own salvation , of the holy scripture ; the careless cold christian was safe , and the skilful hypocrite a saint . but this is a story so well known , as i need not insist upon it any longer , but proceed to the hereticks here in england , and what punishments were ordained for them by acts of parliament . all this while the penal laws against hereticks were such , as the several princes and states , in their own dominions , thought fit to enact . the edicts of the emperours made their punishments capital , but for the manner of the execution , left it to the prefects of provinces : and when other kings and states intended ( according to the laws of the roman church ) to extirpate hereticks , they ordained such punishment as they pleased . and the first law that was here made for the punishments of hereticks called lollards , and mentioned in the statutes , was in the fifth year of the reign of richard the second , occasioned by the doctrine of john wickliff and his followers ; which wickliff , because no law was yet ordained for his punishment in parliament , by the favour of john of gaunt , the kings son , escaped . but in the fifth year of the next king , which was richard the second , there passed an act of parliament to this effect ; that sheriffs and some others should have commissions to apprehend such as were certified by the prelates to be preachers of heresie , their fautors , maintainers and abettors , and to hold them in strong prison , till they should justifie themselves , according to the law of holy church . so that hitherto there was no law in england , by which a heretick could be put to death , or otherways punished , than by imprisoning him till he was reconciled to the church . after this , in the next kings reign , which was henry the fourth , son of john of gaunt by whom wickliffe had been favoured , and who in his aspiring to the crown had needed the good will of the bishops , was made a law , in the second year of his reign , wherein it was enacted , that every ordinary may convene before him , and imprison any person suspected of heresie ; and that an obstinate heretick shall be burnt before the people . in the next king's reign , which was henry the fifth , in his second year , was made an act of parliament , wherein it is declared , that the intent of hereticks , called lollards , was to subvert the christian faith , the law of god , the church and the realm : and , that an heretick convict should forfeit all his fee-simple lands , goods and chattels , besides the punishment of burning . again , in the five and twentieth year of king henry the eighth , it was enacted , that an heretick convict shall abjure his heresies , and refusing so to do , or relapsing , shall be burnt in open place , for example of others . this act was made after the putting down of the pope's authority : and by this it appears , that king henry the eighth intended no farther alteration in religion , than the recovering of his own right ecclesiastical . but in the first year of his son king edward the sixth was made an act , by which were repealed not only this act , but also all former acts concerning doctrines , or matters of religion ; so that at this time there was no law at all for the punishment of hereticks . again , in the parliament of the first and second year of queen mary , this act of 1 edw. 6. was not repealed , but made useless , by reviving the statute of 25 henr. 8. and freely put it in execution ; insomuch as it was debated , whether or no they should proceed upon that statute against the lady elizabeth , the queens sister . the lady elizabeth not long after ( by the death of queen mary coming to the crown ) in the fifth year of her reign , by act of parliament repealed in the first place all the laws ecclesiastical of queen mary , with all other former laws concerning the punishments of hereticks , nor did she enact any other punishments in their place . in the second place it was enacted , that the queen by her letters patents should give a commission to the bishops , with certain other persons , in her majesties name , to execute the power ecclesiastical ; in which commission the commissioners were forbidden to adjudge any thing to be heresie , which was not declared to be heresie by some of the first four general councels : but there was no mention made of general councels , but onely in that branch of the act which authorized that commission , commonly called the high commission ; nor was there in that commission any thing concerning how hereticks were to be punished , but it was granted to them , that they might declare or not declare , as they pleased , to be heresie or not heresie , any of those doctrines which had been condemned for heresie in the first four general councels . so that during the time that the said high commission was in being , there was no statute by which a heretick could be punished otherways , than by the ordinary censures of the church ; nor doctrine accounted heresie , unless the commissioners had actually declared and published , that all that which was made heresie by those four councels , should be heresie also now : but i never heard that any such declaration was made either by proclamation , or by recording it in churches , or by publick printing , as in penal laws is necessary ; the breaches of it are excused by ignorance : besides , if heresie had been made capital , or otherwise civilly punishable , either the four general councels themselves , or at least the points condemned in them ▪ ought to have been printed or put into parish-churches in english , because without it , no man could know how to beware of offending against them . some man may perhaps ask , whether no body were condemned and burnt for heresie , during the time of the high commission . i have heard there w●re : but they which approve such executions , may peradventure know better grounds for them then i do ; but those grounds are very well worthy to be enquired after . lastly , in the seventeenth year of the reign of king charles the first , shortly after that the scots had rebelliously put down the episcopal government in scotland , the presbyterians of england endeavoured the same here . the king , though he saw the rebels ready to take the field , would not condescend to that ; but yet in hope to appease them , was content to pass an act of parliament for the abolishing the high commission . but though the high commission were taken away , yet the parliament having other ends besides the setting up of the presbyterate , pursued the rebellion , and put down both episcopacy and monarchy , erecting a power by them called the common-wealth by others the rump , which men obeyed not out of duty , but for fear , nor was there any humane laws left in force to restrain any man from preaching or writing any doctrine concerning religion that he pleased ; and in this heat of the war , it was impossible to disturb the peace of the state , which then was none . and in this time it was , that a book called leviathan , was written in defence of the kings power , temporal and spiritual , without any word against episcopacy , or against any bishop , or against the publick doctrine of the church . it pleas'd god about twelve years after the usurpation of this rump , to restore his most gracious majesty that now is , to his fathers throne , and presently his majesty restored the bishops , and pardoned the presbyterians ; but then both the one and the other accused in parliament this book of heresie , when neither the bishops before the war had declared what was heresie , when if they had , it had been made void by the putting down of the high commission at the importunity of the presbyterians : so fierce are men , for the most part , in dispute , where either their learning or power is debated , that they never think of the laws , but as soon as they are offended , they cry out , crucifige ; forgetting what st. paul saith , even in case of obstinate holding of an errour , 2 tim. 2.24 , 25. the servant of the lord must not strive , but be gentle unto all men , apt to teach , patient , in meekness instructing those that oppose , if god peradventure may give them repentance , to the acknowledging of the truth : of which counsel , such fierceness as hath appeared in the disputation of divines , down from before the council of nice to this present time , is a violation . finis . the plague of athens, which hapned in the second year of the peloponnesian warre first described in greek by thucydides, then in latin by lucretius / now attempted in english, by tho. sprat. sprat, thomas, 1635-1713. 1665 approx. 51 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61163 wing s5040 estc r17244 11931346 ocm 11931346 51147 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61163) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51147) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 825:9) the plague of athens, which hapned in the second year of the peloponnesian warre first described in greek by thucydides, then in latin by lucretius / now attempted in english, by tho. sprat. sprat, thomas, 1635-1713. thucydides. history of the peloponnesian war. thucydides. history of the peloponnesian war. book 2. english. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [6], 6, 24 p. printed by e.c. for henry brome ..., london : 1665. reproduction of original in huntington library. translated from thucydides by thomas hobbes. advertisement at end. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng athens (greece) -plague, 430 b.c. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion let this book be printed . roger l'estrange . march 28. 1665. the plague of athens , which hapned in the second year of the peloponnesian warre . first described in greek by thucydides ; then in latin by lucretius . now attempted in english , by tho. sprat . london , printed by e. c. for henry brome , at the gun in ivy-lane , 1665. to my worthy and learned friend , dr. walter pope , late proctor of the vniversity of oxford . sir , i know not what pleasure you could take in bestowing your commands so unprofitably , unless it be that for which nature sometimes cherishes and allows monsters , the love of variety . this onely delight you will receive by turning over this rude and unpolisht copy , and comparing it with my excellent patterns , the greek and latin. by this you will see how much a noble subject is chang'd and disfigured by an ill hand , and what reason alexander had to forbid his picture to be drawn but by some celebrated pencil . in greek thucydides so well and so lively expresses it , that i know not which is more a poem , his description , or that of lucretius . though it must be said , that the historian had a vast advantage over the poet ; he having been present on the place , and assaulted by the disease himself , had the horror familiar to his eyes , and all the shapes of the misery still remaining on his mind , which must needs make a great impression on his pen and fancie . whereas the poet was forced to allow his foot-steps , and onely work on that matter he allow'd him . this i speak , because it may in some measure too excuse my own defects : for being so far remov'd from the place whereon the disease acted its tragedy ; and time having denied us many of the circumstances , customes of the countrey , and other small things which would be of great use to any one who did intend to be perfect on the subject ; besides onely writing by an idaea of that which i never yet saw , nor care to feel , ( being not of the humor of the painter in sir philip sidney , who thrust himself into the midst of a fight , that he might the better delineate it ) having , i say , all these disadvantages , and many more , for which i must onely blame my self , it cannot be expected that i should come near equalling him in whom none of the contrary advantages were wanting . thus then , sir , by emboldning me to this rash attempt , you have given opportunitie to the greek and latin to triumph over our mother tongue . yet i would not have the honour of the countries or languages engaged in the comparison , but that the inequality should reach no farther than the authors . but i have much reason to fear the just indignation of that excellent person , ( the present ornament and honour of our nation ) whose way of writing i imitate : for he may think himself as much injured by my following him , as were the heavens by that bold mans counterfeiting the sacred and unimitable noise of thunder by the sound of brass and horses hoofs . i shall onely say for my self , that i took cicero's advice , who bids us in imitation propose the noblest pattern to our thoughts ; for so we may be sure to be raised above the common level , though we come infinitely short of what we aim at . yet i hope that renowned poet will have none of my crimes any way reflect on himself ; for it was not any fault in the excellent musician , that the weak bird , indeavouring by straining its throat , to follow his notes , destroyed her self in the attempt . well , sir , by this , that i have chosen rather to expose my self than be disobedient , you may guess with what zeal and hazard i strive to approve my self , sir , your most humble and affectionate servant , tho. sprat . thucydides , lib. 2. as it is excellently translated by mr. hobbs . in the very beginning of summer , the peloponnesians , and their confederates , with two thirds of their forces , as before invaded attica , under the conduct of archidamus , the son of zeuxidamas , king of lacedaemon , and after they had encamped themselves , wasted the countrey about them . they had not been many days in attica , when the plague first began amongst the athenians , said also to have seized formerly on divers other parts , as about lemnos , and elsewhere ; but so great a plague , and mortality of men , was never remembred to have hapned in any place before . for at first , neither were the physicians able to cure it , through ignorance of what it was , but died fastest themselves , as being the men that most approach'd the sick , nor any other art of man availed whatsoever . all supplications to the gods , and enquiries of oracles , and whatsoever other means they used of that kind , proved all unprofitable ; insomuch as subdued with the greatness of the evil , they gave them all over . it began ( by report ) first , in that part of aethiopia that lieth upon aegypt , and thence fell down into aegypt and afrique , and into the greatest part of the territories of the king. it invaded athens on a sudden , and touched first upon those that dwelt in pyraeus , insomuch as they reported that the peloponnesians had cast poyson into their wells ; for springs there were not any in that place . but afterwards it came up into the high city , and then they died a great deal faster . now let every man , physician , or other , concerning the ground of this sickness , whence it sprung , and what causes he thinks able to produce so great an alteration , speak according to his own knowledge ; for my own part , i will deliver but the manner of it , and lay open onely such things , as one may take his mark by , to discover the same if it come again , having been both sick of it my self , and seen others sick of the same . this year , by confession of all men , was of all other , for other diseases , most free and healthful . if any man were sick before , his disease turned to this ; if not , yet suddenly , without any apparent cause preceding , and being in perfect health , they were taken first with an extream ache in their heads , redness and i●flamation of the eyes ; and then inwardly their throats and tongues grew presently bloody , and their breath noysome and unsavory . upon this followed a sneezing and hoarsness , and not long after , the pain , together with a mighty cough , came down into the brest . and when once it was setled in the stomach , it caused vomit , and with great torment came up all manner of bilious purgation that physicians ever named . most of them had also the hickeyexe , which brought with it a strong convulsion , and in some ceased quickly , but in others was long before it gave over . their bodies outwardly to the touch , were neither very hot , nor pale , but reddish , livid , and beflowred with little pimples and whelks ; but so burned inwardly , as not to endure any the lightest cloaths or linnen garment to be upon them , nor any thing but meer nakedness , but rather , most willingly to have cast themselves into the cold water . and many of them that were not looked to , possessed with insatiate thirst , ran unto the wells ; and to drink much , or little , was indifferent , being still from ease and power to sleep as far as ever . as long as the disease was at the height , their bodies wasted not , but resisted the torment beyond all expectation , insomuch as the most of them either died of their inward burning in 9 or 7 dayes , whilest they had yet strength , or if they escaped that , then the disease falling down into their bellies , and causing there great exulcerations and immoderate looseness , they died many of them afterwards through weakness : for the disease ( which took first the head ) began above , and came down , and passed through the whole body ; and he that overcame the worst of it , was yet marked with the loss of his extreme parts ; for breaking out both at their privy-members , and at their fingers and toes , many with the loss of these escaped . there were also some that lost there eys , & many that presently upon their recovery were taken with such an oblivion of all things whatsoever , as they neither knew themselves nor their acquaintance . for this was a kind of sickness which far surmounted all expression of words , and both exceeded humane nature , in the cruelty wherewith it handled each one , and appeared also otherwise to be none of those diseases that are bred amongst us , and that especially by this . for all , both birds and beasts , that use to feed on humane flesh , though many men lay abroad unburied , either came not at them , or tasting perished . an argument whereof as touching the birds , is the manifest defect of such fowl , which were not then seen , neither about the carcasses , or any where else ; but by the dogs , because they are familiar with men , this effect was seen much clearer . so that this disease ( to pass over many strange particulars of the accidents that some had differently from others ) was in general such as i have shewn ; and for other usual sicknesses , at that time , no man was troubled with any . now they died , some for want of attendance , and some again with all the care and physick that could be used . nor was there any , to say , certain medicine , that applied must have helped them ; for if it did good to one , it did harm to another ; nor any difference of body for strength or weakness that was able to resist it ; but it carried all away what physick soever was administred . but the greatest misery of all was , the dejection of mind , in such as found themselves beginning to be sick , ( for they grew presently desperate , and gave themselves over without making any resistance ) as also their dying thus like sheep , infected by mutual visitation : for if men forbore to visit them for fear , then they died forlorn , whereby many families became empty , for want of such as should take care of them . if they forbore not , then they died themselves , and principally the honestest men . for out of shame , they would not spare themselves , but went in unto their friends , especially after it was come to this pass , that even their domesticks , wearied with the lamentations of them that died , and overcome with the greatness of the calamity , were no longer moved therewith . but those that were recovered , had much compassion both on them that died , and on them that lay sick , as having both known the misery themselvs and now no more subject to the like danger : for this disease never took any man the second time so as to be mortal . and these men were both by others counted happy , and they also themselves , through excess of present joy , conceived a kind of light hope , never to die of any other sickness hereafter . besides the present affliction , the reception of the countrey people , and of their substance into the city , oppressed both them , and much more the people themselves that so came in . for having no houses , but dwelling at that time of the year in stifling booths , the mortality was now without all form ; and dying men lay tumbling one upon another in the streets , and men half dead about every conduit through desire of water . the temples also where they dwelt in tents , were all full of the dead that died within them ; for oppressed with the violence of the calamity , and not knowing what to do , men grew careless , both of holy and prophane things alike . and the laws which they formerly used touching funerals , were all now broken ; every one burying where he could find room . and many for want of things necessary , after so many death 's before , were forced to become impudent in the funerals of their friends . for when one had made a funeral pile , another getting before him , would throw on his dead , and give it fire . and when one was in burning , another would come , and having cast thereon him whom he carried , go his way again . and the great licentiousness , which also in other kinds was used in the city , began at first from this disease . for that which a man before would dissemble , and not acknowledge to be done for voluptuousness , he durst now do freely , seeing before his eyes such quick revolution , of the rich dying , and men worth nothing inheriting their estates ; insomuch as they justified a speedy fruition of their goods , even for their pleasure , as men that thought they held their lives but by the day . as for pains , no man was forward in any action of honour , to take any , because they thought it uncertain whether they should die or not , before they atchieved it . but what any man knew to be delightful , and to be profitable to pleasure , that was made both profitable and hononourable . neither the fear of the gods , nor laws of men , awed any man. not the former , because they concluded it was alike to worship or not worship , from seeing that alike they all perished : nor the latter , because no man expected that lives would last , till he received punishment of his crimes by iudgement . but they thought there was now over their heads some far greater iudgement decreed against them ; before which fell , they thought to enjoy some little part of their lives . the plague of athens . i. unhappy man ! by nature made to sway , and yet is every creatures prey , destroy'd by those that should his power obey . of the whole world we call man-kind the lords , flattring our selves with mighty words ; of all things we the monarchs are , and so we rule , and so we domineer ; all creatures else about us stand like some praetorian band , to guard , to help , and to defend ; yet they sometimes prove enemies , sometimes against us rise ; our very guards rebel , and tyrannize . thousand diseases sent by fate , ( unhappie servants ! ) on us wait ; a thousand treacheries within are laid weak life to win ; huge troops of maladies without , ( a grim , a meager , and a dreadful rout : ) some formal sieges make . and with sure slowness do our bodies take ; some with quick violence storm the town , and all in a moment down : some one peculiar sort assail , some by general attempt prevail . small herbs , alas , can onely us relieve , and small is the assistance they can give ; how can the fading off-spring of the field sure health and succour yield ? what strong and certain remedie ? what firm and lasting life can ours be ? when that which makes us live , doth ev'ry winter die ? ii. nor is this all , we do not onely breed within our selves the fatal seed of change , and of decrease in ev'ry part , head , bellie , stomach , and the root of life the heart , not onely have our autumn , when we must of our own nature turn to dust , when leaves and fruit must fall ; but are expos'd to mighty tempests too , which do at once what that would slowlie do , which throw down fruit and tree of life withal . from ruine we in vain our bodies by repair maintain , bodies compos'd of stuff , mouldring and frail enough ; yet from without as well we ●ear a dangerous and destructful war , from heaven , from earth , from sea , from air. we like the roman empire should decay , and our own force would melt away by the intestine jar of elephants , which on each other prey , the caesars and the pompeys which within we bear : yet are ( like that ) in danger too of forreign armies , and external foe , sometimes the gothish and the barbarous rage of plague , or pestilence , attends mans age , which neither foree nor arts asswage ; which cannot be avoided , or withstood , but drowns , and over-runs with unexpected flood . iii. on aethiopia , and the southern-sands , the unfrequented coasts , and parched land , whether the sun too kind a heat doth send , ( the sun , which the worst neighb●ur is , and the best friend ) hither a mortal influence came , a fatal and unhappy flame , kindled by heavens angry beam . with dreadful frowns the heavens scattered here cruel infect●ous heats into the air , now all their stores of poyson sent , threatning at once a general doom , lavisht out all their hate , and meant in future ages to be innocent , not to dlstrub the world for many years to come . hold ! heavens hold ! why should your sacred fire , which doth to all things life inspire , by whose kinde beams you bring each year on every thing , a new and glorious spring , which doth th' original seed of all things in the womb of earth that breed , with vital heat and quick'ning feed , why should you now that heat imploy , the earth , the air , the fields , the 〈◊〉 to annoy ? that which before reviv'd , why should it now destroy ? iv. those africk desarts strait were double desarts grown , the rav'nous beasts were left alone , the rav'nous beasts then first began to pity their old enemy man , and blam'd the plague for what they would themselves have done . nor stay'd the cruel evil there , nor could be long confin'd unto one air , plagues presently forsake the wilderness which they themselves do make , away the deadly breaths their journey take . driven by a mighty wind , they a new booty and fresh forrage find . the loaded wind went swiftly on , and as it past was heard to sigh and groan . on aegypt next it seiz'd , nor could but by a general ruine be appeas'd . aegypt in rage back on the south did look , and wondred thence should come th' unhappy stroke , from whence before her fruitfulness she took . egypt did now curse and revile those very lands from whence she has her nile ; egypt now fear'd another hebrew god , another angels hand , a second aarons rod. v. then on it goes , and through the sacred land it s angry forces did command , but god did place an angel there , its violence to withstand , and turn into another road the putrid air. to tyre it came , and there did all devour , though that by seas might think it self secure : nor staid , as the great conqueros did , till it had fill'd and stopt the tyde , which did it from the shore divide , but past the waters , and did all possess , and quickly all was wilderness . thence it did persia over-run , and all that sacrifice unto the sun ; in every limb a dreadful pain they felt , tortur'd with secret coals did melt , the persians call'd upon their sun in vain , their god increas'd the pain . they lookt up to their god no more , but curse the beams they worshipped before , and hate the very fire which once they did adore . vi. glutted with ruine of the east , she took her wings and down to athens past : just plague ! which dost no parties take , but greece as well as persia sack . while in unnatural quarrels they ( like frogs and mice ) each other slay , thou in thy ravenous claws took'st both away . thither it came and did destroy the town , whilest all its ships and souldiers lookt upon : and now the asian plague did more than all the asian force could do before . without the walls the spartan army sate , the spartan army came too late ; for now there was no farther work for fate . they saw the citie open lay , an easie and a bloodless prey , they saw the rampires emptie stand , the fleet , the walls , the forts unman'd . no need of crueltie or slaughters now the plague had finisht what they came to do : they might now unresisted enter there , did they not the very air , more than th' athenians fear . the air it self to them was wall , and bull-warks too . vii . unhappy athens ! it is true , thou wert the proudest work of nature and of art : learning and strength did thee compose , as soul and body us : but yet thou onely thence art made a nobler prey for fates t' invade . those mighty numbers that within thee breath , do onely serve to make a fatter feast for death . death in the most frequented places lives , most tribute from the croud receives ; and though it bears a sigh , and seems to own a rustick life alone : it loves no wilderness , no scattred villages , but mighty populous palaces , the throng , the tumult , and the town ; what strange , unheard-of conqueror is this , which by the forces that resist it doth increase ! when other conquerors are oblig'd to make a slower war , nay sometimes for themselves may fear , and must proceed with watchful care , when thicker troops of enemies appear ; this stronger still , and more successeful grows , down sooner all before it throws , if greater multitudes of men do it oppose . viii . the tyrant first the haven did subdue , lately the athenians ( it knew ) themselves by wooden walls did save , and therefore first to them th' infection gave , least they new succour thence receive . cruel pyraeus ! now thou hast undone , the honour thou before hadst wone : not all thy merchandize , thy wealth , thy treasuries , which from all coasts thy fleet supplies , can to atone this crime suffice . next o're the upper town it spread , with mad and undiscerned speed ; in every corner , every street , without a guide did sets its feet , and too familiar every house did greet . unhappy greece of greece ! great theseus now did thee a mortal injury do , when first in walls he did thee close , when first he did thy citizens reduce , houses and government , and lawes to use . it had been better if thy people still dispersed in some field , or hill , though salvage , and undisciplin'd did dwell , though barbarous , untame , and rude , than by their numbers thus to be subdu'd , to be by their own swarms anoid , and to be civilized onely to be destroid . ix . minerva started when she heard the noise , and dying mens confused voice . from heaven in haste she came to see what was the mighty prodigie . upon the castle pinacles she sate , and dar'd not nearer fly , nor midst so many deaths to trust her very deity . with pitying look she saw at every gate death and destruction wait ; she wrung her hands , and call'd on iove , and all th' immortal powers above ; but though a goddess now did prey , the heavens refus'd , and turn'd their ear away . she brought her olive , and her shield , neither of these alas ! assistance yield . she lookt upon medusaes face , was angry that she was her self of an immortal race , was angry that her gorgons head could not strike her as well as others dead ; she sate , and wept awhile , and then away she fled . x. now death began her sword to whet , not all the cyclops sweat , nor vulcaus mighty anvils could prepare weapons enough fo● her , no weapon large enough but all the air. men felt the heat within 'um rage , and hop'd the air would it asswage , call'd for its help , but th' air did them deceive , and aggravate the ills it should relieve . the air no more was vital now , but did a mortal poyson grow , the lungs which us'd to fann the heart , onely now serv'd to fire each part , what should refresh increas'd the smart , and now their very breath , the chiefest sign of life , turn'd the cause of death . xi . upon the head first the disease , as a bold conqueror doth seize , begins with mans metropolis , secur'd the capitol , and then it knew it could at pleasure weaker parts subdue . blood started through each eye ; the redness of that skie , fore-told a tempest nigh . the tongue did flow all ore with clotted filth and gore ; as doth a lions when some innocent prey he hath devoured and brought away : hoarsness and sores the throat did fill , and stopt the passages of speech and life ; no room was left for groans or grief ; too cruel and imperious ill ! which not content to kill , with tyrannous and dreadful pain , dost take from men the very power to complain . xii . then down it went into the breast , there are all the seats and shops of life possest , such noisome smells from thence did come , as if the stomach were a tomb ; no food would there abide , or if it did , turn'd to the enemies side , the very meat new poysons to the plague supply'd . next to the heart the fires came , the heart did wonder what usurping flame , what unknown furnace shou'd on its more natural heat intrude , strait call'd its spirits up , but found too well , it was too late now to rebell . the tainted blood its course began , and carried death where ere it ran , that which before was natures noblest art , the circulation from the heart , was most destructful now , and nature speedier did undoe , for that the sooner did impart the poyson and the smart , the infectious blood to every distant part . xiii . the belly felt at last its share , and all the subtil labyrinths there of winding bowels did new monsters bear . here seven dayes it rul'd and sway'd , and oftner kill'd because it death so long delay'd . but if through strength and heat of age , the body overcame its rage , the plague departed , as the devil doeth , when driven by prayers away he goeth . if prayers and heaven do him controul , and if he cannot have the soul , himself out of the roof or window throws , and will not all his labour lose , but ●akes away with him part of the house : so here the vanquisht evil took from them who conque●'d it , some part , some limb ; some lost the use of hand , or eyes , some armes , some legs , some thighs , some all their lives before forgot , their m●ndes were but one darker blot ; those various pictures in the head and all the numerous shapes were fled ; and now the ransackt memory langu●sh'd in naked poverty , had lost its mighty treasury ; they past the lethe lake although they did not die . xiv . whatever lesser maladies men had , they all gave place and vanished ; those petty tyrants fled , and at this mighty conqueror shrunk their head . feavers , agues , palsies , stone , gout , cholick , and consumption , and all the milder generation , by which man-kind is by degrees undone , quickly were rooted out and gone ; men saw themselves freed from the pain , rejoyc'd , but all alas , in vain , 't was an unhappy remedie , which cur'd 'um that they might both worse and sooner die . xv. physicians now could nought prevail , they the first spoils to the proud victor fall , nor would the plague their knowledge trust , but feared their skill , and therefore slew them first : so tyrants when they would confirm their yoke , first make the chiefest men to feel the stroke , the chiefest and the wisest heads , least they should soonest disobey , should first rebell , and others learn from them the way . no aid of herbs , or juyces power , none of apollo's art could cure , but helpt the plague the speedier to devour . physick it self was a disease , physick the fatal tortures did increase , prescriptions did the pains renew , and aesculapius to the sick did come , as afterwards to rome , in form of serpent , brought new poyson swith him too . xvi . the streams did wonder , that so soon as they were from their native mountains gone , they saw themselves drunk up , and fear another xerxes army near . some cast into the pit the urn , and drink it dry at its return ; again they drew , again they drank ; at first the coolness of the stream did thank , but strait the more were scorch'd , the more did burn ; and drunk with water in their drinking sank : that urn which now to quench their thirst they use , shortly their ashes shall inclose . others into the chrystal brook , with faint and wondring eyes did look , saw what a ghastly shape themselves had took , away they would have fled , but them their leggs forsook ▪ some snach'd the waters up , their hands , their mouths the cup ; they drunk , and found they flam'd the more , and onely added to the burning store . so have i seen on lime cold water thrown , strait all was to a ferment grown , and hidden seeds of fire together run : the heap was calm , and temperate before , such as the finger could indure ; but when the moistures it provoke , did rage , did swell , did smoke , did move , and flame , and burn , and strait to ashes broke . xvii . so strong the heat , so strong the torments were , they like some mighty burden bear the lightest covering of air. all sexes and all ages do invade the bounds which nature laid , the laws of modesty which nature made . the virgins blush not , yet uncloath'd appear , undress'd do run about , yet never fear . the pain and the disease did now unwillingly reduce men to that nakedness once more , which perfect health and innocence caus'd before . no sleep , no peace , no rest , their wandring and affrighted minds possest ; upon their souls and eyes , hell and eternal horrour lies , unusual shapes , and images , dark pictures , and resemblances of things to come , and of the world below , o're their distemper'd fancies goe : sometimes they curse , sometimes they pray unto the gods above , the gods beneath ; sometimes they cruelties , and fury breath , not sleep , but waking now was sister unto death . xviii . scattred in fields the bodies lay , the earth call'd to the fowls to take their flesh away . in vain she call'd , they come not nigh , nor would their food with their own ruine buy , but at full meals , they hunger , pine , and die . the vulters afar off did see the feast , rejoyc'd , and call'd their friends to taste , they rallied up their troops in haste , along came mighty droves , forsook their young ones , and their groves , each one his native mountain and his nest ; they come , but all their carcases abhor , and now avoid the dead men more than weaker birds did living m●n before . but if some bolder fowls the flesh essay , they were destroy'd by their own prey . the dog no longer bark't at coming guest , repents its being a domestick beast , did to the woods and mountains haste : the very owls at athens are but seldome seen and rare , the owls depart in open day , rather than in infected ivy more to stay . xix . mountains of bones and carcases , the streets , the market-place possess , threatning to raise a new acropolis . here lies a mother and her child , the infant suck'd as yet , and smil'd , but strait by its own food was kill'd . there parents hugg'd their children last , here parting lovers last embrac'd , but yet not parting neither , they both expir'd and went away together . here pris'ners in the dungeon die , and gain a two-fold liberty , they meet and thank their pains which them from double chains of body and of iron free . here others poyson'd by the scent which from corrupted bodies went , quickly return the death they did receive , and death to others give ; themselves now dead the air pollute the more , for which they others curs'd before , their bodies kill all that come near , and even after death they all are murderers here . xx. the friend doth hear his friends last cries , parteth his grief for him , and dies , lives not enough to close his eyes . the father at his death speaks his son heir with an infectious breath ; in the same hour the son doth take his fathers will , and his own make . the servant needs not here be slain , to serve his master in the other world again ; they languishing together lie , their souls away together flie ; the husband gasp'th and his wife lies by , it must be her turn next to die , the husband and the wife too truly now are one , and live one life . that couple which the gods did entertain , had made their prayer here in vain ; no fates in death could then divide , they must without their priviledge together both have dy'd . xxi . there was no number now of death , the sisters scarce stood still themselves to breath : the sisters now quite wearied in cutting single thred , began at once to part whole looms , one stroak did give whole houses dooms ; now dy'd the frosty hairs , the aged and decrepid years , they fell , and onely beg'd of fate , some few months more , but 't was alas too late . then death , as if asham'd of that , a conquest so degenerate , cut off the young and lusty too ; the young were reck'ning ore what happy dayes , what joyes they had in store ; but fate , e're they had finish'd their account , them slew . thr wretched usurer dyed , and had no time to tell where he his treasures hid . the merchant did behold his ships return with spice and gold , he saw 't , and turn'd aside his head , nor thank'd the gods , but fell amidst his riches dead . xxii . the meetings and assemblies cease , no more the people throng about the orator . no course of justice did appear , no noise of lawyers fill'd the ear , the senate cast away the robe of honour , and obey deaths more resistless sway , whilest that with dictatorian power doth all the great and lesser officers devour . no magistrates did walk about ; no purple aw'd the rout , the common people too a purple of their own did shew ; and all their bodies o're , the ruling colours bore , no judge , no legislators sit since this new draco came , and harsher laws did frame , laws that like his in blood are writ . the benches and the pleading place they leave , about the streets they run and rave : the madness which great solon did of late but counterfeit for the advantage of the state , now his suceessors do too truly imitate . xxiii . up starts the souldier from his bed , he though deaths servant is not freed , death him cashier'd , 'cause now his help she did not need . he that ne're knew before to yield , or to give back , or lead the field , would fain now from himself have fled . he snatch'd his sword now rusted o're , dreadful and sparkling now no more , and thus in open streets did roar : how have i death so ill deserv'd of thee , that now thy self thou shouldst revenge on me ? have i so many lives on thee bestow'd ? have i the earth so often dy'd in blood ? have i to flatter thee so many slain ? and must i now thy prey remain ? let me at least , if i must dye , meet in the field some gallant enemy . send gods the persian troops again ; no they 're a base and a degenerate train ; they by our women may be slain . give me great heavens some manful foes , let me my death amidst some valiant grecians choose , let me survive to die at syracuse , where my dear countrey shall her glory lose for you great gods ! into my dying mind infuse , what miseries , what doom must on my athens shortly come : my thoughts inspir'd presage , slaughters and battels to the coming age ; oh! might i die upon that glorious stage : oh that ! but then he grasp'd his sword , & death concludes his rage . xxiv . draw back , draw back thy sword , o fate ! lest thou repent when 't is too late , lest by thy making now so great a waste , by spending all man-kind upon one feast , thou sterve thy self at last : what men wilt thou reserve in store , whom in the time to come thou mayst devour , when thou shalt have destroyed all before : but if thou wilt not yet give o're , if yet thy greedie stomach calls for more , if more remain whom thou must kill , and if thy jawes are craving still , carry thy fury to the scythian coasts , the northern wildness , and eternal frosts ! against those barbrous crouds thy arrows whet , where arts and laws are strangers yet ; where thou may'st kill , and yet the loss will not be great , there rage , there spread , and there infect the air , murder whole towns and families there , thy worst against those savage nations dare , those whom man-kind can spare , those whom man-kind it self doth fear ; amidst that dreadful night , and fatal cold , there thou may'st walk unseen , and bold , there let thy flames their empire hold . unto the farthest seas , and natures ends , where never summer sun its beams extends , carry thy plagues , thy pains , thy heats , thy raging fires , thy tortering sweats , where never ray , or heat did come , they will rejoyce at such a doom , they 'l bless thy pestilential fire , though by it they expire , they 'l thank the very flames with which they do consume . xxv . then if that banquet will not thee suffice , seek out new lands where thou maist tyrannize ; search every forrest , every hill , and all that in the hollow mountains dwell ; those wild and untame troops devour , thereby thou wilt the rest of men secure , and that the rest of men will thank thee for . let all those humane beasts be slain , till scarce their memory remain ; thy self with that ignoble slaughter fill , 't will be permitted thee that blood to spill . measure the ruder world throughout , march all the ocean shores about , only pass by and spare the british isle . go on , and ( what columbus once shall do , when daies and time unto their ripeness grow ) find out new lands , and unknown countries too . attempt those lands which yet are hid from all mortalitie beside : there thou maist steal a victory , and none of this world hear the cry of those that by thy wounds shall die ; no greek shall know thy cruelty , and tell it to posterity . go , and unpeople all those mighty lands , destroy with unrelenting hands ; go , and the spaniards sword prevent , go , make the spaniard innocent , go , and root out all min-kind there , that when the europaean armies shall appear , their sin may be the less , they may find all a wilderness , and without blood the gold and silver there possess . xxvi . nor is this all which we thee grant ; rather than thou should'st full imployment want , we do permit in greece it self thy kingdom plant . ransack lycurgus streets throughout , they 've no defence of walls to keep thee out . on wanton and proud corinth seise , nor let her double waves thy flames appease . let cyprus feel more fires than those of love , let delos which at first did give the sun , see unknown flames in her begun , now let her wish she might unconstant prove , and from her place might truly move : let lemnos all thy anger feel , and think that a new vulcan fell , and brought with him new anvils , and new hell . nay and at athens too we give thee up , all that thou find'st in field , or camp , or shop , make havock there without controul of every ignorant and common soul ; but then kind plague , thy conquests stop ; let arts , and let the learned there escape , upon minerva's self commit no rape ; touch not the sacred throng , and let apollo's priests be like him young , let him be healthful too , and strong . but ah ! too ravenous plague , whilst i strive to keep off the misery , the learned too as fast as others round me die ; they from corruption are not free , are mortal though they give an immortality . xxvii . they turn'd their authors o're , to try , what help , what cure , what remedy all natures stores against this plague supply , and though besides they shunn'd it every where , they search'd it in their books , and fain would meet it there . they turn'd the records of the antient times , and chiefly those that were made famous by their crimes ; to find if men were punish'd so before , but found not the disease nor cure . nature alas ! was now surpriz'd , and all her forces seiz'd , before she was how to resist advis'd : so when the elephants did first affright the romans with unusual fight , they many battels lose , before they knew their foes , before they understood such dreadful troops t' oppose . xxviii . now ev'ry different sect agrees against their common adversary the disease , and all their little wranglings cease ; the pythagoreans from their precepts swerve , no more their silence they observe , out of their schools they run , lament , and cry , and groan ; they now desir'd their metempsychosis ; not onely do dispute , but wish that they might turn to beasts , or fowls , or fish . if the platonicks had been here , they would have curs'd their masters year , when all things shall be as they were , when they again the same disease should bear : and all philosophers would now , what the great stagyrite shall do , themselves into the waters head-long throw . xxix . the stoick felt the deadly stroke , at first assault their courage was not broke , they call'd to all the cobweb aid , of rules and precepts , which in store they had , they bid their hearts stand out , bid them be calm and stout ; but all the strength of precepts will not do'r . they cannot the storms of passions now asswage , as common men are angry , grieve , and rage . the gods are called upon in vain , the gods gave no release unto their pain , the gods to fear even for themselves began . for now the sick unto the temples came , and brought more than a holy flame , there at the altars made their prayer , they sacrific'd and died there , a sacrifice not seen before ; that heaven , onely us'd unto the gore of lambs or bulls , should now loaded with priests see its own altars too . xxx . the woods gave fun'ral piles no more , the dead the very fire devour , and that almighty conqueror over-power . the noble and the common dust into each others graves are thrust , no place is sacred , and no tomb , 't is now a priviledge to consume ; their ashes no distinction had ; too truly all by death are equal made . the ghosts of those great heroes that had fled from athens long since banished , now o're the city hovered ; their anger yielded to their love , they left th' immortal joyes above , so much their athens danger did them move , they came to pity and to aid , but now alas ! were quite dismay'd , when they beheld the marbles open lay'd , and poor mens bones the noble urns invade : back to the blessed seats they went , and now did thank their banishment , by which they were to die in forreign countries sent . xxxi . but what , great gods ! was worst of all , hell forth its magazines of lusts did call , nor would it be content with the thick troops of souls were thither sent ; into the upper world it went , such guilt , such wickedness , such irreligion did increase , that the few good who did survive , were angry with the plague for suffring them to live , more for the living than the dead did grieve : some robb'd the very dead , though sure to be infected ere they fled , though in the very air sure to be punished . some nor the shrines nor temples spar'd , nor gods , nor heavens fear'd , though such examples of their power appear'd . vertue was now esteem'd an empty name , and honesty the foolish voice of fame ; for having pass'd those tort'ring flames before , they thought the punishment already o're , thought heaven no worse torments had in store , here having felt one hell , they thought there was no more . finis . a list of some choice poems , printed for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane . poems lyrique , macronique , heroique , &c. by mr. henry bold . songs and poems by mr. a. brome , the second edition . all the songs and poems on the long parliament , from 1640. till 1661. by persons of quality . songs and poems by the wits of both universities . scarronnides , or virgil travestie , a mock-poem , being the first book of virgils aeneis in english , burlesque . scarronnides , or virgil travestie , a mock-poem , being the fourth book of virgils aeneis in english , burlesque : both by a person of honour . also , a list of what damages we have received by the dutch ; and a brief history of the late war with the turks . playes . the english moor. the love-sick court. the new academy . the weeding of covent-garden . the royal exchange . the jovial crew ; or the merry beggars . all by mr. richard brome . the plague of athens which hapned in the second year of the peloponnesian warr / first described in greek by thucydides, then in latin by lucretius, now attempted in english by tho. sprat. sprat, thomas, 1635-1713. 1667 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61164 wing s5041 estc r31007 11761329 ocm 11761329 48692 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61164) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48692) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1493:6) the plague of athens which hapned in the second year of the peloponnesian warr / first described in greek by thucydides, then in latin by lucretius, now attempted in english by tho. sprat. sprat, thomas, 1635-1713. thucydides. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [7], 6, 24 p. printed by e.c. for henry brome ..., london : 1667. "let this book be printed, roger l'estrange, march 28, 1665" from verso t.p. "contents : thucydides, lib. 2, as it is excellently translated by mr. hobbs." on p. 1-6 (first numbering) reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -greece -athens -poetry. greece -history -peloponnesian war, 431-404 b.c. -poetry. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-06 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the plague of athens , which hapned in the second year of he peloponnesian warr. first described in greek by thucydides ; then in latin by lucretius . now attempted in english , by tho. sprat . london , printed by e. c. for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane , 1667. let this book be printed , roger l'estrange . march 28. 1665. to my vvorthy and learned friend , dr. walter pope , late proctor of the university of oxford . sir , i know not what pleasure you could take in bestowing your commands so unprofitably , unless it be that for which nature sometimes cherishes and allows monsters , the love of variety . this only delight you will receive by turning over this rude and unpolisht copy , and comparing it with my excellent patterns , the greek and latin. by this you will see how much a noble subject is chang'd and disfigured by an ill hand , and what reason alexander had to forbid his picture to be drawn but by some celebrated pencil . in greek thucydides so well and so lively expresses it , that i know not which is more a poem , his description , or that of lucretius . though it must be said , that the historian had a vast advantage over the poet ; he having been present on the place , and assaulted by the disease himself , had the horror familiar to his eyes , and all the shapes of the misery still remaining on his mind , which must needs make a great impression on his pen and fancie . whereas the poet was forced to allow his foot-steps , and onely work on that matter he allow'd him . this i speak , because it may in some measure too excuse my own defects : for being so far remov'd from the place whereon the disease acted his tragedy ; and time having denied us many of the circumstances , customes of the countrey , and other small things which would be of great use to any one who did intend to be perfect on the subject ; besides only writing by an idaea of that which i never yet saw , nor care to feel , ( being not of the humor of the painter in sir philip sidney , who thrust himself into the midst of a fight , that he might the better delineate it . ) having , i say , all these disadvantages , and many more , for which i must onely blame my self , it cannot be expected that i should come near equalling him , in whom none of the contrary advantages were wanting . thus then , sir , by emboldning me to this rash attempt , you have given opportunitie to the greek and latin to triumph over our mother tongue . yet i would not have the honour of the countries or languages engaged in the comparison , but that the inequality should reach no farther than the authors . but i have much reason to fear the just indignation of that excellent person , ( the present ornament and honour of our nation ) whose way of writing i imitate : for he may think himself as much injured by my following him , as were the heavens by that bold man's counterfeiting the sacred and unimitable noise of thunder by the sound of brass and horses hoofs . i shall only say for my self , that i took cicero's advice , who bids us in imitation propose the noblest pattern to our thoughts ; for so we may be sure to be raised above the common level , though we come infinitely short of what we aim at . yet i hope that renowned poet will have none of my crimes any way reflect on himself ; for it was not any fault in the excellent musician , that the weak bird , indeavouring by straining its throat , to follow his notes , destroyed her self in the attempt . well , sir , by this , that i have chosen rather to expose my self than be disobedient , you may ghess with what zeal and hazard i strive to approve my self , sir , your most humble and affectionate servant , tho. sprat . thucydides , lib. 2. as it is excellently translated by mr. hobbs . in the very beginning of summer , the peloponnesians , and their confederates , with two thirds of their forces , as before invaded attica , under the conduct of archidamus , the son of zeuxidamas , king of lacedaemon , and after they had encamped themselves , wasted the countrey about them . they had not been many dayes in attica , when the plague first began amongst the athenians , said also to have seized formerly on divers other parts , as about lemnos , and elsewhere ; but so great a plague , and mortality of men , was never remembred to have hapned in any place before . for at first , neither were the physicians able to cure it , through ignorance of what it was , but died fastest themselves , as being the men that most approach'd the sick , nor any other art of man availed whatsoever . all supplications to the gods , and enquiries of oracles , and whatsoever other means they used of that kind , proved all unprofitable ; insomuch as subdued with the greatness of the evil , they gave them all over . it began ( by report ) first , in that part of aethiopia that lieth upon aegypt , and thence fell down into aegypt and afrique , and into the greatest part of the territories of the king. it invaded athens on a sudden , and touched first upon on those that dwelt in pyraeus , insomuch as they reported that the peloponnesians had cast poyson into their wells ; for springs there were not any in that place . but afterwards it came up into the high city , and then they died a great deal faster . now let every man , physician , or other , concerning the ground of this sickness , whence it sprung , and what causes he thinks able to produce for great an alteration , speak according to his own knowledge ; for my own part , i will deliver but the manner of it , and lay open only such things , as one may take his mark by , to discover the same if it come again , having been both sick of it my self , and seen others sick of the same . this year , by confession of all men , was of all other , for other diseases , most free and healthful . if any man were sick before , his disease turned to this ; if not , yet suddenly , without any apparent cause preceding , and being in perfect health , they were taken first with an extream ache in their heads , redness and inflamation of the eyes ; and then inwardly their throats and tongues grew presently bloody , and their breath noysome and unsavory . upon this followed a sneezing and hoarsness , and not long after , the pain , together with a mighty cough , came down into the brest . and when once it was setled in the stomach , it caused vomit , and with great torment came up all manner of bilious purgation that physicians ever named . most of them had also the hickeyexe , which brought with it a strong convulsion , and in some ceased quickly , but in others was long before it gave over . their bodies outwardly to the touch , were neither very hot , nor pale , but reddish , livid , and beflowred with little pimples and whelks ; but so burned inwardly , as not to endure any the lightest cloaths or linnen garment to be upon them , nor any thing but meer nakedness , but rather , most willingly to have cast themselves into the cold water . and many of them that were not looked to , possessed with insatiate thirst , ran unto the wells ; and to drink much , or little , was indifferent , being still from ease and power to sleep as far as ever . as long as the disease was at the height , their bodies wasted not , but resisted the torment beyond all expectation , insomuch as the most of them either died of their inward burning in 9 or 7 dayes , whilest they had yet strength , or if they escaped that , then the disease falling down into their bellies , and causing there great exulcerations and immoderate loosness , they died many of them afterwards through weakness : for the disease ( which took first the head ) began above , and came down , and passed through the whole body ; and he that overcame the worst of it , was yet marked with the loss of his extreme parts ; for breaking out both at their privy-members ; and at their fingers and toes , many with the loss of these escaped . there were also some that lost there eyes , & many that presently upon their recovery were taken with such an oblivion of all things whatsoever , as they neither knew themselves nor their acquaintance . for this was a kind of sickness which far surmounted all expression of words , and both exceeded humane nature , in the cruelty wherewith it handled each one , and appeared also otherwise to be none of those diseases that are bred amongst us , and that especially by this . for all , both birds and beasts , that use to feed on humane flesh , though many men lay abroad unburied , either came not at them , or tasting perished . an argument whereof as touching the birds , is the manifest defect of such fowl , which were not then seen , neither about the carcasses , or any where else ; but by the dogs , because they are familiar with men , this effect was seen much clearer . so that this disease ( to pass over many strange particulars of the accidents that some had differently from others ) was in general such as i have shewn ; and for other usual sicknesses , at that time , no man was troubled with any . now they died , some for want of attendance , and some again with all the care and physick that could be used . nor was there any , to say , certain medicine , that applied must have helped them ; for it did good to one , it did harm to another ; nor any difference of body for strength or weakness that was able to resist it ; but it carried all away what physick soever was administred . but the greatest misery of all was the dejection of mind , in such as found themselves beginning to be sick , ( for they grew presently desperate , and gave themselves over without making any resistance ) as also their dying thus like sheep , infected by mutual visitation : for if men forbore to visit them for fear , then they dyed forlorn , whereby many families became empty , for want of such as should take care of them . if they forbore not , then they died themselves , and principally the honestest men . for out of shame , they would not spare themselves , but went in unto their friends , especially after it was come to this pass , that even their domesticks , wearied with the lamentations of them that died , and overcome with the greatness of the calamity , were no longer moved therewith . but those that were recovered , had much compassion both on them that died , and on them that lay sick , as having both known the misery themselves and now no more subject to the like danger : for this disease never took any man the second time so as to be mortal . and these men were both by others counted happy , and they also themselves , through excess of present joy , conceived a kind of light hope , never to die of any other sickness hereafter . besides the present affliction , the reception of the countrey people , and of their substance into the city , oppressed both them , and much more the people themselves that so came in . for having no houses , but dwelling at that time of the year in stifling booths , the mortality was now without all form ; and dying men lay tumbling one upon another in the streets , and men half dead about every conduit through desire of water . the temples also where they dwelt in tents , were all full of the dead that died within them ; for oppressed with the violence of the calamity , and not knowing what to do , men grew careless , both of holy and prophane things alike . and the laws which they formerly used touching funerals , were all now broken ; every one burying where he could find room . and many for want of things necessary , after so many deaths before , were forced to become impudent in the funerals of their friends . for when one had made a funeral pile , another getting before him , would throw on his dead , and give it fire . and when one was in burning , another would come , and having cast thereon him whom he carried , go his way again . and the great licentiousness , which also in other kinds was used in the city , began at first from this disease . for that which a man before would dissemble , and not acknowledge to be done for voluptuousness , he durst now do freely , seeing before his eyes such quick revolution , of the rich dying , and men worth nothing inheriting their estates ; insomuch as they justified a speedy fruition of their goods , even for their pleasure , as men that thought they held their lives but by the day . as for pains , no man was forward in any action of honour , to take any , because they thought it uncertain whether they should die or not , before they atchieved it . but what any man knew to be delightful , and to be profitable to pleasure , that was made both profitable and honourable . neither the fear of the gods , nor laws of men , awed any man. not the former , because they concluded it was alike to worship or not worship , from seeing that alike they all perished : nor the latter , because no man expected that lives would last , till he received punishment of his crimes by judgements . but they thought there was now over their heads some far greater judgement decreed against them ; before which fell , they thought to enjoy some little part of their lives . the plague of athens . i. unhappy man ! by nature made to sway , and yet is every creatures prey , destroy'd by those that should his power obey . of the whole world we call man-kind the lords , flattring our selves with mighty words ; of all things we the monarchs are , and so we rule , and so we domineer ; all creatures else about us stand like some praetorian band , to guard , to help , and to defend ; yet they sometimes prove enemies , sometimes against us rise ; our very guards rebel , and tyrannize . thousand diseases sent by fate , ( unhappy servants ! ) on us wait ; a thousand treacheries within are laid weak life to win ; huge troops of maladies without , ( a grim , a meager , and a dreadful rout : ) some formal sieges make , and with sure slowness do our bodies take ; some with quick violence storm the town , and all in a moment down : some one peculiar sort assail , some by general attempt prevail . small herbs , alas , can only us relieve , and small is the assistance they can give ; how can the fading off spring of the field sure health and succour yield ? what strong and certain remedie ? what firm and lasting life can ours be ? when that which makes us live , doth ev'ry winter die ? ii. nor is this all , we do not only breed within ourselves the fatal seed of change , and of decrease in ev'ry part , head , bellie , stomach , and the root of life the heart , not only have our autumn , when we must of our own nature turn to dust , when leaves and fruit must fall ; but are expos'd to mighty tempests too , which do at once what that would slowlie do , which throw down fruit and tree of life withal . from ruine we in vain our bodies by repair maintain , bodies compos'd of stuff , mouldring and frail enough ; yet from without as well we fear a dangerous and destructful vvar , from heaven , from earth , from sea , from air. vve like the roman empire should decay , and our own force would melt away by the intestine jar of elephants , which on each other prey , the caesars and the pompeys which within we bear : yet are ( like that ) in danger too of forreign armies , and external foe , sometimes the gothish and the barbarous rage of plague or pestilence , attens mans age , which neither force nor arts asswage ; which cannot be avoided , or withstood , but drowns , and over-runs with unexpected flood . iii. on aethiopia , and the southern-sands , the unfrequented coasts , and parched land , whither the sun too kind a heat doth send , ( the sun , which the worst neighbour is , and the best friend ) hither a mortal influence came , a fatal and unhappy flame , kindled by heavens angry beam . with dreadful frowns the heavens scattered here cruel infectious heats into the air , now all their stores of poyson sent , threatning at once a general doom , lavisht out all their hate , and meant in future ages to be innocent , not to disturb the world for many years to come . hold ! heavens hold ! why should your sacred fire , which doth to all things life inspire , by whose kinde beams you bring each year on every thing , a new and glorious spring , which doth th' original seed of all things in the womb of earth that breed , with vital heat and quick'ning feed , vvhy should you now that heat imploy , the earth , the air , the fields , the cities to annoy ? that which before reviv'd , why should it now destroy ? iv. those africk desarts strait were double desarts grown , the rav'nous beasts were left alone , the rav'nous beasts then first began to pity their old enemy man , and blam'd the plague for what they would themselves have done . nor stay'd the cruel evil there , nor could be long confin'd unto one air , plagues presently forsake the wilderness which they themselves do make , away the deadly breaths their journey take . driven by a mighty wind , they a new booty and fresh for age find . the loaded wind went swiftly on , and as it past was heard to sigh and groan . on aegypt next it seiz'd , nor could but by a general ruine be appeas'd . aegypt in rage back on the south did look , and wondred thence should come th' unhappy stroke , from whence before her fruitfulness she took . egypt did now curse and revile those very lands from whence she has her nile ; egypt now fear'd another hebrew god , another angels hand , a second aarons rod. v. then on it goes , and through the sacred land it s angry forces did command , but god did place an angel there , its violence to withstand , and turn into another road the putrid air. to tyre it came , and there did all devour , though that by seas might think it self secure : nor staid , as the great conquerors did , till it had fill'd and stopt the tyde , which did it from the shore divide , but past the waters , and did all possess , and quickly all was wilderness . thence it did persia over-run , and all that sacrifice unto the sun ; in every limb a dreadful pain they felt , tortur'd with secret coals did melt ; the persians call'd upon their sun in vain , their god increas'd the pain . they lookt up to their god no more , but curse the beams they worshipped before , and hate the very fire which once they did adore . vi. glutted with ruine of the east , she took her wings and down to athens past ; just plague ! which dost no parties take , but greece as well as persia sack . vvhile in unnatural quarrels they ( like frogs and mice ) each other slay ; thou in thy ravenous claws took'st both away . thither it came , and did destroy the town , vvhilst all its ships and souldiers lookt upon : and now the asian plague did more than all the asian force could do before . vvithout the vvalls the spartan army sate , the spartan army came too late ; for now there was no farther work for fate . they saw the city open lay , an easie and bootless prey , they saw the rampires empty stand , the fleet , the vvalls , the forts unman'd . no need of cruelty or slaughters now the plague had finisht what they came to do : they might now unresisted enter there , did they not the very air , more than th' athenians fear . the air it self to them was wall , and bulwarks too . vii . unhappy athens ! it is true , thou wert the poudest work of nature and of art : learning and strength did thee compose , as soul and body us : but yet thou only thence art made a nobler prey for fates t' invade . those mighty numbers that within thee breath , do only serve to make a fatter feast for death . death in the most frequented places lives , most tribute from the croud receives ; and though it bears a sigh , and seems to own a rustick life alone : it loves no vvilderness , no scattred villages , but mighty populous palaces , the throng , the tumult , and the town ; vvhat strange , unheard of conqueror is this , vvhich by the forces that resist it doth increase ! vvhen other conquerors are oblig'd to make a slower war , nay sometimes for themselves may fear , and must proceed with watchful care , vvhen thicker troops of enemies appear ; this stronger still , and more successeful grows ; down sooner all before it throws , if greater multitudes of men do it oppose . viii . the tyrant first the haven did subdue , lately the athenians ( it knew ) themselves by wooden walls did save , and therefore first to them th' infection gave , least they new succour thence receive . cruel fyraeus ! now thou hast undone , the honour thou before hadst wone : not all thy merchandize , thy wealth , thy treasuries , vvhich from all coasts thy fleet supplies , can to atone this crime suffice . next o're the upper town it spread , vvith mad and undiscerned speed , in every corner , every street , vvithout a guide did set its feet , and too familiar every house did greet . unhappy greece of greece ! great theseus now did thee a mortal injury do , vvhen first in walls he did thee close , vvhen first he did thy citizens reduce , houses and government , and laws to use . it had been better if thy people still dispersed in some field , or hill , though salvage , and undisciplin'd did dwell , though barbarous , untame , and rude , than by their numbers thus to be subdu'd ; to be by their own swarms anoid , and to be civilized only to be destroid . ix . minerva started when she heard the noise , and dying mens confused voice . from heaven in haste she came to see vvhat was the mighty prodigie . upon the castle pinacles she sate , and dar'd not nearer fly , nor midst so many deaths to trust her very deity . vvith pitying look she saw at every gate death and destruction wait ; she wrung her hands , and call'd on jove , and all th' immortal powers above ; but though a goddess now did pray , the heavens refus'd , and turn'd their ear away . she brought her olive , and her shield , neither of these alas ! assistance yeild . she lookt upon medusaes face , was angry that she was her self of an immortal race , was angry that her gorgons head could not strike her as well as others dead ; she sate , and wept a while , and then away she fled . x. now death began her sword to wher , not all the cyclops sweat , nor vulcans mighty anvils could prepare weapons enough for her , no weapon large enough but all the air ; men felt the heat within 'um rage , and hop'd the air would it asswage , call'd for its help , but th' air did them deceive , and aggravate the ills it should relieve . the air no more was vital now , but did a moral poyson grow ; the lungs which us'd to fan the heart , onely now serv'd to fire each part , vvhat should refresh more as'd the smart , and now their very breath , the chiefest signe of life , turn'd the cause of death . xi . upon the head first the disease , as a bold conqueror doth seize , begins with mans metropolis , secur'd the capitol , and then it knew it could at pleasure weaker parts subdue . blood started through each eye ; the redness of that skie , fore-told a tempest nigh . the tongue did flow all ore with clotted filth and gore ; as doth a lyons when some innocent prey he hath devoured and brought away : hoarsness and sores the throat did fill , and stopt the passages of speech and life ; no room was left for groans or grief ; too cruel and imperious ill ! which not content to kill , with tyrannous and dreadful pain , dost take from men the very power to complain . xii . then down , it went into the breast , there are all the seats and shops of life possest , such noisomo smells from thence did come , as if the stomach were a tomb ; no food would there abide , or if it did , turn'd to the enemies side , the very meat new poysons to the plague supply'd . next to the heart the fires came , the heart did wonder what usurping flame , what unknown furnace shou'd on its more natural heat intrude , strait call'd its spirits up , but found too well , it was too late now to rebel . the tainted blood its course began , and carried death where ere it ran , that which before was natures noblest art , the circulation from the heart , vvas most destructful now , and nature speedier did undoe , for that the sooner did impart the poyson and the smart , the infectious blood to every distant part . xiii . the belly felt at last its share , and all the subtil labyrinths there of winding bowels did new monsters bear . here seven dayes it rul'd and sway'd , and ofner kill'd because it death so long delay'd . but if through strength and heat of age , the body overcame its rage , the plague departed , as the devil doeth , vvhen driven by prayers away he goeth . if prayers and heaven do him controul , and if he cannot have the soul , himself out of the roof or window throws , and will not all his labour lose , but takes away with him part of the house : so here the vanquisht evil took from them vvho conquer'd it , some part , some limb ; some lost the use of hands , or eyes , some armes , some legs , some thighs , some all their lives before forgot , their minds were but one darker blot ; those various pictures in the head , and all the numerous shapes were fled ; and now they ransackt memory languish'd in naked poverty , had lost its mighty treasury ; they past the lethe-lake , although they did not die . xiv . whatever lesser maladies men had , they all gave place and vanished ; those petty tyrants fled , and at this mighty conqueror shrunk their head . feavers , agues , palsies , stone , gout , cholick , and consumption , and all the milder generation , by which man-kind is by degrees undone , quickly were rooted out and gone ; men saw themselves freed from the pain , rejoyc'd , but all alas , in vain , 't was an unhappy remedie , which cur'd 'um that they might both worse and sooner die . xv. physicians now could nought prevail , they the first spoils to the proud victor fall , nor would the plague their knowledge trust , but feared their skill , and therefore slew them first : so tyrants when they would confirm their yoke , first make the chiefest men to feel the stroke , the chiefest and the wisest heads , least they should soonest disobey , should first rebell , and others learn from them the way . no aid of herbs , or juyces power , none of apollo's art could cure , but helpt the plague the speedier to devour . physick it self was a disease , physick the fatal tortures did increase , prescriptions did the pains renew , and aesculapius to the sick did come , as afterwards to rome , in form of serpent , brought new poysons with him too . xvi . the streams did wonder , that so soon as they were from their native mountains gone , they saw themselves drunk up , and fear another xerxes army near . some cast into the pit the urn , and drink it dry at its return : again they drew , again they drank ; at first the coolness of the stream did thank , but strait the more were scorch'd , the more did burn ; and drunk with water in their drinking sank : that urn which now to quench their thirst they use , shortly their ashes shall inclose . others into the chrystal brook , with faint and wondring eyes did look , saw what a ghastly shape themselves had took , away they would have fled , but them their leggs forsook . some snach'd the waters up , their hands , their mouths the cup ; they drunk , and found they flam'd the more , and only added to the burning store . so have i seen on lime cold water thrown , strait all was to a ferment grown , and hidden seeds of fire together run : the heap was calm , and temperate before , such as the finger could indure ; but when the moistures it provoke , did rage , did swell , did smoke , did move , and flame , and burn , and strait to ashes broke . xvii . so strong the heat , so strong the torments were , they like some mighty burden bear the lightest coverig of air. all sexes and all ages do invade the bounds which nature laid , the laws of modesty which nature made . the virgins blush not , yet uncloath'd appear , undress'd do run about , yet never fear . the pain and the disease did now unwillingly reduce men to that nakedness once more , which perfect health and innocence caus'd before . no sleep , no peace , no rest , their wandring and affrighted minds possest ; upon their souls and eyes , hell and eternal horrour lies , unusual shapes , and imagies , dark pictures , and resemblances of things to come , and of the world below , o're their distemper'd fancies go : sometimes they curse , sometimes they pray unto the gods above , the gods beneath ; sometimes they cruelties , and fury breath , not sleep , but waking now was sister unto death . xviii . scattered in fields the bodies lay , the earth call'd to the fowls to take their flesh away . in vain she call'd , they come not nigh , nor would their food with their own ruine buy , but at full meals , they hunger , pine and die . the vulters afar off did see the feast , rejoyc'd , and call'd their friends to taste , they rallied up their troops in haste , along came mighty droves , forsook their young ones , and their groves , each one his native mountain and his nest ; they come , but all their carcases abhor , and now avoid the dead men more than weaker birds did living men before . but if some bolder fowls the flesh essay , they were destroy'd by their own prey . the dog no longer bark't at coming guest , repents its being a domestick beast , did to the woods and mountains haste : the very owls at athens are but seldome seen and rare , the owls depart in open day , rather than in infected ivy more to stay . xix . mountains of bones and carcases , the streets , the market-place possess , threatning to raise a new acropolis . here lies a mother and her child , the infant suck'd as yet , and smil'd , but strait by its own food was kill'd . there parents hugg'd their children last , here parting lovers last embrac'd , but yet not parting neither , they both expir'd and went away together . here pris'ners in the dungeon die , and gain a two-fold liberty , they meet and thank their pains vvhich them from double chains of body and of iron free . here others poyson'd by the scent vvhich from corrupted bodies went , quickly return the death they did receive , and death to others give ; themselves now dead the air pollute the more , for which they others curs'd before , their bodies kill all that come near , and even after death they all are murderers here . xx. the friend doth hear his friends last cries , parteth his grief for him , and dies , lives not enough to close his eyes . the father at his death speaks his son heir with an infectious breath ; in the same hour the son doth take his fathers will , and his own make . the servant needs not here be slain , to serve his master in the other would again ; they languishing together lie , their souls away together flie ; the husband gasp'th and his wife lies by , it must be her turn next to die , the husband and the wife too truly now are one , and live one life . that couple which the gods did entertain , had made their prayer here in vain ; no fates in death could then divide , they must without their priviledge together both have dy'd . xxi . there was no number now of death , the sisters scarce stood still themselves to breath : the sisters now quite wearied in cutting single thred , began at once to part whole looms . one stroak did give whole houses dooms ; now dy'd the frosty hairs , the aged and decrepid years , they fell , and only beg'd of fate , some few months more , but 't was alas too late , then death , as if asham'd of that , a conquest so degenerate , cut off the young and lusty too ; the young were reck'ning ore vvhat happy dayes , what joyes they had in store ; but ffate , er'e they had finish'd their account , them slew . the wretched usurer dyed , and had no time to tell where he his treasures hid . the merchant did behold his ships return with spice and gold ; he saw 't , and turn'd aside his head , nor thank'd the gods , but fell amidst his riches dead . xxii . the meetings and assemblies cease , no more the people throng about the orator , no course of justice did appear , no noise of lawyers fill'd the ear , the senate cast away the robe of honour , and obey deaths more restless sway , vvhilest that with dictatorian power doth all the great and lesser officers devour . no magistrates did walk about ; no purple aw'd the rout , the common people too a purple of their own did shew ; and all their bodies ore , the ruling colours bore , no judge , no legislators sit since this new draco came , and harsher laws did frame , laws that like his in blood are writ . the benches and the pleading-place they leave , about the streets they run and rave : the madness which great solon did of late but counterfeit for the advantage of the state , now his successors do too truly imitate . xxiii . up starts the souldier from his bed , he though deaths servant is not freed , death him cashier'd , ' cause now his help she did not need . he that ne're knew before to yield , or to give back or lead the field , would fain now from himself have fled . he snatch'd his sword now rusted o're , dreadful and sparkling now no more , and thus in open streets did roar : how have i death so ill deserv'd of thee , that now thy self thou shouldst revenge on me ? have i so many lives on thee bestow'd ? have i the earth so often dy'd in blood ? have i to flatter thee so many slain ? and must i now thy prey remain ? let me at least , if i must dye , meet in the field some gallant enemy . send gods the persian troops again ; no they 're a base and degenerate train ; they by our women may be slain . give me great heavens some manful foes , let me my death amidst some valiant grecians choose , let me survive to die at syracuse , where my dear countrey shall her glory lose for you great gods ! into my dying mind infuse , what miseries , what doom must on my athens shortly come : my thoughts inspir'd presage , saughters and battels to the coming age ; oh! might i die upon that glorious stage : oh that ! but then he grasp'd his sword , & death concludes his rage . xxiv . draw back , draw back thy sword , o fate ! lest thou repent when 't is too late , lest by thy making now so great a waste , by spending all man-kind upon one feast , thou sterve thy self at last : what men wilt thou reserve in store , whom in the time to come thou mayst devour , when thou shalt have destroyed all before : but if thou wilt not yet give o're , if yet thy greedie stomach calls for more , if more remain whom thou must kill , and if thy jawes are craving still , carry thy fury to the scythian coasts , the northern wildness , and eternal frosts ! against those barbrous crouds thy arrows whet , where arts and laws are strangers yet ; where thou may'st kill , and yet the loss will not be great , there rage , there spread , and there infect the air , murder whole towns and families there , thy worst against those savage nations dare , those whom man-kind can spare , those whom man-kind it self doth fear ; amidst that dreadful night , and fatal cold , there thou may'st walk unseen , and bold , there let thy flames their empire hold . unto the farthest seas , and natures ends , where never summer sun its beams extends , carry thy plagues , thy pains , thy heats , thy raging fires , thy torturing sweats , where never ray , or heat did come , they will rejoyce at such a doom . they 'l bless thy pestilential fire , though by it they expire , they 'l thank the very flames with which they do consume . xxv . then if that banquet will not thee suffice , seek out new lands where thou maist tyrannize ; search every forrest , every hill , and all that in the hollow mountains dwell ; those wild and untame troops devour , thereby thou wilt the rest of men secure , and that the rest of men will thank thee for . let all those humane beasts be slain , till scarce their memory remain ; thy self with that ignoble slaughter fill , 't will be permitted thee that blood to spill . measure the ruder world throughout , march all the ocean shores about , only pass by and spare the british isle . go on , and ( what columbus once shall do , when daies and time unto their ripeness grow ) find out new lands , and unknown countries too . attempt those lands which yet are hid from all mortalitie beside : there thou maist steal a victory , and none of this world hear the cry of those that by thy wounds shall die ; no greek shall know thy cruelty , and tell it to posterity . go , and unpeople all those mighty lands , destroy with unrelenting hands ; go , and the spaniards sword prevent ; go , make the spaniard innocent ; go , and root out all man-kind there , that when the europaean armies shall appear , their sin may be the less , they may find all a wilderness , and without blood the gold and silver there possess . xxvi . nor is this all which we thee grant ; rather than thou should'st full imployment want , we do permit in greece it self thy kingdom plant . ransack lycurgus streets throughout , they 've no defence of walls to keep thee out . on wanton and proud corinth seize , nor let her double waves thy flames appease . let cyprus feel more fires than those of love : let delos which at first did give the sun , see unknown flames in her begun , now let her wish she might unconstant prove , and from her place might truly move : let lemnos all thy anger feel , and think that a new vulcan fell , and brought with him new anvils , and new hell . nay at athens too we give thee up , all that thou find'st in field , or camp , or shop , make havock there without controul of every ignorant and common soul . but then kind plague , thy conquests stop ; let arts , and let the learned there escape , upon minerva's self commit no rape ; touch not the sacred throng , and let apollo's priests be ( like him ) young , let him be healthful too , and strong . but ah ! too ravenous plague , whilst i strive to keep off the misery , the learned too as fast as others round me die ; they from corruption are not free , are mortal though they give an immortality . xxvii . they turn'd their authors o're , to try what help , what cure , what remedy all natures stores against this plague supply , and though besides they shunn'd it every where , they search'd it in their books , and fain would meet it there . they turn'd the records of the antient times , and chiefly those that were made famous by their crimes ; to find if men were punish'd so before , but found not the disease nor cure . nature alas ! was now surpriz'd , and all her forces seiz'd , before she was how to resist advis'd : so when the elephants did first affright the romans with unusual fight , they many battels lose , before they knew their foes , before they understood such dreadful troops t' oppose . xxviii . now ev'ry different sect agrees against their common adversary the disease , and all their little wranglings cease ; the pythagoreans from their precepts swerve , no more their silence they observe , out of their schools they run , lament , and cry , and groan ; they now desir'd their metempsychosis ; not only do dispute , but wish that they might turn to beasts , or fowls , or fish . if the platonicks had been here , they would have curs'd their masters year , when all things shall be as they were , when they again the same disease should bear : and all the philosophers would now , what the great stagyrite shall do , themselvs into the waters head-long throw . xxix . the stoick felt the deadly stroke , at first assault their courage was not broke , they call'd to all the cobweb aid , of rules and precepts which in store they had ; they bid their hearts stand out , bid them be calm and stout ; but all the strength of precepts will not do 't . they cann't the storms of passions now asswage , as common men , are angry , grieve , and rage . the gods are call'd upon in vain , the gods gave no release unto their pain , the gods to fear even for themselvs began . for now the sick unto the temples came , and brought more than a holy flame , there at the altars made their prayer , they sacrific'd and died there , a sacrifice not seen before ; that heaven , only us'd unto the gore of lambs or bulls , should now loaded with priests see its own altars too . xxx . the woods gave fun'ral piles no more , the dead the very fire devour , and that almighty conqueror over-power . the noble and the common dust into each others graves are thrust , no place is sacred , and no tomb , 't is now a priviledg to consume ; their ashes no distinction had ; too truly all by death are equal made . the ghosts of those great heroes that had fled from athens long since banished , now o're the city hovered ; their anger yielded to their love , they left th' immortal joys above , so much their athens danger did them move , they came to pity and to aid , but now , alas ! were quite dismay'd , when they beheld the marbles open lay'd , and poor mens bones the noble urns invade : back to the blessed seats they went , and now did thank their banishment , by which they were to die in forein countries sent . xxxi . but what , great gods ! was worst of all , hell forth its magazines of lusts did call , nor would it be content with the thick troops of souls were thither sent ; into the upper world it went. such guilt , such wickedness , such irreligion did increase , that the few good who did survive , were angry with the plague for suffering them to live , more for the living than the dead did grieve . some robb'd the very dead , though sure to be infected ere they fled , though in the very air sure to be punished . some nor the shrines nor temples spar'd , nor gods , nor heavens fear'd , though such examples of their power appear'd . vertue was now esteem'd an empty name , and honesty the foolish voice of fame ; for having pass'd those tort'ring flames before , they thought the punishment already o're , thought heaven no worse torments had in store ; here having felt one hell , they thought there was no more . finis . a list of some choice books , printed for henry , brome at the gun in ivy-lane . poems lyrique , by mr. henry bold . poems macronique , by mr. henry bold . poems heroique , &c. by mr. henry bold . songs and poems by mr. a. brome , the second edition . all the songs and poems on the long parliament , from 1640 till 1661. by persons of quality . songs and poems by the wits of both universities . scarronides , or virgil travestie , a mock-poem , being the first book of virgils aeneis in english , burlesque . scarronnides , or virgil travestie , a mock-poem , being the fourth book of virgils aeneis in english , burlesque : both by a person of honour . also , a list of what damages we have received by the dutch ; and a brief history of the late war with the turks . sir george downings reply . playes . the english moor. the love-sick court. the new academy . the weeding of covent-garden . the royal exchange . the jovial crew ; or the merry beggers . all by mr. bichard brome . two excellent pieces of musick , the division viol , or the art of playing extempore on a ground in folio . the principles of practical musick in a compendious method for beginners either in singing or playing , both by mr. ch. simpson . diodates notes , on the whole bible in fol. the compleat history of independency in 4 parts , by clement walker esq . bp. ushers 18 sermons preached at oxon. blood for blood , in 35 tragical stories . the temple of wisdom , by john heyden . trapp on the major prophets , in fol. the alliance of divine offices , by hamond lestrange . dr. sparks devotions on all the festivals of the year , adorned with sculpture . bp. sandersons 5 cases of conscience , lately published . divine anthems sung in all great cathedrals in england . a brief rule of life . a guide to heaven from the word , or directions how to close savingly with christ , with strict observations on the lords day , in 12. a geographical descripton of all townes , countreys , ports , seas , and rivers , in the whole vvorld . justice revived , or the whole office of a countrey justice , 8o. the exact constable : both by mr. wingate esq . all mr. l'estrange's pieces against the presbyterians . considerations upon the reputation, loyalty, manners, & religion of thomas hobbes of malmsbury written by himself, by way of letter to a learned person. mr. hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation and manners hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1680 approx. 66 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 40 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43976 wing h2218 estc r6871 12143799 ocm 12143799 54892 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43976) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54892) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 106:11) considerations upon the reputation, loyalty, manners, & religion of thomas hobbes of malmsbury written by himself, by way of letter to a learned person. mr. hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation and manners hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [8], 3-63, [9] p. printed for william crooke ..., london : 1680. in answer to: hobbius heuton-timorumenos, or a consideration of mr. hobbs his dialogues / john wallis. 1662. first published in 1662 with title: mr. hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation, and manners, by way of a letter to dr. wallis. advertisements ([9] p.) at end. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng wallis, john, 1616-1703. -hobbius heuton-timorumenos. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion considerations upon the reputation , loyalty , manners , & religion , of thomas hobbes of malmsbvry . written by himself , by way of letter to a learned person . london : printed for william crooke , at the green dragon without temple-bar . 1680. the bookseller's advertisement to the readers . i do here present you with a piece of mr. hobbes's writing ; which is not published from an imperfect ms. as his dialogue of the civil wars of england was , ( by some that had got accidentally a copy of it ) absolutely against his consent , as you may see by some passages out of some of his letters to me , which i have here inserted . in his letter of june , 1679. he saith , — i would fain have published my dialogue of the civil wars of england , long ago ; and to that end i presented it to his majesty : and some days after , when i thought he had read it , i humbly besought him to let me print it ; but his majesty ( though he heard me gratiously , yet he ) flatly refused to have it published . therefore i brought away the book , and gave you leave to take a copy of it ; which when you had done , i gave the original to an honourable and learned friend , who about a year after died . the king knows better , and is more concerned in publishing of books than i am : therefore i dare not venture to appear in the business , lest it should offend him . therefore i pray you not to meddle in the business . rather than to be thought any way to further or countenance the printing , i would be content to lose twenty times the value of what you can expect to gain by it , &c. — i pray do not take it ill ; it may be i may live to send you somewhat else as vendible as that : and without offence , i rest chatsworth , june 19. 1679. your very humble servant , thomas hobbes . part of his letter in july , 1679. — if i leave any mss. worth printing , i will leave word you shall have them , if you please . i am chatsworth , july 21. 1679. your humble servant , thomas hobbes . part of his letter aug. 1679. sir , i thank you for taking my advice in not stirring about the printing of my book concerning the civil wars of england , &c. — i am writing somewhat for you to print in english , &c. i am , chatsworth , aug. 18. 1679. sir , your humble servant , thomas hobbes . that no spurious brats , for the time to come , be fathered upon the deceased author , i have printed , verbatim , these passages out of his letters written to me at several times : their original i have by me . i will be so just to his memory , that i will not print any thing but what is perfect , and fitted for the press . and if any book shall be printed with his name to it , that hath not before been printed , you may be confident it is not his , unless printed for william crooke . sir , i am one of them that admire your writings ; and having read over your hobbius heauton-timorumenos , i cannot hold from giving you some account of the causes why i admire it : and first i considered how you handle him for his disloyalty , in these words , pag. the 5 th . his great leviathan ( wherein he placed his main strength ) is now somewhat out of season ; which , upon deserting his royal master in distress , ( for he pretends to have been the king's tutor , though yet , from those who have most reason to know it , i can find but little ground for such a pretence , ) was written in defence of oliver's title , ( or whoever , by whatsoever means , can get to be upmost , ) placing the whole right of government meerly in strength , and absolving all his majesties subjects from their allegiance , whenever he is not in a present capacity to force obedience . that which i observe and admire here first , is , that you left not this passage out , for two reasons ; one , because m r hobbes could long for nothing more than such an occasion to tell the world his own and your little stories , during the time of the late rebellion . when the parliament sate , that began in april 1640. and was dissolved in may following , and in which many points of the regal power , which were necessary for the peace of the kingdom , and the safety of his majesties person , were disputed and denied , m r. hobbes wrote a little treatise in english , wherein he did set forth and demonstrate , that the said power and rights were inseparably annexed to the sovereignty ; which sovereignty they did not then deny to be in the king ; but it seems understood not , or would not understand that inseparability . of this treatise , though not printed , many gentlemen had copies , which occasioned much talk of the author ; and had not his majesty dissolved the parliament , it had brought him into danger of his life . he was the first that had ventured to write in the king's defence , and one , amongst very few , that upon no other ground but knowledge of his duty , and principles of equity , without special interest , was in all points perfectly loyal . the 3 d of november following , there began a new parliament , consisting for the greatest part of such men as the people had elected only for their adverseness to the kings interest . these proceeded so fiercely in the very beginning against those that had written or preach'd in the defence of any part of that power , which they then intended to take away , and in gracing those whom the king had disgrac'd for sedition , that mr. hobbes doubting how they would use him , went over into france , the first of all that fled , and there continued eleven years , to his dammage some thousands of pounds deep . this ( dr. ) was your time of harvest : you were in their favour , and that ( as you have made it since appear ) for no goodness . being at paris , he wrote and published his book de cive , in latine , to the end that all nations which should hear what you and your concovenanters were doing in england , might detest you , which i believe they do ; for i know no book more magnified than this is beyond the seas . when his majesty that now is came to paris , mr. hobbes had the honour to initiate him in the mathematicks ; but never was so impudent or ignorant as to call , or think himself the king's tutor , as you ( that understand not what that word , out of the university , signifies ) do falsly charge him with ; or ever to say , that he was one of his majesties domestique servants . while upon this occasion he staid about paris , and had neither encouragement nor desire to return into england , he wrote and published his leviathan , far from the intention either of disadvantage to his majesty , or to flatter oliver , ( who was not made protector till three or four years after ) or purpose to make way for his return : for there is scarce a page in it that does not upbraid both him , and you , and others such as you , with your abominable hypocrisie and villany . nor did he desert his majesty , as you falsly accuse him , as his majesty himself knows . nor was his majesty ( as you unmannerly term it ) in distress . he had the title , right and reverence of a king , and maintained his faithful servants with him. it is true , that mr. hobbes came home ; but it was because he would not trust his safety with the french clergy . do you know that ever he sought any benefit either from oliver , or from any of his party , or was any way familiar with any of his ministers , before or after his return ? or curried favour with any of them ( as you did by dedicating a book to his vice-chancellor owen ? ) did you ever hear that he took any thing done to him by his majesty in evil part , or spake of him otherwise than the best of his servants would do ; or that he was sullen , silent , or sparing , in praising his majesty in any company , upon any occasion ? he knew who were his enemies , and upon what ground they misconstrued his writings . but your indiscretion appears more manifestly in giving him occasion to repeat what you have done , and to consider you , as you professedly have considered him : for with what equity can it be denied him to repeat your manifest and horrible crimes , for all you have been pardoned ; when you publish falsly pretended faults of his , and comprehended in the same pardon ? if he should say , and publish , that you decyphered the letters of the king and his party , and thereby delivered his majesties secrets to the enemy , and his best friends to the scaffold , and boasted of it in your book of arithmetick ( written in latin ) to all the world , as of a monument of your wit , worthy to be preserved in the university library : how will you justifie your self , if you be reproached for having been a rebel and a traytor ? it may be you , or some for you , will now say , you decyphered those letters to the king's advantage : but then you were unfaithful to your masters of the parliament : a very honest pretence , and full of gallantry , to excuse treason with treachery , and to be a double spy. besides , who will believe it ? who enabled you to do the king that favour ? why hearded you with his enemies ? who brought the king into a need of such a fellows favour , but they that first deserted him , and then made war upon him , and which were your friends , and mr. hobbes his enemies . nay more , i know not one enemy mr. hobbes then had , but such as were first the kings enemies , and because the king 's therefore his . your being of that party , ( without your decyphering , ) amounts to more than a desertion . of the bishops that then were , and for whose sakes ( in part ) you raised the war , there was not one that followed the king out of the land , though they loved him , but lived quietly under the protection , first of the parliament , and then of oliver , ( whose titles and actions were equally unjust ) without treachery . is not this as bad as if they had gone over , and ( which was mr. hobbes his case ) been driven back again ? i hope you will not call them all desertors , ( or because by their stay here openly they accepted of the parliament's and of oliver's protection ) defenders either of oliver's , or of the parliament's title to the sovereign power . how many were there in that parliament at first that did indeed and voluntarily desert the king , in consenting to many of their unjust actions ? many of these afterwards , either upon better judgment , or because they pleased not the faction , ( for it was a hard matter for such as were not of pymms cabal to please the parliament , ) or for some other private ends , deserted the parliament , and did some of them more hurt to the king than if they had staid where they were ; ( for they had been so affrighted by such as you , with a panick fear of tyranny , that seeking to help him by way of composition and sharing , they abated the just and necessary indignation of his armies , by which only his right was to be recovered . ) that very entring into the covenant with the scottish nation against the king , is by it self a very great crime , and you guilty of it . and so was the imposing of the engagement , and you guilty of that also , as being done by the then parliament , whose democratical principles you approv'd of . you were also assisting to the resemblance of divines that made the directory , and which were afterwards put down by oliver for counterfeiting themselves ambassadors . and this was when the king was living , and in the head of an army , which with your own endeavour might have protected you . what crime it is ( the king being head of the church of england ) to make directories , to alter the church-government , and to set up new forms of gods service , upon your own fancies , without the kings authority , the lawyers could have told you ; and what punishment you were to expect from it , you might have seen in the statute printed before the book of common-prayer . further he may say , and truly , that you were guilty of all the treasons , murders , and spoil committed by oliver , or by any upon oliver's or the parliament's authority : for , during the late trouble , who made both oliver and the people mad , but the preachers of your principles ? but besides the wickedness , see the folly of it . you thought to make them mad , but just to such a degree as should serve your own turn ; that is to say , mad , and yet just as wise as your selves . were you not very imprudent to think to govern madness ? paul they knew , but who were you ? who were they that put the army into oliver's hands , ( who before , as mad as he was , was too weak , and too obscure to do any great mischief ) with which army he executed upon such as you , both here and in scotland , that which the justice of god required . therefore , of all the crimes ( the great crime not excepted ) done in that rebellion , you were guilty ; you , i say , dr. ( how little force or wit soever you contributed ) for your good will to their cause . the king was hunted as a partridge in the mountains ; and though the hounds have been hang'd , yet the hunters were as guilty as they , and deserved no less punishment . and the decypherers , and all that blew the horn , are to be reckoned amongst the hunters . perhaps you would not have had the prey killed , but rather have kept it tame . and yet who can tell ? i have read of few kings deprived of their power by their own subjects , that have lived any long time after it , for reasons that every man is able to conjecture . all this is so manifest as it needs no witnesses . in the mean time mr. hobbes his behaviour was such , that of them who appeared in that scene , he was the only man i know ( except a few that had the same principles with him ) that has not something more or less to blush for ; as having either assisted that rebellious parliament , without necessity , ( when they might have had protection from the king , if they had resorted to him for it in the field , ) by covenanting , or by action , or with money , or plate , or by voting against his majesties interest , in himself , or his friends ; though some of them have since by extraordinary service deserved to be received into favour : but what 's that to you ? you are none of them ; and yet you dare to reproach the guiltless , as if after so ill fruits of your sermons , it were not impudence enough to preach . i admire further , that having been forgiven these so transcendent crimes , ( so great a debt to the gallows ) you take mr. hobbes by the throat for a word in his leviathan , made a fault by malicious or over-hasty construction : for you have thereby , like the unmerciful debtor in the gospel , ( in my opinion ) forseited your pardon , and so , without a new one , may be hanged yet . to that other charge , that he writ his leviathan in defence of oliver's title , he will say , that you in your own conscience know it is false . what was oliver when that book came forth ? it was in 1650 , and mr. hobbes returned before 1651. oliver was then but general under your masters of the parliament , nor had yet cheated them of their usurped power : for that was not done till two or three years after , in 1653. which neither he nor you could foresee : what title then of oliver's could he pretend to justifie ? but you will say , he placed the right of government there wheresoever should be the strength ; and so by consequence he placed it in oliver . is that all ? then primarily his leviathan was intended for your masters of the parliament , because the strength was then in them : why did they not thank him for it , both they and oliver in their turns ? there ( doctor ) you decypher'd ill : for it was written in the behalf of those many and faithful servants and subjects of his majesty , that had taken his part in the war , or otherwise done their utmost endeavour to defend his majesties right and person against the rebels ; whereby , having no other means of protection , nor ( for the most part ) of subsistence , were forced to compound with your masters , and to promise obedience for the saving of their lives and fortunes , which in his book he hath affirmed they might lawfully do , and consequently not lawfully bear arms against the victors . they that had done their utmost endeavour to perform their obligation to the king , had done all that they could be obliged unto ; and were consequently at liberty to seek the safety of their lives and livelihood wheresoever , and without treachery . but there is nothing in that book to justifie the submission of you , ( or such as you ) to the parliament , after the king 's being driven from them , or to oliver ; for you were the king's enemies , and cannot pretend want of that protection which you your selves refused , denied , fought against , and destroyed . if a man owe you money , and you by robbing him , or other injury , disable him to pay you , the fault 's your own ; nor needs this exception , unless the creditor rob him , be put into the condition of the bond. protection and obedience are relative . he that says a man may submit to an enemy for want of protection , can never be construed , but that he meant it of the obedient . but let us consider his words . they are in pag. 390. where he puts for a law of nature , that every man is bound as much as in him lieth , to protect in war the authority by which he is himself protected in time of peace ; which i think is no ungodly nor unreasonable principle . for confirmation of it , he defines in what point of time it is , that a subject becomes obliged to obey an unjust conquerour : and defines it thus ; it is that point wherein having liberty to submit to the conquerour , he consenteth either by express words , or by other sufficient signs , to be his subject . i cannot see , doctor , how a man can be at liberty to submit to his new , that has not first done all he could for his old master : nor if he have done all he could , why that liberty should be refused him . if a man be taken by the turk , and brought by terrour to fight against his former master , i see how he may be kill'd for it as an enemy , but not as a criminal : nor can i see how he that hath liberty to submit , can at the same time be bound not to submit . but you will say , perhaps , that he defines the time of that liberty to the advantage of oliver , in that he says , that for an ordinary subject , it is then , when the means of his life are within the guards and garrisons of the enemy ; for it is then , that he hath no protection but from the enemy , for his contribution . it was not necessary for him to explain it to men of so great understanding , that you and other his enemies pretend to be , by putting in the exception , unless they came into those guards and garrisons by their own treason . do you think that oliver's party , for their submission to oliver , could pretend the want of that protection ? the words therefore by themselves , without that exception , do signifie no more than this , that whosoever had done as much as in him did lye to protect the king in war , had liberty afterwards to provide themselves of such protection as they could get ; which to those whose means of life were within the guards and garrisons of oliver , was oliver's protection . do you think when a battel is lost , and you at the mercy of the enemy , is it unlawful to receive quarter with condition of obedience ? or if you receive it on that condition , do you think it honesty to break promise , and treacherously murder him that gave you your life ? if that were good doctrine , he were a foolish enemy that would give quarter to any man. you see then , that this submission to oliver , or to your then masters , is allowed by mr. hobbes his doctrine only to the king 's faithful party , and not to any that fought against him , howsoever they coloured it , by saying they fought for the king and parliament ; nor to any that writ or preached against his cause , or encouraged his adversaries ; nor to any that betrayed his counsels , or that intercepted or decyphered any letters of his , or of his officers , or of any of his party ; nor to any that by any way had contributed to the diminution of his majesties power , ecclesiastical or civil ; nor does it absolve any of them from their allegeance . you that make it so heinous a crime for a man to save himself from violent death , by a forc'd submission to an usurper , should have considered what crime it was to submit voluntarily to the usurping parliament . i can tell you besides , why those words were put into his last chapter , which he calls the review . it happened at that time that there were many honourable persons , that having been faithful and unblemished servants of the king , and souldiers in his army , had their estates then sequestred ; of whom some were fled , but the fortunes of them all were at the mercy ( not of oliver , but ) of the parliament . some of these were admitted to composition , some not . they that compounded , though they help'd the parliament less by their composition , than they should have done ( if they had stood out ) by their confiscation , yet they were ill spoken of , especially by those that had no estates to lose , nor hope to compound . and it was for this that he added to what he had written before , this caution , that if they would compound , they were to do it bonafide , without intention of treachery . wherein he justified their submission by their former obedience , and present necessity ; but condemned treachery . whereas you that pretend to abhor atheism , condemn that which was done upon necessity , and justifie the treachery : and you had reason for it , that cannot otherwise justifie your selves . those struglings which happened afterwards , lost his majesty many a good and able subject , and strengthened oliver with the confiscation of their estates , which if they had attended the discord of their enemies , might have been saved . perhaps you will take for a sign of mr. hobbes his ill meaning , that his majesty was displeased with him . and truly i believe he was displeased for a while , but not very long . they that complained of , and mis-construed his writings , were his majesties good subjects , and reputed wise and learned men , and thereby obtained to have their mis-construction believed for some little time : but the very next summer after his coming away , two honourable persons of the court that came over into england , assured him , that his majesty had a good opinion of him ; and others since have told me , that his majesty said openly , that he thought mr. hobbes never meant him hurt . besides , his majesty hath used him more graciously than is ordinary to so humble a person as he is , and so great a delinquent as you would make him , and testified his esteem of him in his bounty . what argument now can you draw from hence more than this , that his majesty understood his writings better than his accusers did . i admire in the next place , upon what ground you accuse him ( and with him all those that have approved his leviathan ) with atheism . i thought once , that that slander had had some ( though not firm ) ground in that you call his new divinity : but for that point he will allege these words of his leviathan , pag. 238. by which it seemeth to me ( with submission nevertheless both in this and all other questions , whereof the determination dependeth on the scriptures , to the interpretation of the bible authorized by the common-wealth , whose subject i am , ) that , &c. what is there in these words but modesty and obedience ? but you were at this time in actual rebellion . mr. hobbes , that holds religion to be a law , did in order thereto condemn the maintenance of any of his opinions against the law ; and you that reproach him for them upon your own account , should also have shewn by your own learning , wherein the scripture , which was his sole proof , was mis-cited , or mis-construed by him ; ( for he submitted to the laws , that is to say , to the king's doctrine , not to yours ; ) and not have insulted for the victory won by the power of the law , to which you were then an enemy . another argument of atheism you take from his denying immaterial , or incorporeal substances . let any man impartially now compare his religion with yours , by this very measure , and judge which of the two savours most of atheism . it is by all christians confess'd , that god is incomprehensible ; that is to say , that there is nothing can arise in our fancy from the naming of him , to resemble him either in shape , colour , stature , or nature ; there is no idea of him ; he is like nothing that we can think on : what then ought we to say of him ? what attributes are to be given him , not speaking otherwise than we think , nor otherwise than is fit , by those who mean to honour him ? none but such as mr. hobbes hath set down , namely , expressions of reverence , such as are in use amongst men for signs of honour , and consequently signifie goodness , greatness , and happiness ; and either absolutely put , as good , holy , mighty , blessed , just , wise , merciful , &c. or superlative , as most good , most great , most mighty , almighty , most holy , &c. or negative , of whatsoever is not perfect , as infinite , eternal , and the like : and not such as neither reason nor scripture hath approved for honourable . this is the doctrine that mr. hobbes hath written , both in his leviathan , and in his book de cive , and when occasion serves , maintains . what kind of attribute i pray you is immaterial , or incorporeal substance ? where do you find it in the scripture ? whence came it hither , but from plato and aristotle , heathens , who mistook those thin inhabitants of the brain they see in sleep , for so many incorporeal men ; and yet allow them motion , which is proper only to things corporeal ? do you think it an honour to god to be one of these ? and would you learn christianity from plato and aristotle ? but seeing there is no such word in the scripture , how will you warrant it from natural reason ? neither plato nor aristotle did ever write of , or mention an incorporeal spirit ; for they could not conceive how a spirit , which in their language was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( in ours a wind ) could be incorporeal . do you understand the connection of substance and incorporeal ? if you do , explain it in english ; for the words are latine . it is something , you 'l say , that being without body , stands under — . stands under what ? will you say , under accidents ? almost all the fathers of the church will be against you ; and then you are an atheist . is not mr. hobbes his way of attributing to god , that only which the scriptures attribute to him ; or what is never any where taken but for honour , much better than this bold undertaking of yours , to consider and decypher gods nature to us ? for a third argument of atheism , you put , that he says , besides the creation of the world , there is no argument to prove a deity ; and , that it cannot be evinced by any argument that the world had a beginning ; and , that whether it had or no , is to be decided not by argument , but by the magistrates . authority . that it may be decided by the scriptures , he never denied : therefore in that also you slander him . and as for arguments from natural reason , neither you , nor any other have hitherto brought any ( except the creation ) that has not made it more doubtful to many men than it was before . that which he hath written concerning such arguments , is in his book de corpore . opinions ( saith he ) concerning the nature of infinite and eternal , as the chiefest of the fruits of wisdom , god hath reserved to himself , and made judges of them , those men whose ministery he meant to use in the ordering of religion ; and therefore i cannot praise those men that brag of demonstration of the beginning of the world from natural reason . and again , pag. 238. wherefore i pass by those questions of infinite and eternal , contenting my self with such doctrine concerning the beginning and magnitude of the world , as i have learn'd from the scripture , confirmed by miracles , and from the use of my countrey , and from the reverence i owe to the law. this , doctor , is not ill said , and yet 't is all you ground your slander on , which you make to sneak vilely under a crooked paraphrase . these opinions , i said , were to be judged by those to whom god has committed the ordering of religion ; that is , to the supreme governours of the church , that is , in england , to the king : by his authority , i say , it ought to be decided , ( not what men shall think , but ) what they shall say in those questions . and me thinks you should not dare to deny it ; for it is a manifest relapse into your former crimes . but why do you stile the king by the name of magistrate ? do you find magistrate to signifie any where the person that hath the sovereign power , or not every where the sovereign's officers . and i think you knew that ; but you and your fellows ( your fellows i call all those that are so besmeared all over with the filth of the same crime , as not to be distinguished , ) meant to make your assembly the sovereign , and the king your magistrate . i pray god you do not mean so still , if opportunity be presented . there has hitherto appeared in mr. hobbes his doctrine no sign of atheism ; and whatsoever can be inferr'd from the denying of incorporeal substances , makes tertullian , one of the ancientest of the fathers , and most of the doctors of the greek church , as much atheists as he : for tertullian in his treatise de carne christi , says plainly , omne quod est , corpus est sui generis . nihil est incorporale , nisi quod non est . that is to say , whatsoever is any thing , is a body of its kind . nothing is incorporeal , but that which has no being . there are many other places in him to the same purpose : for that doctrine served his turn to confute the heresie of them that held that christ had no body , but was a ghost : also of the soul he speaks , as of an invisible body . and there is an epitome of the doctrine of the eastern church , wherein is this , that they thought angels and souls were corporeal , and only called incorporeal , because their bodies were not like ours . and i have heard that a patriarch of constantinople , in a council held there , did argue for the lawfulness of painting angels , from this , that they were corporeal . you see what fellows in atheism you joyn with mr. hobbes . how unfeigned your own religion is , may be argued strongly , demonstratively , from your behahaviour that i have already recited . do you think , you that have committed so abominable sins , not through infirmity , or sudden transport of passion , but premeditately , wilfully , for twenty years together , that any rational man can think you believe your selves , when you preach of heaven and hell , or that you do not believe one another to be cheaters and impostors , and to laugh at silly people in your sleeves for believing you ; or that you applaud not your own wit for it ; though for my part i could never conceive that very much wit was requisite for the making of a knave . and in the pulpit most of you have been a scandal to christianity , by preaching up sedition , and crying down moral virtue . you should have preach'd against unjust ambition , covetousness , gluttony , malice , disobedience to government , fraud , and hypocrisie : but for the most part you preach'd your own controversies , about who should be uppermost , or other fruitless and unedifying doctrines . when did any of you preach against hypocrisie ? you dare not in the pulpit ( i think ) so much as name it , lest you set the church a laughing : and you in particular , when you said in a sermon , that sophos was not in homer ; what edification could the people have from that , though it had been true , as 't is false ? ( for it is in his iliade , lib. 15. v. 363. ) another i heard make half his sermon of this doctrine , that god never sent a great deliverance , but in a great danger : which is indeed true , because the greatness of the danger makes the greatness of the deliverance , but for the same cause ridiculous ; and the other half he took to construe the greek of his text : and yet such sermons are much applauded . but why ? first , because they make not the people ashamed of any vice. secondly , because they like the preacher , for using to find fault with the government or governors . thirdly , for their vehemence , which they mistake for zeal . fourthly , for their zeal to their own ends , which they mistake for zeal to gods worship . i have heard besides divers sermons made by phanatiques , young men , and whom by that , and their habit , i imagined to be apprentices ; and found little difference between their sermons , and the sermons of such as you , either in respect of wisdom , or eloquence , or vehemence , or applause of common people . therefore i wonder how you can pretend ( as you do in your petition , for a dispensation from the ceremonies of the church ) to be either better preachers than those that conform , or to have tenderer consciences than other men . you that have covered such black defigns with the sacred words of scripture , why can you not as well find in your hearts to cover a black gown with a white surplice ? or what idolatry do you find in making the sign of the cross , when the law commands it ? though i think you may conform without sin , yet i think you might have been also dispensed with without sin , if you had dispensed in like manner with other ministers that subscribed to the articles of the church . and if tenderness of conscience be a good plea , you must give mr. hobbes also leave to plead tenderness of conscience to his new divinity , as well as you . i should wonder also how any of you should dare to speak to a multitude met together , without being limited by his majesty what they shall say , especially now that we have felt the smart of it , but that it is a relique of the ecclesiastical policy of the popes , that found it necessary for the dis-joyning of the people from their too close adherence to their kings , or other civil governours . but it may be you will say , that the rest of the clergy , bishops , and episcopable men , no friends of yours , and against whose office mr. hobbes never writ any thing , speak no better of his religion than you do . 't is true , he never wrote against episcopacy ; and it is his private opinion , that such an episcopa y as is now in england , is the most commodious that a christian king can use for the governing of christs flock , the misgoverning whereof the king is to answer for to christ , as the bishops are to answer for their mis-government to the king , and to god also . nor ever spake he ill of any of them , as to their persons : therefore i should wonder the more at the uncharitable censure of some of them , but that i see a relique still remaining of the venom of popish ambition , lurking in that seditious distinction and division between the power spiritual and civil , which they that are in love with a power to hurt all those that stand in competition with them for learning ( as the roman clergy had to hurt galileo ) do not willingly forsake . all bishops are not in every point like one another . some it may be are content to hold their authority from the king's letters patents ; and these have no cause to be angry with mr. hobbes . others will needs have somewhat more , they know not what , of divine right , to govern by vertue of imposition of hands , and consecration , not acknowledging their power from the king , but immediately from christ. and these perhaps are they that are displeased with him , which he cannot help , nor has deserved ; but will for all that believe the king only , and without sharers , to be the head of all the churches within his own dominions ; and that he may dispence with ceremonies , or with any thing else that is not against the scriptures , nor against natural equity ; and that the consent of the lords and commons cannot now give him that power , but declare for the people their advice and consent to it . nor can he be made believe that the safety of a state depends upon the safety of the church , i mean , of the clergy : for neither is a clergy essential to a common-wealth ; and those ministers that preached sedition pretend to be of the clergy , as well as the best . he believes rather that the safety of the church depends on the safety of the king , and the entireness of the sovereign power ; and that the king is no part of the flock of any minister or bishop , no more than the shepherd is of his sheep , but of christ only ; and all the clergy , as well as the people , the king's flock . nor can that clamour of his adversaries make mr. hobbes think himself a worse christian than the best of them . and how will you disprove it , either by his disobedience to the laws civil , or ecclesiastical , or by any ugly action ? or how will you prove that the obedience which springs from scorn of injustice , is less acceptable to god , than that which proceeds from fear of punishment , or hope of benefit . gravity and heaviness of countenance are not so good marks of assurance of gods favour , as cheerful , charitable , and upright behaviour towards men , which are better signs of religion than the zealous maintaining of controverted doctrines . and therefore i am verily perswaded , it was not his divinity that displeased you or them , but somewhat else , which you are not willing to pretend . as for your party , that which angred you , i believe , was this passage of his leviathan , pag. 89. whereas some men have pretended for their disobedience to their sovereign , a new covenant made , not with men , but with god ; this also is unjust : for there is no covenant with god , but by mediation of some body that representeth gods person ; which none doth but gods lieutenant , who hath the sovereignty under god : but this pretence of covenant with god , is so evident a lye ( this is it that angred you ) even in the pretenders own consciences , that it is not only an act of an unjust , but also of a vile and unmanly disposition . besides his making the king judge of doctrines to be preach'd or published , hath offended you both ; so has also his attributing to the civil sovereign all power sacerdotal . but this perhaps may seem hard , when the sovereignty is in a queen : but it is because you are not subtle enough to perceive , that though man be male and female , authority is not . to please neither party is easie ; but to please both , unless you could better agree amongst your selves than you do , is impossible . your differences have troubled the kingdom , as if you were the houses revived of york and lancaster . a man would wonder how a little latin and greek should work so mightily , when the scriptures are in english , as that the king and parliament can hardly keep you quiet , especially in time of danger from abroad . if you will needs quarrel , decide it amongst your selves , and draw not the people into your parties . you were angry also for his blaming the scholastical philosophers , and denying such fine things as these , that the species or apparences of bodies come from the thing we look on , into the eye , and so make us see ; and into the understanding , to make us understand ; and into the memory to make us remember . that a body may be just the same it was , and yet bigger or lesser . that eternity is a permanent now ; and the like . and for detecting , further than you thought fit , the fraud of the roman clergy . your dislike of his divinity was the least cause of your calling him atheist . but no more of this now . the next head of your contumelies is to make him contemptible , and to move mr. boyle to pity him . this is a way of railing too much beaten to be thought witty. as for the thing it self , i doubt your intelligence is not good , and that you algebricians , and non-conformists , do but fain it , to comfort one another . for your own part , you contemn him not , or else you did very foolishly to entitle the beginning of your book , mr. hobbes considered ; which argues he is considerable enough to you . besides , 't is no argument of contempt , to spend upon him so many angry lines as would have furnisht you with a dozen of sermons : if you had in good earnest despised him , you would have let him alone , as he does dr. ward , mr. baxter , pike , and others , that have reviled him as you do . as for his reputation beyond the seas , it fades not yet : and because perhaps you have no means to know it , i will cite you a passage of an epistle , written by a learned french-man to an eminent person in france , a passage not impertinent to the point now in question . it is in a volume of epistles , the fourth in order , and the words , page 167. concerning chymists , are these : truly , sir , as much as i admire them , when i see them lute an alembick handsomely , philter a liquor , build an athanor , so much i mislike them when i hear them discourse upon the subject of their operations ; and yet they think all they do , is nothing in respect of what they say : i wish they would take less pains , and be at less charges ; and whilst they wash their hands after their work , they would leave to those that attend to the polishing of their discourse , i mean , the galileo's , the descarteses , the hobbeses , the bacons , and the gassendi's , to reason upon their work , and themselves to hear what the learned and judicious shall tell them , such as are used to discern the differences of things . quam scit uterque libens censebo exerceat artem . and more to the same purpose . what is here said of chymists , is applicable to all other mechaniques . every man that hath spare money , can get furnaces , and buy coals . every man that hath spare money , can be at the charge of making great moulds , and hiring workmen to grind their glasses ; and so may have the best and greatest telescopes : they can get engines made , and apply them to the stars ; recipients made , and try conclusions ; but they are never the more philosophers for all this . 't is laudable , i confess , to bestow money upon curious or useful delights ; but that is none of the praises of a philosopher . and yet , because the multitude cannot judge , they will pass with the unskilful , for skilful in all parts of natural philosophy . and i hear now that hugenius and eustachio divini are to be tried by their glasses , who is the more skilful in optiques of the two ; but for my part , before mr. hobbes his book de homine came forth , i never saw any thing written of that subject intelligibly . do not you tell me now , according to your wonted ingenuity , that i never saw euclid's , vitellio's , and many other mens optiques ; as if i could not distinguish between geometry and optiques . so also of all other arts ; not every one that brings from beyond seas a new cin , or other janty device , is therefore a philosopher : for if you reckon that way , not onely apothecaries and gardeners , but many other sorts of workmen , will put in for , and get the prize . then , when i see the gentlemen of gresham-colledge apply themselves to the doctrine of motion , ( as mr. hobbes has done , and will be ready to help them in it , if they please , and so long as they use him civilly , ) i will look to know some causes of natural events from them , and their register , and not before : for nature does nothing but by motion . i hear that the reason given by mr. hobbes , why the drop of glass so much wondred at , shivers into so many pieces , by breaking onely one small part of it , is approved for probable , and registred in their colledge : but he has no reason to take it for a favour , because hereafter the invention may be taken by that means not for his , but theirs . to the rest of your calumnies the answers will be short , and such as you might easily have foreseen . and first , for his boasting of his learning , it is well summ'd up by you in these words : 't was a motion made by one ( whom i will not name ) that some idle person should read over all his books , and collecting together his arrogant and supercilious speeches , applauding himself , and despising all other men , set them forth in one synopsis , with this title , hobbius de se. what a pretty piece of pageantry this would make , i shall leave to your own thoughts . thus say you : now says mr. hobbes , or i for him , let your idle person do it , and set down no more than he has written , ( as high praises as they be ) i 'll promise you he shall acknowledge them under his hand , and be commended for it , and you scorned . a certain roman senator , having propounded something in the assembly of the people , which they misliking made a noise at , boldly bad them hold their peace , and told them he knew better what was good for the common-wealth than all they : and his words are transmitted to us as an argument of his virtue ; so much do truth and vanity alter the complection of self-praise . besides , you can have very little skill in morality , that cannot see the justice of commending a mans self , as well as of any thing else , in his own defence : and it was want of prudence in you , to constrain him to a thing that would so much displease you . that part of his self-praise which most offends you , is in the end of his leviathan , in these words : therefore i think it may be profitably printed , and more profitably taught in the universities , in case they also think so , to whom the judgment of the same belongeth . let any man consider the truth of it . where did those ministers learn their seditious doctrine , and to preach it , but there ? where therefore should preachers learn to teach loyalty , but there ? and if your principles produced civil war , must not the contrary principles , which are his , produce peace ? and consequently his book , as far as it handles civil doctrine , deserves to be taught there : but when can this be done ? when you shall have no longer an army ready to maintain the evil doctrine wherewith you have infected the people . by a ready army i mean arms , and money , and men enough , though not yet in pay , and put under officers , yet gathered together in one place or city , to be put under officers , armed , and payed on any sudden occasion ; such as are the people of a great and populous town . every great city is as a standing army , which if it be not under the soveraigns command , the people are miserable ; if they be , they may be taught their duties in the universities safely and easily , and be happy . i never read of any christian king that was a tyrant , though the best of kings have been call'd so . then for the morosity and peevishness you charge him with , all that know him familiarly , know 't is a false accusation . but you mean , it may be , onely towards those that argue against his opinion : but neither is that true . when vain and ignorant young scholars , unknown to him before , come to him on purpose to argue with him , and to extort applause for their foolish opinions , and missing of their end , fall into undiscreet and uncivil expressions , and he then appear not very well contented , 't is not his morosity , but their vanity that should be blamed . but what humor ( if not morosity and peevishness ) was that of yours , whom he never had injured , or seen , or heard of , to use toward him such insolent , injurious , and clownish words , as you did in your absurd elenchus ? was it not impatience of seeing any dissent from you in opinion ? mr. hobbes has been always far from provoking any man , though when he is provok'd , you finde his pen as sharp as yours . again , when you make his age a reproach to him , and shew no cause that might impair the faculties of his minde but onely age , i admire how you saw not that you reproached all old men in the world as much as him , and warranted all young men , at a certain time , which they themselves shall define , to call you fool . your dislike of old age , you have also otherwise sufficiently signified , in venturing so fairly as you have done to escape it . but that is no great matter to one that hath so many marks upon him of much greater reproaches . by mr. hobbes his calculation , that derives prudence from experience , and experience from age , you are a very young man ; but by your own reckoning , you are older already than methuselah . lastly , who told you that he writ against mr. boyle , whom in his writing he never mentioned ? and that it was because mr. boyle was acquainted with you ? i know the contrary . i have heard him wish it had been some person of lower condition that had been the author of the doctrine which he opposed , and therefore opposed because it was false , and because his own could not otherwise be defended . but thus much i think is true , that he thought never the better of his judgment , for mistaking you for learned . this is all i thought fit to answer for him and his manners . the rest is of his geometry and philosophy , concerning which , i say only this , that there is too much in your book to be confuted : almost every line may be disproved , or ought to be reprehended . in sum , it is all errour and railing , that is , stinking wind , such as a jade le ts flie when he is too hard girt upon a full belly . i have done . i have considered you now , but will not again , whatsoever preferment any of your friends shall procure you . finis . books printed for and sold by william crook at the green dragon without temple-bar , 1680. devinity . brevis demonstratio , proving the truth and excellency of the christian religion , demonstrated by reason , recommended to all rational persons by several eminent divines in london , twelves . an answer to mr. fergusons doctrine about christs justification and sanctification , with an account of the ends and intents of christs death and passion , considered as a reason , by john knowles . octavo . the primitive institution , or a seasonable discourse of catechism , wherein is shewed the antiquity , necessity and benefits thereof , together with its sutableness to heal the distemper of the church , by l. addison , d. d. twelves . a sermon preached at the funeral of a sober religious man , found drowned in a pit , since revised and inlarged by the author upon the account of sudden death . octavo . a sermon preached at a visitation in chicester , by w. howel . quarto . the school of righteousness , a sermon preached before the king on a general fast-day , by his grace the present arch-bishop of canturbury . quarto . an excellent rational discourse of the lawfulness of taking use for money , by sir robert filmer ; with a large preface to it , by sir roger twisden . twelves . a modest plea for the clergy , wherein is briefly considered their original , antiquity , and necessity , together with the true and false grounds of their being so much slighted , neglected , and unjustly despised , by l. a. d. d. octavo . the imitation of christ , or the christian patern , written by tho. a kempis . twenty fours . steps of ascention unto god , or a ladder to heaven , being meditations and prayers for every day in the week , and other occasions , by dr. gee . twenty fours . hugo grotius catechism in greek , latin , and english , with a praxis , octavo . the spirit of prophesie ; a treatise to prove ( by the ways formerly in use among the jews in the tryal of pretenders to a prophetick spirit ) that christ and his apostles were prophets . together with the divine authority of christian religion and the holy scriptures , the insufficiency of humane reason , and the reasonableness of the christian faith hope and practise deduced therefrom ; and asserted against mr. hobbes , and the treatise of humane reason : recommended to the press by dr. gunning lord bishop of ely , by w. h. octavo . the king-killing doctrine of the jesuits , delivered in a plain and sincere discourse to the french king , concerning the re-establishment of the jesuits in his dominion : written in french by a learned roman catholick , now translated into english , and humbly presented to the consideration of both houses of parliament : in quarto . justifying faith , or that faith by which the just do live , briefly described ; to which is added an abstract of some letters about the excellency of the common prayer , against mr. baxter , &c. octavo . a sermon preached upon the fifth day of november , by dr. g. hascard , d. d. rector of st. clements danes , and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . quarto . a sermon preached before sir james edwards lord mayor of london , at the election of sir robert clayton to be lord mayor for the year eusuing , by g. hascard d. d. and chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . a sermon preached before the right honorable sir robert clayton lord mayor of london , by tho. mannyngham , fellow of new colledge in oxford . these six last are new . history . a voyage into the levant , by sir h. blount . caesars commentaries , with mr. edmonds his observations upon it : in folio , english'd . heylins cosmography in four parts : in folio . sir tho. herberts travels , with additions . folio . a description of candia , with an account of the siege , and the surrender of it into the hands of the turks . octavo . calliope's cabinet , wherein all gentlemen may be informed how to order themselves for feasts , funerals , and all heroick meetings ; to know all degrees of honour , and how all degrees are to take place ; with a dictionary of herald-terms . twelves . a discourse of the dukedome of modena , containing the original , antiquity , government , manners and qualities of the people : also the temperature of the climate , the nature of the air , &c. quarto . the present state of the jews ; wherein is contained an exact account of their present customes , secular and religious : to which is added a discourse of the misna , talmud and gemara , by l. addison d. d. the travels of ulysses , translated by tho. hobbes of malmsbury , twelves . camera regis , or the present state of london , containing the antiquity , fame , walls , river , bridg , gates , tower , officers , courts , customes , franchises , &c. of that city : by j. b. esq octavo . the circumcision of the great turks son , and the ceremony of the marriage of his daughter , sent from the english ambassador . folio . scarrons comical romance , or a facetious history of a company of stage-players , interwoven with diverse choice novels , rare adventures , and amorous intrigues , written in french by monsieur scarron , and now done into english. folio . the wonders of the peak in darbyshire , in latine and english , by tho. hobbes . octavo . parthenissa , a romance , written by the right honorable the earl of orrery . folio . clelia , an excellent new romance compleat , in five parts . folio . all homers works , translated into english by that great master of the greek and english tongues , thomas hobbes of malmsbury . twelves . together with the authors life . the life and death of mahumet , the author of the turkish religion , being an account of his tribe , parents , birth , name , education , marriage , filthiness of life , his alcoran , first proselytes , wars , doctrine , miracles , advancements , &c. by l. addison d. d. and one of his majesties chaplains in ordinary . a true declaration of the horrible treasons by william parry dr. of the civil laws , against queen elizabeth ; his tryal , conviction , and execution for the same . the historians guide , or englands remembrancer : being an account of the actions , exploits , &c. and other most remarkable passages in his majesties dominions , from the year 1600 to 1679. shewing the year , day and moneth each action was done . an historical narrative of heresie , and the punishment thereof , by tho. hobbs of malmsbury . folio . mr. hobbes his life , written by himself in a latin poem , and now translated into english. folio . the same is in latin in quarto . these six last are new . poetry and plays . the elegant poems of dr. corbet , late bishop of norwich . melpomene , or the muses delight ; being new poems and songs , written by the great wits of our present age. the confinement , a poem , with annotations upon it . octavo . white devil , or vittoria corombona , a tragedy . old troop , or mounsieur raggou , a comedy . catalines conspiracy , a tragedy . amorous gallant , or love in fashion , a comedy . mock-duellist , or french valet , a comedy . wrangling lovers , or the invincible mistris , a comedy . tom. essence , or the modish wife , a comedy . french conjurer , a comedy . wits led by the nose , or the poets revenge , a comedy . rival kings , or the loves of orondates , a tragedy . constant nymph , or rambling shepherd , a pastoral . counterfeit bridegroom , or defeated widdow , a comedy . tunbridge wells , or a days courtship , a comedy . the man of new-market , a comedy . law . the jurisdictions of the authority of courts-leet , courts-baron , court of marshalsea's , court of pypowder , and antient demesn ; together with the most necessary learning of tenures , essoyns , imparlances , view , pleadings , contract , actions , maintenance , &c. with the forms of judicial and original writs , written by jo. kitchin of grays-inn esq to which is added brevia selecta , being a choice collection of special writs . octavo . a view of the customes and franchisements of london , by j bridal esq praxis curia admiralitatis angliae , author fransc. clark. twelves . the reports and cases of brownlow and goldsborough , in two parts . quarto . the laws of charitable uses , by mr. duke . folio . march his reports . quarto . clerks manual , a book of presidents , in octavo . officium brevium : select and approved forms of judicial writs , and other process , with their returns and entries in the court of common pleas at westminster ; as also special pleadings to writs of scire facias , collected out of many choice manuscripts , by several eminent clerks and practisers in the said court. folio . this last is new . miscelanies , being books of several subjects . the compleat vineyard , or a most excellent way for the planting of vines , and making wine of their grapes , by w. hughs . octavo . the deaf and dumb mans discourse , being a discourse of such as are born deaf and dumb , shewing how they may express the sentiments of their minds ; together with an account of the rationality of beasts . the compleat measurer , or a new exact way of mensuration , by tho. hammond . rosetum geometricum , sive propositiones aliquot frustra aute hac tentata , &c. tho. hobbes . quarto . the carpenters rule made easie , or the art of measuring of superficies and solids , &c. third edition ; to which is added the art of gaugeing . the flower-garden inlarged , &c. with a treatise of roots , plants , &c. in his majesties plantations in america . twelves . the court of curiosity ; wherein by the lot , the most intricate questions are resolved , and nocturnal dreams and visions explained according to the doctrine of the antients ; to which is added a discourse of physiognomy , and characters of most of the countries in europe , englished by j. g. gentleman of the inner-temple . twelves . second edition . lux mathematica , excussa collisionibus jo. wallisii & tho. hobbes , multis & fulgentissimis aucta radiis , authore r. r. quarto . principia & problemata aliquot geometria ante desperata , nunc breviter explicata & demonstrata , auth. tho. hobbes . quarto . american physitian , treating of all the roots , plants , shrubs , trees , herbs , &c , in america , by w. hughes . twelves . the great law of nature , about self-preservation , vindicated against the abuses in mr hobbes his leviathan . twelves . apothegms , or witty sentences , by sir fr. bacon . twelves . the golden rule of arithmetick made more easie than the common books of arithmetick are , by c. h. octavo . a suppliment , or third volume of mr. hobbes his works . quarto . a letter about liberty and necessity , writ by tho. hobbes to the duke of newcastle , with observations upon it , by the late bishop of ely. twelves . a treatise of wooll and cattle , shewing how far they raise or abate the value of our lands . quarto . reflections upon antient and modern philosophy and philosophers , translated out of french into english. octavo . decameron physiologicum , or ten dialogues of natural philosophy , by tho. hobbes of malmsbury . to which is added the proportions of a straight line to half the arch of a quadrant , by the same author . octavo . finis . a letter about liberty and necessity written to the duke of newcastle / by thomas hobbes. with observations upon it by a learned prelate of the church of england lately deceased. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1676 approx. 75 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 60 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49423 wing l343 estc r14544 09464212 ocm 09464212 43200 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49423) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43200) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1311:12) a letter about liberty and necessity written to the duke of newcastle / by thomas hobbes. with observations upon it by a learned prelate of the church of england lately deceased. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. laney, benjamin, 1591-1675. observations upon a letter of mr. t. hobbs to the duke of newcastle. 104 p. printed by j. grover for w. crooke, london : 1676. "observations upon a letter of mr. t. hobbs to the duke of newcastle" (p. 23-104) reproduction of original in the trinty college library, cambridge university. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng free will and determinism. predestination. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter about liberty and necessity : written to the duke of newcastle , by thomas hobbes of malmesbury : with observations upon it , by a learned prelate of the church of england lately deceased . london , printed by j. grover , for w. crooke , at the green dragon without temple-bar . 1676. imprimatur , anton. saunders , ex reverendissimo archiepisc . cant. à sacris domesticis . ex aedibus lambethanis , jan. 19. 1675 / 6. mr. hobbes his opinion about liberty and necessity , sent in a letter to the duke of newcastle . first , i conceive , that when it cometh into a man's mind to do , or not to do , some certain action , if he have no time to deliberate the doing of it or abstaining , necessarily followeth the present thought he had of the good or evil consequence thereof to himself . as , for example , in sudden anger , the action should follow the desire of revenge ; in sudden fear , the thought of escape . also when a man had time to deliberate , but deliberates not , because never any thing appeared that should make him doubt of the consequence , the action follows his opinion of the goodness or harm of it : these actions i call voluntary ; my lord ( if i understand him right ) calleth them spontaneous . i call them voluntary , because those actions which follow immediately the last appetite are voluntary ; and here where is one onely appetite , that one is the last . besides , i see it 's reasonable to punish a rash action , which could not be justly done by man to man , unless the same were voluntary . for no actions of man can be said to be without deliberation , though never so sudden , because it is supposed he had time to deliberate all the precedent time of his life , whether he should do that kind of action or not . and hence it is , that he that killeth in a sudden passion of anger , shall nevertheless be justly put to death , because all the time wherein he was able to consider whether to kill were good or evil , shall be held for one continual deliberation , and consequently the killing shall proceed from election . secondly , i conceive , when a man deliberates whether he shall do a thing or not do it , that he doth nothing else but consider whether it be better for him to do it or not to do it ; and to consider an action is to imagine the consequences of it both good and evil . from whence it is to be inferred , that deliberation is nothing else but alternate hope and fear , or alternate appetite , to do or quit the action of which he deliberateth . thirdly , i conceive , that in all deliberations , that is to say , in all alternate succession of contrary appetites , the last is that which we call the will , and is immediately before the doing of the action , or next before the doing of it become impossible . all other appetites to do and to quit , that come upon a man during his deliberations , are usually called intentions , and inclinations , but not will , there being but one will , which also in this case may be called the last will , though the intention change often . fourthly , that those actions which a man is said to do upon deliberation , are said to be voluntary , and done upon choice and election : so that voluntary action , and action proceeding from election , is the same thing : and that of voluntary agents , 't is all one to say , he is free , and to say , he hath made an end of deliberating . fifthly , i conceive liberty to be rightly defined in this manner . liberty is the absence of all the impediments to action , that are not contained in the natural and intrinsecal quality of the agent . as , for example , the water is to be seen descend freely , or to have liberty to ascend up the channel of the river , because there is no impediment ; and though the water cannot ascend , yet men say it never wants the liberty to ascend , but the power or faculty , because the impediment is in the nature of the water , and intrinsecal . so also we say , he that is tyed , wants liberty to go , because that the impediment is not in him , but in his bonds ; whereas we say not so of him that is sick or lame , because the impediment is in himself . sixthly , i conceive , that nothing taketh beginning from it self , but from the action of some other immediate agent without it self ; and that therefore when first a man hath an appetite or will to something , to which immediately before he had no appetite nor will , the cause of his will is not the will it self , but something else not in his own disposing . so that whereas it is out of controversy , of voluntary actions the will is a necessary cause , and by this which is said the will is also caused by other things which it disposeth not ; it followeth , that voluntary actions have all their necessary causes , and therefore are necessitated . seventhly , i hold that to be a sufficient cause , to which nothing is wanting that is needful to the producing of the effect : the same also is a necessary cause . for if it be possible that a sufficient cause shall not bring forth the effect , then there wanteth somewhat which was needful to the producing of it , and so the cause was not sufficient : but if it be impossible that a sufficient cause should not produce the effect , then is a sufficient cause a necessary cause . for it is said to produce an effect necessarily , that cannot but produce it . hence is manifest , that whatsoever is produced , hath had a sufficient cause to produce it , else it had not been . and therefore also voluntary actions are necessitated . lastly , i hold that the ordinary definition of a free agent , namely , that a free agent is that which , when all things are present which are needful to produce the effect , can nevertheless not produce it , implies a contradiction , and is nonsense ; being as much as to say , the cause may be sufficient , that is , necessary , and yet the effect not follow . my reasons for the first 5 points , where it is explicated . 1. what spontaneity is . 2. what deliberation is . 3. what will , propension , and appetite , is . 4. what a free agent is . 5. what liberty is . there can be no other proof offered , but every mans own experience by reflection on himself , and remembring what he useth to have in his mind , that is , what he himself meaneth when he saith , an action is spontaneous , a man deliberates , such is his will , that agent or action is free. now he that so reflecteth upon himself , cannot but be satisfied that deliberation is the considering of the good and evil sequels of the action to come : that by spontaneity is meant inconsiderate proceedings , or else nothing is meant by it : that will is the last act of our deliberation : that a free agent is he that can do if he will , and forbear if he will : and that liberty is the absence of external impediments . but to those that out of custom speak not what they conceive , but what they hear ; and are not able , or will not take the pains to consider what they think , when they hear such words , no argument can be sufficient , because experience and matter of fact is not verified by other mens arguments , but by every mans own sense and memory . for example , how can it be proved that to love a thing , and to think it good , is all one , to a man that does not mark his own meaning by those words ? or how can it be proved that eternity is not nunc stans to a man that says these words by custom , and never considers how he can conceive it himself in his mind ? also the 6th . point , that a man cannot imagine any thing to begin without a cause , can no other way be made known , but by crying how he can imagine it ; but if he try , he shall find as much reason ( if there be no cause of the thing ) to conceive it should begin at one time as an other ; that is , he hath equal reason to think it should begin at all times , which is impossible ; and therefore he must think there was some special cause why it began then , rather than sooner or later , or else that it began never , but was eternal . for the 7th . point , that all events have necessary causes , it is there proved in that they have sufficient causes . further , let us also in this place suppose any event never so casual , as the throwing ( for example ) ambs-ace upon a pair of dice , and see if it must not have been necessary before it was thrown ; for seeing it was thrown , it had a beginning , and consequently a sufficient cause to produce it , consisting partly in the dice , partly in outward things , as the posture of the parts of the hand , the measure of force applied by the caster , the posture of the parts of the table , and the like . in summe , there was nothing wanting which was necesarily requisite to the producing of that particular cast , and consequently that cast was necessarily thrown ; for if it had not been thrown , there had wanted somewhat requisite to the throwing of it , and so the cause had not been sufficient . in the like manner it may be proved , that every other accident , how contingent soever it be , is produced necessarily ; which is that that my l. bishop disputes against . the same also may be proved in this manner : let the case be put ( for example ) of the weather ; 't is necessary that to morrow it shall rain , or not rain ; if therefore it be not necessary it shall rain , it is necessary it shall not rain ; otherwise there is no necessity that the proposition [ it shall rain or not rain ] should be true . i know there be some that say , it may necessarily be true , that one of the two shall come to pass , but not singly that it shall rain ; which is as much as to say , one of them is necessary , yet neither of them is necessary ; and to seem to avoid that absurdity , they make a distinction , that neither of them is true determinatè , but indeterminatè : which distinction either signifies no more but this , one of them is true but we know not which , and so the necessity remains though we know it not ; or if the meaning of the distinction be not that , it hath no meaning , and they might as well have said , one of them is true tytiricè , but neither of them tupatulicé . the last thing , in which also consisteth the whole controversie , namely , that there is no such thing as an agent which when all things necessary to action are present , can nevertheless forbear to produce it , or ( which is all one ) that there is no such thing as freedom from necessity , is easily inferred from that which hath been before alledged ; for if it be an agent , it can work , and if it work , there is nothing wanting of what is requisite to produce the action , and consequently the cause of the action is sufficient , and if sufficient , then also necessary , as hath been proved before . and thus you see how the inconveniences , which his lordship ( bishop bramhal ) objecteth , must follow upon the holding of necessity , are avoided , and the necessity it self demonstratively proved . to which i could adde , if i thought it good logick , the inconvenience of denying necessity ; as that it destroyeth both the decrees and the prescience of god almighty : for whatsoever god hath purposed to bring to pass by man as an instrument , or foreseeth shall come to pass , a man , if he have liberty , ( such as his lordship affirmeth ) from necessitation , might frustrate , and make not to come to pass ; and god should either not foreknow it , and not decree it , or he should foreknow such things should be as shall never be , and decree that which shall never come to pass . this is all that hath come into my mind touching this question since i last considered it , and i humbly beseech your lordship to communicate it onely to my lord bishop : and so praying god to prosper your lordship in all your designs , i take leave , and am ( my most noble and most obliging lord ) rouen , aug. 20. 1645. your most humble servant , tho : hobbs . the postscript . arguments seldom work on men of wit and learning , when they have once engaged themselves in a contrary opinion ; if any thing do it , it is the shewing them the cause of their errour , which is this . pious men attribute to god almighty , for honours sake , whatsoever they see is honourable in the world , as seeing , hearing , willing , knowing , justice , wisdom , &c. but deny him such poor things as eyes , ears , brains , and other organs , without which we worms neither have nor can conceive such faculties to be , and so far they do well . but when they dispute of gods actions philosophically , then they consider them again as if he had such faculties , and in that manner as we have them , this is not well ; and thence it is they fall into so many difficulties . we ought not to dispute of god's nature , he is no fit subject for our philosophy . true religion consisteth in obedience to christ's lieutenants , and in giving god such honour both in attributes and actions , as they in their several lieutenancies shall ordain . observations upon a letter of mr. t. hobbs to the duke of newcastle , which he calls his opinion about liberty and necessity . the design of the letter , or ( as he himself speaks in one part of it ) that in which the whole controversie consists , is , that voluntary agents do always act necessarily , or ( which is all one ) act without liberty , that is , from necessity . and this opinion of his is first set down in 8 points , and then ( as the title of the next part imports ) so many reasons to those points . the first point is , that by spontaneity is meant inconsiderate proceeding , &c. without deliberation . i call this the first point , not because i find spontaneity described here , but because at the entrance of his reasons he declares that to be his design . it 's true that he saith somewhat of the bishops opinion concerning it , but very doubtfully , as he had cause ; for he shall not find among any that maintain the difference between spontaneous and voluntary actions , that spontaneity consists in inconsiderateness or indeliberation , as he would have it , when he says it must mean that or nothing . whereas indeed his adversaries would be as well content it should mean nothing as that . for inconsideration is the privation and want of considering where it should and ought to have been , ( i. e. ) in agents of reason and will ; for we do not say that natural agents , that have no reason and will , do act inconsiderately . for when the water doth sponte fluere , and the fire calefacere , we cannot say they do it inconsiderately , or for want of that deliberation , of which they are not capable ; for you might as well say , they act so for want of reason : and if want of reason and deliberation makes an action spontaneous , then all violent actions would be spontaneous , for they also want reason in all natural agents , as that the water ascends for want of reason and deliberation . and therefore the next time mr. hobbs means to play the philosopher about necessity and liberty , i shall advise him to take better notice of the nature and difference between spontaneous and voluntary actions . men call those voluntary actions , as the word it self imports , that proceed from the will , ( i.e. ) voluntary agents ; and those spontaneous , that proceed from the fixt unchangeable nature of ( i.e. ) from natural agents . if mr. hobbs knew not this difference , let him learn't against another time ; if he did know it , it had been the part of a good philosopher to have took notice of it , and when he would prove that spontaneous and voluntary are all one , to make instance in such actions as are in that more appropriate and special sence called spontaneous ; such as i nam'd before , the water 's flowing , and the fire 's heating , and make it appear that they are also voluntary , that is , do follow the last will of the water and fire , ( for so , voluntary , is defined . ) now if no man in his right wits will either say that these are voluntary , or gainsay their being spontaneous , ( i.e. ) that they do sponte agere ; it must of necessity follow , first , that there is a manifest difference between those sorts of actions ; and secondly , that it is necessary that those things which differ , for more distinct knowledge , should have given them also different appellations ; and thirdly , that none are of themselves more apt , though they may sometimes be used promiscuously , than those of voluntary and spontaneous . but for so much as i have already taken notice of in the first point , whether he be mistaken in the bishop , or i in him , it makes not much either for or against the principal question of liberty ; for i find no mention of spontaneity afterwards , that there need any enquiry of the nature and definition of it . but for voluntary actions , because we have often use of them in the following discourse , it will be better worth the labour to examine what they are defined to be . those actions that follow immediately the last appetite are voluntary . i should acknowledge this definition , if the word [ last ] did not corrupt it , which makes it either false or frivolous . for if he supposes it to be the last will before it be followed , it is false , for it becomes rather the last by being followed ; or if that will be supposed to be followed because it is last , it is also false ; for the action follows the will because it is the will , not because it is the last will : for the will is last because it is followed , not followed because it is last . it 's not first or last that makes a thing willed , but because it is good , or seems so . or if there be a sence in which it is not false , it is yet frivolous . as if a man should say out of a deep contemplation and observation of nature , no man dyed ever of any disease but the last he was sick of . no man ever drank a whole glass of wine but the last when he drank it . if the word [ last ] carries no force in it , either to make the disease more malignant , or the wine more pleasant ; such speculations , though they have a truth in them , will go for no better than ridiculous : so [ last ] which adds nothing to the will , might have been left out in the definition . and yet i am content it should stand there still , untill you see more cause to remove it , as perhaps you may when we come to the third point ; for there we are promised to hear more of the same matter , a point set apart of purpose to shew the nature of the will and inclinations . second point is the definition of deliberation . deliberation is nothing but alternate hope and fear , or alternate appetite to do or quit the action . it 's a strange impropriety of speech , 1. to say that deliberation , which is an act of the understanding , should be either fear or hope , which be affections ; such a confus'd tumbling together of the faculties of the soul becomes onely him , that either understands not , or desires not to be understood . but perhaps his meaning may be , that the understanding in deliberation represents one-while matter of fear , otherwhile of hope . this , i confess , is true , and that this hope or fear doth not always produce such a resolution and act of the will , upon which the action follows ; but yet produces a true and perfect resolution , or act of the will. for it is not possible for a man to have true cause and matter of hope represented to him , but he must will it , at least in a degree , and so long as that hope is not impeach'd by a new deliberation . so it is alike in fear , that whosoever actually fears any evil , effectually wills the avoiding of it , till something intervenes that diverts the fear . but of this more in the next point . third point . the will is defined to be the last appetite , and is immediately before the doing of the action . other appetites that come upon men in time of deliberation are but intentions and inclinations . the truth of these and the like points ( saith mr. hobbs ) is to be tried by reflection upon our selves , what we conceive when such speeches are us'd : and then the will is nothing else but the last appetite . methinks mr. hobbs should have heard of voluntas ambulatoria , a will liable to change ; and therefore every will is not the last . for if you reflect , you shall find a man seriously to will and resolve that to day , which the next day he wills not . when a man makes his testament , which is also call'd his last will , and is indeed of all others the most resolv'd act of his will ; yet he may change that will , and often men do it . but then you say it ceaseth to be his last will. 't is true . and therefore something was a will for the time , which was not the last appetite . but it cannot now be call'd his will. true , because he has chang'd it , not because it is not last ; for herein ( say we ) consists the liberty of a voluntary agent , that he can change his will , and make that not to be last which once was last , that is , he hath power over his last will , i mean over that which for the time was the last , and was as serious and resolv'd as the last . and for those actions which he calls only intentions and inclinations , i see no reason why they should not be called wills ; seeing 1. they are acts of the will , for no application of the soul to any thing , upon a reason can proceed from the inferiour sensitive part , and therefore must either be acts of the will , or be nothing at all . and 2ly . by mr. hobbe's own rule and definition of will ; every one of those successive appetites are wills , because 'till another consequent appetite followed , they were the last for the time , and therefore in their courses and turns all are wills. indeed after they are changed and unwilled again , i think no man desires they should be still called wills , when they cease to be at all . fourth point . to say he is a free agent , is all one to say , he hath made an end of deliberation . here i shall call mr. hobbs again to his own reflection , whether a man cannot be said to be free , before he hath made an end of deliberation , rather than after ? as when i desire to have a friend dine with me , i meaning to ask him first whether he be ingaged , or resolv'd for any other company , do use these words ; sir , are you free ? and if he answers me that he is free , i presently apprehend , that he is not resolv'd for any particular , but is still capable of a resolution to dine with me . not , but that he may be said to be free too that hath made an end of deliberation , but in another sence ; that is , he is free from all doubts that come by deliberation . but the same may be free also before deliberation is ended , but it is from particular determinations and resolutions , which is the freedom we defend , to do or not to do . and this seems to be a greater and more proper freedom than the other ; for he that is free from deliberation , acts indeed freely , but it is in that one way to which he is resolved . but he that is so free as to go any way , is more free than he that goes but freely in one way . fifth point . liberty is the absence of all impediments to action , that are not contained in the nature and intrinsecal qualities of the agent . if it will content mr. hobbs , that shall be allow'd to be one sence of the word : but if i may have leave to do but what he desires i should do , reflect , i find another sence , and the very same which is denied by him , a liberty from necessity . as when a father recommends a wife to his son , the son hath , no doubt , liberty to take that wife in mr. hobbs his sence . and yet if the same son should desire his father to give him his liberty , the father would presently apprehend , that he desired somewhat that he had not given him , that is , leave as well to refuse her if he saw cause , as to take her ; he would not cavil with him , and say , you have the liberty in that you are ty'd to her : but if he means to give him his liberty , his meaning also will be to absolve him of the necessity to take her . by this we see , that no advantage is gotten to mr. hobbs by reflection , which shews a liberty from necessity reflected also . sixth point is an argument to prove , that all actions are necessitated , because they have necessary causes . i deny the consequence . for when he sayes , that all actions have their necessary causes , his meaning is ( if his meaning agree with the reason he gives of it , ) that it is necessary they have causes , because ( saith he ) nothing can have beginning from it● self . now can any one imagine , that a reflecting man should think this a good consequence ? nothing can have beginning from it self , and therefore every thing is necessitated : that because an effect must necessarily be produced by some cause , that therefore the cause did necessarily produce that effect . for , good sir , reflect again , and bethink your self , that as some effects cannot be produced but by a concurrence of many causes together , every one of these is necessary to the producing of the effect , and yet not any one of these doth necessitate the effect ; but rather it is necessary that nothing should be effected , if that cause be single and alone . seventh point is another argument to prove , that voluntary actions are necessitated , because they have sufficient causes , and all sufficient causes are necessary . that all sufficient causes are necessary , [ sufficient ] may have a double meaning : either when there is sufficient virtue and aptness in the things to produce the effect , if they were us'd and imployed by the agent ; or else when the agent also actually imployes them to that purpose 'till the work be produc'd . take [ sufficient ] in this latter sence , and all men will confess , that the effect will follow necessarily . but the power , which the will is said to have over sufficient causes , is understood of such onely as are sufficient in the first sence , ( i.e. ) such as have aptness in them to produce the effect , when they are used ; which is a sence both common and reasonable : as i have sufficient to pay all my debts , i have sufficient to defray the charges of a years travel ; and yet neither pay a penny , nor stir a foot . eighth point charges the definition of a free agent that is given by others , with nonsense and contradiction ; viz. that when all things needful to produce the effect be present , can nevertheless not produce it . for the nonsense let it lie between us a while , 'till the matter be examined a little , and then let them take it that have most right to it . if there be any nonsense in the definition , it must be either in the meaning of them that use it , or in the words they use to express their meaning . when they speak of all things needful to produce the effect ▪ their meaning is well known to be of all except the agent 's will ▪ or if it were not known to mr. hobbs , it might and ought to have been from the very words of the definition , which plainly suppose the will of the agent to be yet undetermined . all things needful in this sense may well be , and yet nothing produc'd , because the agent hath not yet resolv'd to use them . but if mr. hobbs will make them mean what they do not , he may very well make them speak what they should not . now if their meaning imply no contradiction or nonsense , as certainly it doth not , then of necessity the words must , or it will not be difficult on whom to bestow the nonsense . and for the words , ( to say there be all things needful , when yet the agent is excepted , who is no less needful than any of the rest , ) let the common language of men , or as mr. hobbs is pleased to call it , let reflexion be judge . as when a man hath a good seat for a house , all materials , workmen , and mony to defray the charges , he may , and commonly doth use to say , he hath all things requisite and needful to build a house , and then too when his will is yet suspended , and unresolved whether to use them or not . therefore your self , or , if you will , reflexion being judge , you have clapt the nonsense upon your own head . but enough of the points , let us see if we can mend our selves with the reasons of them . reasons . wipe your eyes , i beseech you , for never were there such reasons seen before , such mysteries discovered . for the first point , yea for five of the eight points , the reasons are , that they have no reasons . for he sayes they cannot be prov'd but by reflexion : and in that he speaks but truth ; for 't is sure , no reason or proof can be made of the signification and use of words , which is all that the first five points have blest us with . but though he said true , in saying no reasons could be given ; yet he said not well in promising reasons , when he puts us off with reflexions . of the five first points himself confesses that no reasons can be given ; and of the two next , if he will not confess so too , he shall be compelled . for they are arguments , and contain in effect and substance syllogisms , which are incapable of reasons ; for who ever went about to give , or could give reason of a whole syllogism , if the reasons presented belong to any part of the syllogism , in which case only reasons can be given ? let him but say to which part of his points his reason belongs , and i will do him so much reason as to acknowledge it . in the mean time he stands upon his good behaviour , whether these two points shall be allowed to have any more reason than the five former . and for the eighth and last point , which is all the hope that is left us to be a point of reason , his reason is ; that as he said before , so now he sayes again ; and whatsoever mr. hobbs is pleased to say twice over , you may be assur'd is true . this is the summe of his reasons , in the most sober and favourable construction i can make of them ; yet because under the title of the seventh reason , some new matter is alledg'd , that was not spoken of before , i shall say something to that too . he layes down a proposition more general than the question , that all events never so casual have necessary causes . if i should grant this , yet the voluntary agent may be free , though the work which he produces be necessary . this i shall shew in the instances which are brought to prove this proposition . the first is of the chance of a die. i confess , that though it be very casual to the caster , yet it doth necessarily come to pass upon such postures and motions of the hand and die , as happen'd to meet together at that time : yet i say too , that as to the caster of the die it was not necessary , because he had a double power over that chance to have hinder'd it if he pleas'd ; for either he might not have thrown the dice at all , or he might have so ordered the motion and posture of his hand that could have caused another chance . yea more ( desiring to avoid controversies , as much as mr. hobbs doth to make them ) i grant also , that there is a time when , and a respect wherein voluntary agents are in the same condition with natural , and do act necessarily . for not onely a natural agent solely and singly doth work his proper natural effect necessarily , as the fire necessarily heats ; but also when they are in conjunction together , as it were a corporation of causes : whether that be casual , as the motions and posture of the hand , meeting with suitable postures with the die and the table , do produce necessarily a certain chance ; or whether it be artificial , as the medicine compounded of several drugs do necessarily produce a common effect , beyond the vertue of their particular natures apart , which belongs to them onely in that conjunction and society of operation . so likewise a voluntary agent , constantly resolv'd , and actually cooperating with other sufficient causes , doth as necessarily produce the effect , as any natural agent , working either alone , or in conjunction and society . so as in this case , if mr. hobbs seeks for an adversary , i assure my self he will find none ; and if he thinks he hath found a truth , 't is but such as was never lost . but when we affirm voluntary agents to be free from necessity in acting , we look upon them in another state and condition ; for they act not like natural agents , whose work immediately follows and flows from their being , but have a progressive operation , that is before any thing : beside their being , they deliberate , resolve , and fall to execution , and there is a time for all these allow'd . and though when they are come to that perfect state and progress , that they have pass'd the irrevocable resolv'd will , they act as necessarily as natural agents do : yet in their imperfect state , that is , from their first deliberation to their last constant resolution , they are absolutely free to do , or not to do . in which case alone we assert the liberty of voluntary agents , against which nothing either is or can be prov'd by the instance of the chance of a die. 2. and for the other instance of the weather , that whatsoever comes to pass , rain , or not rain , it comes so to pass necessarily . i answer , first , that this is impertinent to the question , concerning the liberty of voluntary agents , who have no operation or concurrence to the event of weather . and secondly , the reason that is us'd to prove that necessary , is insufficient in many respects : as because it is necessary that one of the two must happen , either rain or no rain , therefore that which doth happen , comes to pass necessarily . my first reason is , because the truth of a disjunctive proposition , as this is , [ it must rain , or not rain , ] consists in disjunctione partium , and not in disjunctis partibus ; for when you resolve this proposition into two categoricks , [ it shall rain ] for one , and [ it shall not rain ] for another , which resolution the event will make , as the nature , so the truth of the proposition is changed . for when the event hath turned the disjunctive proposition into a categorick , as that [ it rains , ] it cannot partake of that necessity , which consisted onely in the disjunctive . and to make this plain , i shall quit your instance with another . suppose i am confin'd to live within the walls of london , so as it is now necessary for me either to live in cheap-side , or in some other part of the city ; yet am i not ty'd , by that confinement to london , to any one place : if i were ty'd and necessitated to any one place , it must be either to that place i chuse to live in , or to that i do not live in . the latter i hope no man will imagine can be necessary , to live where i do not ; and if the former were necessary , that is , to live where i do , viz. ( for example ) in cheap-side , then by vertue of that confinement to london , i might be punish'd if i had not liv'd in cheap-side ; in which case a jury out of bethlem would not condemn me , for that were to make it all one to be necessitated to live in london , and to be necessitated to live in cheap-side . and the reason why from the necessity of the disjunction cannot be inferr'd a necessity to the parts of it separately , is clear by the instance i have given . the necessity that is laid upon me is to the whole latitude and compass of london , which leaves me free to any part within that latitude . so the necessity that it shall rain or not rain , is onely to the compass and latitude that these two make , raining or not raining ; but within that latitude as to the one alone , or to the other , there is no necessity . if you say it is necessary for me to live in cheap-side , because i live in no other part of the city ; so that it is necessary it should rain , because it doth not hold up : i answer , that this is a necessity of consequence , which infers no necessity upon the consequent , which is the necessity in question ; that is , that my living in cheap-side , or the raining to morrow , which are the consequents , did come to pass by necessary causes . and because i am afraid of mr. hobbs his bitter sarcasm upon distinctions , that to say , it is necessary necessitate consequentiae , but not consequentis , is all one to say , it is necessary tityre , but not necessary tu patulae ; i will prevent it , by shewing the difference in an instance . if mr. hobbs would not have the goose go bare-foot , it is necessary he should shoo it ; this no doubt but is a necessary consequence , and yet i suppose he will not think that the consequent is necessary : as that it is necessary he should shoo the goose ; and , to say truth , there is no more necessity it should rain to morrow , than there is to shoo a goose. 3. in this instance of the weather there is another impertinency about necessity : for whereas the question is , whether all things come to pass necessarily ? that is , out of such necessary causes , that it was not possible they should not come to pass ; the proof of this is taken from such a necessity as belongs onely to propositions , not to productions . which necessity of propositions consists onely in a necessary coherence of the parts together , so as the enunciation is never false : as when the genus is predicated of the species , or the proper accident of the subject ; as , homo est animal , & homo est visibilis , are propositions necessarily true , because they are alwayes true , and nothing can happen that should make them false . so it is necessary , that it should rain or not rain to morrow , that is , it is a proposition necessarily true , and cannot but be true ; but no intimation of the necessity in question , which is the necessary production of these events from necessary causes . for if this necessity were implyed in that disjunction , then every necessary proposition should consist of a necessary effect , predicated of sufficient and necessary causes , which every mean logician knows to be false . and therefore , to use mr. hobbs his own words , because he is like to be best pleased with them , this is all one as to say , it is necessary tityritè , ergo it is necessary tupatulicé . after he hath given his proofs , as he thinks , in full weight , like a free chapman , he casts in one argument over and above , taken from god's decrees and prescience . because mr. hobbs himself doth not warrant this to be good logick , i cannot in civility charge him for it ; but if his design be in that caution [ if i thought it good logick ] to make us believe , that he made a conscience of keeping these rules , i am sorry for his ill-luck that he chose to do it here ▪ for if he had but dipped his finger blindfold upon any other part of his discourse , he might with more colour have accused himself than in this . for i pray , against what rule of logick doth he trespass , that useth what arguments he pleaseth ▪ but so apt is he to mistake in reprehending others , that h● cannot blame himself without an errour : yet for all this , though there be no want of logick in using this argument , yet there is not much in the argument he uses . first in general , both for the decree and prescience together , they be divine actions that proceed from god's attributes ; and the using of such for arguments of truth in other things , mr. hobbs himself in his postscript confesseth to be the cause of those many errours that men fall into : yet had he not the grace to forbear , but falls himself into the same condemnation he decreed to others , as if he would prove his errour by his fault . for what but a fatal necessity could make him to do that which with the same breath almost he condemns ? but to particulars . first , of the decree , that it is frustrated by liberty . 1. i answer , that to prove necessity from god's decrees ▪ is to prove obscurum per obscurius : for of all the points of divinity , it is confessed by all that write of it , that nothing is more obscure than the nature and efficacy of divine decrees ▪ that is one elenche and fallacy in logick . 2. another is , that [ decree ] is an equivocal word , and admits of diverse sences and constructions . as , for instance , god decrees to destroy some city : that it may be either conditional , as if it repent not ; or absolute , whether it repent or no. 2. that absolute may be either as to the destruction of the city onely , and not to the means by which it is to be destroyed , or to both . for though god should decree absolutely to destroy the city , yet it is yet free that it be done either by the mutual dissensions of the citizens , or the invasion of an enemy ; either of which are a sufficient , neither a necessary meanes : dissension is not necessary , because it may be by invasion ; and invasion is not , because it may be by dissension . 3. it may be absolute both to the thing and to the means . as for the purpose , that it may be by dissension among the citizens , yet that means may come to effect● it two wayes ; either upon foresight , that they would dissent of themselves , or by another decree of god that they should dissent . 4. god may also decree that two wayes ▪ either by working upon the will by a power irresistible , pe●motionem physicam , as they call it ; or per moralem , that is , such inducements and inclinations as will ducere , not trahere ; by either of which wayes god's decree may be accomplished . this variety , partly in the decrees , partly in the constructions that are made of them , which do all imply a different respect to liberty , doth make the argument from general words insufficient to conclude any thing , for dolus semper ver●atur in generalibus & aequivo●is . that 's another fallacy in logick . 3. seeing mr. hobbs hides himself from his adversary in this thicket of acceptions , it will be necessary to beat every bush for him , and by inductions of the several sorts of decrees , to shew that liberty threatens no destruction to any of them , or , to speak more aptly , needs fear none from them . for if they be inconsistent and mutually destructive , it is rather to be said , that the decree of god should destroy the liberty of man , than that the liberty of man should destroy the decreee of god. and that god's decree hath no such operations upon man's liberty , i shall instance in the most eminent of all his decrees , in which all the world and their actions are concerned ; i mean that of election and reprobation , briefly carrying you through the several opinions and perswasions that several men have of them . 1. that decree , by which men are said to be ordain'd to salvation as believers , and to damnation as dying in impenitence , presupposing their faith and impenitence , can have no operation upon those actions that went before , before ( i mean ) in consideration , though not in time . 2. that decree which is put in such an order , as makes it antecedent to mens actions , may preserve the liberty of their wills divers wayes , and by name , per congruam vocationem , that is , by fitting them with such opportune and seasonable inducements , as will infallibly determine but not necessitate them . 3. that decree that lies in a middle way , between the two forenamed , that in election goes before , in reprobation follows the actions ; acding to which opinion , for distinction , the reprobate are called praesciti , because they be looked upon as sinners before they be reprobated ; and the elect are more peculiarly called praedestinati , because they are elected before , or without consideration of being believers . this decree , as to the reprobates , can have no operation upon their actions , because it follows them . and as to the elect , though it goes before their faith , yet , as was said before , it leaves it free to follow after . if mr. hobbs his decree be any of these , or some others , ( for others there be ) let him wink and choose , or let him take the most rigid or peremptory of all , that of the calvinists , that damns men before it makes them , and saves them before they have any thing to be saved ; which decree above all others is most like to impose a necessity upon humane actions ; yet here the argument will fail too . 1. because there be a great many voluntary actions that come not under this decree , as having no reference to life or death , from the decrees whereof must that necessity flow . as for example , all indifferent actions , which have nothing of morality , of virtue , or vice in them , which we shall never carry to heaven or hell with us . now those actions which work nothing towards the accomplishing of the decree , can receive no necessity from it : for if there be any necessity from the decree , upon humane actions , it is because it cannot be accomplished without them . 2. upon the same account , not onely indifferent but many moral actions are free from the necessity of the decree . for example , all the good that a reprobate doth ( for no doubt they do many things morally and substantially good , and abstain from many evils , ) cannot be necessitated by the decree of reprobation ; for certainly a man may be damned without doing good . in llke manner all the evil that the elect doth ( for who is there that sins not ? ) is also free from the necessity his decree can lay upon him , unless you will say it is necessary for him to sin , that he may be saved ; for he is under no other decree , but that unto life and salvation . 3. upon the same score i adde further , that the decree layes no necessity upon any one action a man doth ; for not onely election cannot necessitate a man to sin , and reprobation cannot necessitate a man to do good ; but also neither doth election necessitate a man to do good , nor reprobation evil , as to any particular good or evil : the reason is , because their decrees may be brought to pass without them . as judas , though he had not betray'd his master , might have been hanged for some other sin ; for certainly reprobation doth not necessitate a man to kill his father or mother , or to commit any other sin by name . so likewise st. peter might have been saved , though he had not at that time when he did , made his confession , that christ was the son of god , because it had been sufficient to accomplish the decree of election to have believed in christ at any other time : and if no individual action be necessary to the bringing of that to pass which god hath decreed , then whatsoever else may , the decree cannot make it necessary . now if the decree gives no necessity to actions indifferent , nor to good actions on the reprobate , nor to evil in the elect , no , nor to any one particular to either of them ; what actions are there left , upon which the decree can have any such operation ? lastly , if the decree may pass upon men without respect to their well or ill doing , as in the last nam'd opinion ( which of all others is confess'd most likely to necessitate ) is supposed , then 't is evident there can be no necessity to do well or ill in reference to the decree , which hath no reference to well or ill doing . but you will say , to do this or that is necessary , though not to the decree it self , yet to the execution of it . and i beseech you why so ? for may not a man as justly be hang'd without merit , as be condemn'd to be hang'd without it ? howsoever it is ill done to lay that upon the decree , which belongs to the execution of it , and 't is worse if it belongs to neither . but it may be mr. hobbs has another kind of decree by himself , as he hath many other conceipts . if he hath , it may prove to be of that nature , when he shall vouchsafe to let us know it , that i shall deny the antecedent of his argument , that there is any such decree ; but be it what it will , i shall the consequence , that therefore there is no liberty in humane actions : which i wonder he should let go upon his bare word , when he cannot but know , that thousands of authors , which do not agree about the nature of the decrees , do yet all agree in denying the consequence . secondly , of prescience , and argument taken from it . 1. though it be an improper speech to say , that god foresees any thing , which must imply a prius and posterius in his actions , things incompatible with eternity , that is present to all times ; yet because we cannot understand god's actions but by taking measure by our own , and future things are not seen by us but foreseen , i do allow mr. hobbs to say , that those things which are future to us , though not to god , are yet foreseen by him , provided , that use be not made of it , to argue from his foresight as an act that is past , upon which as a cause must depend an effect that must follow after it : for god's vision doth not prevent the thing seen , but accompany it ; for that 's the nature of every act , that it supposes the object in some kind of being , and so is meerly accidental to the nature of it , and can lay no necessity upon it . and though it be hard to comprehend , how god should now be said to be present with those things which are yet to come ; and yet on the other side it is as hard to apprehend how it can be otherwise , that god should be eternal , and yet not present with any part of time , as well future as past . when mr. hobbs shall teach us , how god can see that which is not to be seen , for that which is future is not , and therefore is not to be seen ; and to say they are to be seen in their causes , is liable to the same difficulties , because the particular causes of the thing are as well future as the thing it self : that is , if he can shew a better way than this , that those things are present to god which are future to us , i will let go my hold . in the mean time it shall serve for my first answer to the argument from god's prescience , that because all vision supposes the thing seen to be , it is accidentall to it , and cannot necessitate it . 2. admitting foresight in god as an act past , and the thing to follow , it must follow in the same condition it was foreseen , ( granting me that which i shall presently prove , that cod can foresee contingent things : ) that which in the nature of it was contingent , cannot become necessary by being foreseen , for then he should not see as they are . but you will say , if god foresees them , it is necessary they should come to pass ; i say so too , but how ? in that quality that god foresaw them , that is , contingently ; for it 's as necessary , that those things that are produced of contingent causes , should come to pass , as those that are produced of necessary , upon supposition of god's foresight : and it is no bull in that sense to say , that contingent things are necessary . for there is a double necessity , one of illation and discourse , an other of production and operation . to affirm the latter of contingent things implies a contradiction , but not so the former ; that is , god's prescience is a necessary argument to prove , because he cannot be mistaken , but not a necessary cause to produce the effect , of which onely necessity the question is moved . this argument therefore hath a term too many ; there is one necessity in the premises , another in the conclusion , praescientia dei necessariò probat , non necessariò producit . 3. if mr. h. shall deny that which i promised to prove , that god can foresee contingent events , because they have no necessary causes ; then he cannot also foresee what shall come to pass or not come to pass , upon the performance or not performance of a condition . but that god can foresee such things , i hope he will not deny ; yet because he is a liberal and fierce denyer , i shall put in him mind of one instance . god told david that the men of keilah would deliver him into saul's hand , but with this tacite condition , if he stay'd among them . and for the consequence , i prove it thus : in this prediction and prevision of what the men of keilah would do , there was no necessary cause , as is plain , for that it did not bring to pass the effect ; for the men of keilah did not , though god foresaw it , deliver david into saul's hand . and if god can foresee what would have been , but what was not , why may he not rather foresee any thing that shall be , though it may not have been , that is , any future contingent ? for if the reason why future contingents cannot be seen or foreseen , be , that they have no necessary causes ; then conditional previsions and predictions of such things , as for failance of the condition come not to pass , could not be foreseen also , for that they have no necessary causes , as appears by the event . these be all mr. hobbs his arguments ; yet because he hath found another invention , a kind of lieutenant-argument , to which we are ever and anon remitted when arguments be out of the way , which he calls reflection , and he may take it ill if it goes away unlooked on , it will be necessary to exchange a word or two about it also . of reflection . let us see how well it deserves to stand in the muster-roll of his militia , and hath done such facts for the subduing of those monstrous errors of our ignorant forefathers , as is pretended , and for which he dresses a particular discourse . this you will easily perceive both by the nature of it , and the effects and atchievments of it . 1. the nature of it is ( as far as i can guess ) to consider what i my self think of that which another says and proves not : that is , i demand of him and would know , whether that be true which he affirms , he bids me , go look . now is that a way to teach me knowledge , to send me to my self , that is , to one that is ignorant , to inform me ? and this is that columbus of our new world of philosophy , reflection . this is that which ( by a digression on purpose ) is celebrated to posterity as an excellent new engine , that will fetch truth out of the very bottom of democritus his pit. and yet perhaps there 's more in it , than we are at the first sight able to apprehend , especially being blinded with our old and hereditary errors . 2. therefore he shews to the world two noble experiments of the vertue of it , which he hath found in himself ; two such rarities , as could never be found in all the books and philosophers that ever you met with . one is , that thinking a thing to be good , and loving it , is all one . the other , that eternity is not nunc stans . these be the two rare experiments which ( like a prudent mountebank ) he hangs out for the better reputation and vending his reflection . i must needs grant , that these be two admirable strange effects of it . for in the first , reflection makes him see that which is not ; and in the second , it makes him not see that which is . for first , that thinking a thing to be good , and loving it , is all one ; who ever saw such a sight before times ? who can believe that any thing should make thinking and loving all one ? for my part i am still in as much doubt as ever i was ; for no reflection can prevail with me before these reasons . 1. because they proceed from several faculties of the soul ; one from the intellectual , the other from the effective part . it is not in the power of reflection to persuade me that the same water come out of two distinct fountains . 2. because nothing can go before it self ; and he tha● loves any thing because he hath reason to think it good , mus● of necessity first think it to be so . 3. if thinking and loving were all one , then to think a thing to be evil , and to love it , is all one too . for if the acts themselves be not all one , the object that is the good cannot make them so . but he will say , if a man reflects , i. e. if he mark it , he that doth the one , doth the other too : and they go always together , and then why not all one ? 1. i will tell you why , and i find it by reflection too ; that he that speaks doth always open his mouth ; and yet they are not all one . the needle also and the thred go together , and yet not all one . they that first told us of hippocentaures , certain creatures that are half men and half beasts , i believe found them but by reflection too . for the barbarians , when they first saw men upon the backs of beasts so near together , thought them to be but one creature . just so , to make loving and thinking all one , because he sees them together , is one of mr. hobbs's hippocentaures ; for he hath a herd of them in this little copse : as that spontaneous and voluntary are all one , that deliberation and alternate hope and fear are all one , that to make an end of deliberation and to be free is all one , that sufficient and necessary is all one , that to be necessarily of some cause and to be necessitated is all one . in all these to believe them , or not to believe them , i hope will be all one too . 2. as they are not the same , though they go together ; so they cannot be the same , because they go not together . i mean necessarily . for first there may be thinking of a thing good without loving it , a thing too too well known , that men act contrary to their knowledge ; — video meliora , probóque ; deteriora sequor — secondly , there may be a loving of that which they do not think and judge to be good , because love many times embraces the good that sensuality offers ; which is contrary to that good which serious thinking commends . and i make a question , whether every thing that loves , can think also and judge . for i know that an ass loves provender ; yet i would give somewhat to know what he thinks for all that ; which i would not if they were all one . but it may be i may wrong the poor ass also to say he cannot think ; for there be some philosophers so charitable to beasts , as to say they can reason and discourse . well , if i have wrong'd the ass i will make him amends , and say , that if he can think , he can reflect too ; and if he can do that , he may be one of our new philosophers , that shall find out many truths that aristotle never knew ; and particularly , shall see plainly that which never a philosopher of them all did see : that to think a thing to be good , and to love it , is all one . for that is the first benefit of reflection , to see that which is not . 2. the next is , not to see that which is , as that nunc stans is nothing , or signifies nothing , of eternity . if mr. hobbs his meaning be , that those words do not clearly and fully express what eternity is , it is so vulgar a truth , as well for all things that be infinite , as this , and for all words that can be invented by man , as well as these , that he needed not the help of this rare invention to discover it . but if his meaning be , that by those terms ( nunc stans ) an imperfect knowledge of eternity ( such as infinite things are capable of ) cannot be known , namely , that which consists in denying and removing such qualities and affections from it , as belong to finite things ; he is very little beholden to his reflection if it will not let him see so much ; which is all that any man can desire or hope to see of infinite things . and that so much may be seen of eternity by nunc stans , i shall desire him to forbear reflecting upon himself , that is , upon one that deceives him , and reflect upon the meaning of the terms that use them , when eternity is said to be [ nunc , ] it is to remove from it praeteritum & futurum , prius & posterius , which are parts of time , that is finite ; therefore they say that all times are present with the eternal at once . and it is likewise called nunc stans , to remove from it a succession or motion of part after part , which belongs onely to time , that is finite ; for that to which any thing is added must needs be finite ; though you adde a thousand thousand , and and after that ten thousand times as many more without stint , you can never make it infinitum or aeternum . and therefore to remove from eternity these finite conceptions , the terms of nunc stans are not unfitly us'd for that purpose : and for more knowledge of eternity than that , it was never in any mans purpose to use them . if your reflection would not let you see this , i am afraid that though it make you quick at seeing some things , that no body else can see ; yet in that otherwhile it takes away from you the sight of that which every body sees ; i am afraid ( i say ) it is not good for the eye-sight . i conclude therefore , ( without thinking of any other revenge for the nonsense , and contradiction , and the tityres and tu patulaes , and such gear as mr. hobbs is pleased to daub all those with that are not of his mind ) with this good counsel , that he give over his reflection in time , lest instead of teaching him some new tricks in philosophy , it make him at last play at old , blind , &c. i should here make an end , but that i see paper enough left , and leisure too to answer an objection that i may seem lyable to : as , what do i sneaking into a private letter , which mr. hobbs wrote to his obliging lord ? who besides is said , not to write philosophy for those that like it not ; and therefore i ought not to trouble him that desires not to trouble me . to the first i answer , that though the letter was once a private one , yet i saw it not till it became a publick , till they were letters patents for any bodies reading . and for the other , though it be reason not to trouble them that do not trouble us in some cases , as if mr. hobbs had vented his new speculations upon making faces and distortions , turning and tossing the poor figures up and down , and then guessing at some reasons of them , which he merrily calls his opticks ; i say , if mr. hobbs had spent his time and philosophy upon these onely , he had onely disturbed the common-wealth of images and representations , which are nothing , and therefore ought not to have been disturbed by any in those his pleasant speculations . but when ( against mine and every bodies interest ) he labours to introduce a necessity into all mens actions , that they have no power to do more or less than they do , he takes away the nature of vertues and vices , and so their relation to reward and punishment ; and by consequence leaves no place for hope or fear : which must needs shake not onely the foundation of all religion , but even of human society . it is such a pernicious piece of philosophy , as a wise man would not , and a fool should not be suffered to vent ; fitter indeed for a beadle's , than a scholar's , whip ; and to him i leave him . i , lictor , colliga manus . finis . books printed for will. crook , at the green dragon without temple-bar . 1. the complete vineyard , or an excellent way for planting of vines in england ; and how to make wine of their grapes : by h. hughs , price 2 s. 2. the complete measurer , or a new exact way of mensuration : by thomas hammond , price 1 s. 3. clarks praxis curiae admiralitatis , octavo , price 2 s. 4. a description of candia , with an account of the siege and surrender of it , octavo , price 1 s. 5. the deaf and dumb mans discourse : a treatise of those born deaf and dumb. to which is added the rationality of beasts , particularly of the elephant , shewing the wonderfull understanding of that creature . octavo , price 1 s. 6. the life of des cartes . octavo , price 1. s. 7. fleckno's epigrams of all sorts . octavo , price 1 s. 8. thomas à kempis christian patern , english , twenty fours , price 1 s. 9. knowls answ. to fargeson of justification , price 1 s. 6 d. 10. hobb ' s three papers to the royal society , quarto . 11. sir h. blunts voyage into the levant , twelves , price 1 s. 12. hobbs ' s rosetum geometricum , price 3 s. 13. greek testament . octavo , price 3 s. 6 d. 14. articles of visitation for norwich , price 2 d. 15 the flower garden , shewing how all sorts of flowers are to be ordered , the time of flowring , the taking them up , and of planting them again , &c. being all necessary observations relating to a flower garden , by the diligence and experience of w. hughes . twelves , price 1 s. 16. bishop corbets elegant poems . twelves , price 1. s. 17. the court of curiosity ; being the most witty and facetious fortune book that was ever published in english , with a most judicious interpretation of all dreams drawn from the wisdom and doctrine of the antients ; also a treatise of physiognomy . all written in french , since translated ( for the excellency of it into spanish , italian , high dutch , low dutch , &c. now out of french ) into english . the second edition , much improved and explained . in twelves , price 2 s. 18. the white devil , or , vittoria corombona , a tragedy , acted at the theatre royal. quarto , price 1 s. 19. the old troop , or , monsieur raggou , a comedy acted at the theatre royall , quarto , price 1 s. 20. catalines conspiracy , a tragedy acted at the theatre royall . written by ben. johnson . quarto , price 1 s. 21. lux mathematica . quarto price 5 s. 22. principia & problemata aliquot geometrica ante desperata , nunc breviter explicata & demonstrata . autho. th. hobbs . quarto , price 2 s. 23. the american physitian , shewing all the vertues and uses of all roots , herbs , trees , fruits , &c. in the english plantation in america . by w. hughes . twelves , price 1 s. 24. shafto's great law of nature , of self-preservation , examined and vindicated against the abuses in mr. hobbs's leviathan . twelves price 1 s. 25. calliope's cabinet opened and reviewed . wherein all gentlewomen of what quality soever may know how to adorn themselves for feasting , funerals , &c. with a dictionary to explain all the terms in heraldry . by j. salter , price 8 d. 26. a new collection of new songs and poems , written by the present wits of the age. octavo , price 1 s. 6 d. 27. a discourse of the dukedom of modena , the native country of her royal highness the dutchess of york . quarto , price 6. 28. brevis demonstratio . the truth and excellency of the christian religion demonstrated by reason . the second edition , twelves , price 10 d. 29. the memoirs and rare adventures of henrietta sylvia moliete , translated out of french , twelves , price 2 s. 30. waltons lives , of dr. donn , sir henry wotton , mr. hooker , and mr. herbert , octavo , price 3 s. 31. the primitive institution , shewing the use and antiquity of catechizing . by l. addison , d. d. twelves , price 1 s. 6 d. 32. nomenclatura , octavo , greek , latine , and english , price 10 d. 33. ogilbys virgil , octavo , with cuts , price 9 s. books printed for will. crook in the year 1675. 1. homers odysses translated into english by t. hobbs of malmsbury , with a large preface concerning the vertues of heroick poetry , price 4 s. 2. the third volume of mr. hobbs his works in quarto , price 10 s. 3. the golden rule of arithmetick made easie . by c. h. octavo , price 3 d. 4. de mirabilibus pecci carmen . by t. hobbs , price 6 d. 5. euterpe revived , being epigrams on the most eminent persons now living , price 1 s. 7. amorous gallant , or love in fashion . a comedy in heroick verse . by j. b. gent. price 1 s. 7. the mock duellist , or the french vallet . a comedy acted at the theatre royal. quarto price 1 s. 8. the grounds of soveraignty and greatness . in quarto , price 6 d. 9. gees steps of ascension unto god , or a ladder to heaven . twenty fours . books printed for will. crook in the year 1676. 1. homers iliads translated out of greek into english. by t. hobbs of malmsbury . 2. the present state of the jews , relating all their customs and practises now in use . the second edition . by l. addison ▪ d. d. twelves . 3. camera regis . a short view of london , containing the antiquity , fame , wall , river , gates , tower , cathedral , officers , courts , customs , franchises , of that city . octavo . 4. a sermon preached at the bishop of chichesters first visitation . by w. howell , minister at fittleworth in sussex . quarto . 5. the potable balsam of life describ'd by d. p. belon . quarto . 6. the historians guide in two parts . 1. the chronology of the world from the creation to this time . 2. a chronology of most principal actions in england , from 1600 to 1675 , price 1 s. 7. a true narrative of the great solemnity of the circumcision of mustapha , prince of turkie , and eldest son of the present emperor of the turks . as also the emperors eldest daughters marriage , as it was sent from the secretary of the turkie company into england . finis . de mirabilibus pecci being the wonders of the peak in darby-shire, commonly called the devil's arse of peak : in english and latine / the latine written by thomas hobbes of malmsbury ; the english by a person of quality. de mirabilibus pecci. english & latin hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1678 approx. 85 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 47 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43981 wing h2224 estc r22330 12300239 ocm 12300239 59148 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43981) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59148) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 634:7) de mirabilibus pecci being the wonders of the peak in darby-shire, commonly called the devil's arse of peak : in english and latine / the latine written by thomas hobbes of malmsbury ; the english by a person of quality. de mirabilibus pecci. english & latin hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. person of quality. [2], 85 [i.e 83], [8] p. printed for william crook ..., london : 1678. first edition in english. english and latin on opposite pages. advertisement: p. [2]-[8] at end. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . lat 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion de mirabilibus pecci : being the vvonders of the peak in darby-shire , commonly called the devil's arse of peak . in english and latine . the latine written by thomas hobbes of malmsbury . the english by a person of quality . london , printed for william crook at the green dragon without temple-bar , 1678. licensed . septemb. 3d. 1677. rog l'estrange . an advertisement . this latine poem , writ by the famous mr. thomas hobs of malmsbury , hath got such reputation , that many english readers had a great desire to be acquainted with it , for whose sakes it is now translated into english , although without the knowledge of mr. hobs ; who it is hop'd will not be displeased with this attempt which is left to others idg●ments , whether done well or ill . reader farewel , but do not forget to peruse that excellent translation of homer by mr. hobs. i think the most exact and best translation that ere i saw . to the noble lord vvilliam earl of devonshire concerning the wonder of the peak . a poem . on th' english alps , where darbies peak doth rise , high up in hills , that emulate the skies , and largely waters all the vales below , with rivers that still plentifully flow , doth 1 chatsworth by swift derwins channel stand , fam'd for it's pile , and lord , for both are grand . slowly the 2 river by its gates doth pass , here silent , as in wonder of the place , but does from rocky precipices move in rapid streams below it , and above . a losty mountain guards the house behind , from the assaults of the rough eastern wind ; which does from far it 's rugged cliffs display , and sleep prolongs , by shutting out the day . behind , a pleasant garden does appear ; where the rich earth , breaths odours every where . where in the midst of 3 woods , the fruitful tree fears without prune-hook , seeming now as free . where by the thick leav'd roof the walls are made spite of the sun were all his beams display'd more cool than the fam'd virgil's beechen shade . where art ( it self dissembling ) rough hewn stone and craggy flints worn out by dropping on together joyning by the workmans tool ) makes horrid 5 rocks , and watry caverns cool . the water that from native cliffs had source once free and unconfin'd , throughout it's course , by it's own 5 country metal is led on captive to rocks of artificial stone . there buried deep , it's streams it doubly throws into two circling channels as it goes , through thousand cranies , which by art it does . then girds the rock with many a hollow 6 vain , frighting all under with surprising rain . thence turning it a marble font does store , until it 's lofty brims can hold no more . and entring the house , obsequious is to cook and butler , in their services . and gushing up within the midst does spout his crystal waters ev'ry where about , fit for the hands , from the tall cisterns out , and though to this but four vents we assign , 7 calliroe's not so fair that spouts from nine . the river turning off a little space , part of a garden's seen that fronts the place . two rowes of crystal 8 ponds here shine and dance which trembling wave the sun beams as they glance , in which vast shoales of fishes wanton float , not conscious of the prison where they 'r shut . how does it please when as the nymphs fling in the prey intic'd , to the bright flouds again , t' observe the method that the wantons use , first to inveigle men , and then refuse ! what can more gratefull or surprising be , than gardens pend'lous on high mounts to see ? within the midst of all the waters stand , caesarian piles built by a womans hand . piles fit for kings to build , and monarchs rear , in cavendisian lordships doe appear ; the petty products of a female care . but of fam'd shrewsoury's great countess this the least of thousand commendations is . to whom vast structures their foundations own ; who got great wealth with great and good renown ; who by her candor made all friends in power , and with her bounty shin'd upon the lower ; who left an 3 off-spring numerous and great with which the joyful nation 's still repleat ; how sweet it is upon the sandy shore of crystall pooles , great nature to explore ! or to my lord small 4 gifts of verse prefer , wherein those happy fields i may declare prest by the muses , which still urgent are . a more commodious soile they never knew , nor a more friendly lord had title to . from hence , on rising ground , appears a neat , and fair ascent , up to the pallace gate . royall , august , sublime without t is seen ; large , neat , commodious , splendid , rich within . what thou may'st find in marble figur'd out of poets fables , or old hero's stout , dwell not upon 't ; nor cement hard as stone , nor count the faithful servants , one by one . but the great master celebrate my muse. to whome descended from an antient house , devon gives princely titles , derby 2 cares : who in a constant breast , discretion bears . magnificent , not lavish , still he spends his riches freely , and amongst his friends ; he of your quire is the only grace , he for the muses finds a resting place , and pleasant shades , and gratful leisure gives , and he from them large eloquence receives with a discerning mind , 'twixt good , and ill . next view his 3 consort wistly , view her still , descended from the bruses antient line , whose kingly stock does in her visage shine . then view their noble off-spring ; but above the rest a 2 nymph , whom jove himself may love . with two sweet youths , who angells might be said , the common pledges of the marriage bed . these with their parents may be wonder'd at ; what else of miracles thou may'st repeat , fall short of these , and are not nigh so great . of the high peak , are seven wonders writ . two fonts , two caves , one pallace , mount ▪ and pit. to wit that stately pallace we have nam'd but now , is first among the seven fam'd . o' th' rest discoursing , some who long'd to know the cause of things , to see them joyn to goe ; and i ( 't was worth the while ) amongst them too , 't was at the time the earth did tribute pay , 3 and the hot sun the dew had wip'd away from off the stubble , when we first begun our journy , and to guide us hired one : thus we set forwards from the gates , and make pilsly and hassop in a rugged track . from thence our horse with weary feet and slow towards a steep hill's high top , doe climbing go ; and after many a tug and weary strain , halfe breathless , they the summity do gain , turning about with wonder we espy the birds now lazily to creep , not fly . and that the pico of the mountains brow had pierc'd the body of the clouds quite through derwin appeares but as a crooked line , and chatsworth as a point it doth entwine . w 'had gone but little further , when we found the hills soft back , cut deep with many a wound . and did the earth in whitish 1 ranks espie cast up in heaps , upon the surface lye . t is a high soil ; but cover'd with a crust of brittle earth , soon crumbling into dust ; which least by it's own weight it should fall down . nature hath propt it with a roof of stone . but the dark prince of wealth divides throughout , in thousand channels , which himself had cut , in order'd ranks the stone ; and each so drawn from th' eastern point , unto the western one you 'd think they felt not the effects alone of heat and warmth , but that they view'd the sun. the griping hand of dis within these beds had stor'd of better mettals the crude seeds : to be hereafter to perfection brought by the sun beams , as they upon them wrought , till then for to be guarded by the stone , from all assaults sufficient garrison . but all in vain , for neither can the sun with oblique ray , bring to concoction the rougher leaden lump ; nor is the ground sufficient guardian , for it's treasure found . for man ( wealth's great invader wheresoe're it hidden lies ) with 1 fire and steel does tear the bowels of the earth ; and rends in twain the stony cover of the leaden vein . and boldly dares , if poverty compel , to rob th' exchecquer , of the prince of hell. not alwayes without danger , 2 two were caught as in their mothers womb they deeply wrought by death ; who suddenly o'rewhelm'd them there , where they themselves had digg'd a sepulcher . the * inlets ( which with narrow vents admit but hardly down those who are forc'd to it by want , whose bellies are by hunger fit ) 1 with beams of wood the natives still distend , and prop their way , as to the veins they bend . a people expert in experienc'd wo , 2 damn'd to the mines , for many years ago ; that all may see they fell not unawares , but were long sought for , by infernal snares . which now the main supporters take away that did the earths weak brittle surface stay , and gather to the neighbouring shades below the souls , prest forth from their crust bodies now . bodies by bodies in these deeps we sound , thus arrows lost , are still by arrows found . before our feet , a corps digg'd up we see , which minds us what we are , or ought to be . much like the body we about us bring . t'other lies buried in the earth , but still hopes an 1 extraction when 't is heavens will. upon the earth that from the mine was thrown , a lazy people drawn from e'ry town , to see the mournful spectacle came down . two women weeping in the croud we spi'd ; one for the loss of joyes that she had tri'd , t'other for want of hopes are now denied . ones flame continual use had near expir'd , t'other with itch of novelty was fir'd . both mourn , because that both their joyes have lost , but she who last had tasted them , the most . let them still mourn . we in our way go on , and now four thousand paces we had gone , by our horse feet we count , as oft the stone in equal space each foot precedeing still in equal space each foot proceeding still before its fellow , now hath felt their heel . 1 our shadowes go before , and shortest shew what course the sun bear's , and what course we go , many small villages on either side we leave behind us , as we onward ride , the last is hope ; the rest i 'le not rehearse , their names are too too cumbersome for verse . on hollow ground , repleat with mines below , and fill'd with mortals , 2 high aloft we go . the horse with hasty feet beats on the soil , redoubled eccho's from their hoofs recoil . and in an hours space , or thereabout , to a steep mountains precipice we 're brought , it was great odds we did not headlong go into the neighbouring village stood below . but we with winding steps , and wary foot strive as we may with safety , come unto 't . first we the sun upon our right hand place , then turning to the left , with a soft pace we downwards going to our feet confide . then again mounting on the hills left side into the village we securely ride , which built on a high rock commands the sight of all the passengers that travel by 't ; call'd from the castle near it , castleton . not famous for the warlike deeds there done , not great , nor built with art , not ever could against the canon-shot it self uphold , nor yet impregnable to those of old ; but ancient and built up of stone it bears the injuries of time , and weather dares . under the lords , that kept the mines of yore it might of thieves repulse the sudden power . behind a ruin'd mountain does appear swelling into two parts , which turgent are as when we bend our bodies to the ground , the buttocks amply sticking out are found . i' th' midst there is a cave : and on each hand a lofty rock does as supporter stand of a vast weight of earth , which else would fall , so to the midst with safety guards us all , and now we 're come ( i blushing must rehearse ) as most does stile it to the devils arse ; peaks arse the natives . a noble cave between two rocks appears , unto the 1 sun unknown , but to the stars fearing to be immerg'd , and both the * bears turn'd , it its mouth with horrour does present : just like a furnace , or as hell they paint , swallowing with open jawes the damned croud after the sentence is pronounc'd aloud . on horseback we our entrance make , and spy horses within , and haycocks mounted high . but we with wonder and amaze admire the tall prodigious rocky 1 hemisphere , how without prop 't is capable to bear so vast a weight , how it the mountain stayes , and the eternal geometrician praise , through the thick arch , we see the water stain'd to fall in drops , which on the earth retain'd , even then to their own country the sea , seek out returns with much perplexity ; in little channels even then they search for fellow streams , to fortifie their march . from whence they teaching , we these notions get , rivers proceed not from the earth's receipt of the salt billowes by the sandy shoars , which still imbibe them at their hollow pores , as if the straitned waters were forc'd up , the main being taller than the mountain's top ; but by the suns hot rayes the sea on high mounts up in vapours , which do wandring fly drove by the winds , which cooling still as soon as the heat fails them , or the sun goes down , in num'rous tears descend unto the earth , from which collected , rivers have their birth . to view the dark recesses of the cave we thought it not amiss good lights to have . dismounting , a she-native of the place leads us on forwards , with a gentle pace , handsome enough , and girle enough she was ; who with her steady foot , and accent clear , as guide emboldens us with many a 1 cheer . making our entrance with a 2 confus'd light , two rocks with crooked backs drive from our sigh the beams of day , and bending down below , on all four force us through their arch to go . sometimes erect , then grov'ling tow'rds the ground , in figures both of beasts , and men , we 're found . until at length the slow and humble source of a dark river crossing , stopt our course . a stream whose channel ran tili now beneath the earth , here under the low arch does breath . and winding in its channel to and fro , not alwayes does irrevocably go . sometimes it bosomes you within its bay , then jetting out , it drives you far away . thus far we go ; beyond it none can have the least admittance , who e're credit gave to the old womans fable of the father , 1 who did forsooth well fraught with lights 2 swim over a little ford , but durst not further roame , 1 lest sunk in night , he ne're should backward come ; but we return , and with wet feet tread o're the sand again , that we had trod before . the night and shades we now behind us leave , and the blest day-light once again receive . got out , as is the pole a mountain tall lifts up his head , like an old ruin'd wall ready made weak by breaches now to fall . t is said eternally the sand falls down , without the hills least diminution ; strange this if true ; and yet the pyrami'd of falling sand , still gathering to a head , gives tacite items that the flux begun by some great ruine , and will ever run until the mountains top and that be one . and though the most call 't mam tor , nev'rtheless maim'd for the cliff i rather should express . which does in english a torn rock denote , and the decrepit hill gives favour to 't . turn'd to the left a thousand pace or so , to the peak-forrest without tree we go , hem'd in with stony fence the naked deer cold winter pinches , not a leaf does here to shelter them upon these hills appear . summers fierce heat does scorch them , not a shade from the suns ray , to cover them is had . many the bloody wantonness of man destroy's with dog his lov'd companion . many the changes when the heavens frown , some elden with wide jawes does swallow down . of the torn earth a dire hiatus 'tis which should i labour truly to express , the ancients i to councel call in vain , 1 for no such thing the poets e're could feign , how e're my muse , we some essayes must make . and first the figure of its mouth let 's take : let the apt fimily be but compleat , to small things , so , thou may'st compare what 's great : tell me , tell 't me alone , tell 't in my ear . whisper't , that none but thou and i may hear ; she 's dumb , as conscious of the form 1 obscene . upon the side of a fair hill that 's green , its rim descending with the mountain's seen . driving off herds that graze around it far , and sucking with dark lungs the pliant air . while from the edge we prostrate view 't , the sight o' th' vast abyss does each of us afright . with fear and dread the bold spectator spies . no bounds to stop the progress of his ey 's . and though the stony battlements assure . who 's ' ere leans on them , may have sight secure , yet still distrust our fearful minds invades , and we retire from the dreadful shades . but through the field we diligently search for stones ; thrown in , long is their silent march , at lenght by stroaks their journies end they speak , ( if any end , they in their journies make . ) cast in they sink , and in their sinking knock , after long pauses , on a hidden rock . thence tilting , ten times they the stroaks repeat in vain , not center'd on a bottome yet . and now so oft deceiv'd , we strive at length whole towers to throw in , had we but strength , whole buildings , roofs and all , vast mountains tall , ( hid they been there , for 't would have swallow'd all ) but a vast weighty stone , such we could get , we by main strength , force from its native seat . and rowling it along th'enclining land , upon the sacred brink , we let it stand . then this repeat . thou god to shades below , praefect in chief of torments , see we go of our chance certain , and high seats of glee , ( if they say true are rob'd in black like thee ) this torment add unto those many more thou hast invented , for the damn'd in store . in thy dominions if a soul thou hast fam'd for rebellion , or for breach of trust , beneath this chasme let it streight be put . say it be simon ; or iscariot . or place the gyants in a trice you 'l see , bruis'd they the shadows , of a shade will be . but o ye soul's who shut up with them sweat known and belov'd by us , make quick retrat , and slight not our advice . this said the stone we drop , whcih circled in thick mist is thrown against a rock , the cavern groans the while , loud sighs are vented from the shaken pile . from rock to rock , the sound goes downward still , less heard by us but the more heard by hell , the third and fourth percussion's nearer made , with awful sound affright each list'ning shade . in short against avernus 1 craggy throat at the eleventh stroak , it whispers out its journey only ; what 't is more you hear after that blow , brought faintly to your ear , does but the image of a sound appear . away the shades , swift as the winds do glide , in vaults of erebus strive to be hid , in silence the mean while descends the stone ; through the infernal spheres it post doth run and passes them in order one by one . into the confines of dread dis it goes and 1 empty seats in limbo overthrows . from thence by intense 2 flames it moves in hast , and souls red hot in heaven to be plac'd ( purge from their dross as are the pipes by fire tobacco er'st had sullied ) and the 3 sphere of infants unregenerate it flyes . ( unconscious of its fault which tortur'd cryes ) thence sinking to the utmost hell it goes and center passes ; where the wise suppose or aristotles sect should top , and so ascending to the t'other side does go . now the affrighted ghosts turn back again freed from the object which had giv'n them pain . amongst which number sysiphus alone does the approach lament of such a stone , more busky and more weighty than his own 't is said great dudly to this cave came down in fam'd eliza's reigna a peer well known . he a poor peasant , for a petty price with rope around his middle does entice , and pole in hand , like to sarissa tight , and basket full of 1 stones down to be let and pendulous to hang i' th' midst o' th' cave ; thence casting stones intelligence to have by listning , of the depth of this vast hole . the trembling wretch descending with his pole puts by the stones , that else might on him rowl . by their rebounds casts up a space immence , where every stroak does death to him dispence fearing the thread on which his life depends chance might cut off , e're fate should give commands after a hundred yards he had below i' th' earth been drown'd , far as the rope would go and long enough hung by 't within the cave ; to th' earl ( who now impatient was to have his answer ) he 's drawn up , but whether fear immoderate distracted him , or 't were from the swift motion as the rope might wreath , or spectrums from his fear , or hell beneath frighted the wretch , or the souls cittadel were storm'd or taken by some imp of hell , for certain 't was he rav'd ; this his wild eyes , his paleness , trembling , all things verifies . where venting something none could understand , enthusiastick hints ne're to be scand , he ceasing 1 dies after eight daies were gone . but th' earl inform'd , 2 how far the cave went down he trembling from it hasts , not willing now , nor yet this way , down to the shades to go . from hence within a vale that hidden lyes ; a thousand paces off , a 1 fount doth rise . from the low caverns of a grassie hill ; with double mouth it's waters gushing still . which since th' admir'd flux o' th' greater sea doth by report in its small channel play , we thought it good ( although the sun made haste and drove his chariot quick into the west ) to stay a while , and haply so to see when that the wonder of the flux would be with fame co-witnesses o' th rarity . that which boils up with trembling waters bright o' th' two the bigger , cheifly worth our sight , a font receives not equal unto those are made by art , but yet by much out goes what fountain head ; ere from wild chance arose . thence flowes , unless what doth at bottom keep two cubits broad , three long , one cubit deep . one when no more then 's own it doth contain , but to it by the forreign floud doth gain . a mark is by the swelling waters made , which gives the stony brink a signal shade . which by its blackness to have ebb'd of late discerning it uneasie seem'd to wait so long until the tide again came on . so we our horse heads turn for to be gone . when we 're call'd back by th' gushing waters noise , and see them plainly on the stones to rise . now the full fountains waters boil apace , as when fierce fires we under cauldrons place , the water cannot rest that is above , but shuns the mettle , and does volant prove . when near the font from the aforesaid head a rivulet does suddainly proceed , and pouring from above its streams deep in , helps the augmenting waters to attain there wonted height , which got , decrease again when streight the rivulet that with such force powr'd from above it's waters , stops its course . and the dry earth now thirsty grown for more drinks off the cups she had disgorg'd before . part of the channel now dispers'd doth flow forth from the well , part under ground doth go . small thefts of moss from off the stones were there , grass , chaff , torn bits of paper , and such geer . or what 't is else its shallow stream can bear , that we fling in , returning it doth come together with it , to earths hollow womb . and now the humble fount so low was grown it scarce retain'd the waters were its own . when as the tides return , again they swell , again to wonted feavers trembling boil , increas't by forreign flouds so far to gain their bounds , and 1 tropick stations to attain , lading their shoars still with a fresh supply so far , and then again they falling fly . but the encreasing 2 shades forbid our stay which monstrous grown gigantick forms betray . our journey we hast on , but as we go , we searching strive by ev'ry sign to know from what hid cause , so great a strife should spring . for neither saltness , nor yet any thing . that 's common to the water of the sea are in this fountain ever found to be . on the moons influence it don't depend , nor does it at set times its flouds extend , ( as does the sea ) unto these tides there is no rules from any ephemerides . what then should be the cause ? in short 't is this . the water which from under ground doth rise and with its forreign stream fills up the well , does not come thither brought by 'ts own cannel , and willingly anothers right invades . but while the footsteps of the floud that leads it followes , seeking through the womb of earth for fountains , whence its waters may have birth , on subterraneous caves its flouds do fall , with narrow vent , and entrances but small . hither as oft as that the waters flow , with swelling tides , and stop the vents below with their swift currents , suddenly the air shut up within , does for the place prepare defence against the waters , and deny their entrance , having no where for to fly . and as there 's nought then air inclos'd more strong , it bears against the watry croud that throng ; then as thick troops through narrow portal strain . the first stick at the threshold , the remain in a condenced croud before the gates make a full stand ; part urges on their mates , part wandring seek out for some other way ; so the excluded waters at their stay impatient grown , and swelling , go astray ; then roving , to this font are slowly brought , hence 't is with show'rs when the earth is fraught , the fluxes happen ever and anon , as now , three times they rise , three times go down ; with constant droughts but when the earth hath been bu●nt monthly then the wonder scarce is seen . now out of sight daies waggoner was gone , and the antipodes had shun upon . the sun burnt clouds but glimmer to the sight , when at fam'd buxton's hot bath we alight . unto st. ann the fountain sacred is : with waters hot and cold its sources rise , and in its sulphur-veins there 's med'cine lies . this cures the palsied members of the old. and cherishes the nerves grown stiff and cold . crutches the lame unto its brink convey , returning the ungrates fling them away . the barren hither to be fruitful come , and without help of spouse , go pregnant home , into a cistern square , the water flowes ; and seldome higher than five foot it goes , the prying gazer's view the walls prevent , to th' r●in the roof is an impediment . one common wall with open doors doth joyn . while therefore turfie fewel does prepare our supper , jointly we resolved are our wearied limbs in the warm bath to cheer . soon stripp'd , the clearer waters round us glide , and our naked limbs , with christal covers hide , upon our face we swim , then backward try , but fail . 't is known some others may outvy . after an hours sport i' th' troubled floud , come out , dry sheets does our wet bodies shroud . then each again is cloth'd in 's own array , and the spread table speaks our suppers stay , night the mean time breaks forth from ëry glade and conqu'ress covers all with darksome shade , till in by candle-light our meats convey'd . where a small bowl , but not whole baths of broth at our request is plac'd to be supt off . the mutton taken from 't apart is laid ; from the same sheep a smoaking loyn is had hot drawn from off the spit , with a young fowl from the demolish'd egg was lately stole . and butter'd pease by spoonfuls . but rich wine in vain we seek ; ale in black pots that shine , good nappy ale we drink . thus supt , afar we with tobacco drive off sleep and care . aurora's charriot had not driven on and by her march spoke the approaching sun , by the eclipse of stars that now were gone , when we arose from sleep , again repair to the warm bath , and amply tinged are now double dip't in its all healing floud , then once again , we our wet bodies shroud now dewy grown within our beds , and so after nine hours sleep arise and go . one thing remain'd , but highly worth our view , pool's hole , a care so call'd , and near us too . pool was a famous thief , and as we 're told equal to cacus , and perchance as old . shrowded within this darksome hid retrieve by spoils of those he robb'd , he us'd to live , and towards his den poor travellers deceive ; but murder he with thefts did introduce thus they , and thus the author lay abstruce . this to behold a skilful guide we take , and captain in our darksome journeys make . to a green hill on foot then bend our way from buxton near a thousand paces lay , at bottom of the hill to th' hollow ground stooping by a small vent a way is found ; more passable the further in you go . at length we all with crablike gesture slow , and light in hand , the passage do get through , and with it gain an upright posture too , a monstrous , horrid , shapeless den appears where the divided night , gives greater fears . now on the court of the great pool we look horrid , and rough with rocks . the ceiling struck shines with bright fiery sparks . we further yet with mounted lights go on , and wary feet . vast , slippery , moist , and stones to climb full hard loose , once to fall , now therefore to be fear'd , mountains and vallyes wild o' th' stony cave we pass , with a blind river which each wave with murmures flings , against the rocks it meets to th' top of a steep mountain who doth get from the low river rising , may with sweat , and wearied hands , and weari'd feet , mount on ( bolder by far than we ) the utmost stone of this dark cave ; three stadiums distant from the entrance , by which to it we did come . this cave by gorgon with her snaky hair you 'd think was first possest ; so all things there turn'd into stone for nothing does appear that is not rock . what from the ceiling high like hams of bacon pendulous you spy , will scarce yield to the teeth ; stone they are both that is no lyon mounts his main so rough , and sets as a fierce tenant o' th' dark den , but a meer yellow stone . that grave old man that leaning lyes on his hard rocky bed , himfelf may truly part of it be said . those stars from the clear roof that shine so bright are nought but stones which sparkle 'gainst the light . the drop which hangs upon the pointed stone is that so to ? it is or will be one . took up between our fingers it is seen to be nor stone , nor water , but between . of such a substance as a leaven'd mass. but on the 1 flying water as we gaze , our lights perswade us now grown tow'rds decay , to haste from the caves labarinth away . but turning first on the left hand , behold the bed-chamber of pool the robber bold ; all of plain stone , ne're water'd with the dew , furnish'd with bed and chamber-pot we view . and thence returning , to the day get clear . laborious climbing and of falls the fear , our wearied joints had now bedew'd with sweat , our creeping hands with the moist earth were wet . when ready crouds at the caves mouth attend and waters mixt with flowers re-commend our hands to wash . something indeed there is expected for these their civilties . and justly too , were we wash'd ne're so clean , something of dirtiness would still remain , unless by some rewards ( although not great ) their courtesies we should remunerate . w 'had seen now all the wonders of the peak ; to buxton we return , and dining quick , our horse are brought ; and we through clouds convey'd by sheldon , ( whilst two thousand pace are made ) and ashford , with shelmarton , petty towns , to chatsworth fam'd , where the swift derwin runs . the end . ad nobilissimum dominum gulielmum comitem devoniae , &c. de mirabilibus * pecci . carmen . alpibus angliacis , ubi pecci nomine , surgit , darbensis regio , montes ad sidera tollens , foecundasque rigans , non uno flumine , valles , stat 1 chatsworth praeclara domus , tum mole superba , tum domino , magnis , celerem 2 deroentis ad undam . miranti similis portam praeterfluit amnis , hic tacitus , saxis , infra supraque , sonorus . at mons terga domûs rapidis defendit ab euris , ostendens longè exertis juga consita saxis , praesectoqûe die , producens tempora somni . summovet à tergo rupes gratissimus hortus , pinguis odoratis ubi tellus floribus halat ; arbor ubi in mediis 3 silvis sibi libera visa , dat fructus injussa suos ; ubi frondea tecta arboreis praebent invito frigorasole 4 porticibus , potioratuae ( maro ) tegmine fagi , ars ubi ( dissimulans artem ) simulavit ( ineptos consocians ferro lapides guttaque peresos ) in formes 5 scopulos , & frigida fontibus antra . libera nativis veniens a rupibus unda accedit positis , 5 patrio captiva met allo , et tellure latens , duplicem jaculatur in orbem , jussa , suum laticem per mille foramina caeca , et scopulum complexa tenacibus undique 6 venis , jussa fugat misso subeuntes desuper imbre . hinc avecta creat sublimen marmore fontem , atque ingressa domum promos conserva cocosque ad juvat ; in mediis surgitque penaltibus , alto in fudens nitidam manibus de marmore lympham , et quamvis tubulis tantum effluat illa quaternis non tam 7 calliroe pulchrè fluit enneacrune . reject o paulum suvio , sese ingerit horti angulus alterius , tecta alta à fronte videntis . disposita hic gemino collucent ordine 8 stagna , immersum tremulis undis quatientia solem , queis magno numero salit & lascivus inerrat non intellecto conclusus carcere piscis . quàm juvat hic , quoties piscatrix candida praedam abjicet illectam , morem observare puellis innatum , captare viros , & spernere captos ! quàm libet in mediis mirari fluctibus , alto aggere suspensos hortos ! quae caesare moles digna cavendisiâ certè est in gente , pusillum foemineumque opus . at quota pars ea laudis elizae salopicae ? quae multa , & magna palatia struxit ; magnas divitias ; magnamque bonamque paravit famam ; quae magnos sibi conciliavit amicos , ornavitque humiles ; multam , magnamque reliquit 9 prolem , qua regio late nunc usque beatur . quam dulce est , inter , circumque nitentia stagna insternete vias , aestivâ semper , arena , discipulum memet naturae tradere rerum ; aut domino exiguum meditari carmine 1 munus , et multum musis , describere rura , rogatis . commodiore loco non usquam habitare , nec usquam candidiore frui musae censentur amico . hinc , ad tecta , solo surgente , ascendiur , extra , augusta aspectu , sublimia , regia ; & intrae commoda , culta , capacia , splendida , ditia tecta . at tu marmoreis quae sint descripta figuris ficta poetarum , priscorum aut fact a virorum , ne cures , duro nec certans marmore gypsum . ingenuos nec tu cupias numerare ministros , sed dominum , mea musa , colas , cui gente vetustâ orto , dat titulos devonia , derbia 2 curas . acrem judicio ; constantem pectore ; lautum , vtentemque opibus , luxu sine , & inter amicos . ille chori vestri summum decus ; ille benigna otia dat musis ; sed & illi musa diserto ore loqui , atque animo secernere turpia honestis , tum 3 dominam spectes , alta de gente brusorum magnanimo proavos spirantem pectore reges . amborumque vide sobolem , imprimisque 1 puellam dignam , qua caleant superi , binosque 2 puellos angelicos , casti communia pignora lecti . hos tu mireris , sobolemque & utrumque parentem ; caetera quae referes miracula , sunto minoris . alti censenter septem miracula pecci . aedes , mons , barathrum , binus fons , antraque bina . scilicet illae ipsae , quas jam memoravimus , aedes ornatae , tot sunt inter miracula , primae , intra has , ne reliquis orto sermone quibusdam est visum , promptis rerum perdiscere causas , et mihi ( namque operae pretium est ) ea visere mira . anni tempus erat quo tellus foenora solvit ; et vitreum sectis absterserat altus aristis jam phoebus rorem , cum tecto excedimus , ipsi , duxque viae servusque ( sed ille vicarius ) unus . egressi auferimur portis , petimusque propinquam pilsley , dein hassop salebroso tramite . montem hinc celsum , acclivemque , gradu lento , & pede lasso scandit equus , summumque jugum mox calcat anhelus . conversi miramur aves jam repere segnes , atque humiles claro transfigi vertice nubes . chatsworth jam punctum , deroen jam linea curva est . vix iter inceptum sequimur , cum levia montis aspicimus crebro lacerari vulnere terga lateque egesta 1 liratim , albescere terrâ , est sublime solum , tenuique friabile gleba , quod ne quando sua possit subsidere mole , natura ingenito suffulcit provida saxo . at saxum innumeris divisit in ordine rimis , ater opum dominus . cunct asque it a solis ab ortu , duxit in occasum , non ut sensisse calentem lampada phoebaeam , sed & aspexisse putares . condidit his sulcis melioris cruda metalli semina , solari post perficienda calore , tutanda interera durae munimine rupis ditis avara manus frustra . nam nec satis igne concoquit obliquo sol plumbi terrea frusta , nec custodit humus sibi credita . viscera terrae ( certus opum quacunque latent regione repostae , insidiator ) homo , ferro pervadit & 1 igne , saxea plumbiferae rescindit tegmina venae exhauritque audax jam , paupertate jubente , tartarei praedo fiscum spoliare tyranni . haud impune aliquando . 2 duos telluris in imo deprensos gremio , mors occupat , atque profundo oppressos tegit , ipsi quod fodêre , sepulcro . 3 spiramenta ( tubis aegrè admittentia 4 iniquis quos castigato detrudit inedia ventre ) ligniculis intus 1 vincit , venamque sequutas materie fossas sustentat , gnara pericli , atque experta , diu jam gens 2 damnata metallis ; vt non incautos scires periisse , sed orco quaesitos . terrae hic subducit fulcra caducae , expressasque animas , vicinis congregat umbris . corpora corporibus quaerunt . sic credita saepe est emissa amissam monstrasse sagitta sagittam , ante pedes unum terra jacet ecce cadaver effossum ; nostrique monet meminisse . cadaver , marcida , iners , putris , nostrique simillima res est ▪ alterum adhuc tectum tellure , 1 resurgere corpus expectat . sedet egestae super aggere terrae turba supina , locis spectatum egressa propinquis ; plorantesque duae mulieres . altera sueta gaudia perdiderat ; spem amiserat altera dulcem . alterius flammam , longus restrinxerat usus ; alterius , spes effraenisque libido sciendi foverat ardentem . plorant utraeque maritum . illa quidem luget , luget magis altera sponsum . deploranto . viâ qua coeptum est pergimus ire ▪ jam pede mille quater passus numer amus equino . et toties socium spatiis pes quilibet aequis praeteriens , terram alterno percusserat ictu . anteit umbra pedes , monstratque brevissima , 1 qua sta● titan parte poli , & quam nos spectamus euntes . linquimus opidula hinc atque illinc plurima . quorum postremum tantum romane dicere 2 spes est . caetera non referam impedientia nomina versum , per loca transversis longe lateque sodinis plena , soloque cavo , & pleno mortalibus intus , ingredimur 3 superi ; medio tonat ungula campo festinantis equi ; atque una , aut paulo amplius , hora , praecipitis ferimur subita ad declivia montis . pronum erat hinc vicum subjectum intrare cadendo . sed nobis ambage viam & cauto pede tritam ire placet , primumque ad dextras sole recepto , et mox conversis laevo descendere eodem , paulatim , & pedibus nosmet concredere nostris . conscensis hic rursus equis , sub monte sinistro , intramus pagum qui summa in rupe locatum aspect are jubet , 1 deducto nomine , castrum . castrum non aliquo bellorum insigne labore ; non magnum , non arcis opus spectabile ; nostris impar tormentis , nec inexpugnabile priscis . antiquum tamen , & saxo super aedificatum , sustinet annorum , ventorum incommoda temnit . forsitan & dominis sub plumbi-potentibus olim latronum potuit subitos arcere tumultus . a castro statim mons scissus , detumet ambas in partes ; velut inclinato corpore nostro in crura extantes deturgent utraque clunes . in medio sinus est : atque erectissima utrinque rupes quae ingenti redituram pondere terram destinet , & tutis succedere ad intima praestat . jam ventum est ( pudet effari ) 1 piutonis ad anum , ( vt vocitant plerique ) loci vocat incola , peak's ars . nobile suspensis aperitur rupibus antrum , 2 ignoto tibi phoebe loco , sed segnibus vrsis obverso , & reliquis mergi metuentibus astris . in speciemque patet furni , vel qualiter orci ora perhorrifico pinguntur hiantia rictu post ite auditum , turbam sorbentis abactam . sublimes intramus equis . tecta intus , & altos suspicimus cumulos detonsi maner a prati . sed 1 coelum attoniti miramur saxeum , ut ingens sustineat montis nullo fulcimine pondus ; laudamusque tuas aeterne geometer artes . cernimus & denso colatam fornice lympham guttatim elabi , & solidâ tellure receptam , aequoream in patriam reditum jam nunc meditari ; jam nunc exiguis properare canalibus , undas quaerentem soeias , & fortius ire parantem . jamque amnes ipsis videor didicisse magistris , non fieri , salsum terra potante , liquorem littora adipsa maris , quasi celsis montibus ipse celsior oceanus conclusam expelleret undam ; sed mare phoebaeâ tenuatum surgere flammâ in caelum ; actumque eoliis err are ministris ; mox phoebo fallente algens , totaque recepta natura , in terras fletu descendere ; & esse flumina collectas lachrymas . placet ima cavernae vmbrosae , illatâ penetralia visere luce . descensos ab equis , antri virguncula civis praecedit , formosa satis , nimiumque puella ; datque animos , gressusque regit jucunda 1 celeustis . primumque ingressis 2 confuso lumine sensim accedunt cantes utrinque diemque recurvis extinguunt sinubus , tum demittentia sese arcto 1 quadrupedes admittunt fornice saxa . erecto rursum rursum mox corpore prono pergimus , alterna pecudes hominesque figura . donec transverso tandem prohibemur ab amne . amnem quem clausum fert sub tellure canalis hactenus , hic humili patitur spirare sub arcu ; exitque inter dum non irrevocabilis unda . nunc speculatores propius , nunc longius arcens . huc nobis , ultra nulli licet ire , nec est fas credere narranti vetulae de patre , quod olim lychnorum ingressus librali fasce , fluentum tunc 2 modicum tranavit , & ulteriora sequutus , tantum ivit , quantum licuit remeare 1 timenti incidere in noctem . remeamus , & altius ante signatis , uda imprimimus vestigia arenis . exuimus noctem , diasque recepimus oras cum emersis , ante ora , poli mons aemulus alti tollitur , avulso praeceps ceu fragmine murus . defluere aeternum perhibent a vertice terram , nec tamen imminui montem . mirabile dictu . constaret si certa fides . sed acutus arena labente , agnoscens tumulus , tacito indicat auctu , continuum hunc fluxum primum caepisse ruina ingenii , aequatoque habiturum culmine finem . quemque vocant alii correpto nomine mam-tor rectius hunc clivum videor mihi dicere maim'd-tor quod sonat angligenis clivus mutilatus , & ipse mons , nomen magnâ mutilatus parte fatetur . progredimur , versi ad laevam , duo millia passum ad septam muris , dict amque , sine arbore , sylvam , peccanam , cervos nudis in montibus urit acris hyems , nulla tectos à frigore fronde ; sicca aestas , nulla tectos à solibus umbra . saeva hominum , canibus sociis , lascivia multos , multos saeva necat varii inclementia coeli , et fovea absorbet non magnam eldenia partem , est ea terribilis scissae telluris hiatus , quem digne ut memorem veterum undique convoco frustra concilium , nam tale nihil finxere poetae tentandum tamen ; & primum quam formam habet oris musa refer ; formae simili componito . magno nam potes exemplo parvis componere magna , dic tandem ; dic summisso soli mihi , in aurem ▪ obticet 1 obscoenae sibi conscia virgo figurae . in latere herbosi collis , pascentia circum distituens armenta solum , rimaque secundo monte patens , auras atro inbibit ore sequaces . quod procumbentes oculis de margine pronis cum inspicimus , vastum inspect antes terret inane , subjectumque horrens animus videt infinitum . et quamvis tutos jam securosque tueri continuo stantes hortentur marmore ripae , non animis eadem spondentibus , ora barathro demimus , & diro regnatis dite tenebris , at lapides toto sparsos conquirimus agro , verbere qui tandem per longa silentia missi quis sit eis doceant ( si quis sit ) finis eundi . missisubsidunt lapides , feriuntque cadentes caecam ( sed longo feriunt post tempore ) rupem . inde docent decies repetitio verbere lapsi . deceptos decies necquicquam quaerere fundum . tum vero ardemus , si vis respondeat aequa . ingerere integras turres , & tect a ( si adessent , et non angusto tellus nimis ore negaret ) tota simul , totosque altos ibi perdere montes . quod licet , immani defixum pondere saxum , vi multa eruimus , prona & tellure volutum sistimus ad sacrum limen . tum talia famur . " umbrarum praefecte deus cruciatibus , ecce , " securi nostrae sortis , certique supernae " jampridem sedis ( ni nos tibi concolor author " fallat ) tormentum jam inventis addimus unum . " pone sub hac rimâ , tibi siqua sit umbra rebellis , " insignilve fide violatâ . subde simonem , " aut judam ( judam iscarioten , ) subde gigantes . " contriti fient umbrarum protinus umbrae . " at vos , o animae , quibus incaluere retentis " cognita amicorum , dilectaque corpora nobis , " ferte pedem retro monitae , & non temnite dictâ . sic fati , lapidem demittimus . ille per aur as stagnantes , densa mersus caligine fertur in scopulum . gemit horrendum percussa caverna , collisaeque cient alte suspiria moles . excussum primo , scopulus mox excipit alter , audito sonitu nobis minus , at magis orco , territat arrectis jam stantes auribus umbras tertius , atque minis quartus propioribus ictus . quid moror ? undeno 1 dentatum guttur averni verbere dum transit , se & tunc lapis ire susurrat . post id quicquid iners aer vix auribus adfert , non sonus est , sed imago soni . vento ocyus umbrae diffugiunt , erebique tegi sub fornice certant . interea infernas percurrit in ordinae sphaeras , descendens tacite saxum . confinia ditis attingit , 1 vacuna evertitq , sedilia patrum . inde per intensum festinans labitur 2 ignem , candentesque animas ( tubulorum more recoctas fictilium , quos , tramsmissa fuligine , pinguis infecit peti fumus ) coeloque locandas . infantumque 3 semelnatorum pervolat 4 orbem . ( inscius admissi poena luit 5 inscius , infans . ) ultima tum subiens , infandaque tartara , centrum transit ( at haesurum promiserat 6 entelechia , credenda umbra tamen ) fundumque ascendit adimum . et redeunt trepidi manes residente favilla ; quos inter timet , & fertunus sysiphus aegre succesisse suo graviori pondere saxum . fertur ad hoc antrum venisse lecestrius heros , dudleius , notus comes is regnantis elizae , ille inopem quendam parvo ( sic eredimus ) ae●e conductum & longo succinctum pectora fune , instructum conto , pelleam imitante sarissam , 1 exploratores cophinoque ferente lapillos demitti , & media ussit pendere caverna . inde jaci lapides , atque auribus aera pronis captari , inde cavum propius scrutarier altum . descendens pavide miser , accedentia saxa nunc removet conto , nunc desiliente lapillo calculat immensum spatium , numer atque , quot ict us tot mortes ; & fila timet pendentia vitae , ne quis lascivus secet , injussuque sororum . postquam bis centum sub terram circiter ulnas mersus substiterat , funemq , tetenderat omnem , satque diu tenso de fune pependerat , antro extrahitur , cupido heroi responsa daturus . verum , sive metus mentem expugnaverat ingens ; sive celer motus torti vertigine funis immodica , solio rationem excusserat alto ; sive erebi , sive ipsa sui jam spectra timoris pallida terruerant ; sive arcem mentis abactae spiritus inferni possederat improbus orci ; haud dubie furit infoelix . sic lumina torva , mutatusque color , pallor , tremor , omnia monstrant ergo ubi non cuiquam intellect a profuderat , & quae aequabat magnis 1 sententia nulla prophetis , conticuit , manesque dies post octo 2 revisit . at comes audito quo 3 pertinet usque caverna , horruit , & ( non hac , neque nunc subiturus ) abivit . hinc centum passus decies numer amus , & ecce , in valle occulta , radicibus exilit imis graminei collis , gemino 1 fons ore perennis . quem quoniam immensi mirandos aequoris aestus ludere in exigua fama affirmaverat unda , visum est ( quantumvis phoebo properante ) morari paulisper , si forte aquulae miracula detur aspicere admotis , & famae testibus esse . quae vitreis ebullit aquis tremula unda , duarum major , splendidiorque & poscens sola videri , excipitur pu●eo , structis non aequiparando , sed qui fortuito quovis ornatior ortu est . inde soluta fluit , nisi quae fundo retinetur lata duos cubitos , tres longa , unumque profunda . vnum dico suo quando contenta liquore subsidet , at binos quando hospite tollitur undae . labra reclinatae signabat saxea ripae linea , quam latices ipsi fecere tumentes , subnigris saxis modo detumuisse reperti . ergo cessatos iterum expectare labores taedet , & improbius visum est . discedere prorsu● admotis properamus equis . jam jamque abeuntes concussis revocamur aquis . liquidosque videmus attolli latices ; sensimque irrepere saxis . jamque fere pleno saltabat fervida fonte lympha , velut rabidus cum subditur ignis ahen● , nescia stare loco , refugit saevum unda metallum ▪ cum juxta fontem , condicto rivulus ortu erumpit subito , super infusoque liquore , praestat aquae solitos auctae contingere fines . quo perducta iterum decrescit , & illico rivi de super immissirestinguitur impetus , & quae respuerat repetit sitiens sua pocula tellus . distracti laticis pars effluit altera ripis fontis ; pertuso infertur pars altera fundo . furtague muscosis erepta levissima saxis , graminaque & paleam & tenuis praesegmina chart● , sive aliud quicquam parva superabile lympha injicimus , rediens infert in viscera terrae , jamque humili fonti , proprius vix constitit humor , cum redeunt fluctus ; iterum ceu febre laborat vnde tremens ; iterum aestuat ; auctaque lymphis externis iterum 1 tropicam contingere metam sufficit , accepto velans sua littora fluctu ; atque iterum residet , sed nos vetat 2 umbra morari , vmbra gigan●eas mentita colossea formas , maturamus iter , sed quaerimus inter eundum , conamurque , omni collato discere signo , abdita quae tantum concivit causa tumultum . nam neque salsedo , neque quid commune marinis , his reperitur aquis ; phoebes nil imputat astro fons hic , temporibus nec tollitur ( ut mare ) certis , aestibus his nullam praefigit ephemeris horam . ergo quid in causa est ? paucis sic accipe . prodit quae tellure cavâ , fontique ill abitur unda advena , non istuc proprio delata canali pervenit , atque volens alienos occupat ortus , sed dum ductricis sequitur vestigia lymphae , longinquosque petit , per terrae viscera , fontes , intratin angustis subeunda meatibus antra . huc quoties humor tumefactâ de fluit undâ , praecipitique aditum comprendit flumine totum , protinus aura locum conclusatuetur , aquisque pernegat ingressum , nec habens quo cedere , pugnat , vtque est deprensa nihil obfirmatius aura , sustinet urgentes exili corpore lymphas , tum , conferta velut si portis irruat arctis turba , haerent , ipso defixi in limine , primi ; quae sequitur stat pro foribus stipata caterva , parsque urget socios , alias dilabitur & pars quaesitura vias : exclusus defluus humor intumet , impatiensque morae , expatiatur , & errans fertur in hunc fontem , lentarum impulsor aquarum . hinc fit post magnos guttis pluvialibus imbres transmissis , aestus fieri crebros , & in horas , fluctum ( ut nunc ) vicibus tolli , & subsidere ternis . sed post continuis tellurem ardoribus ustam , vix semel in toto cerni haec miracula mense . jam nostres fugiens visus , auriga diei antipodas tota lustrabat lampade ; nobis languida succensae praebebant lumina nubes et simul ad celebrem tepidis deponimur undis buxtonam . divae sacer est fons inclytus annae : ambas miscet aquas calidae gelidaeque ministra tellus ; sulphureisque effundit pharmac a venis , haec resoluta senum confirmat membra trementum , et refovet nervos lotrix haec lympha gelatos . huc infirma regunt baculis vestigia claudi ; ingrati referunt baculis vestigia spretis . huc , mater fieri cupiens , accedit inanis , plenaque discedit , puto , nec veniente marito . excipitur , ferme quadrato fonte , serena nascens unda & quinque pedes vehit alta natantes . spectator muris , & tecto excluditur imber . hospitioque eadem gratissima balnea nostro conjungit foribus paries communis apertis . ergo placet , coquitur dum cespite coena cremato , defessos lymphis refovere tepentitbus artus . protinus exuti , nitidis illabimur undis , nudaque perspicuis velamus corpora lymphis . nunefacie prona namus ; nunc nare supini tentamus . 1 bibimus . nec enim omnia possumus omnes . postquam vexatis per totam fluctibus horam lusimus ; egressi siccis lodicibus udi induimur . mox quisque suo vestimur amictu , vestitos stratis expect at coenula mensis . nox atra interea simul evolat omnibus antris . et victrix tenebris involverat omnia caecis , donec succensis infertur coena lucernis . jam nobis lixae non integra balnea ovillae , sed modicum juris , 2 consultis ponitur . ipsa tum caro 1 conditis thermis educta , seorsim . atque ovis ejusdem fumans à cuspide 2 lumbus . et nuper rupto gallinae 3 filus ovo . pisaque quae nobis converrat cochlear uncta . ditia cùm frustra quaerantur pocula bacchi , ollâ subridens bibitur cervisia nigrâ . coenati peto somnos arcessimus hausto . postera phoebaeos ducens aurora triumphos nondum vulgares caelo dimoverat ignes , cùm somno excusso tepidis immergimur undis rursus , & infieimur penitus medicante liquore jam dibaphi ; atq iîerum rorantia corpora lecti● reddimus , & nonâ de somno surgimus horâ . vnica restabat , verum dignissima visu , haud procul hinc spelunca poli , sic dicta caverna . insignis latro polus , & , si credere famae debemus , furipar caco , & forte coaevus . hac usus latebra consuevit vivere rapto ; atque viatores spoliandos ducere in antrum . verum & eisolenne fuit conjungere furtis caedem ; sic texit scelera authoremque caverna . hanc inspecturi penitus , ductore perito caecarum assumpto ima sub tellure viarum , eximus , pedites collem petimusque virentem , distantem nostra vix passus , mille taberna . ipsas ad montis radices , concava tellus prostratis aditum pertusa foramine praebet exiguo , minus at praemissis invia 1 plantis . omnes cancrino gressu , sumptaque lucerna quisque sua , tandem transmittimur , erigimurque antrum , horrendum , informe , ingens aperitur . et atra divisa in partes nox dissilit atrior ambas . asperaque apparei latronis , & horrida saxis regia . percussum rutilo micat igne lacunar . progredimur . pedi busque admoto lumine cautis , saxa ingentia , roscida , lubrica , & ardua scansu , libera , corruitura semel , nunc ergo timenda , saxosaeque feros montes vallesque cavernae transimus ; fluviumque suas qui dissipat undas caecus in object as impingens murmure rupes . qui scandet rauco surgentem à flumine montem , ille licet sudetque , pedesque manusque fatiget , dissita ab introitu stadiis tribus , ultima opaci pertinget ( multo nobis audacior ) antri . speluncam hanc credaes habitatam gorgone primùm anguicomâ , & versa in rigidum sic omnia saxum , nam lapis est , quodcunque vides . laquearibus altis quae sicci tibi terga suis pendere videntur , dentibus haüd cedent . durum sunt utraque saxum . non est ille leo , leo , quamvis erigat hirta colla jüba , sedeatque antri ferus incola caeci , sed fulvus lapis . ille senex qui rupibus aspris innisus recubat cubito , pars rupis & ipse est . quaeque lacunari scintillam astra micante , sunt nitidi illata gemmantes luce lapilli : guttaque quae saxi mucro nunc pendet acuti , numquid & illa lapis ? lapis illa vel est , vel erit mox admoti exceptam digito deprendimus esse nec lapidem , nec aquam , verum media inter utrumque natura , qualique tenax humore farina . detinet intentos dum 1 transfuga lympha , lucernae , curtae perplexâ suadent exire cavernâ . sed prius ad laevam remeantes , undiq , saxo obductum plano , furis , nulloque madentem rore poli thalamum , lecti , lasanique capacem , inspicimus . superis tum demum reddimur oris . jam tepido fessos sudore rigaverat artus , scandendique gravis labor , & formido cadendi . reptantumque manus obleverat humida tellus . verum ante ora speeus turba officiosa , lavandis praebebat manibus permistam floribus undam . scilicet exigitur tacite pro munere nummus . recte . namque haerent sordes ut cunque lavemur ni ( quamquam levibus ) referatur gratia donis . omnia jam pecci miracula vidimus alti , buxtonamque iterum perlatis , & cito pransis adducuntur equi , nos qui inter nubila vectos , solliciteque decem numerantes millia passûm , per non insignes chelmarton , sheldon , & ashford , ad chatsworth referunt celerem deroentis ad undam . finis . books printed for william crook at the green dragon without temple-bar . 1. greek testament , printed by jo. redmayn oct . 2. the compleat vineyard , or the most excellent way for the planting of vines , by william hughes , in oct . 3. praxis curiae admiralitatis angliae , authore f. clerk , oct . 4. a description of candia in its ancient and modern estate , with an account of the siege and surrender to the turks , oct . price 1s . 5. the deaf and dumb mans discourse , being a discourse of such as are born deaf and dumb , shewing how they express the sentiments of their minds , together with an account of the rationality of beasts , particularly of the elephant , oct . price 1s . 6. des cartes the philosopher's life , oct . price 1s . 7. gees , steps to the temple , twenty fours . 8. the christian pattern or imitation of christ. written by thomas of kempis , twenty fours . 9. an answer to mr. furguson's doctrine about christ's justification and sanctification , together with an account of the extent of christ's death , by j. knowls , oct . price 1s . 6d . 10. de mirabilibus pecci , carmen , autho. tho. hobs , quar . 11. sir henry blunt's voyage into the levant , twelves . price 1s . 12. compleat measurer , or a new and exact way of measuration by tho. hammond oct . price 1s . 13. mr. hobs. rosetum geometricum , quar . pr 3s . 14. carpenters rule made easie by mr. darling , twelves . 15. the flower-garden inlarged , shewing how to order and increase all manner of flowers , whether by layers , slips , off-sets , cuttings , seeds , &c. also how to draw a horizontal dyal in a garden , with a treatise of all roots , plants , trees , shrubs , fruits , herbs , &c in the kings plantations , twelves , by william hughes . 16. the elegant poems of dr. richard corbet , dean of christ church in oxford after bp. of norwi●h , twelves . 17. boccalin's advirtisements from parnassus , fol. 18. ogilby's virgil , english with notes and cuts , oct . 19. brownlow's reports compleat in 2 parts , quar . 20. the court of curiosity , being a very delightful and pleasant fortune-book , an excellent and learned treatise of dreams , and an ingenious discourse of physiognomy : written in french , now englished the second edition , improved , twelves , price 2s . 21. lux mathematica , author tho. hobs. 22. principia & problemata aliquot geometrica , ante desparata , &c. author tho. hobs. quar . 23. the american physitian treating of all the flowers , roots , plants , and herbs that grow in his majesties american plantations by william hughes , twelves . 24. lucius florus translated into english , oct . 25. caesar's commentaries englished by mr. edmonds with notes , fol. 26. wingates clerk's tutor in writing and arithmetick , oct . 27. the judges resolution concerning the several statutes of bankrupts , oct . 28. mary magdalens tears wip'd off . 29. bishop sparrow's rationale on the common prayer , twelves . 30. clarkes lives of the fathers , school-men , ancient and modern divines , fol. 31 grotius's catechism , greek , latine and english ▪ with a praxis to the greek , oct . 32. the great law of nature about self-preservation vindicated against the abuses of mr. hobs in his leviathan , twelves . 33. calliopes cabbinet opened , wherein all gentlemen may be informed how to order themselves for all funerals , feasts , and heroick meetings , to know all degrees of honour , and how all persons of all degrees are to take place , with a dictionary of all the terms in heraldry . 34. a new collection of songs and poems , written by several wits now living , oct . 35. a discourse of the dukedome of modena , the native country of her royal highness the dutchess of york , quar . 36. br●vis demonstratio , proving the truth and excellency of the christian religion by reason , recommended to all rational men by several eminent divines in london . twelves . 37. walton's lives , of four eminent men , oct . 38. nomenclatura , greek , latine , and english oct . 39. the apopthegmes , or witty sentences of sir francis bacon , lord chancellor of england , twelves . 40. parthenissa , a romance written by the earl of orrorey , fol. 41. cassandra , a romance , fol. 42. the primitive institution , or a seasonable discourse of catechizing , wherein is shewed the antiquity , benefits and necessity thereof , together with its suitableness to heal the present distempers of the church by lancellot addison ▪ d. d. 43. the present state of the jewes , wherein is contained an exact account of all their present customes , secular and religious , to which is annexed a discourse of the misna , talmud , and gemara , by lancellot addison , d. d. twelves . 44. homer's works , translated out of greek into english by tho. hobs , twelves . 45. the golden rule of arithmetick made easie oct . 46. a supplement or third volum of mr. hobs his works . quar . 47. seventy eight characters , oct . 48. the grounds of soveraignty and greatness , quar . 49. camera regis , or a short view of london containing the antiquity , frame , walls , river , bridg gates , tower , cathedral , officers , courts , customes , franchises , &c. of the said city , oct . 50. a sermon preached at the funeral of a man drowned in a pit , oct . 51. mr. howel's visitation sermon , quar . 52. the historians guide in two parts , containing the most remarkable passages done in england for seventy six years last past , oct . 53. the circumcision of the great turks son , and the ceremony of the marriage of his daughter . 54. naked truth or the intrigues of amorous fops , oct . 55. kitchins court leet and court baron , shewing the power , nature , practice and jurisdiction of these and other courts , oct . 56. scarron's comical romance , or a facetious history of a company of stage players , interwoven with divers choice novels , rare adventrues , and amourous intrigues , written in french by the famous and witty monsieur scarron now done into english , by j b. gent , fol. 57. a letter about liberty and necessity , written by tho. hobs of malmsbury , with observations upon it , by dr. benjamin laney late bishop of ely , twelves . 58. a modest plea for the clergy of the church of england , wherein is briefly considered the original antiquity , necessity , together with the occasions they are so slighted and contemned , oct . 59. astrological judgement , and practice of physick deduced from the position of the heavens , at the decumbiture of the sick person , being the thirty years practice of mr. richard saunders , oct . 60. a treatise of wool and cattle , shewing how far they raise or abate value of lands in england quar . 61. a discourse whether 〈◊〉 may be lawful to take use for mony ; written by sir robert filmer , and published by sir roger twisden , twelves , printed this year , 1678. playes . 1. the white devil or vittoria corombona . 2. the old troop or monsieur raggou . 3. catalines conspiracy . 4. amorous gallant or love and fashion . 5. the mock duellist or french vallet . 6. wrangling lovers or the invisible mistris . 7. tom essence or the modish wife , quar . 8. french conjurer . 9. wits led by the nose . 10. the rival kings . 11. the constant nymph or rambling shepherd . an advertisement . there is printing an excellent peice of natural philosophy in english , never before printed , written by tho. hobs of malmsbury , who is yet living . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a43981-e280 1 chatsworth . wonder . 1 , 2 derwin . 3 groves of plumtrees . 5 rocks made by art in imitation of the natural . 5 lead which in that county is digged out of the earth . 6 with leaden pipes . 7 a fountain sacred amongst the athenians flowing from nine pipes . 8 fish ponds 3 the earls of devonshire , new castle and kingston , nephews to the countess of shrewsbury . 4 this poem . 2 the lieutenantship of the county of darby 3 christiana countess of devonshire 2 the lady ann cavendish 3 william now earl of devonshire with his brother charles . 1 they dig th . mines orderly in a parallel line , they call them the rakes . 1 for the stone wherein the veins of lead are contain'd is sometimes of that hardness that it cannot be pierced but by fire . 2 it hapned as we past by , that of two that were verwhelmed in the mines one was drawn up , the other searching for . * alias air-shafis . 1 to keep the fides of the vents from falling in . 2 whom want hath forced or condemned to undergo that labour . 1 to be found and drawn out , 1 the shadowes at the shortest and cast before us , shew the sun to be come to the meridian ( a south sun ) and that our faces are turn'd towards the north . 2 over the heads of those that work'd underneath in the mines . the devils arse mirac . 2. 1 where the sun beams never come . * toward mrsa major and minor northern constellations . 1 the vast roof . 1 the hem or joynt voice of the marriners when they encourage one another , or salute a vessel . 2 compounded of the day-light and candle-light . 1 not being able to stand upright . the ridiculou story of the old woman . 2 he swam over it with the more ease because it was very shallow . 1 he fear'd to meet night in a dark den . ridiculous . mam-tor mirac . peak forrest . elden hole . 1 mirac . 4th . 1 the mouth of the hole is of a cunnoid form or like the privities of a woman 1 rough with sharp and pointed rocks , 1 for the limbus patrum has been empty long ago . 2 purgatory . 3 limbo . 1 to try by the several stroaks they made in their falling down the depth of the hole . 1 dyed mad of a phrensie . 2 to wit to hell. 1 the ebbing and flowing well , mirac . 1 the utmost high water point to which when they were come they decreas'd again . 2 the sun going down . baxten well . mirab. 6. pool's hole . mir●● . ● . 1 hasting from an aqueous substance to a stony one . notes for div a43981-e8270 * the peak . 1 chatsworth . mirab. 1 , 2 derwin . 3 prunetis in ipso horto , sylvas imitantibus . 4 ambulationibus . 5 rupes arte compositas . 5 plumbo quod in ea regione , terra effoditur . 6 tubulis plumbeis . 7 fons athenis sacer , novem effluens fistulis . 8 piscinae . 9 comites devoniae , novi-castri , kingstonae , nepotes comitissae salopien●●s . 1 hocipsum . 2 praefecturam militiae in agro derbensi , 3 christianam comitissam devoniae . 1 dominam annam cavendish , 2 gulielmum nunc comitem devopiae cum fatre carolo. 1 ordinatim , nam series fodinarum undo hauritur plumbum , parallelae sunt , anglicè vocantur the rakes . 1 nam saxum quo plumbi venae continentur , eâ est aliquando duritie quae non nisi igne vincitur . 2 contigit pretereuntious nobis , è duobus , qui ruinâ fove● oppressi fuerant , unum extrahi , alterum quaeri . 3 fovearum spiracula . 4 actis . 1 constringit , ut distineantur foveae latera , 2 quam ad opera damnaverat paupertas . 1 extrahi , 1 umbra brevissima , ante pedes projecta , arguit , & solem meridianum , & nos ad aquilonem conversos . 2 hope . 3 supra capita agentium subtus in cuniculis . 1 castleton . 1 orci cu'um , ang. the divils arse . mirab. 2. 2 q●●nu quam pertingunt radii solates . 1 lacunar ingens . 1 vox nautica hortatrix . 2 misto ex coelesti & lychnea . 1 nos , penè prostratos . vetulae ridicula narratio . 2 faciliùs tranavit quia minime altum , ridiculum . 1 noctem timuit in speluncâ tenebrosissimâ , ridiculum . mam-tor . mirab. 3. peak forrest . elden hole , mirab. 4. 1 est enim foveaeos , formâ cunnocides . 1 exertis cautibus asperum . 1 nâm limbus patrum jamdudum vacuus . 2 purgatorium . 3 ●on regeneratorum . 4 limbum . 5 poenas , non sensit at dam●i , 6 umbra aristotelis . 1 quibus decidentibus exploraret foveae altitudinem . 1 quis ea loqui quorum nulla est sententia , commune est vatum , insanientiumque , 2 mortuus est a phrenesi . 3 pertingit , scilicet ad inferos . 1 fons aestuans , mirab. 5. 1 quo provecta solebat decrescere . 2 solis jam occidentis . buxton well . mirab. 6. 1 indoctinare , aquam imbibimus . canal● . 2 interrogatis , an apponi placeret . jus. 1 ovilla cl●xa , jusculo e●tracta 2 ovillae assa●ae . 3 pullus . 〈◊〉 hole . mirab. 7. pisa 1 pedibus . 1 transfugiens à naturâ aqueâ ad saxeam . of libertie and necessitie a treatise, wherein all controversie concerning predestination, election, free-will, grace, merits, reprobation, &c. is fully decided and cleared, in answer to a treatise written by the bishop of london-derry, on the same subject / by thomas hobs. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44006 of text r20187 in the english short title catalog (wing h2252). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 87 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 49 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44006 wing h2252 estc r20187 12443762 ocm 12443762 62168 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44006) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62168) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 942:19) of libertie and necessitie a treatise, wherein all controversie concerning predestination, election, free-will, grace, merits, reprobation, &c. is fully decided and cleared, in answer to a treatise written by the bishop of london-derry, on the same subject / by thomas hobs. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [16], 80 p. printed by w.b. for f. eaglesfield ..., london : 1654. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng bramhall, john, 1594-1663. -defence of true liberty. free will and determinism -early works to 1800. a44006 r20187 (wing h2252). civilwar no of libertie and necessitie a treatise, wherein all controversie concerning predestination, election, free-will, grace, merits, reprobation, hobbes, thomas 1654 15829 18 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of libertie and necessitie a treatise , wherein all controversie concerning predestination , election , free-will , grace , merits , reprobation , &c. is fully decided and cleared , in answer to a treatise written by the bishop of london-derry , on the same subject . by thomas hobs. dedicated to the lord marquess of newcastle . london , printed by w. b. for f. eaglesfield at the marygold in s. pauls church-yard . 1654. to the sober and discreet reader . it made s. chrysostom tremble when ever he reflected on the proportion , which those that went the narrow way , bore to those which marched in the broad , how many were the called , & how few the chosen , how many they were that were created for and in a capacitie of eternal beatitude , and how few attained it . this consideration certainly would make a man look upon the holy scriptures , among christiās , as the greatest indulgence of heaven , being all the directions it hath been pleased to afford poor man in so difficult a journey as that of his eternal bliss or miserie . but when a man cometh to look into those transcendent writings , he finds them to be the works of a sort of innocent harmless men , that had little acquaintance or familiaritie with the world , and consequently not much interessed in the troubles and quarrels of several countries ; that though they are all but necessarie , yet were they written occasionally , rather than out of design ; and lastly , that their main business is , to abstract man from this world , and to perswade him to preferr the bare hope of what he can neither see , hear , nor conceive , before all the present enjoyments this world can afford . this begat a reverence and esteem to them in all those who endeavor to work out their salvation o● of them . but if a man , not weighin● them in themselves , shall consider the practices of those , who pretend to be the interpreters of them , & to make them fit meat for the people , how that instead of renouncing the world , they endeavour to raise themselves into the greatest promotions , leisure , and luxurie ; that they make them the decoys of the people , to carrie on designes and intriques of state , and studie the enjoyments of this world more than any other people , he will find some grounds to conclude , the practices of such men to be the greatest disturbance , burden , and vexation of the christian part of the world . the complaint is as true as sad ; instead of acquainting the credulous vulgar , with the main end of their functions , and the great business of their embassy , what a great measure of felicitie is prepared for them , and how easily it may be forfeited ? they involve their consciences in the bryars of a thousand needless scruples , they spin out volumes out of half sentences , nay , out of points and accents , and raise endless controversies about things ( were men free from passion ▪ & prejudice ) in themselves clear enough , and when they have canvas'd their questions , till they are wearie themselves , and have wearied hearers , and readers , and all they have to do with , every one sits down under his own vine , and hugs his own apprehensions , so that after all their pains , bandings , and implacable adhesion to parties , the inconvenience remains still , and we as far from any solid conviction , as at first setting out . the controversies betwixt rome and the reformation , are long since beaten out of the pit , by other cōbatants of their own brood , so that if we speak of protestant and catholick , they are in a manner content to sit down with their present acquests ; for as to conviction he certainly is a rare prosolite , at whose conversion , interest , humour , discontent , inclination , are not admitted to the debate . but to come yet nearer our purpose , let us consider our own fractions , of fractions of religion here in england , where if that saying , that , it is better to live where nothing is lawfull , than where all things , be as true in religion as policie , posteritie may haply feel the sad consequence of it . what i pray is the effect of so many sermons , teachings , preachings , exercises , and exercising of gifts , meetings , disputations , conferences , conventicles , printed books , written with so much distraction and presumption upon god almightie , and abuse of his holy word ? marry this , it is the seminarie of a many vexatious , endless and fruitless controversies , the consequence whereof , are jealousies , heart-burnings , exasperation of parties , the introduction of factions , and national quarrels into matters of religion , and consequently all the calamities of war and devastation . besides , they are good lawfull diversions for the duller sort of citizens , who contract diseases for want of motion ; they supply the building of pyramids among the egyptians , by diverting the thoughts of the people from matters of state , and consequently from rebellion . they find work for printers , &c. if the parties interessed are troubled with the itch of popularitie , and will suffer themselves to be scratch'd out of somewhat by way of contribution to the impression . hence are the stationer's shop furnished , and thence the minister's studie in the countrey , who , having found out the humour of his auditorie , consults with his stationer , on what books his money is best bestowed , who very gravely , it may be , will commend cole upon the philippians before the excellent ( but borrowed ) caryll upon job . but as to any matter of conviction , we see every one acquiesces in his own sentiments , every one hears the teacher who is most to his humour , and when he hath been at church , and pretends to have sat at his feet , comes home & censures him as he pleases . to be yet a little more particular , what shall we think of those vast and involuble volumes concerning predestination , free-wil , free-grace , election , reprobation , &c. which fill , not onely our libraries , but the world with their noise and disturbance , whereof the least thing we are to expect is conviction ; every side endeavouring to make good their own grounds , and keep the cudgels in their hands as long as they can ? what stir is there between the molinists and jansenists about grace and merits , and yet both pretend s. augustin ? must we not expect , that the jesuits will , were it for no other end but to vindicate that reputation of learning they have obtained in the world , endeavour to make good their tenets , though the other were the truer opinion ? is truth then retired to that inaccessible rock that admits no reproches ? or are we all turn'd ixion's , and instead of enjoying that juno , entertain our selves with the clouds of our own perswasions , of which unnatural coition , what other issue can there be but centaurs and monstrous opinions ? to these questions i shall not presume to answer , but in the words of this great author , who answering the charge of impietie , laid upon the holding of necessitie , says thus ; if we consider the greatest part of mankind , not as they should be , but as they are , that is , as men , whom either the studie of acquiring wealth and preferment , or whom the appetite of sensual delights , or the impatience of meditating , or the rash embracing of wrong principles , have made unapt to discuss the truth of things , i must confess , &c. certainly we have some reason to expect an effectual cure from this man , since he hath so fortunately found out the disease . now if he in so few sheets hath performed more than all the voluminous works of the priests & ministers , and that in points of soul-concernment and christian interest , as predestination , free-will , grace , merits , election , reprobation , necessitie , and libertie of actions , and others , the main hinges of human salvation , and to do this , being a person , whom not onely the aversness of his nature to engage himself in matters of controversie of this kind , but his severer studie of the mathematicks , might justly exempt from any such skirmishes ; we may not stick to infer , that the black-coats , generally taken , are a sort of ignorant tinkers , who in matters of their own profession , such as is the mending and sodering of mens consciences , have made more holes than they sound ; nay , what makes them more impardonable , they have neither the gratitude nor ingenuitie to acknowledge this repairer of their breaches , and assertor of their reputation , who hath now effected what they all this while have been tampering about . i know this author is little beholding to the ministers , & they make a great part of the nation , and besides them , i know there are a many illiterate , obstinate , and inconvincible spirits , yet i dare advance this proposition , how bold soever it may seem to some ; that this book , how little and contemptible soever it may seem , contains more evidence and conviction in the matters it treats of , than all the volumes , nay libraries , which the priests , jesuits , and ministers have , to our great charge , distraction , and loss of precious time , furnished us with . which if so , i shall undertake for any rational man , that all the controversial labors concerning religion in the world , all the polemical treatises of the most antient or modern , shall never breed any maggots of scruples , or dissatisfactions in his brains , nor shall his eyes or head ever ake with turning them over , but he shall be so resolved in mind , as never to importune god almighty with impertinent addresses , nor ever become any of those enthusiastical spiritati , who as the most learned m. white says , expound scripture without sence or reason , ( and are not to be disputed with , but with the same success ▪ as men write on sand ) and trouble their neighbours with their dreams , revelations , and spiritual whimsies . no ; here is solid conviction , at least , so far as the metaphysical mysteries of our religion will admit . if god be omnipotent , he is irresistible ; if so , just in all his actions , though we ( who have as much capacitie to measure the justice of gods actions as a man born blind to judge of colours ) haply may not discern it . what then need any man trouble his head whether he be predestinated or no ? let him live justly and honestly according to the religion of his countrey , and refer himself to god for the rest , since he is the potter , and may do what he please with the vessel . but i leave the reader to finde his satisfaction in the treatise it self , since it may be i derogate from it by saying so much before it . this book , i doubt not will find no worse entertainment than the leviathan , both in regard of its bulk , and that it doth not strike so home at the ministers and catholick partie as that did . and yet here we must complain of want of sufficiencie or ingenuitie , to acknowledge the truths , or confute the errors of that book , which till it is done , we shall not count the author an heretick . on this side the sea , besides the dirt and slander cast on him in sermons & private meetings , none hath put any thing in print against him , but mr. rosse , one who may be said to have had so much learning as to have been perpetually barking at the works of the most learned . how he hath been received beyond seas i know not , but certainly , not without the regret of the catholicks , who building their church on other foundations than those of the scriptures , and pretending infallibilitie , certitude , and unitie in religion , cannot but be discontented that these prerogatives of religion are taken away , not onely from tradition , that is to say , from the church , but also from the scriptures , and are invested in the supream power of the nation , be it of what perswasion it will . thus much , reader , i have thought fit to acquaint thee with , that thou mightest know what a jewel thou hast in thy hands , which thou must accordingly value , not by the bulk , but the preciousness . thou hast here in a few sheets what might prove work enough for many thousand sermons and exercises ; and more than the catachisms and confessions of a thousand assemblies could furnish thee with ; thou hast what will cast an eternal blemish on all the corner'd caps of the priests and jesuits , and all the black & white caps of the ministers ; to be short , thou art now acquainted with that man , who , in matters of so great importance as those of thy salvation , furnishes thee with better instructions , than any thou hast ever yet been acquainted with , what profession , perswasion , opinion , or church soever thou art of ; of whom and his works make the best use thou canst , &c. farewell . right honourable i had once resolved to answer my lord bishops objections to my book de cive in the first place as that which concerns me most , and afterwards to examine his discourse of liberty and necssity , which ( because i had never uttered my opinion of it ) concerned me the less . but seeing it was your lordships and my lord bishops desire that i should begin with the latter , i was contented so to do , and here i present and submit it to your lordships judgement . and first i assure your lordship i finde in it no new argument neither from scripture nor from reason , that i have not often heard before , which is as much as to say , i am not surprized . the preface is a handsome one , but it appeareth even in that , that he hath mistaken the question . for whereas he sayes thus , if i be free to write this discourse , i have obtained the cause , i deny that to be true , for 't is enough to his freedom of writing , that he had not written it unless he would himself . if he will obtain the cause , he must prove that before he writ it , it was not necessary he should 〈◊〉 it afterward . it may be his lordship thinks it all one to say ; i was free to write it , and it was not necessary i should write it , but i think otherwise ; for he is free to do a thing that may do it if he have the will to do it , and may forbear , if he have the will to forbear . and yet if there be a necessity that he shall have the will to do it , the action is necessarily to follow ; and if there be a necessity that he shall have the will to forbear , the forbearing also will be necessary . the question therefore is not whether a man be a free agent , that is to say , whether he can write or forbear , speak or be silent according to his will , but whether the will to write and the will to forbear come upon him according to his will , or according to any thing else in his own power . i acknowledge this liberty that i can do if i will , but to say , i can will if i willt . i take to be an absurd speech , wherefore i cannot grant my lord the cause upon his preface . in the next place he maketh certain distinctions of libertie , and saies he meaneth not libertie from sin , nor from servitude , nor from violence , but from necessitie necessitation , inevitabilitie , and determination to one . it had been better to define liberty than thus to distinguish , for i understand never the more what he means by libertie , and though he say he means libertie from necessitation , yet i understand not how such a libertie can be , and t is a taking of the question without proof , for what is else the question between us , but whether such a liberty be possible or not ? there are in the same place other distinctions , as a liberty of exercise onely ( which he calls a libertie of contradiction , namely of doing not good or evil simply , but of doing this or that good , or this or that evil respestively ) and a libertie of specification and exercise also ( which he calls a liberty of contrarietie ) namely a liberty not onely to do good or evil , but also to do or not do this or that good or evil . and with these distinctions his lordship saies he clears the coast , whereas in truth , he darkneth his own meaning and the question , not onely with the jargon of exercise onely , specification also , contradiction , contrarietie , but also with pretending distinction where none is ; for how is it possible that the libertie of doing or not doing this or that good or evil , can consist ( as he saies it does in god and good angels ) without a liberty of doing or not doing good or evil ? the next thing his lordship does , after clearing of the coast , is the dividing of his forces ( as he calls them ) into two squadrons , one of places of scriptures , the other of reasons , which allegory he useth i suppose , because he addresseth the discourse to your lordship , who is military man , all that i have to say touching this is , that i observe a great part of those his forces do look and march another way , and some of them fight amongst themselves . and the first place of scripture taken from numb. 30.14 . is one of those that look another way ; the words are . if a wife make a vow it is left to her husbands choice either to establish it or make it void . for it proves no more but that the husband is a free and voluntary agent , but not that his choice therein is not necessitated or not determined to what he shall choose , by precedent necessary causes . for if there come into the husbands minde greater good by establishing than abrogating such a vow , the establishing will follow necessarily , and if the evil that will follow in the husbands opinion out-weigh the good , the contrary must needs follow , and yet in this following of ones hopes and fears consisteth the nature of election . so that a man may both choose this , and cannot but choose this , and consequently choosing and necessity are joyned together . the second place of scripture is joshua 24.15 . the third is 2 sam. 24.12 . whereby 't is clearly proved , that there is election in man , but not proved , that such election was not necessitated by the hopes , and fears , and considerations of good and bad to follow , which depend not on the will , nor are subject to election . and therefore one answer serves all such places , if there were a thousand . but his lordship supposing , it seems , i might answer as i have done , that necessity and election might stand together , and instance in the actions of children , fools , or bruit beasts , whose fancies , i might say , are necessitated and determined to one ; before these his proofs out of scripture desires to prevent that instance , and therefore saies that the actions of children , fools , mad men , and beasts , are indeed determined , but that they proceed not from election , nor from free , but from spontaneous agents . as for example that the bee , when it maketh hony , does it spontaneously , and when the spider makes his web , he does it spontaneously but not by election . though i never meant to ground my answer upon the experience of what children , fools , mad men , and beasts do , yet that your lordship may understand what can be meant by spontaneous , and how it differeth from voluntary , i will answer that distinction , and shew that it fighteth against its fellow arguments . your lordship therefore is to consider , that all voluntary actions , where the thing that induceth the will is not fear , are called also spontaneous , and said to be done by a mans own accord . as when a man giveth money voluntarily to another for merchandise or out of affection , he is said to do it of his own accord , which in latine is sponte , and therefore the action is spontaneous ( though to give ones mony willingly to a thief to a void killing , or throw it into the sea to avoid drowning , where the motive is fear , be not called spontaneous . ) but every spontaneous action is not therefore voluntary , for voluntary presupposes some precedent deliberation , that is to say , some consideration and meditation , of what is likely to follow , both upon the doing and abstaining from the action deliberated of ; whereas many actions are done of our own accord , and are therefore spontaneous , for which nevertheless , as my lord thinks , we never consulted nor deliberated in our selves . as when making no question nor any the least doubt in the world , but the thing we are about is good , we eat and walk , or in anger strike or revile , which my lord thinks spontaneous , but not voluntary nor elective actions , and with such kinde of actions he saies necessitation may stand , but not with such as are voluntary and proceed upon election and deliberation . now if i make it appear to your lordship , that those actions , which he saies , proceed from spontanity , and which he ascribes to children , fools , madmen and beasts , proceed from election and deliberation , and that actions inconsiderate , rash , and spontaneous are ordinarily found in those , that are by themselves and many more thought as wise , or wiser than ordinarily men are , then my lord bishops argument concludeth , that necessity and election may stand together , which is contrary to that which he intendeth by all the rest of his arguments to prove . and first your lordships own experience furnishes you with proof enough , that horses , doggs , and other bruit beasts , do demur oftentimes upon the way they are to take , the horse retiring from some strange figure that he sees , and coming on again to avoid the spur . and what else doth a man that deliberateth , but one while proceed toward action , another while retire from it , as the hope of greater good draws him , or the fear of greater evil drives him away . a child may be so young as to do what it does without all deliberation , but that is but till it have the chance to be hurt by doing of somewhat , or till it be of age to understand the rod , for the actions , wherein he hath once had a check , shall be deliberated on the second time . fools and madmen manifestly deliberate no less than the wisest men , though they make not so good a choice , the images of things being by disease altered . for bees and spiders , if my lord bishop had had so little to do as to be a spectatour of their actions , he would have confessed not onely election but art , prudence and policy in them , very near equal to that of mankinde . of bees , aristotle saies , their life is civil . again , his lordship is deceived if he think any spontaneous action after once being checked in it , differs from an action voluntary and elective , for even the setting of a mans foot , in the posture for walking , and the action of ordinary eating was once deliberated of how and when it should be done , and though afterward it became easie & habitual so as to be done without fore-thought , yet that does not hinder but that the act is voluntary and proceedeth from election . so also are the rashest actions of cholerick persons voluntary and upon deliberation , for who is there but very young children , that hath not considered when and how farr he ought , or safely may strike or revile ? seeing then his lordship agrees with me that such actions are necessitated , and the fancie of those that do them determined to the action they do , it follows , out of his lordships own doctrine , that the liberty of election does not take away the necessitie of electing this or that individual thing . and thus one of his arguments fights against another . the 2 argument from scripture consisteth in histories of men that did one thing , when if they would , they might have done another , the places are two . one is 1 kings 3.11 . where the history saies , god was pleased that solomon , who might if he would , have asked riches , or revenge , did nevertheless aske wisdom at gods hands ; the other is the words of s. peter to ananias , acts 5.4 . after it was sold , was it not in thine own power ? to which the answer is the same with that i answered to the former places , that they prove there is elction , but do not disprove the necessity , which i maintain of what they so elect . the fourth argument ( for to the 3 and fifth i shall make but one answer ) is to this effect . if the decree of god , or his foreknowledge , or the influence of the stars , or the concatenation of causes , or the physical or moral efficacy of causes , or the last dictate of the understanding , or whatsoever it be , do take away true liberty , then adam before his fall had no true liberty . quicquid ostendes mihi sic incredulus odi . that which i say necessitateth and determinateth every action , ( that his lordship may no longer doubt of my meaning ) is the summ of all things , which being now existent , conduce and concurr to the production of that action hereafter , whereof if any one thing now were wanting , the effect could not be produced . this concourse of causes , whereof every one is determined be such as it is by a like concourse of former causes , may well be called ( in respect they were all set and ordered by the eternal cause of all things , god almighty ) the decree of god . but that the foreknowledge of god should be a cause of any thing , cannot be truely said , seeing fore-knowledge is knowledge , and knowledge depends on the existence of the things known and not they on it . the influence of the starres is but a small part of the whole cause , consisting of the concourse of all agents . nor does the concourse of all causes make one simple chain or concatination , but an innumerable number of chains , joyned together , not in all parts , but in the first link god almighty , and consequently the whole cause of an event , doth not always depend on one single chain , but on many together . natural efficacy of objects does determine voluntary agents and necessitates the will , and consequently the action ; but for moral efficacy , i understand not what he means . the last dictate of the judgement , concerning the good or bad that may follow on any action , is not properly the whole cause , but the last part of it , and yet may be said to produce the effect necessarily , in such manner as the last feather may be said to break a horses back , when there were so many laid on before as there wanted but that one to do it . now for his argument that if the concourse of all the causes necessitate the effect , that then it follows , adam had no true liberty , i deny the consequence , for i make not onely the effect , but also the election of that particular effect necessary , in as much as the will it self , & each propension of a man during his deliberation , is as much necessitated , and depends on a sufficient cause as any thing else whatsoever . as for example , it is no more necessary that fire should burn than that a man or other creature , whose limbs be moved by fancy , should have election , that is liberty , to do what he hath a fancy to do , though it be not in his will or power to choose his fancie , or choose his election and will . this doctrine , because my lord bishop saies he hates , i doubt had better been suppressed , as it should have been , if both your lordship and he had not pressed me to an answer . the arguments of greatest consequence , are the third and the fifth , and they fall both into one , namely ; if there be a necessity of all events , that it will follow , that praise and reprehension , and reward and punishment are all vain and unjust , and that if god should openly forbid , and secretly necessitate the same action , punishing men for what they could not avoid , there would be no belief among them of heaven and hell . to oppose hereunto i must borrow an answer from s. paul , rom. 9.11 . from the 11 verse of the chapter to the 18 is laid down the very same objection in these words . when they ( meaning esau and jacob ) were yet unborn , and had done neither good nor evil , that the purpose of god according to election , not by works , but by him that calleth , might remain firm , it was said unto her ( viz rebecca ) that the elder should serve the younger , &c. what then shall we say ? is there injustice with god ? god forbid . it is not therefore in him that willeth , nor in him that runneth , but in god that sheweth mercy . for the scripture saith to pharaoh , i have stirred thee up that i might shew my power in thee , and that my name might be set forth in all the earth . therefore whom god willeth he hath mercy on , and whom he willeth he hardeneth . thus you see the case put by s. paul , is the same with that of my lord bishop , and the same objection in these words following . thou wilt aske me then , why does god yet complain , for who hath resisted his will ? to this therefore the apostle answers , not by denying it was gods will , or that the decree of god concerning esau was not before he had sinned , or that esau was not necessitated to do what he did ; but thus ; who art thou o man that interrogatest god ? shall the work say to the workman , why hast thou made me thus ? hath not the potter power over the clay , of the same stuff to make one vessel to honour another to dishonour ? according therefore to this answer of s. paul i answer my lords ojection , and say , the power of god alone without other helps is sufficient justification of any action he doth . that which men make amongst themselves here by pacts and covenants , and call by the name of justice , and according whereunto men are accounted and tearmed rightly just or unjust , is not that by which god almighties actions are to be measured or called just , no more than his counsels are to be measured by humane wisdom . that which he does is made just by his doing it , just i say in him , though not always just in us . for a man that shall command a thing openly , and plot secretly the hinderance of the same , if ▪ he punish him that he so commandeth for not doing it , it is unjust . so also , his counsels are therefore not in vain , because they be his , whether we see the use of them or not . when god afflicted job , he did object no sin unto him , justified his afflicting of him by telling him of his power . hast thou , saith god , an arm like mine ? where wert thou when i laid the foundations of the earth ? and the like . so our saviour , concerning the man that was born blinde , said it was not for his sin , or for his parents sin , but that the power of god might be shewn in him . beasts are subject to death and torments , yet they cannot sin , it was gods will they should be so . power irresistible justifies all actions , really and properly , in whomsoever it be found , less power does not , and because such power is in god onely , he must needs be just in all his actions , and we , that not comprehending his counsels call him to the barr , commit injustice in it . i am not ignorant of the usual reply to this answer , by distinguishing between will and permission , as that god almighty does indeed sometimes permit sins , and that he also foreknoweth that the sin he permitteth shall be committed , but does not will it , nor necessitate it . i know also they distinguish the action from the sin of the action , saying , that god almighty does indeed cause the action whatsoever action it be , but not the sinfullness or irregularity of it , that is , the discordance between the action and the law . such distinctions as these dazle my understanding ; i finde no difference between the will to have a thing done , and the permission to do it , when he that permitteth can hinder it , and knows that it will be done unless he hinder it . nor finde i any difference between an action & the sin of that action , as for example , between the killing of vriah , and the sin of david in killing vriah , nor when one is cause both of the action and of the law , how another can , because of the disagreement between them , no more than how one man making a longer and a shorter garment , another can make the inequality that is between them . this i know , god cannot sin , because his doing a thing makes it just and consequently , no sin , as also because whatsoever can sin is subject to anothers law , which god is not . and therefore 't is blasphemy to say god can sin ; but to say , that god can so order the world , as a sin may be necessarily caused thereby in a man , i do not see how it is any dishonour to him . howsoever , if such or other distinctions can make it clear , that s. paul did not think esaus or pharaohs actions proceeded from the will and purpose of god , or that proceeding from his will , could not therefore without injustice be blamed or punished , i will , assoon as i understand them , turn unto my lords opinion , for i now hold nothing in all this question betwixt us , but what seemeth to me , not obscurely , but most expressely said in this place by s. paul , and thus much in answer to his places of scripture . to the arguments from reason . of the arguments from reason , the first is that which his lordship saith is drawn from zeno's beating of his man , which is therefore called argumentum baculinum , that is to say , a wooden argument . the story is this , zeno held , that all actions were necessary , his man therefore being for some fault beaten , excused himself upon the necessity of it , to avoid this excuse , his master pleaded likewise the necessity of beating him . so that not he that maintained , but he that derided the necessity , was beaten , contrary to that his lordship would inferr . and the argument was rather withdrawn than drawn from the story . the second argument is taken from certain inconveniences which his lordship thinks would follow such an opinion . it is true that ill use might be made of it , and therefore your lordship and my lord bishop , ought at my request to keep private what i say here of it . but the inconveniences are indeed none , and what use soever he made of truth , yet truth is truth , and now the question is not , what is fit to be preached , but what is true . the first inconvenience he saies is this . that the laws , which prohibit any action , will be unjust . 2. that all consultations are vain . 3. that admonitions to men of understanding , are of no more use , than to children , fools , and mad men . 4. that praise , dispraise , reward and punishment are in vain . 5.6 . that counsels , acts , arms , books , instruments , study , tutours , medicines , are in vain . to which arguments his lordship expecting i should answer , by saying , the ignorance of the event were enough to make us use the means , adds ( as it were a reply to my answer foreseen ) these words . a lass ! how should our not knowing the event be a sufficient motive to make us use the means ? wherein his lordship saies right , but my answer is not that which he expecteth , i answer . first , that the necessity of an action doth not make the laws that prohibit it unjust . to let pass that not the necessity , but the will to break the law , maketh the action unjust , because the law regardeth the will and no other precedent causes of action . and to let pass , that no law can possibly be unjust , in as much as every man maketh ( by his consent ) the law he is bound to keep , and which consequently must be just , unless a man can be unjust to himself . i say what necessary cause soever precede an action , yet if the action be forbidden , he that doth it willingly may justly be punished . for instance , suppose the law on pain of death prohibit stealing , and that there be a man , who by the strength of temptation is necessitated to steal , and is thereupon put to death , does not this punishment deter others from theft ? is it not a cause that others steal not ? doth it not frame and make their wills to justice ? to make the law , is therefore to make a cause of justice , and to necessitate justice , and consequently 't is no injustice to make such a law . the intention of the law is not to grieve the delinquent for that which is past , and not to be undone , but to make him and others just , that else would not be so , and respecteth not the evil act past , but the good to come , in so much as without the good intention for the future , no past act of a delinquent could justifie his killing in the sight of god . but you will say how is it just to kill one man to amend another , if what were done were necessary ? to this i answer , that men are justly killed , not for that their actions are not necessitated , but because they are noxious , and they are spared and preserved whose actions are not noxious . for where there is no law , there no killing nor any thing else can be unjust , and by the right of nature , we destroy ( without being unjust ) all that is noxious both beasts and men , and for beasts we kill them justly when we do it in order to our own preservation , and yet my lord himself confesseth , that their actions , as being onely spontaneous , and not free , are all necessitated and determined to that one thing they shall do . for men , when we make societies or common-wealths we lay not down our right to kill , excepting in certain cases , as murther , theft or other offensive action ; so that the right , which the common-wealth hath to put a man to death for crimes is not created by the law , but remains from the first right of nature , which every man hath to preserve himself , for that the law doth not take the right away in the case of criminals , who were by the law excepted . men are not therefore put to death , or punished for that their theft proceedeth from election , but because it was noxious and contrary to mens preservation , and the punishment conducing to the preservation of the rest , in as much as to punish those that do voluntary hurt , and none else , frameth and maketh mens wills such as men would have them . and thus it is plain , that from the necessity of a voluntary action , cannot be inferred the injustice of the law that forbiddeth it , or the magistrate that punisheth it . secondly , i deny that it maketh consultations to be in vain , 't is the consultation that causeth a man , & necessitateth him to choose to do one thing rather than another , so that unless a man say that that cause is in vain which necessitateth the effect , he cannot infer the superfluousness of consultation out of the necessity of the election proceeding from it . but it seemeth his lordships reasons thus , if i must do this rather than that , i shall do this rather than that , though i consult not at all , which is a false proposition and a false consequence , and no better than this , if i shall live till to morrow , i shall live till to morrow , though i run my self through with a sword to day . if there be a necessity that an action shall be done , or that any effect shall be brought to pass , it does not therefore follow , that there is nothing necessarily requisite as a means to bring it to pass , and therefore when it is determined , that one thing shall be chosen before another , 't is determined also for what cause it shall so be chosen , which cause , for the most part , is deliberatiō or consultation , and therefore consultation is not in vain , and indeed the less in vain by how much the election is more necessitated , if more and less had any place in necessity . the same answer is to be given to the third supposed inconvenience , namely that admonitions are in vain , for the admonitions are parts of consultation , the admonitor being a councellour for the time to him that is admonished . the fourth pretended inconveence is , that praise , dispraise , reward and punishment will be in vain . to which i answer , that for praise and dispraise , they depend not at all on the necessity of the action praised or dispraised . for what is it else to praise , but to say a thing is good ? good i say for me , or for some body else , or for the state and common-wealth ? and what is it to say an action is good , but to say it is as i would wish ? or as another would have it , or according to the will of the state ? that is to say , according to the law . does my lord think that no action can please me , or him , or the common-wealth that should proceed from necessity ? things may be therefore necessary , and yet praise worthy , as also necessary , and yet dispraised , and neither of them both in vain , because praise and dispraise , and likewise reward and punishment , do by example make and conform the will to good and evil . it was a very great praise in my opinion , that velleius paterculus gives cato , where he saies that he was good by nature , et quia aliter esse non potuit . to the fifth and sixth inconveniences , that counsels , arts , arms , instruments , books , study , medicines and the like would be superfluous , the same answer serves as to the former , that is to say , that this consequence , if the effect shall necessarily come to pass , then it shall come to pass without its causes is a false one , and those things named counsels , arts , arms , &c. are the causes of these effects . his lordships third argument consisteth in other inconveniences , which he saith will follow , namely impiety and negligence of religious duties , as repentance , and zeal to gods service , &c. to which i answer as to the rest , that they follow not . i must confess , if we consider the greatest part of mankinde , not as they should be , but as they are , that is , as men , whom either the study of acquiring wealth , or preferment , or whom the appetite of sensual delights , or the impatience of meditating , or the rash embracing of wrong principles have made unapt to discuss the truth of things , i must i say confess , that the dispute of this question will rather hurt than help their piety , and therefore if his lordship had not desired this answer , i should not have written it , nor do i write it but in hopes your lordship and his will keep it private . nevertheless in very truth , the necessity of events does not of it self draw with it any impiety at all . for piety consisteth onely in two things ; one that we honour god in our hearts , which is , that we think as highly of his power as we can , ( for to honour any thing is nothing else but to think it to be of great power . ) the other is , that we signifie that honour and esteem by our words and actions , which is called ▪ cultus , or worship of god . he therefore that thinketh that all things proceed from gods eternal will , and consequently are necessary , does he not think god omnipotent ? does he not esteem of his power as highly as is possible ? which is to honour god as much as may be in his heart . again , he that thinketh so , is he not more apt by external acts and words to acknowledge it , than he that thinketh otherwise ? yet is this external acknowledgement the same thing which we call worship . so that this opinion fortifies piety in both kinds , external and internal , therefore is far from destroying it . and for repentance , which is nothing else but a glad returning into the right way after the grief of being out of the way ; though the cause that made him go astray were necessary , yet there is no reason why he should not grieve ; and again though the cause why he returned into the way were necessary , there remained still the causes of joy . so that the necessity of the actions taketh away neither of those parts of repentance , grief for the errour , and joy for returning . and for prayer , whereas he saith that the necessity of things destroy prayer , i deny it , for though prayer be none of the causes that move gods will ( his will being unchangeable ) yet since we finde in gods word , he will not give his blessings but to those that aske , the motive of prayer is the same . prayer is the gift of god no less than the blessing , and the prayer is decreed together in the same decree wherein the blessing is decreed . 't is manifest that thanksgiving is no cause of the blessing past , and that which is past is sure and necessary , yet even amongst men thanks is in use as an acknowledgement of the benefit past , though we should expect no new benefit for our gratitude . and prayer to god almighty is but thanksgiving for gods blessings in general , and though it precede the particular thing we ask , yet it is not a cause or means of it , but a signification that we expect nothing but from god , in such manner , as he , not as we , will , and our saviour by word of mouth bids us pray thy will , not our will , be done , and by example teaches us the same , for he prayed thus , father if it be thy will let this cup pass , &c. the end of prayer , as of thanksgiving , is not to move but to honour god almighty , in acknowledging that what we ask can be effected by him onely . the fourth argument from reason is this , the order , beauty and perfection of the world requireth that in the universe should be agents of all sorts ; some necessary ▪ some free , some contingent . he that shall make all things necessary , all things free , or all things contingent doth overthrow the beauty and perfection of the world . in which argument i observe first a contradiction , for seeing he that maketh any thing in that he maketh it , maketh it to be necessary , it followeth that he that maketh all things , maketh all things necessarily to be ; as if a work-man make a garment the garment must necessarily be , so if god make every thing , every thing must necessarily be . perhaps the beauty of the world requireth ( though we know it not ) that some agents should work without deliberation ( which his lordship calls necessary agents ) and some agents with deliberation ( and those both he and i call free agents ) and that some agents should work , and we not know how ( and their effects we both call contingents ) but this hinders not but that he that electeth may have his election necessarily determined to one by former causes , and that which is contingent and imputed to fortune , be nevertheless necessary and depend on precedent necessary causes . for by contingent , men do not mean that which hath no cause , but that which hath not for cause any thing that we perceive ; as for example , when a traveller meets with a shower , the journey had a cause , and the rain had a cause sufficient to produce it , but because the journey caused not the rain , nor the rain the journey , we say they were contingent one to another . and thus you see that though there be three sorts of events , necessary , contingent , and free , yet they may be all necessary without destruction of the beauty or perfection of the universe . to the first argument from reason , which is , that if liberty be taken away , the nature and formel reason of sin is taken away , i answer by denying the consequence ; the nature of sin consisteth in this , that the action done proceed from our will and be against the law . a judge in judging whether it be sin or no which is done against the law , looks at no higher cause of the action , than the will of the doer . now when i say the action was necessary , i do not say it was done against the will of the doer , but with his will , and necessarily , because mans will , that is every volition or act of the will and purpose of man had a sufficient , and therefore a necessary cause , and consequently every voluntary action was necessitated . an action therefore may be voluntary and a sin , and nevertheless be necessary , and , because god may afflict by a right derived from his omnipotence , though sin were not , and because the example of punishment on voluntary sinners , is the cause that produceth justice , and maketh sin less frequent , for god to punish such sinners ( as i have said before ) is no injustice . and thus you have my answer to his lordships objections both out of scripture and from reason . certain distinctions which his lordship supposing might be brought to evade his arguments are by him removed . he saies a man may perhaps answer , that the necessity of things held by him , is not a stoicall necessity , but a christian necessity , &c. but this distinction i have not used , nor indeed ever heard before , nor could i think any man could make stoicall and christian two kindes of necessity , though they may be two kindes of doctrine . nor have i drawn my answer to his lordships arguments from the authority of any sect , but from the nature of the things themselves . but here i must take notice of certain words of his lordships in this place , as making against his own tenet . where all the causes , saith he being joyned together and subordinate one to another do make but one total cause , if any one cause ( much more the first ) in the whole series or subordination of causes be necessary , it determines the rest , and without doubt maketh the effect necessary . for that which i call the necessary cause of any effect , is the joyning together of all causes subordinate to the first into one total cause . if any of these saith he , especially the first , produce its effect necessarily , then all the rest are determined . now it is manifest , that the first cause is a necessary cause of all the effects that are next and immediate to it , and therefore by his lordships own reason all effects are necessary . nor is that distinction of necessary in respect of the first cause , and necessary in respect of second causes mine , it does ( as his lordship well notes ) imply a contradiction . but the distinction of free into free from compulsion and free from necessitation , i acknowledge , for to be free from compulsion is to do a thing so as terror be not the cause of his will to do it ; for a man is then onely said to be compelled , when fear makes him willing to it . as when a man willingly throws his goods into the sea to save himself , or submits to his enemie for fear of being killed . thus all men that do any thing for love , or revenge , or lust are free from compulsion , and yet their actions may be as necessarie as those that are done by compulsion ; for sometimes other passions work as forcibly as fear . but free from necessitation . i say , no man can be , and 't is that which his lordship undertook to disprove . this distinction , his lordship says , uses to be fortified by two reasons ( but they are not mine . ) the first he says , is , that it is granted by all divines , that an hypothetical necessitie , or necessitie upon supposition , may stand with libertie . that you may understand this , i will give you an example of hypothetical necessity . if i shall live , i shall eat . this is an hypothetical necessitie . indeed it is a necessarie proposition , that is to say , it is necessarie that that proposition should be true whensoever uttered , but 't is not the necessitie of the thing , nor is it therefore necessarie that the man should live , nor that the man should eat . i do not use to fortifie my distinctions with such reasons , let his lordship confute them how he will , it contents me ; but i would have your lordship take notice hereby , how easie and plain a thing , ( but withal false ) with the grave usage of such terms as hypothetical necessitie , and necessitie upon supposition , and such like terms of school-men may be obscured and made to seem profound learning . the second reason that may confirm the distinction of free from compulsion , and free from necessitation , he says is , that god and good angels do good necessarily , and yet are more free than we . this reason , though i had no need of , yet i think it so farforth good , as it is true that god and good angels do good necessarily , and yet are free ; but because i find not in the articles of our faith , nor in the decrees of our church , set down in what manner i am to conceive god and good angels to work by necessitie , or in what sence they work freely , i suspend my sentence in that point , and am content that there be a freedom from compulsion , and yet no freedom from necessitation , as hath been proved , in that a man may be necessitated to some action without threats and without fear of danger . but how my lord can avoid the consisting together of freedom and necessitie , supposing god and good angels are freer than men , and yet do good necessarily , that we must examin . i confess , saith he , that god & good angels are more free than we , that is , intensively in degree of freedom , not extensively in the latitude of the object , according to a libertie of exercise , not of specification . again , we have here two distinctions that are no distinctions , but made to seem so by terms invented by i know not whom , to cover ignorance , and blind the understanding of the reader : for it cannot be conceived that there is any libertie greater , than for a man to do what he will . one heat may be more intensive than another , but not one libertie than another ; he that can do what he will , hath all libertie possible , and he that cannot hath none at all . also libertie ( as his lordship says the schools call it ) of exercise , which is as i have said before , a libertie to do or not to do , cannot be without a libertie ( which they call ) of specification , that is to say , a libertie to do , or not to do this or that in particular . for how can a man conceave he hath libertie to do any thing , that hath not libertie to do this , or that , or somewhat in particular ? if a man be forbidden in lent to eat this , and that , and every other particular kind of flesh , how can he be understood to have a libertie to eat flesh , more than he that hath no licence at all ? you may by this again see the vanitie of distinctions used in the schools , and i do not doubt but that the imposing of them , by authoritie of doctors in the church , hath been a great cause that men have labored , though by sedition and evil courses , to shake them off , for nothing is more apt to beget hatred , than the tyrannizing over mens reason and understanding , especially when it is done , not by the scriptures , but by the pretence of learning , and more judgement than that of other men . in the next place his lordship bringeth two arguments against distinguishing between free from compulsion and free from necessitation . the first is , that election is opposite not onely to coaction or compulsion , but also necessitation or determination to one . this is it he was to prove from the beginning , and therefore bringeth no new argument to prove it , and so those brought formerly i have already answered . and in this place i deny again , that election is opposite to either , for , when a man is compelled for example to subject himself to an enemy or to die , he hath ●till election left him , and a deliberation to bethink which of the two he can better endure . and he that ●●led to prison by force hath election ●nd may deliberate whether he will ●e hal'd and traind on the ground , ●r make use of his own feet : likewise when there is no compulsion , but the strength of temptation to do ●n evil action , being greater than the motives to abstain , it necessarily determines him to the doing of it , ●et he deliberates while sometimes the motives to do , sometimes the motives to forbear are working on ●im , and consequently he electeth which he will . but commonly when we see and know the strength that moves us , we acknowledge necessity ; but when we see not or mark not the force that moves us , we then think there is none , and that it is not causes but liberty that produceth the action . hence it is that they think he does not choose this that of necessity choose it , but they might as well say , fire doth not burn because it burns of necessity . the second argument is not so much an argument as a distinction , to shew in what sence it may be said that voluntary actions are necessitated and in what sence not . and therefore his lordship alledgeth as from the authority of the schools ( and that which rippeth up the bottom of the question ) that there is a double act of the will . the one he says is actus imperatus , an act done at the command of the will , by some inferiour faculty of the soul ; as to open or shut ones eyes , and this act may be compell'd , the other he saies , is actus elicitus , an act allured or drawn forth by allurement out of the will , as to will , to choose , to elect , this he saies cannot be compelled . wherein ( letting pass that metaphorical speech of attributing command and subjection to the faculties of the soul , as if they made a common-wealth or family within themselves , and could speak one to another , which is very improper in searching the truth of a question ) you may observe , first , that to compel a voluntary act , is nothing else but to will it , for it is all one to say , my will commands the shutting of my eyes , or the doing of any other action , and to say , i have the will to shut my eyes ; so that actus imperatus , here , might as easily have been said in english a voluntry action , but that they that invented the term understood not any thing it signified . secondly , you may observe , that actus elicitus , is exemplified by these words , to will , to elect , to choose , which are all one , and so to will is here made an act of the will ; and indeed as the will is a faculty or power in a mans soul , so to will is an act of it according to that power ; but as it is absurdly said , that to dance is an act allured or drawn by fair means out of the ability to dance , so is it also to say , so that to will is an act allured or drawn out of the power to will , which power is commonly called the will . howsoever it be , the sum of his lordships distinction , is , that a voluntary act may be done by compulsion , that is to say , by foul means , but to will that or any act cannot be but by allurement , or fair means . now seeing fair means , allurements , and enticements produce the action which they do produce , as necessarily as foul means and threatening , it follows , that to will may be made as necessarie as any thing that is done by compulsion . so that the distinction of actus imperatus , and actus elicitus are but words , and of no effect against necessitie . his lordship in the rest of his discourse , reckoneth up the opinion of certain professions of men , touching the causes wherein the necessitie of things ( which they maintain ) consisteth . and first he saith , the astrologer deriveth his necessitie from the stars ; secondly , that the physitian attributeth it to the temper of the bodie . for my part , i am not of their opinion , because , neither the stars alone , nor the temperature of the patient alone is able to produce any effect , without the concurrence of all other agents . for there is hardly any one action , how casual soever it seem , to the causing whereof concur not whatsoever is in rerum natura , which because it is a great paradox , and depends on many antecedent speculations , i do not press in this place . thirdly , he disputeth against the opinion of them that say , external objects presented to men of such and such temparatures , do make their actions necessarie , and says , the power such objects have over us , proceeds from our own fault , but that is nothing to the purpose , if such fault of ours proceedeth from causes not in our own power , and therefore that opinion may hold true for all that answer . further he says , prayer , fasting , &c. may alter our habits ; 't is true , but when they do so , they are causes of the contrarie habit , and make it necessarie , as the former habit had been necessarie if prayer , fasting , &c. had not been . besides , we are not moved or disposed to prayer or any other action , but by outward objects , as pious company , godly preachers , of something equivolent . fourthly , he says a resolved mind is not easily surprised , as the mind of vlysses , who when others wept , alone wept not , and of the phylososopher , that abstained from striking , because he found himself angrie ; and of him that poured out the water when he was thirstie , and the like . such things i confess have , or may have been done , and do prove onely that it was not necessarie for vlysses then to weep , nor for that philosopher to strike , nor for that other man to drink , but it does not prove that it was not necessarie for vlysses then to abstain ( as he did ) from weeping , nor for the philosopher to abstain ( as he did ) from striking , nor for the other man to forbear drinking , and yet that was the thing his lordship ought to have proved . lastly , his lordship confesses , that the dispositions of objects may be dangerous to libertie , but cannot be destructive . to which i answer , it is impossible ; for libertie is never in any other danger than to be lost , and if it cannot be lost ( which he confesses ) i may infer it can be in no danger at all . the fourth opinion his lordship rejecteth , is of them that make the will necessarily to follow the last dictate of the understanding ; but it seems his lordship understands that tenet in another sence than i do ; for he speaketh as if they that held it , did suppose men must dispute the sequel of every action they do , great and small , to the least grain , which is a thing his lordship ( with reason ) thinks untrue . but i understand it to signifie , that the will follows the last opinion or judgement immediately proceding the action , concerning whether it be good to do it or not , whether he have weighed it long before , or not at all , and that i take to be the meaning of them that hold it . as for example , when a man strikes , his will to strike follows necessarily that thought he had of the sequel of his stroak , immediately before the lifting up of his hand . now if it be understood in that sence , the last dictate of the understanding does necessitate the action , though not as the whole cause , yet as the last cause , as the last feather necessitates the breaking of a horses back , when there are so many laid on before , as there needed but the addition of one to make the weight sufficient . that which his lordship alleadgeth against this , is , first out of a poet , who in the person of medea says , — video meliora , proboque deteriora sequor . but that saying ( as prettie as it is ) is not true : for though medea saw many reasons to forbear killing her children , yet the last dictate of her judgement was , that the present revenge on her husband out-weighed them all , and thereupon the wicked action necessarily followed . then the story of the roman , who of two competitors , said , one had the better reason , but the other must have the office . this also maketh against his lordship , for the last dictate of his judgement that had the bestowing of the office , was this , that it was better to take a great bribe , than reward a great merit . thirdly , he objects that things nearer the sence move more powerfully than reason ; what followeth thence but this , the sence of the present good is commonly more immediate to the action than the foresight of the evil consequence to come ? fourthly , whereas his lordship saies that do what a man can , he shall sorrow more for the death of his son than for the sin of his soul , makes nothing to the last dictate of the understanding , but it argues plainly that sorrow for sin is not voluntary , and by consequence , that repentance proceedeth from causes . the last part of this discourse containeth his lordships opinion about reconciling liberty with the prescience and decree of god , otherwise than some divines have done , against whom , he saies , he had formerly written a treatise , out of which he repeateth onely two things . one is , that we ought not to desert a certain truth , for not being able to comprehend the certain manner of it . and i say the same , as for example , that his lordship ought not to desert this certain truth , that there are certain and necessary causes which make every man to will what he willeth , though he do not yet conceive in what manner the will of man is caused . and yet i think the manner of it is not very hard to conceive , seeing we see daily , that praise , dispraise , reward and punishment , good and evil sequels of mens actions retained in memory , do frame and make us to the election of whatsoever it be that we elect , and that the memory of such things proceeds from the sences , and sence from the operation of the objects of sence ( which are external to us and governed onely by god almighty ) and by consequence all actions , even of free and voluntary agents are necessary . the other thing that he repeateth is , that the best way to reconcile contingence and liberty with prescience and the decrees of god , is to subject future contingencies to the aspect of god . the same is also my opinion , but cōtrary to what his lordship all this while laboured to prove . for hitherto he held liberty and necessity , that is to say , liberty and the decrees of god irreconcileable , unless the aspect of god ( which word appeareth now the first time in this discourse ) signifie somewhat else besides gods will and decree , which i cannot understand . but he adds that we must subject them , according to that presentiality which they have in eternity , which he saies cannot be done by them that conceive eternity to be an everlasting succession , but onely by them , that conceive it as an indivisible point . to which i answer , that assoon as i can conceive eternity to be an indivisible point , or any thing , but an everlasting succession , i will renounce all , that i have written on this subject . i know s. thomas aquinas calls eternity , nunc . stans . , an ▪ ever-abiding now , which is easie enough to say , but though i fain would , yet i could never conceive it , they that can , are more happy than i. but in the mean time his lordship alloweth all men to be of my opinion save onely those that can conceive in their minds a nunc stans , which i think are none . i understand as little how it can be true his lordship saies , that god is not just but justice it self , not wise , but wisdom it self , not eternal , but eternity it self , nor how he concludes thence that eternity is a point indivisible , and not a succession , nor in what sence it can be said , that an infinite point , and wherein is no succession , can comprehend all time , though time be successive . these phrases i finde not in the scripture , i wonder therefore what was the design of the school-men to bring them up , unless they thought a man could not be a true christian unless his understanding be first strangled with such hard sayings . and thus much for answer to his lordships discourse , wherein i think not onely his squadrons of arguments , but also his reserve of distinctions are defeated . and now your lordship shall have my doctrine concerning the same question , with my reasons for it , positively , and as briefly as i can , without any terms of art in plain english . my opinion about libertie and necessitie . first i conceive , that when it cometh into a mans mind to do or not to do some certain action , if he have no time to deliberate , the doing it or abstaining necessarily follow the present thought he hath of the good or evil consequence thereof to himself . as for example , in sudden anger , the action shall follow the thought of revenge , in sudden fear the thought of escape . also when a man hath time to deliberate , but deliberates not , because never any thing appeared that could make him doubt of the consequence , the action follows his opinion of the goodness or harm of it . these actions i call voluntary , ( my lord ) if i understand him aright that calls them spontaneous . i call them voluntarie , because those actions that follow immediately the last appetite are voluntarie , and here where is one onely appetite , that one is the last . besides , i see 't is reasonable to punish a rash action , which could not be justly done by man to man , unless the same were voluntarie . for no action of a man can be said to be without deliberation , though never so sudden , because it is supposed he had time to deliberate all the precedent time of his life , whether he should do that kind of action or not . and hence it is , that he that killeth in a sudden passion of anger , shall nevertheless be justly put to death , because all the time , wherein he was able to consider whether to kill were good or evil , shall be held for one continual deliberation , and consequently the killing shall be judged to proceed frōelection . secondly , i conceive when a man deliberates , whether he shall do a thing or not do it , that he does nothing else but consider whether it be better for himself to do it or not to do it . and to consider an action , is to imagine the consequences of it both good and evil . from whence is to be inferred , that deliberation is nothing else but alternate imagination of the good and evil sequels of an action , or ( which is the same thing ) alternate hope and fear , or alternate appetite to do or quit the action of which he deliberateth . thirdly , i conceive that in all deliberations , that is to say , in at alternate succession of contrary appetites , the last is that which we call the will , & is immediately next before the doing of the action , or next before the doing of it become impossible . all other appetites to do , and to quit , that come upon a man during his deliberations , are called intentions , & inclinations , but not wills , there being but one will , which also in this case may be called the last will , though the intentions change often . fourthly , i conceive that those actions , which a man is said to do upon deliberation , are said to be voluntarie , and done upon choice and election , so that voluntarie action , and action proceeding from election is the same thing , and that of a voluntarie agent , it is all one to say , he is free , and to say , he hath not made an end of deliberating . fifthly , i conceive libertie to be rightly defined in this manner ; libertie is the absence of all the impediments to action that are not contained in the nature and intrinsecal qualitie of the agent . as for example , the water is said to descend freely , or to have libertie to descend by the channel of the river , because there is no impediment that way , but not across , because the banks are impediments . and though the water cannot ascend , yet men never say it wants the libertie to ascend , but the faculty or power , because the impediment is in the nature of the water , and intrinsecal . so also we say , he that is tied wants the libertie to go , because the impediment is not in him , but in his bands , whereas we say not so of him that is sick or lame , because the impediment is in himself . sixthly , i conceive that nothing taketh beginning from it self , but from the action of some other immediate agent without it self . and that therefore , when first a man hath an appetite or will to something , to which immediately before he had no appetite nor will , the cause of his will , is not the will it self , but something else not in his own disposing . so that whereas it is out of controversie , that of voluntarie actions the will is the necessarie cause , and by this which is said , the will is also caused by other things whereof it disposeth not , it followeth , that voluntarie actions have all of them necessarie causes , and therefore are necessitated . seventhly , i hold that to be a sufficient cause , to which nothing is wanting that is needfull to the producing of the effect . the same also is a necessarie cause . for if it be possible that a sufficient cause shall not bring forth the effect , then there wanteth somewhat which was needfull to the producing of it , and so the cause was not sufficient , but if it be impossible that a sufficient cause should not produce the effect , then is a sufficient cause a necessary cause ( for that is said to produce an effect necessarily that cannot but produce it . ) hence it is manifest , that whatsoever is produced is produced necessarily , for whatsoever is produced hath had a sufficient cause to produce it , or else it had not been , and therefore also voluntarie actions are necessitated lastly , should that ordinary definition of a free agent , namely , that a free agent is that , which , when all things are present which are needfull to produce the effect , can nevertheless not produce it , implies a contradiction , and is non-sence , being as much as to say , the cause may be sufficient , that is to say , necessarie , and yet the effect shall not follow . my reasons . for the first five points , wherein it is explicated 1. what spontanity is . 2. what deliberation is . 3. what will , propension and appetite is . 4. what a free agent is . 5. what liberty is , there can no other proof be offered but every mans own experience , by reflection on himself , and remembring what he useth in his minde , that is , what he himself meaneth when he saith an action is spontaneous , a man deliberates ; such is his will , that agent or that action is free , now he that , reflecteth so on himself , cannot but be satisfied , that deliberation , is the consideration of the good and evil sequels of an action to come ; that by spontanity is meant inconsiderate action ( or else nothing is meant by it ) that will is the last act of our deliberation , that a free agent is he that can do if he will , and forbear if he will , and that liberty is , the absence of external impediments . but , to those that out of custom speak not what they conceive , but what they hear , and are not able , or will not take the pains to consider what they think when they hear such words , no argument can be sufficient , because experience and matter of fact is not verified by other mens arguments , but by every mans own sence and memory . for example , how can it be proved that to love a thing and to think it good is all one , to a man that doth not mark his own meaning by those word ? or how can it be proved that eternity is not nunc stans to a man that saies those words by custom , and never consider how he can conceive the thing in his minde ? also the sixth point , that a man cannot imagine any thing to begin without a cause , can no other way be made known , but by trying how he can imagine it , but if he try , he shall finde as much reason ( if there be no cause of the thing ) to conceive it should begin at one time as another , that , he hath equal reason to think it should begin at all times which is impossible , and therefore he must think there was some special cause why it began then , rather than sooner or later ; or else that it began never , but was eternal . for the seventh point , which is that all events have necessary causes , it is there proved in that they have sufficient causes . further let us in this place also suppose any event never so casual , as the throwing ( for example . ) ames ace upon a pair of dice , and see , if it must not have been necessary before 't was thrown . for seeing it was thrown it had a beginning , and consequently a sufficient cause to produce it , consisting partly in the dice , partly in outward things , as the posture of the parts of the hand , the measure of force applied by the caster , the posture of the parts of the table , and the like . in sum there was nothing wanting which was necessarily requisite to the producing of that particular cast , and consequently the cast was necessarily thrown , for if it had not been thrown , there had wanted somwhat requisite to the throwing of it , and so the cause had not been sufficient . in the like manner it may be proved that every other ac●ident how contingent soever it seem , or how voluntary soever it be , is produced necessarily , which is that that my l. bishop disputes against . the same may be proved also in this manner . let the case be put , for example , of the weather . 't is necessary that to morrow it shall rain or not rain . if therefore it be not necessary it shall rain , it is necessary it shall not rain , otherwise there is no necessity that the proposition , it shall rain or not rain , should be true . i know there be some that say , it may necessarily be true that one of the two shall come to pass ▪ but not , singly that it shall rain , or that it shall not rain , which is as much as to say , one of them is necessary , yet neither of them is necessary , and therefore to seem to avoid that absurdity , they make a distinction , that neither of them is true determinate , but indeterminate , which distinction either signifies no more but this , one of them is true but we know not which , and so the necessity remains , though we know it not , or if the meaning of the distinction be not that , it hath no meaning , and they might as well have said , one of them is true titirice but neither of them , tu patulice . the last thing in which also consisteth the whole controversie , namely that there is no such thing as an agent , which when all things requisite to action are present , can nevertheless forbear to produce it , or ( which is all one ) that there is no such thing as freedom from necessity , is easily inferred from that which hath been before alledged . for if it be an agent it can work , and if it work , there is nothing wanting of what is requisite to produce the action , and consequently the cause of the action is sufficient , & if sufficient , then also necessary , as hath been proved before . and thus you see how the inconveniences , which his lordship objecteth must follow upon the holding of necessity , are avoided , and the necessity it self demonstratively proved . to which i could add , if i thought it good logick , the inconvenience of denying necessity , as that it destroyeth both the decrees and the prescience of god almighty ; for whatsoever god hath purposed to bring to pass by man , as an instrument , or foreseeth shall come to pass , a man , if he have liberty ( such as his lordship affirmeth ) from necessitation , might frustrate and make not to come to pass , and god should either not foreknow it , and not decree it , or he should foreknow such things shall be , as shall never be , and decree that which shall never come to pass . this is all hath come into my minde touching this question since i last considered it . and i humbly beseech your lordship to communicate it onely to my lord bishop . and so praying god to prosper your lordship in all your designes , i take leave and am , my most noble and most obliged lord your most humble servant thomas hobbs . roven aug. 20. 〈◊〉 . finis . seven philosophical problems and two propositions of geometry by thomas hobbes of malmesbury ; with an apology for himself and his writings. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1682 approx. 117 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44011 wing h2259 estc r28663 10736301 ocm 10736301 45571 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44011) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45571) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1404:9) seven philosophical problems and two propositions of geometry by thomas hobbes of malmesbury ; with an apology for himself and his writings. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [6], 84 p., 1 folded leaf of plates. printed for william crook, london : 1682. "dedicated to the king in the year 1662." also issued separately. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng physics -early works to 1800. geometry -early works to 1800. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion seven philosophical problems , and two propositions of geometry . by thomas hobbes of malmesbury . with an apology for himself , and his writings . dedicated to the king , in the year 1662. london : printed for william crook at the green-dragon without temple-bar , 1682. to the king . that which i do here most humbly present to your sacred majesty , is the best part of my meditations upon the natural causes of events , both of such as are commonly known , and of such as have been of late artificially exhibited by the curious . they are ranged under seven heads . 1. problems of gravity . 2. problems of tides . 3. problems of vacuum . 4. problems of heat . 5. problems of hard and soft . 6. problems of wind and weather . 7. problems of motion perpendicular , and oblique , &c. to which i have added , two propositions of geometry ; one is , the duplication of the cube , hitherto sought in vain ; the other , a detection of the absurd use of arithmetick , as it is now applied to geometry . the doctrine of natural causes hath not infallible and evident principles . for there is no effect which the power of god cannot produce by many several ways . but seeing all effects are produced by motion , he that supposing some one or more motions can derive from them the necessity of that effect whose cause is required , has done all that is to be expected from natural reason . and though he prove not that the thing was thus produced , yet he proves that thus it may be produced , when the materials , and the power of moving is in our hands ; which is as useful as if the causes themselves were known . and notwithstanding the absence of rigorous demonstration , this contemplation of nature ( if not rendred obscure by empty terms ) is the most noble imployment of the mind that can be , to such as are at leisure from their necessary business . this that i have done i know is anunworthy present to be offered to a king , though considered ( as god considers offerings ) together with the mind and fortune of the offerer , i hope will not be to your majesty unacceptable . but that which i chiefly consider in it is , that my writing should be tryed by your majesties excellent reason untainted with the language that has been invented or made use of by men when they were puzzled ; and who is acquainted with all the experiments of the time ; and whose approbation ( if i have the good fortune to obtain it ) will protect my reasoning from the contempt of my adversaries . i will not break the custom of joyning to my offering a prayer ; and it is , that your majesty will be pleased to pardon this following short apology for my leviathan . not that i rely upon apologies , but upon your majesties most gracious general pardon . that which is in it of theology , contrary to the general current of divines , is not put there as my opinion , but propounded with submission to those that have the power ecclesiastical . i did never after , either in writing or discourse , maintain it . there is nothing in it against episcopacy ; i cannot therefore imagine what reason any episcopal-man can have to speak of me ( as i hear some of them do ) as of an atheist , or man of no religion , unless it be for making the authority of the church wholly upon the regal power ; which i hope your majesty will think is neither atheism nor heresie . but what had i to do to meddle with matters of that nature , seeing religion is not philosophy , but law ? it was written in a time when the pretence of christ's kingdom was made use of for the most horrid actions that can be imagined ; and it was in just indignation of that , that i desired to see the bottom of that doctrine of the kingdom of christ , which divers ministers then preached for a pretence to their rebellion ; which may reasonably extenuate , though not excuse the writing of it . there is therefore no ground for so great a calamny in my writing . there is no sign of it in my life ; and for my religion , when i was at the point of death at st. germains , the bishop of durham can bear witness of it , if he be asked . therefore , i most humbly beseech your sacred majesty not to believe so ill of me upon reports , that proceed often ( and may do so now ) from the displeasure which commonly ariseth from difference in opinion ; nor to think the worse of me , if snatching up all the weapons to fight against your enemies , i lighted upon one that had a double edge . your majesties poor and most loyal subject , thomas ▪ hobbes . philosophical problems ▪ chap. i. problems of gravity . a. what may be the cause , think you , that stones , and other bodies , thrown upward , or carried up and left to their liberty , fall down again ( for ought a man can see ) of their own accord ? i do not think ( with the old philosophers ) that they have any love to the earth , or are sullen , that they will neither go nor stay . and yet i cannot imagine what body there is above that should drive them back . b. for my part , i believe the cause of their descending is not in any natural appetite of the bodies that descend , but rather that the globe of the earth hath some special motion , by the which it more easily casteth off the air , than it doth other bodies . and then this descent of those we call heavy bodies , must of necessity follow ; unless there be some empty spaces in the world to receive them . for when the air is thrown off from the earth , somewhat must come into the place of it , ( in case the world be full ) and it must be those things which are hardliest cast off , that is those things which we say are heavy . a. but suppose there be no place empty ( for i will defer the question till anon ) how can the earth cast off either the air , or any thing else ? b. i shall shew you how , and that by a familiar example . if you lay both your hands upon a basen with water in it , how little soever , and move it circularly , and continue that motion for a while , and you shall see the water rise upon the sides , and fly over ; by which you may be assured that there is a kind of circulating motion , which would cast off such bodies as are contiguous to the body so moved . a. i know very well there is ; and it is the same motion which country people use to purge their corn ; for the chaff and straws , by casting the grain to the side of the seive , will come towards the middle . but i would see the figure . b. here it is . there is a circle pricked out , whose center is a , and three less circles , whose centers are b , c , d ; let every one of them represent the earth , as it goeth from b to c , and from c to d , always touching the uttermost circle , and throwing off the air , as is marked at e and f. and if the world were not full , there would follow by this scattering of the air , a great deal of space left empty . but supposing the world full , there must be a perpetual shifting of the air , one part into the place of another . a. but what makes a stone come down , suppose from g ? b. if the air be thrown up beyond g , it will follow , that at the last , if the motion be continued , all the air will be above g , that is , above the stone ; which cannot be , till the stone be at the earth . a. but why comes it down still with encreasing swiftness ? b. because as it descends , and is already in motion , it receiveth a new impression from the same cause , which is the air , whereof as part mounteth , part also must descend , supposing as we have done the plenitude of the world . for , as you may observe by the figure , the motion of the earth , according to the diameter of the uttermost circle , is progressive ; and so the whole motion is compounded of two motions , one circular , and the other progressive ; and consequently the air ascends and circulates at once . and because the stone descending receiveth a new pressure in every point of its way , the motion thereof must needs be accelerated . a. 't is true ; for it will be accelerated equally in equal times ; and the way it makes will encrease in a double proportion to the times , as hath heretofore been demonstrated by galileo . i see the solution now of an experiment , which before did not a little puzzle me . you know that if two plummets hang by two strings of equal length , and you remove them from the perpendicular equally , i mean in equal angles , and then let them go , they will make their turns and returns together , and in equal times ; and though the arches they describe grow continually less and less , yet the times they spend in the greater arches , will still be equal to the time they spend in the lesser . b. 't is true . do you find any experiment to the contrary ? a. yes ; for if you remove one of the plummets from the perpendicular , so as ( for example ) to make an angle with the perpendicular of 80 degrees , and the other so as to make an angle of 60 degrees , they will not make their turns and returns in equal times . b. and what say you is the cause of this ? a. because the arches are the spaces which these two motions describe , they must be in double proportion to their own times ; which cannot be , unless they be let go from equal altitudes , that is , from equal angles . b. 't is right ; and the experiment does not cross , but confirm the equality of the times in all the arches they describe , even from 90 degrees to the least part of one degree . a. but is it not too bold , if not extravagant , an assertion , to say the earth is moved as a man shakes a basen or a seive ? does not the earth move from west to east every day once , upon his own center , and in the ecliptick circle once a year ? and now you give it another odd motion ; how can all these consist in one and the same body ? b. well enough . if you be a shipboard under sail , do not you go with the ship ? cannot you also walk upon the deck ? cannot every drop of bloud move at the same time in your veins ? how many motions now do you assign to one and the same drop of bloud ? nor is it so extravagant a thing to attribute to the earth this kind of motion ; but that i believe if we certainly knew what motion it is that causeth the descent of bodies , we should find it either the same , or more extravagant . but seeing it can be nothing above that worketh this effect , it must be the earth it self that does it ; and if the earth , then you can imagine no other motion to do it withal , but this ; and you will wonder more , when by the same motion i shall give you a probable account of the causes of very many other works of nature . a. but what part of the heaven do you suppose the poles of your pricked circle point to ? b. i suppose them to be the same with the poles of the ecliptick . for , seeing the axis of the earth in this nation , and in the annual motion keeps parallel to it self , the axis must in both motions be parallel as to sense . for , the circle which the earth describes , is not of visible magnitude at the distance it is from the sun. a. though i understand well enough how the earth may make a stone descend very swiftly under the ecliptick , or not far from it , where it throws off the air perpendicularly ; yet about the poles of the circle methinks it should cast off the air very weakly . i hope you will not say that bodies descend faster in places remote from the poles , than nearer to them . b. no ; but i ascribe it to the like motion in the sun and moon . for such motions meeting , must needs cast the stream of the air towards the poles ; and then there will be the same necessity for the descent there , that there is in other places , though perhaps a little more slowly . for you may have observed that when it snows in the south parts , the flakes of snow are not so great as in the north ; which is a probable sign they fall in the south from a greater height , and consequently disperse themselves more , as water does that falls down from a high and steep rock . a. 't is not improbable . b. in natural causes all you are to expect is but probability ; which is better yet then making gravity the cause , when the cause of gravity is that you desire to know ; and better then saying the earth draws it , when the question is , how it draws ? a. why does the earth cast off air more easily than it does water , or any other heavy bodies ? b. it is indeed the earth that casteth off that air which is next unto it . but it is that air which casteth off the next air ; and so continually air moveth air ; which it can more easily do then any other thing , because like bodies are more susceptible of one anothers motions ; as you may see in two lute-strings equally strained , what motion one string being stricken communicates to the air , the same will the other receive from the air ; but strained to a differing note , will be less , or not at all moved . for there is no body but air that hath not some internal , though invisible motion of its parts . and it is that internal motion which distinguisheth all natural bodies one from another . a. what is the cause why certain squibs , though their substance be either wood or other heavy matter , made hollow and filled with gunpowder , which is also heavy , do nevertheless when the gunpowder is kindled , fly upwards ? b. the same that keeps a man that swims from sinking , though he be heavier then so much water ; he keeps himself up , and goes forward by beating back the water with his feet ; and so does a squib , by beating down the air with the stream of the fired gunpowder , that proceeding from its tail makes it recoil . a. why does any brass or iron vessel , if it be hollow , flote upon the water , being so very heavy ? b. because the vessel and the air in it , taken as one body , is more easily cast off than a body of water equal to it . a. how comes it to pass , that a fish ( especially such a broad fish as a turbut or a plaice , which are broad and thin ) in the bottom of the sea , perhaps a mile deep , is not press'd to death with the weight of water that lies upon the back of it ? b. because all heavy bodies descend towards one point , which is the center of the earth , and consequently the whole sea descending at once does arch it self so , as that the upper parts cannot press the parts next below them . a. it is evident ; nor can there be possibly any weight , as some suppose there is , of a cylinder of air , or water , or of any other liquid thing , while it remains in its own element , or is sustained and inclosed in a vessel , by which one part cannot press the other . chap. ii. problems of tides . a. what makes the flux and reflux of the sea twice in a natural day ? b. we must come again to our basen of water ; wherein you have seen , whilst it was moved , how the water mounteth up by the sides , and withal goes circling round about . now if you should fasten to the inside of the basen some bar from the bottom to the top , you would see the water , instead of going on , go back again from that bar , ebbing , and the water on the other side of the bar to do the same , but in counter-time ; and consequently to be highest where the contrary streams meet together , and then return again , marking out four quarters of the vessel , two by their meeting , which are the high waters , and two by their retiring , which are the low waters . a. what bar is that you find in the ocean , that stops the current of the water , like that you make in the basen ? b. you know that the main ocean lies east and west , between india and the coast of america ; and again , on the other side , between america and india . if therefore the earth have such a motion as i have supposed , it must needs carry the current of the sea east and west ; in which course , the bar that stoppeth it is the south part of america , which leaves no passage for the water , but the narrow streight of magellan . the tide rises therefore upon the coast of america ; and the rising of the same in this part of the world proceedeth from the swelling chiefly of the water there ; and partly also from the north sea , which lieth also east and west , and has a passage out of the south sea by the streight of anian , between america and asia . a. does not the mediterranean-sea lie also east and west ? why are there not the like tides there ? b. so there are , proportionable to their lengths , and quantity of water . a. at genoa , at ancona there are none at all , or not sensible . b. at venice there are , and in the bottom of the streights ; and a current all along both the mediterranean-sea , and the gulf of venice ; and it is the current that makes the tides unsensible at the sides ▪ but the check makes them visible at the bottom . a. how comes it about that the moon hath such a stroke in the business , as so sensibly to encrease the tides at full and change ? b. the motion i have hitherto supposed but in the earth , i suppose also in the moon , and in all those great bodies that hang in the air constantly , i mean the stars , both fixed and errant . and for the sun and moon , i suppose the poles of their motion to be the poles of the aequinoctial ; which supposed , it will follow , ( because the sun , the earth and the moon at every full and change are almost in one streight line ) that this motion of the earth will be made swifter than in the quarters . for this motion of the sun and moon being communicated to the earth , that hath already the like motion , maketh the same greater ; and much greater when they are all three in one streight line , which is only at the full and change , whose tides are therefore called spring tides . a. but what then is the cause that the spring-tides themselves are twice a year , namely when the sun is in the equinoctial , greater than at any other times ? b. at other times of the year , the earth being out of the aequinoctial , the motion thereof , by which the tides are made , will be less augmented , by so much as a motion in the obliquity of 23 degrees or thereabout ( which is the distance between the aequinoctial and ecliptick circles ) is weaker then the motion which is without obliquity . a. all this is reasonable enough , if it be possible that such motions as you suppose in these bodies , be really there . but that is a thing i have some reason to doubt of ; for , the throwing off of air , consequent to these motions , is the cause , you say , that other things come to the earth ; and therefore the like motions in the sun , and moon , and stars , casting off the air , should also cause all other things to come to every one of them . from whence it will follow , that the sun , moon , and earth , and all other bodies but air , should presently come together into one heap . b. that does not follow : for if two bodies cast off the air , the motion of that air will be repress'd both ways , and diverted into a course towards the poles on both sides ; and then the two bodies cannot possibly come together . a. 't is true . and besides , this driving off the air on both sides , north and south , makes the like motion of air there also . and this may answer to the question , how a stone could fall to the earth under the poles of the ecliptick , by the only casting off of air ? b. it follows from hence , that there is a certain and determinate distance of one of these bodies ( the stars ) from another , without any very sensible variation . a. all this is probable enough , if it be true that there is no vacuum , no place empty in all the world. and supposing this motion of the sun and moon to be in the plain of the aequinoctial , methinks that this should be the cause of the diurnal motion of the earth ; and because this motion of the earth is ( you say ) in the plain of the aequinoctial , the same should cause also a motion in the moon on her own center , answerable to the diurnal motion of the earth . b. why not ? what else can you think makes the diurnal motion of the earth , but the sun ? and for the moon , if it did not turn upon its own center , we should see sometimes one , sometimes another face of the moon , which we do not . chap. iii. problems of vacuum . what convincing argument is there to prove , that in all the world there is no empty place ? b. many ; but i will name but one ; and that is , the difficulty of separating two bodies hard and flat laid one upon another ; i say , the difficulty , not the impossibility . it is possible , without introducing vacuum , to pull assunder any two bodies , how hard and flat soever they be , if the force used be greater than the resistance of the hardness . and in case there be any greater difficulty to part them , ( besides what proceeds from their hardness ) then there is to pull them further assunder when they are parted , that difficulty is argument enough to prove there is no vacuum . a. these assertions need demonstration . and first , how does the difficulty of separation argue the plenitude of all the rest of the world ? b. if two flat polish'd marbles lie one upon another , you see they are hardly separated in all points at one and the same instant ; and yet the weight of either of them it is enough to make them slide off one from the other . is not the cause of this , that the air succeeds the marble that so slides , and fills up the place it leaves . a. yes certainly . what then ? b. but when you pull the whole superficies assunder , not without great difficulty , what is the cause of that difficulty ? a. i think as most men do , that the air cannot fill up the space between in an instant ; for the parting is in an instant . b. suppose there be vacuum in that air into which the marble you pull off is to succeed , shall there be no vacuum in the air that was round about the two marbles when they touched ? why cannot that vacuum come into the place between ? air cannot succeed in an instant , because a body ; and consequently cannot be moved through the least space in an instant . but emptiness is not a body , nor is moved , but made by the act it self of separation . there is therefore ( if you admit vacuum ) no necessity at all for the air to fill the space left , in an instant . and therefore , with what ease the marble coming off presseth out the vacuum of the air behind it , with the same ease will the marbles be pulled assunder . seeing then , if there were vacuum , there would be no difficulty of separation ; it follows , because there is difficulty of separation , that there is no vacuum . a. well now , supposing the world full , how do you prove it possible to pull those marbles assunder ? b. take a piece of soft wax ; do not you think the one half touches the other half as close as the smoothest marbles ? yet you can pull them assunder . but how ? still as you pull , the wax grows continually more and more slender ; there being a perpetual parting or discession of the outermost part of the wax one from another ; which the air presently fills , and so there is a continual lessening of the wax , till it be no bigger than a hair , and at last separation . if you can do the same to a pillar of marble , till the outside give way , the effect will be the same , but much quicker , after it once begins to break in the superficies ; because the force that can master the first resistance of the hardness , will quickly dispatch the rest . a. it seems so by the brittleness of some hard bodies . but i shall afterward put some questions to you , touching the nature of hardness . but now to return to our subject , what reason can you render ( without supposing vacuum ) of the effects produced in the engine they use at gresham colledge ? b. that engine produceth the same effects , that a strong wind would produce in a narrow room . a. how comes the wind in ? you know the engine is a hollow round pipe of brass ; into which is thrust a cylinder of wood covered with leather , and fitted to the cylinder so exactly as no air can possibly pass between the leather and the brass ? b. i know it ; and that they may thrust it up , there is a hole left in the cylinder to let the air out before it ; which they can stop when they please . there is also in the bottom of the cylinder a passage into a hollow globe of glass ; which passage they can also open and shut at pleasure . and at the top of that globe there is a wide mouth to put in what they please to try conclusions on ; and that also to be opened and shut as shall be needful . 't is of the nature of a pop-gun which children use , but great , costly , and more ingenious . they thrust forward , and pull back the wooden cylinder ( because it requires much strength ) with an iron screw . what is there in all this to prove the possibility of vacuum . a. whan this wooden cylinder covered with leather , fit and close is thrust home to the bottom , and the holes in the hollow cylinder of brass close stopped , how can it be drawn back , as with the screw they draw it , but that the space it leaves must needs be empty . for it is impossible that any air can pass into the place to fill it ? b. truly i think it close enough to keep out straw and feathers , but not to keep out air , nor yet matter . for suppose they were not so exactly close but that there were round about a distance for a small hair to lye between , then will the pulling back of the cylinder of wood force so much air in , as in retiring it forces back , and that without any sensible difficulty . and the air will so much more swiftly enter as the passage is left more narrow . or if they touch , and the contract be in some points , and not in all , the air will enter as before in case the force be augmented accordingly . lastly , though they touch exactly , if either the leather yield , or the brass ( which it may do to the force of a strong screw ) the air will again enter . do you think it possible to make two superficies so exquisitly touch in all points as you suppose , or leather so hard as not to yield to the force of a screw ? the body of leather will give passage both to air and water , as you will confess when you ride in rainy and windy weather . you may therefore be assured that in drawing out their wooden-leather cylinder they force in as much air as will fill the place it leaves , and that with as much swiftness as is answerable to the strength that drives it in . the effect therefore of their pumping is nothing else but a vehement wind , a very vehement wind coming in on all sides of the cylinder at once into the hollow of the brass pipe , and into the hollow of the glass globe joyned to it . a. i see the reason already of one of their wonders , which is , that the cylinder they pump with , if it be left to it self , after it is pulled back will swiftly go up again . you will say the air comes out again with the same violence by reflection ; and i believe it ? b. this is argument enough that the place was not empty . for what can fetch or drive up the sucker , as they call it , if the place within were empty ; for that there is any weight in the air to do it , i have already demonstrated to be impossible . besides , you know , when they have sucked out ( as they think ) all the air from the glass globe , they can nevertheless both see through it what is done , and hear a sound from within when there is any made . which ( if there were no other , but there are many other , ) is argument enough that the place is still full of air. a. what say you to the swelling of a bladder even to bursting , if it be a little blown when it is put into the receiver , ( for so they call the globe of glass ? ) b. the stream of air that from every side meeting together , and turning in an infinite number of small points , do pierce the bladder in innumerable places with great violence at once , like so many invisible small wimbles ; especially if the bladder be a little blown before it be put in , that it may make a little resistance . and when the air has once pierced it , it is easie to conceive , that it must afterward by the same violent motion be extended till it break . if before it break you let in fresh air upon it , the violence of the motion will thereby be tempered , and the bladder be less extended . for that also they have observed . can you imagine how a bladder should be extended , and broken , by being too full of emptiness . a. how come living creatures to be killed in this receiver , in so little a time as 3 or 4 minutes of an hour ? b. if they suck into their lungs so violent a wind thus made , you must needs think it will presently stop the passage of their bloud ; and that is death ; though they may recover if taken out before they be too cold . and so likewise will it put out fire ; but the coals taken out whilst they are hot , will revive again . 't is an ordinary thing in many coal-pits , ( whereof i have seen the experience , ) that a wind proceeding from the sides of the pit every way , will extinguish any fire let down into it , and kill the workmen , unless they be quickly taken out . a. if you put a vessel of water into the receiver , and then suck out the air , the water will boil . what say you to that ? b. it is like enough it will dance in so great a bustling of the air ; but i never heard it would be hot . nor can i imagine how vacuum should make any thing dance . i hope you are by this time satisfied , that no experiment made with the engine at gresham colledge , is sufficient to prove that there is , or that there may be vacuum . a. the world you know is finite , and consequently , all that infinite space without it , is empty . why may not some of that vacuum be brought in , and mingled with the air here ? b. i know nothing in matters without the world. a. what say you to torricellioes experiment in quick-silver , which is this . there is a bason at a filled with quick-silver , suppose to b , and cd a hollow glass pipe filled with the same . which if you stop with your finger at b , and so set it upright , and then if you take away your finger , the quick-silver will fall from c downwards , but not to the bottom . for it will stop by the way , suppose at d. is it not therefore necessary that that space between c and d be left empty ? or will you say the quick silver does not exactly touch the sides of the glass pipe ? b. i 'le say neither . if a man thrust down into a vessel of quick-silver a blown bladder , will not that bladder come up to the top ? a. yes certanly , or a bladder of iron , or of any thing else but gold. b. you see then that air can pierce quick-silver . a. yes , with so much force as the weight of quick-silver comes to . b. when the quick-silver is fallen to d , there is so much the more in the bason . and that takes up the place which so much air took up before . whither can this air go if all the world without that glass pipe b c were full ? there must needs be the same or as much air come to that space ( which only is empty ) between c and d. by what force ? by the weight of the quick-silver between d and b. which quick-silver weigheth now upward ; or else it could never have raised that part higher , which was at first in the bason . so you see the weight of quick-silver can press the air through quick-silver up into the pipe , till it come to an equality of force as in d. where the weight of the quick-silver is equal to the force which is required in air to go through it . a. if a man suck a vial that has nothing in it but air , and presently dip the mouth of it into water , the water will ascend into the vial. is not that an argument that part of the air had been sucked out , and part of the room within the vial left empty ? b. no. if there were empty space in the world , why should not there be also some empty space in the vial before it was sucked ? and then why does not the water rise to fill that , when a man sucks the vial he draws nothing out neither into his belly not into his lungs , nor into his mouth ; only he sets the air within the glass into a circular motion , giving it at once an endeavour to go forth by the sucking , and an endeavour to go back by not receiving it into his mouth . and so with a great deal of labour glues his lips to the neck of the vial. then taking it off , and dipping the neck of the vial into the water before the circulation cease , the air with the endeavour it hath now gotten , pierces the water and goes out . and so much air as goes out , so much matter comes up into the room of it . chap. iiii. problems of heat and light. a. what is the cause of heat ? b. how know you , that any thing is hot but your self ? a. because i perceive by sense it heats me . b. it is no good argument , the thing heats me ; therefore it is hot. but what alteration do you find in your body at any time by being hot ? a. i find my skin more extended in summer than in winter ; and am sometimes fainter and weaker then ordinary , as if my spirits were exhaled ; and i sweat . b. then that is it you would know the cause of . i have told you before that by the motion i suppose both in the sun , and in the earth , the air is dissipated , and consequently that there would be an infinite number of small empty places but that the world being full , there comes from the next parts other air into the spaces , they would else make empty . when therefore this motion of the sun is excercised upon the superficies of the earth , if there do not come out of the earth it self some corporal substance to supply that tearing of the air , we must return again to the admission of vacuum . if there do , then you see how by this motion fluid bodies are made to exhale out of the earth . the like happens to a mans body or hand , which when he perceives , he says he is hot. and so of the earth when it sendeth forth water and earth together in plants , we say it does it by heat from the sun. a. 't is very probable , and no less probable , that the same action of the sun , is that which from the sea and moist places of the earth , but especially from the sea fetcheth up the water into the clouds . but there be many ways of heating besides the action of the sun or of fire . two pieces of wood will take fire if in torning they be prest together . b. here again you have a manifest laceration of the air by the reciprocal and contrary motions of the two pieces of wood , which necessarily causeth a coming forth of whatsoever is aereal or fluid within them , and ( the motion pursued ) a dissipation also of the other more solid parts into ashes . a. how comes it to pass that a man is warmed even to sweating almost with every extraordinary labour of his body ? b. it is easie to understand , how by that labour all that is liquid in his body is tossed up and down , and thereby part of it also cast forth . a. there be some things that make a man hot without sweat or other evaporation , as caustiques , nettles and other things . b. no doubt . but they touch the part they so heat , and cannot work that effect at any distance . a. how does heat cause light , and that partially in some bodies more , in some less , though the heat be equal ? b. heat does not cause light at all . but in many bodies , the same cause , that is to say , the same motion causeth both together ; so that they are not to one another as cause and effect , but are concomitant effects , sometimes of one and the same motion . a. how ? b. you know the rubbing or heard pressing of the eye , or a stroke upon it makes an apparition of light without and before it , which way soever you look . this can proceed from nothing else but from the restitution of the organ pressed or stricken , unto its former ordinary situation of parts . does not the sun by his thrusting back the air upon you eyes press them ? or does not those bodies whereon the sun shines ( though by reflection ) do the same , though not so strongly ? and do not the organs of sight , the eye , the heart , and brains resist that pressure by an endeavour of restitution outwards ? why then should there not be without and before the eye , an apparition of light in this case as well as in the other ? a. i grant there must . but what is that which appears after the pressing of the eye ? for there is nothing without , that was not there before ; or if there were , methinks another should see it better , or as well as he ; or if in the dark , methinks it should enlighten the place . b. it is a fancy , such as is the appearance of your face in a looking-glass ; such as is a dream ; such as is a ghost ; such as is a spot before the eye that hath stared upon the son or fire . for all these are of the regiment of fancy , without any body concealed under them , or behind them , by which they are produced . a. and when you look towards the sun or moon , why is not that also which appears before your eyes at that time a fancy ? b. so it is . though the sun it self be a real body , yet that bright circle of about a foot diameter cannot be the sun , unless there be two suns , a greater and a lesser . and because you may see that which you call the sun , both above you in the skie , and before you in the water , and two suns ( by distorting your eye ) in two places of the skie , one of them must needs be fancy . and if one , both . all sense is fancy though the cause be always in a real body . a. i see by this that those things which the learned call the accidents of bodies , are indeed nothing else but diversity of fancy ; and are inherent in the sentient , and not in the objects , except motion and quantity . and i perceive by your doctrine you have been tampering with leviathan . but how comes wood with a certain degree of heat to shine , and iron also with a greater degree ; but no heat at all to be able to make water shine ? b. that which shineth hath the same motion in its parts that i have all this while supposed in the sun and earth . in which motion there must needs be a competent degree of swiftness , to move the sense , that is , to make it visible . all bodies that are not fluid will shine with heat , if the heat be very great . iron will shine and gold will shine ; but water will not , because the parts are carried away before they attain to that degree of swiftness ; which is requisite . a. there are many fluid bodies , whose parts evaporate , and yet they make a flame , as oyl , and wine , and other strong drinks : b. as for oyl i never saw any inflamed by it self ; how much soever heated , therefore i do not think they are the parts of the oyl , but of the combustible body oyled that shine , but the parts of wine and strong drinks have partly a strong motion of themselves , and may be made to shine , but not with boiling , but by adding to them as they rise the flame of some other body . a. how can it be known that the particles of wine have such a motion as you suppose ? b. have you ever been so much distempered with drinking wine , as to think the windows and table move ? a. i confess ( though you be not my confessor , ) i have , but very seldom , and i remember the window seemed to go and come in a kind of circling motion , such as you have described . but what of that ? b. nothing , but that it was the wine that caused it ; which having a good degree of that motion before , did when it was heated in the veins , give that concussion ( which you thought was in the window , ) to the veins themselves , and ( by the continuation of the parts of mans body ) to the brain ; and that was it which made the window seem to move . a. what is flame ? for i have often thought the flame that comes out of a small heap of straw , to be more ( before it hath done flaming , ) then a hundred times the straw it self . b. it was but your fancy . if you take a stick in your hand by one end , the other end burning , and move it swiftly , the burning end , if the motion be circular , shall seem a circle ; if streight , a streight line of fire , longer or shorter , according to the swiftness of the motion , or to the space it moves in . you know the cause of that . a. i think it is , because the impression of that visible object , which was made at the first instant of the motion did last till it was ended . for then it will follow that it must be visible all the way , the impressions in all points of the time being equal . b. the cause can be no other . the smallest spark of fire flying up seems a line drawn upward ; and again by that swift circular motion which we have supposed for the cause of light , seems also broader then it is . and consequently the flame of every thing must needs seem much greater then it is . a. what are those sparks that flie out of the fire ? b. they are small pieces of the wood or coals , or other fuel loosened and carried away with the air that cometh up with them . and being extiguished before their parts be quite dissipated into others , are so much soot , and black , and may be fired again . a. a spark of fire may be stricken out of a cold stone . it is not therefore heat that makes this shining . b. no 't is the motion that makes both the heat and shining ; and the stroke makes the motion . for every of those sparks , is a little parcel of the stone , which swiftly moved , imprinteth the same motion into the matter prepared , or 〈◊〉 receive it . a. how comes the light of the sun to burn almost any combustible matter by rerefraction through a convex glass , and by reflection from a concave ? b. the air moved by the sun presseth the convex glass in such manner as the action continued through it , proceedeth not in the same streight line by which it proceeded from the sun , but tendeth more toward the center of the body it enters . also when the action is continued through the convex body it bendeth again the same way . by which means the whole action of the sun-beams are enclosed within a very small compass ; in which place therefore there must be a very vehement motion ; and consequently if there be in that place combustible matter , such as is not very hard kindle , the parts of it will be dissipated , and receive that motion which worketh on the eye as other fire does . the same reason is to be given for burning by reflection . for there also the beams are collected into almost a point . a. why may not the sun-beams be such a body as we call fire , and pass through the pores of the glass so disposed as to cary them to a point , or very near ? b. can there be a glass that is all pores ; if there cannot , then cannot this effect be produced by the passing of fire through the pores . you have seen men llght their tobacco at the sun with a burning glass , or with a ball of cristal , held which way they will indifferently . which must be impossible , unless the ball were all pores . again , neither you nor i can conceive any other fire then we have seen , nor then such as water will put out . but not only a solid globe of glass or cristal will serve for a burning glass , but also a hollow one filled with water . how then does the fire from the sun pass through the glass of water without being put out before it come to the matter they would have it burn ? a. i know not . there comes nothing from the sun. if there did , there is come so much from it already , that at this day we had had no sun , chap. v. problems of hard and soft . a. what call you hard , and what soft . b. that body whereof no one part is easily put out of its place , without removing the whole , is that which i and all men call hard ; and the contrary soft . so that they , are but degrees one of another . a. what is the cause that makes one body harder then another , or ( seeing you say they are but degrees of one another ) what makes one body softer then another , and the same body sometimes harder , sometimes softer ? b. the same motion which we have supposed from the beginning for the cause of so many other effects . which motion not being upon the center of the part moved , but the part it self going in another circle to and again , it is not necessary that the motion be perfectly circular . for it is not circulation , but the reciprocation , i mean the to and again that does cast off , and lacerrate the air , and consequently produce the fore-mentioned effects . for the cause therefore of hardness , i suppose the reciprocation of motion in those things which are hard , to be very swift , and in very small circles . a. this is somewhat hard to believe . i would you could supply it with some visible experience . b. when you see ( for example ) a cross-bow bent , do you think the parts of it stir ? a. no. i am sure they do not . b. how are you sure ? you have no argument for it , but that you do not see the motion . when i see you sitting still , must i believe there is no motion in your parts within , when there are so many arguments to convince me there is . a. what argument have you to convince me that there is motion in a cross-bow when it stands bent ? b. if you cut the string , or any way set the bow at liberty it will have then a very visible motion . what can be the cause of that ? a. why the setting of the bow at liberty . b. if the bow had been crooked before it was bent , and a string tied to both ends , and then cut asunder , the bow would not have stir'd . where lies the difference ? a. the bow bent has a spring ; unbent it has none , how crooked soever . b. what mean you by spring ? a. an endeavour of restitution to it's former posture . b. i understand spring as well as i do endeavour . a. i mean a prnciple or beginning of motion in a contrary way to that of the force which bent it . b. but the beginning of motion is also motion , how insensible soever it be . and you know that nothing can give a beginning of motion to it self . what is it therefore that gives the bow ( which you say you are sure was at rest when it stood bent ) its first endeavour to return to its former posture ? a. it was he that bent it . b. that cannot be . for he gave it an endeavour to come forward , and the bow endeavours to go backward . a. well , grant that endeavour be motiou , and motion in the bow unbent , how do you derive from thence , that being set at liberty it must return to its former posture ? b. thus there being within the bow a swift ( though invisible ) motion of all the parts , and consequently of the whole ; the bending causeth that motion , which was along the bow ( that was beaten out when it was hot into that length ) to operate a cross the length in every part of it , and the more by how much it is more bent ; and consequently endeavours to unbend it all the while it stands bent . and therefore when the force which kept it bent is removed , it must of necessity return to the posture it had before . a. but has that endeavour no effect at all before the impediment be removed ? for if endeavour be motion , and every motion have some effect more or less , methinks this endavour should in time produce something . b. so it does . for in time ( in a long time ) the course of this internal motion will lie along the bow , not according to the former , but to the new acquired posture . and then it will be as uneasie to return it to its former posture , as it was before to bend it . a. that 's true . for bows long bent lose their appetite to restitution , long custom becoming nature . but from this internal reciprocation of the parts , how do you infer the hardness of the whole body . b. if you apply force to any single part of such a body , you must needs disorder the motion of the next parts to it before it yield , and there disordered , the motion of the next again must also be disordered ; and consequently no one part can yield without force sufficient to disorder all . but then the whole body must also yield . now when a body is of such a nature as no single part can be removed without removing the whole , men say that body is hard. a. why does the fire melt divers hard bodies , and yet not all ? b. the hardest bodies are those wherein the motion of the parts are the most swift , and yet in the least circles . wherefore if the fire , the motion of whose parts are swift , and in greater circiles , he made so swit , as to be strong enough to master the motion of the parts of the hard body , it will make those parts to move in a greater compass , and thereby weaken their resistance , that is to say , soften them , which is a degree of liquefaction . and when the moton is so weakened , as that the parts lose their coherence by the force of their own weight , then we count the body melted . a. why are the hardest things the most brittle , insomuch that what force soever is enough to bend them , is enough also to break them ? b. in bending a hard body , as ( for example ) a rod of iron , you do not inlarge the space of the internal motion of the parts of iron , as the fire does ; but you master and interrupt the motion , and that chiefly in one place . in which place the motion that makes the iron hard being once overcome , the prosecution of that bending must needs suddenly master the motions of the parts next unto it , being almost mastered before . a. i have seen a small piece of glass , the figure whereof is this a a b c. which piece of glass if you bend toward to top , as in c , the whole body will shatter asunder into a million of pieces , and be like to so much dust . i would fain see you give a probable reason of that . b. i have seen the experiment . the making of the glass , is thus , they dip an iron rod into the molten glass that stands in a vessel within the furnace . upon which iron rod taken out , there will hang a drop of molten but tough mettal of the figure you have described , which they let fall into the water . so that the main drop comes first to the water , and after it the tail , which though streight whilst it hung on the end of the rod , yet by falling into the water becomes crooked . now you know the making of it , you may consider what must be the consequence of it . because the main drop a comes first to the water , it is therefore first quenched , and consequently that the motion of the parts of that drop , which by the fire were made to be moved in a larger compass , is by the water made to shrink into lesser circles towards the other end b , but with the same or not much less swiftness . a. why so ? b. if you take any long piece of iron , glass , or other uniform and continued body ; and having heated one end thereof , you hold the other end in your hand , and so quench it suddenly , though before , you held it easily enough , yet now it will burn your fingers . a. it will so . b. you see then how the motion of the parts from a toward c is made more violent and in less compass by quenching the other parts first . besides , the whole motion that was in all the parts of the main drop a , is now united in the small end b c. and this i take to be the cause why that small part b c is so exceeding stiff . seeing also this motion in every small part of the glass , is not only circular , but proceeds also all along the glass from a to b , the whole motion compounded will be such as the motion of spinning any soft matter unto thread , and will dispose the whole body of the glass in threads , which in other hard bodies are called the grain . therefore if you bend this body ( for example ) in c ( which to do will require more force then a man would think that has not tryed ) those threads of glass must needs be all bent at the same time , and stand so , till by the breaking of the glass at c , they be all at once set at liberty . and then all at once being suddenly unbent , like so many brittle , and over-bent bows , their strings breaking , be shivered in pieces . a. 't is like enough to be so . and if nature have betrayed her self in any thing , i think it is in this , and in that other experience of the cross-bow ; which strongly and evidently demonstrates the internal reciprocation of the motion , which you suppose to be in the internal parts of every hard body . and i have observed somewhat in looking-glasses which much confirms that there is some such motion in the internal parts of glass , as you have supposed for the cause of hardness . for let the glass be a b , and let the object at c be a candle , and the eye at d. now by divers reflections and refractions in the two superficies of the glass , if the lines of vision be very oblique , you shall see many images of the candle , as e , f , g , in such order and position as is here described . but if you remove your eye to c , and the candle to d , they will appear in a situation manifestly different from this . which you will yet more plainly perceive if the looking-glass be coloured , as i have obseved in red and blew glasses ; and could never conceive any probable cause of it , till now you tell me of this secret motion of the parts across the grain of the glass , acquired by cooling it this or that way . b. there be very many kinds of hard bodies , metals , stones , and other kinds in the bowels of the earth , that have been there ever sence the beginning of the world ; and i believe also many different sorts of juices that may be made hard. but for one general cause of hardness it can be no other then such an internal motion of parts as i have already described , whatsoever may be the cause of the several concomitant qualities of their hardness in particular . a. we see water hardened every frosty day . it 's likely therefore you may give a pribable cause of ice . what is the cause of freezing of the ocean towards the poles of the earth ? b. you know the sun being always between the tropicks , and ( as we have supposed ) always casting off the air ; and the earth likewise casting it off from it's self , there must needs on both sides be a great stream of air towards the poles , shaving the superficies of the earth and sea , in the northern and southern climates . this shaving of the earth and sea by the stream of air must needs contract and make to shrink those little circles of the internal parts of earth and water , and consequently harden them , first at the superficies , into a thin skin , which is the first ice ; and afterwards the same motion continuing , and the first ice co-operating , the ice becomes thicker . and this i conceive to be the cause of the freezing of the ocean . a. if that be the cause , i need not ask how a bottle of water is made to freeze in warm weather with snow , or ice mingled with salt. for when the bottle is in the midst of it , the wind that goeth out both of the salt and of the ice as they dissolve , must needs shave the superficies of the bottle , and the bottle work accordingly on the water without it , and so give it first a thin skin , and at last thicken it into a solid piece of ice . but how comes it to pass that water does not use to freeze in a deep pit ? b. a deep pit is a very thick bottle , and such as the air cannot come at but only at the top , or where the earth is very loose and spungy . a. why will not wine freeze as well as water ? b. so it will when the frost is great enough . but the internal motion of the parts of wine and other heating liquors is in greater circles and stronger then the motion of the parts of water ; and therefore less easily to be frozen , especally quite through , because those parts that have the strongest motion retire to the center of the vessel . chap. vi. problems of rain , wind , and other weather . a. what is the original cause of rain ? and how is it generated ? b. the motion of the air ( such as i have described to you already ) tending to the dis-union of the parts of the air , must needs cause a continual endeavour ( there being no possibility of vacuum ) of whatsoever fluid parts there are upon the face of the earth and sea , to supply the place which would else be empty . this makes the water , and also very small and loose parts of the earth and sea to rise , and mingle themselves with the air , and to become mist and clouds . of which the greatest quantity arise there , where there is most water , namely , from the large parts of the ocean ; which are the south sea , the indian sea , and the sea that divideth europe and africa from america ; over which the sun , for the greatest part of the year is perpendicular , and consequently raiseth a greater quantity of water . which afterwards gathered into clouds , falls down in rain . a. if the sun can thus draw up the water ; though but in small drops , why can it not as easily hold it up ? b. it is likely it would also hold them up , if they did not grow greater by meeting together , nor were carried away by the air towards the poles . a. what makes them gather together ? b. it is not improbable that they are carried against hills , and there stopt till more overtake them . and when they are carried towards the north or south where the force of the sun is more oblique and thereby weaker , they descend gently by their own weight . and because they tend all to the center of the earth , they must needs be united in their way for want of room , and so grow bigger . and then it rains. a. what is the reason it rains so seldom , but snows so often upon very high mountains ? b. because perhaps when the water is drawn up higher then the highest mountains , where the course of the air between the aequator and the poles is free from stopping , the stream of the air freezeth it into snow . and 't is in those places only where the hills shelter it from that stream , that it falls in rain . a. why is there so little rain in egypt , and yet so much in other parts nearer the aequinoctial , as to make the nile overflow the countrey ? b. the cause of the falling of rain , i told you was the the stopping , and consequently the collection of clouds about great mountains , especially when the sun is near the aequinoctial , and thereby draws up the water more potently , and from greater seas . if you consider therefore that the mountains in which are the springs of nile , lye near the aequinoctial and are exceeding great , and near the indian sea , you will not think it strange there should be great store of snow . this as it melts makes the rain of nile to rise , which in april and may going on toward egypt arrived there about the time of the solstice , and overflow the countrey . a. why should not the nile then overflow that countrey twice a year ? for it comes twice a year to the aequinoctial . b. from the autumnal aequinox , the sun goeth on toward the southern tropique . and therefore cannot dissolve , the snow on that side of the hills that look towards egypt . a. but then there ought to be such another innundation southward . b. no doubt but there is a greater descent of water there in their summer then at other times ; as there must be wheresoever there is much snow melted . but what should that innundate , unless it should overflow the sea that comes close to the foot of those mountains ? and for the cause why it seldom rains in egypt , it may be this , that there are no very high hills near it to collect the clouds . the mountains whence nile riseth being near 2000 miles off . the nearest on one side are the mountains of nubia , and on the other side sina , and the mountains of arrabia . a. whence think you proceed the winds ? b. from the motion ( i think ) especially of the clouds , partly also from whatsoever is moved in the air. a. it is manifest , that the clouds are moved by the winds ; so that there were winds before any clouds could be moved . therefore i think you make the effect before the cause . b. if nothing could move a cloud but wind , your objection were good . but you allow a cloud to descend by it's own weight . but when it so descends , it must needs move the air before it , even to the earth , and the earth again repel it , and so make lateral winds every way . which will carry forwards other clouds if there be any in their way , but not the cloud that made them the vapour of the water rising into clouds , must needs also as they rise , raise a wind ? a. i grant it . but how can the slow motion of a cloud make so swift a wind as it does ? b. it is not one or two little clouds , but many and great ones that do it . besides , when the air is driven into places already covered ; it cannot but be much the swifter for the narrowness of the passage a. why does the south wind more often then any other bring rain with it ? b. where the sun hath most power , and where the seas are greatest , that is in the south , there is most water in the air ; which a south wind can only bring to us . but i have seen great showers of rain sometimes also when the wind hath been north , but it was in summer , and came first , i think , from the south or west , and was but brought back from the north. a. i have seen at sea very great waves when there was no wind at all . what was it then that troubled the water ? b. but had you not wind enough presently after ? a. we had a storm within a little more then a quarter of an hour after . b. that storm was then coming and had moved the water before it . but the wind you could not perceive , for it came downwards with the descending of the clouds , and pressing the water bounded above your sail till it came very near . and that was it that made you think there was no wind at all . a. how comes it to pass that a ship should go against the wind which moves it , even almost point blank , as if it were not driven but drawn ? b. you are to know first , that what body soever is carryed against another body , whether perpendicularly , or obliquely , it drives it in a perpendicular to the superficies it lighteth on . as for example , a bullet shot against a flat wall , maketh the stone ( or other matter it hits ) to retire in a perpendicular to that flat ; or , if the wall be round , towards the center , that is to say , perpendicularly . for if the way of the motion be oblique to the wall , the motion is compounded of two motions , one parrallel to the wall , and the other perpendicular . by the former whereof the bullet is carried along the wall side , by the other it approacheth to it . now the former of these motions can have no effect upon it ; all the battery is from the motion perpendicular , in which it approacheth . and therefore the part it hits must also retire perpendicularly . if it were not so , a bullet with the same swiftness would execute as much obliquely shot , as perpendicularly ; which you know it does not . a. how do you apply this to a ship ? b. let a. b. be the ship , the head of it a. if the wind blow just from a. towards b. 't is true , the ship cannot go forward howsoever the sail be set . let c. d. be perpendicular to the ship , and let the sail e. c. be never so little oblique to it , and f. c. perpendicular to e. c. and then you see the ship will gain the space d. f. to the headward . a. it will so , but when it is very near to the wind it will go forward very slowly , and make more way with her side to the leeward . a. it will indeed go slower in the proportion of the line a. e. to the line c. e. but the ship will not go so fast as you think sideward : one is the force of that wind which lights on the side of the ship it self ; the other is , the bellying of the sail ; for the former , it is not much because the ship does not easily put from her the water with her side ; and bellying of the sail , gives some little hold for the wind to drive the ship a stern . a. for the motion sideward i agree with you ; but i had thought the bellying of the sail , had made the ship go faster . b. but it does not ; only in a fore-wind it hinders least . a. by this reason a broad thin board should make the best sail. b. you may easily foresee the great incommodities of such a sail. but i have seen tryed in little what such a wind can do in such a case . for i have seen a board set upon four truckles , with a staff set up in the midst of it for a mast , and another very thin and broad board fastned to that staff in the stead of a sail ; and so set as to receive the wind very obliquely , i mean so as to be within a point of the compass directly opposite to it ; and so placed upon a reasonable smooth pavement where the wind blew somewhat strongly . the event was first , that it stood doubting whether it should stir at all or no , but that was not long ; and then it ran a head extream swiftly , till it was overthrown by a rub. a. before you leave the ship tell me how it comes about that so small a thing as a rudder , can so easily turn the greatest ship ? b. 't is not the rudder only , there must also be a stream to do it ; you shall never turn a ship with a rudder in a standing pooll , nor in a natural current . you must make a stream from head to stern , either with oares or with sails : when you have made such a stream , the turning of the rudder obliquely holds the water from passing freely ; and the ship or boat cannot go on directly , but as the rudder inclines to the stern , so will the ship turn . but this is too well known to insist upon : you have observed , that the rudders of the greatest ships are not very broad , but go deep into the water , whereas western barges , though but small vessels , have their rudders much broader , which argues that the holding of water from passing is the office of a rudder : and therefore to a ship that draws much water the rudder is made deep accordingly , and in barges that draw little water , the rudders as less deep , must so much the more be extended in breadth . a. what makes snow ? b. the same cause which ( speaking of hardness ) i supposed for the cause of ice . for the stream of air proceeding from . that both the earth and the sun cast off the air , and consequently maketh a stream of air from the aequinoctial towards the poles , passing amongst the clouds , shaving those small drops of water whereof the clouds consist , and congeals them as they do the water of the sea , or of a river . and these small frozen drops are that which we call snow . a. but then how are great drops frozen into hailstones , and that especially ( as we see they are ) in summer ? b. it is especially in summer ; and hot weather , that the drops of water which make the clouds , are great enough ; but it is then also that clouds are sooner and more plentifully carryed up . and therefore the current of the air strengthned between the earth and the clouds , becomes more swift ; and thereby freezeth the drops of water , not in the cloud it self , but as they are falling . nor does it freeze them throughly , the time of their falling not permitting it , but gives them only a thin coat of ice ; as is manifest by their suddain dissolving . a. why are not somteimes also whole clouds when pregnant and ready to drop , frozen into one piece of ice ? b. i belive they are so whensoever it thunders . a. but upon what ground do you believe it ? b. from the manner or kind of noise they make , namely a crack ; which i see not how it can possibly be made by water or any other soft bodies whatsoever . a. yes , the powder they call aurum fulminans , when throughly warm , gives just such another crack as thunder . b. but why may not every small grain of that aurum fulminans by it self be heard , though a heap of them together be soft , as is any heap of sand. salts of all sorts are of the nature of ice . but gold is dissolved into aurum fulminans by nitre and other salts . and the least grain of it gives a little crack in the fire by it self . and therefore when they are so warmed by degrees , the crack cannot chuse but be very great . a. but before it be aurum fulminans they use to wash away the salt ( which they call dulcifying it , ) and then they dry it gently by degrees . b. that is , they exhale the pure water that is left in the powder , and leave the salt behind to harden with drying . other powder made of salts without any gold in them will give a crack as great as aurum fulminans . a very great chymist of our times hath written , that salt of tarter , salt-peter , and a little brimstone ground together into a powder , and dryed , a few grains of that powder will be made by the fire to give as great a clap as a musquet . a. me thinks it were worth your tryal to see what effect a quart or a pint of aurum fulminans would produce , being put into a great gun made strong enough on purpose , and the breech of the gun set in hot cinders , so as to heat by degrees , till the powder fly . b. i pray you try it your self ; i cannot spare so much money . a. what is it that breaketh the clouds when they are frozen ? b. in very hot weather the sun raiseth from the sea and all moist places abundance of water , and to a great height . and whilst this water hangs over us in clouds , or is again descending , it raiseth other clouds , and it hapens very often that they press the air between them , and squeeze it through the clouds themselves very violently ; which as it passes shaves and hardens them in the manner declared . a. that has already been granted , my question is what breaks them ? b. i must here take in one supposition more . a. then your basen ( it seems ) holds not all you have need of . b. it may for all this , for the supposition i add is no more but this ; that what internal motion i ascribe to the earth , and other the concrete parts of the world , is to be supposed also in every of their parts how small soever ; for what reason is there to think , in case the whole earth have in truth the motion i have ascribed to it , that one part of it taken away , the remaining part should love that motion . if you break a load-stone both parts will retain their vertue , though weakened according to the diminution of their quantity ; i suppose therefore in every small part of the earth , the same kind of motion , which i have supposed in the whole : and so i recede not yet from my basen . a. let it be supposed , and withall , that abundance of earth ( which i see you aim at , ) be drawn up together with the water . what then ? b. then if many pregnant clouds , some ascending and some descending meet together , and make concavities between , and by the pressing out of the air , as i have said before , become ice ; those atomes ( as i may call them ) of earth will be by the straining of the air through the water of the clouds , be left behind , and remain in the cavities of the clouds , and be more in number then for the proportion of the air therein . therefore for want of liberty they must needs justle one another , and become ( as they are more and more streightened of room ) more and more swift , and consequently at last break the ice suddenly and violently , now in one place , and by and by in another ; and make thereby so many claps of thunder , and so many flashes of lightning . for the air recoiling upon our eyes , is that which maketh those flashes to our fancy . a. but i have seen lightning in a very clear evening , when there has been neither thunder nor clouds . b. yes in a clear evening ; because the clouds and the rain were below the horison , perhaps 40 or 50 miles off ; so that you could not see the clouds nor hear the thunder . a. if the clouds be indeed frozen into ice , i shall not wonder if they be sometimes also so scituated , as ( like looking-glasses ) to make us see sometimes three or more suns by refraction and reflection . chap. vii . problems of motion perpendicular , oblique ; of pression and percussion ; reflection and refraction ; attraction and repulsion . if a bullet from a certain point given , be shot against a wall perpendicularly and again from the same point oblique , what will be the proportion of the forces wherewith they urge the wall ? for example , let the wall be a b , a point given e , a gun c e that carries the bullet perpendicularly to f , and another gun d e that carries the like bullet with the same swiftness oblique to g ; in what proportion will their forces be upon the wall ? b. the force of the stroke perpendicular from e to f will be greater then the oblique force from e to g , in the proportion of the line e g to the line e f. a. how can the difference be so much ? can the bullet lose so much of its force in the way from e to g ? b. no we will suppose it loseth nothing of its swiftness . but the cause is , that their swiftness being equal , the one is longer in coming to the wall then the other , in proportion of time , as e g to e f. for though their swiftness be the same ▪ considered in themselves , yet the swiftness of their approach to the wall is greater in e f then in e g , in proportion of the lines themselves . a. when a bullet enters not , but rebounds from the wall , does it make the same angle going off , which it did falling on , as the sun-beams do ? b. if you measure the angles close by the wall there difference will not be ensible ; otherwise it will be great enough , for the motion of the bullet grows continually weaker . but it is not so with the sun-beams which press continually and equally . a. what is the cause of reflection ? when a body can go no further on , it has lost its motion . whence then comes the motion by which it reboundeth ? b. this motion of rebounding or reflecting proceedeth from the resistance . there is a difference to be considered between the reflection of light , and of a bullet , answerable to their different motions , pressing and striking . for the action which makes reflection of light , is the pressure of the air upon the reflecting body , caused by the sun , or other shining body , and is but a contrary endeavour ; as if two men should press with their breasts upon the two ends of a staff , though they did not remove one another , yet they would find in themselves a great disposition to press backward upon whatsoever is behind them , though not a total going out of their places . such is the way of reflecting light. now , when the falling on of the sun-beams is oblique , the action of them is nevertheless perpendicular to the superficies it falls on . and therefore the reflecting body , by resisting , turneth back that motion perpendicularly , as from f to e , but taketh nothing from the force that goes on parallel in the line of e h ; because the motion never presses . and thus of the two motions from f to e , and from e to h is a compounded motion in the line f h , which maketh an angle in b g , equal to the angle f g e. but in percussion ( which is the motion of the bullet against a wall , ) the bullet no sooner goeth off then it loseth of its swiftness , and inclineth to the earth by its weight . so that the angles made in falling on and going off , cannot be equal , unless they be measured close to the point where the stroke is made . a. if a man set a board upright upon its edge , though it may very easily be cast down with a little pressure of ones finger , yet a bullet from a musquet shall not throw it down but go through it . what is the cause of that ? b. in pressing with your finger you spend time to throw it down . for the motion you give to the part you touch is communicated to every other part before it fall . for the whole cannot fall till every part be moved . but the stroke of a bullet is so swift , as it breaks through before the motion of the part it hits can be communicated to all the other parts that must fall with it . a. the stroke of a hammer will drive a nail a great way into a piece of wood on a sudden . what weight laid upon the head of a nail , and in how much time will do the same ? it is a question i have heard propounded amonst naturalists , b. the different manner of the operation of weight from the operation of a stroke , makes it uncalculable . the suddenness of the stroke upon one point of the wood takes away the time of resistance from the rest . therefore the nail enters so far as it does . but the weight not only gives them time , but also augments the resistance ; but how much , and in how much time , is ( i think ) impossible to determine . a. what is tbe difference between reflection and recoiling ? b. any reflection may ( and not unproperly ) be called recoiling ; but not contrariwise every recoiling reflection . reflection is always made by the re-action of a body prest or stricken ; but recoiling not always . the recoiling of a gun is not caused by its own pressing upon the gun-powder , but by the force of the powder it self , inflamed and moved every way alike : a. i had thought it had been by the sudden re-entring of the air after the flame and bullet were gone out . for it is impossible that so much room as is left empty by the discharging of the gun , should be so suddenly filled with the air that entereth at the touch-hole . b. the flame is nothing but the powder it self , which scattered into its smallest parts seems , of greater bulk by much , then in truth it is , because they shine . and as the parts scatter more and more , so still more air gets between them , entring not only at the touch-hole , but also at the mouh of the gun. which two ways being opposite , it will be much too weak to make the gun recoil . a. i have heard that a great gun charged too much or too little , will shoot ( not above , nor below but ) besides the mark ; and charged with one certain charge between both will hit it . b. how that should be i cannot imagine . for when all things in the cause are equal , the effects cannot be unnequal . as soon as fire is given , and before the bullet be out , the gun begins to recoil . if then there be any unevenness or rub in the ground more on one side then on the other , it shall shoot besides the mark , whether too much , or too little , or justly charged ; because if the line wherein the gun recoileth decline , the way of the bullet will also decline to the contrary side of the mark . therefore i can imagine no cause of this event , but either in the ground it recoils on , or in the unequal weight of the parts of the breech . a. how comes refractin ? b. when the action is in a line perpendicular to the superficies of the body wrought upon , there will be no refraction at all . the action will proceed still in the same straight line , whether it be pression as in light , or in percussion as in the shooting of a bullet . but when the pression is oblique , then will the refraction be that way which the nature of the bodies through which the action proceeds shall determin . h. how is light refracted ? b. if is pass through a body of less , into a body of greater resistance , and to the point of the superficies it falleth on , you draw a line perpendicular to the same superficies , the action will proceed not in the same line by which it fell on , but in another line bending toward that perpendiculare . a. what is the reason of that ? b. i told you before , that the falling on worketh only in the perpendicular ; but as soon as the action proceedeth further inward then a meer touch , it worketh partly in the perpendicular , and partly forward , and would proceed in the same line in which it fell on , but for for the greater resistance which now weakneth the motion forward , and makes it to incline towards the perpendicular . a. in transparent bodies it may be so ; but there be bodies through which the light cannot pass at all . b. but the action by which light is made , passeth through all bodies . for this action is pression ; and whatsoever is prest , presseth that which is next behind , and so continually . but the cause why there is no light seen through it , is the uneveness of the parts within , whereby the action is by an infinite number of reflections so diverted and weakned , that before it hath proceeded through , it hath not strength left towork upon the eye strongly enough to produce sight . a. if the body being transparent the action proceed quite through , into a body again of less resistance , as out of glass into the air , which way shall it then proceed in the air ? b. from the point where it goeth forth , draw a perpendicular to the superficies of the glass , the action now freed from the resistance it suffered , will go from that perpendicular , as much as it did before come towards it . a. when a bullet from out of the air entreth into a wall of earth , will that also be refracted towards the perpendicular ? b. if the earth be all of one kind , it will. for the parallel motion , will there also at the first entrance be resisted , which it was not before it entred . a. how then comes a bullet , when shot very obliquely into any broad water , and having entred , yet to rise , again into the air ? b. when a bullet is shot very obliquely , though the motion be never so swift , yet approach downwards to the water is very slow , and when it cometh to it , it casteth up much water before it , which with its weight presseth downwards again , and maketh the water to rise under the bullet with force enough to master the weak motion of the bullet downwards , and to make it rise in such manner as bodies use to rise by reflection . a. by what motion ( seeing you ascribe all effects to motion ) can a load-stone draw iron to it ? b. by the same motion hitherto supposed . but though all the smallest parts of the earth have this motion , yet it is not supposed that their motions are in equal circles ; nor that they keep just time with one another ; nor that they have all the same poles . if they had , all bodies would draw one another alike . for such an agreement of motion , of way , of swiftness , of poles , cannot be maintained without the conjunction of the bodies themselves in the center of their common motion , but by violence . if therefore the iron have but so much of the nature of the load-stone as redily to receive from it the like motion , as one string of a lute doth from another string strained to the same note ( as it is like enough it hath , the load-stone being but one kind of iron ore ) it must needs after that motion received from it , ( unless the greatness of the weight hinder ) come nearer to it , because at distance their motions will differ in time , and oppose each other whereby they will be forced to a common center . if the iron be lifted up from the earth , the motion of the load-stone must be stronger , or the body of it nearer , to overcome the weight ; and then the iron will leap up to the load-stone as as swiftly as from the same distance , it would fall down to the earth ; but if both the stone and the iron be set floating upon the water , the attraction will begin to be manifest at a greater distance , because the hindrance of the weight is in part removed . a. but why does the load-stone if it float on a calm water , never fail to place it self at last in the meridian just north and south . b. not so , just in the meridian , but almost in all places with some variations . but the cause i think is , that the axis of this magnetical motion is parallel to the axis of the ecliptique , which is the axis of the like motion in the earth , and consequently that it cannot freely exercise its natural motion in any other scituation . a. whence may this consent of motion in the load-stone and the earth proceed ? do you think ( as some have written ) that the earth is a great load-stone ? b. dr. gilbert that was the first that wrote any thing of this subject rationally , inclines to that opinion . decartes thought the earth ( excepting this upper crust of a few miles depth ) to be of the same nature with all other stars , and bright . for my part i am content to be ignorant ; but i believe the load stone hath given its virtue by a long habitude in the mine , the vein of it lying in the plain of some of the meridians , or rather of some of the great circles that pass through the poles of the ecliptique , which are the same with the poles of the like motion supposed in the earth . a. if that be true ▪ i need not ask why the filings of iron laid on a load-stone equally distant from its poles will lie parallel to the axis , but one each side incline to the pole that is next it . nor why by drawing a load-ston all a long a needle of iron , the needle will receive the same poles nor why when the load-stone and iron ( or two load-stones ) are put together floating upon water , will fall one of them a stern of the other , that their like parts may look the same way , and their unlike touch , in which action they are commonly said to repel one another . for all this may be deriv'd from the union of their motions . one thing more i desire to know , and that is ; what are those things they call spirits ? i mean ghosts , fairies , hobgoblins , and the like apparitions . b. they are no part of the subject of natural philosophy . a. that which in all ages , and all places is commonly seen ( as those have been , unless a great part of mankind by lyers ) cannot , i think , be supernatural . b. all this that i have hitherto said , though upon better ground than can be had for a discourse of ghosts , you ought to take but for a dream . a. i do so . but there be some dreams more like sense then others . and that which is like sense pleases me as well ( in natural philosophy ) as if it were the very truth . b. i was dreaming also once of these things ; but was weakened by their noise . and they never came into any dream of mine since , unless apparitionrs in dreams and ghoasts be all one . chap. viii . the delphique problem or duplication of the cube . a. have you seen a printed paper sent from paris , containing the duplication of the cube , written in french ? b. yes . it was i that writ it , and sent it thither to be printed , on purpose to see what objections would be made to it by our professors of algebra here . a. then you have also seen the confutations of it by algebra . b. i have seen some of them ; and have one by me . for there was but one that was rightly calculated , and that is it which i have kept . a. your demonstration then is confuted though but by one . b. that does not follow . for though an arithmetical calculation be true in numbers , yet the same may be , or rather must be false , if the units be not constantly the same . a. is their calculation so inconstant , or rather so foolish as you make it ? b. yes . for the same number is sometimes so many lines , sometimes so many plains , and sometimes so many solids ; as you shall plainly see , if you will take the pains to examine first a demonstration i have to prove the said duplication , and after that , the algebrique calculation which is pretended to confute it . and not only that this one is false , but also any other arithmetical account used in geometry , unless the numbers be always so many lines , or always so many superficies , or always many solids . a. let me see the geometrical demonstration . b. there it is : read it . to find a cube double to a cube given . let the side of the cube given be v d. produce v d to a , till a d be double to d v. then make the square of a d , namely a b c d. divide a b and c d in the middle at e and f. draw e f. draw also a c cutting e f in i. then in the sides b c and a d take b r and a s each of them equal to a i or i c. lastly , divide s d in the middle at t , and upon the center t , with the distance t v , describe a semi-circle cutting a d in y , and d c in x. i say the cube of d x is double to the cube of d v. for the three lines d y , d x , d v are in continual proportion . and cntinuing the semi-circle v x y till it cut the line r s drawn and produced in z , the line s z , will be equal to d x. and drawing x z it will pass through t. and the four lines t v , t x , t y and t z will be equal . and therefore joyning y x and y z , the figure v x y z will be a rectangle . produce c d to p so as d p be equal to a d. now if y z produced fall on p , there will be three rectangle equiangled triangles , d p y , d y x , and d x v ; and consequently four continual proportionals , d p , d y , d x ▪ and d v , whereof d x is the least of the means . and therefore the cube of d x will be double to the cube of d v. a. that 's true ; and the cube of d y will be double to the cube of d x ; and the cube of d p double to the cube of d y. but that y z produced , falls upon p , is the thing they deny , and which you ought to demonstrate . b. if y z produced fall not on p , then draw p y , and from v let fall a perpendicular upon p y , suppose at u. divide p v in the midst at a , and joyn a u ; which done a u will be equal to a v or a p. for because v u p is a right angle , the point u will be in the semi-circle whereof p v is the diameter . therefore drawing v r , the angle u v r will be a right angle . a. why so ? b. because t v and t y are equal ; and t d , t sequal ; s v will also be equal to d v. and because d p and r s are equal and parallel , r y will be equal and parallel to p v. and therefore v r and p y that joyn them will be equal and parallel . and the angles p u v , r v u will be alternate , and consequently equal . but p u v is a right angle ; therefore also r v u will be a right angle . a. hitherto all is evident . proceed . b. from the point y raise a perpendicular cutting v r wheresoever in t , and then ( because p y and v r are parallel ) the angle y t v will be a right angle . and the figure u y t v a rectangle , and u t equal to y v. but y v is equal to z x ; and therefore z x is equal to u t. and u t must pass through the point t ( for the diameters of any rectangle , divide each other in the middle ) therefore z and u are the same point , and x and t the same point . therefore y z produced falls upon p. and d x is the lesser of the two means between a d and d v. and the cube of d x double to the cube of d v which was to be demostraten . a i cannot imagine what fault there can be in this demonstration , and yet there is one thing which seems a little strange to me . and 't is this . you take b r , which is half the diagonal , and which is the sine of 45 degrees , and which is also the mean proportional between the two extreams . and yet you bring none of these proprieties into your demonstration . so that though you argue from the construction , yet you do not argue from the cause . and this perhaps your adversaries will object ( at least ) against the art of you demonstratieon , or enqure by what luck you pitched upon half the diagonal for your foundation . b. i see you let nothing pass . but for answer you must know , that if a man argue from the negative of the truth , though he know not that it is the truth which is denyed , yet he will fall at last , after many consequences , into one absurdity or another . for though false do often produce truth , yet it produces also absurdity , as it hath done here . but truth produceth nothing but truth . therefore in demonstrations that tend to absurdity , it is no good logick to require all along the operation of the cause . a. have you drawn from hence no corollaries ? b. no. i leave that for others that will ; unless you take this for a corollary , that , what arithmetical calculation soever contradicts it , is false . a. let me see now the algebrical demonstration against it . b. here it is . let a b or a d be equal to 2 then d f or d v is equal to 1 and b r or a s is equal to the square root of 2 and a v equal to 3 want the square root of 2. the cube of a b is equal to 8 the cube of d y is equal to 45 want the square root of 1682 that is almost equal to 4 for 45 want the square root of 6681 is equal to 4 therefore d y is a little less then the greater of the two means between ad and dv . a. there is i see some little difference between this arithmetical aud your geometrical demonstration . and though it be insensible , yet if his calculation be true , yours must needs be false , which i am sure cannot be . b. his calculation is so true , that there is never a proposition in it false , till he come to the conclusion , that the cube of d y. is equal to 45 , want the square root of 1682. but that , and the rest , is false . a. i shall easily see that a d. is certainly 2 , whereof d v. is 1 , and a v. is certainly 3 , whereof d v. is 1. b. right . a. and b r. is without doubt the square root of 2. b. why , what is 2 ? a. 2 , is the line a d. as being double to d v. which is 1. b. and so , the line b r. is the square root of the line a d. a. out upon it it , it 's absurd . why do you grant it to be true in arithmetick ? b. in arithmetick the numbers consist of so many units ; and are never considered there as nothings . and therefore every one line has some latitude , and if you allow to bi . the semi-diagonal the same latitude you do to ab . or to br . you will quickly see the square of half the diagonal to be equal to twice the square of half ab . a. well , but then your demonstration is not confuted ; for the point y , will have latitude enough to take in that little difference which is between the root of 1681 and the root of 1682. this putting off an vuit sometimes for one line , sometimes for one square , must needs marr the reckoning . again he says the cube of ab . is equal to 8. but seeing ab . is 2 , the cube of ab . must be just equal to four of its own sides ; so that the vnit which was before sometimes a line , sometimes a square , is now a cube . b. it can be no otherwise when you so apply arithmetick to geometry , as to mumber the lines of a plain , or the plains of a cube . a. in the next place , i find that the cube of dy . is equal to 45 , want the square root of 1622. what is that 45 ? lines , or squares , or cubes ? b. cubes , cubes of dv . a. then if you add to 45 cubes of dv . the square root of 1682 , the sum will be 45 cubes of dv . and if you add to the cube of dy . the same root of 1682 , the sum will be the cube of dy . plus the square root of 1682. and these two sums must be equal . b. they must so . a. but the square root of 1682 , being a line , adds nothing to a cube ; therefore the cube alone of dy . which he says is equal almost to 4. cubes of dv . is equal to 45 cubes of the same dv . b. all these impossibilities do necessarily follow the confounding of arithmetick and geometry . a. i pray you let me see the operation by which the cube of dy . ( that is the cube of 3 , want the root of 2 , ) is found equal to 45 , want the square root of 1682. a detection of the absurd use of arithmetick as it is now applyed to geometry . b. here it is . 3 — r. 2. 3 — r. 2. — r. 18 ✚ 2 : 9 — r. 18 9 — r. 72 ✚ 2. 3 — r. 2. — r. 162 ✚ 12 — r. 8. 27 — r. 648 ✚ 6 27 — r. 658 — r. 162 ✚ 18 — r. 8. a. why for two roots of 18 do you put the root of 72. b. because 2 roots of 18 is equal to one root of 4 times 18 , which is 72. a. next we have , that the root of 2 multiplyed into 2 , makes the root of 8. how is that true ? b. does it not make 2 roots of 2 ? and is not br . the root of 2 , and 2 br equal to the diagonal ? and is not the diagonal the root of a square equal to 8 squares of dv ? a. 't is true . but here the root of 8 is put for the cube of the root of 2. can a line be equal to a cube ? b. no. but here we are in arithmetick again , and 8 is a cubique number . a. how does the root of 2 multiplyed into the root of 72 make 12 ? b. because it makes the root of 2 times 72 , that is to say the root of 144 which is 12. a. how does 9 roots of 2 make the root of 162 ? b. because it makes the root of 2 squares of 9 , that is the root of 162. a. how does 3 roots of 72 make the root of 648 ? b. because it makes the root of 9 times 72 , that is of 648. a. for the total sum i see 27 and 18 which make 45. therefore the root of 648 together with the root of 162● and of 8 , which are to be deducted from 45 , ought to be equal to the root of 1682. b. so they are . for 648 multiplyed by 162 makes 104976 of which the double root is — 648 and 648 and 162 added together make — 810. therefore the root of 948 , added to the root of 162 makes the root of — 1459 again 1458 into 8 is 11664. the double root whereof is — 216. the sum of 1458 and 8 added together is — 1466. the sum of 1466 and 216 is 1682 , and the root , the root of — 1682. a. i see the calculation in numbers is right , though false in lines . the reason whereof can be no other then some difference between multiplying numbers into lines or plains , and multiplying lines into the same lines or plains . b. the difference is manifest . for when you multiply a number into lines , the product is lines ; as the number 2 multiplyed into 3 lines is no more then 3 lines 2 times told . but if you multiply lines into lines you make plains , and if you multiply lines into plains you make solid bodies . in geometry there are but three dimensions , length , superficies , and body . in arithmetick there is but one , and that is number or length which you will. and though there be some numbers called plain , others solid , others plano-solid , others square , others cubique , others square-square , others quadrato-cubique , others cubi-cubique &c. yet are all these but one dimension , namely number , or a file of things numbered . a. but seeing this way of calculation by numbers is so apparently false , what is the reason this calculation came so near the truth . b. it is because in arithmetick units are not nothings , and therefore have breadth . and therefore many lines set together make a superficies though their breadth be insensible . and the greater the number is into which you divide your line , the less sensible will be your errour . a. archimedes , to find a streight line equal to the circumferrence of a circle , used this may of extracting roots . and 't is the way also by which the table of sines , secants aud tangents have been calculated , are they all cut ? b. as for archimedes , there is no man that does more admire him then i do . but there is no man that cannot err. his reasoning is good . but he ads all other geometricans before and after him , have had two principles that cross one another when they are applyed to one and the same science . one is , that a point is no part of a line which is true in geometry , where a part of a line when it is called a point , is not reckoned ; another is , that a unit is part of a number which is also true ; but when they reckon by arethmetick in geometry , there a unit is somtimes part of a line , sometimes a part of a square , and sometimes part of a cube . as for the table of sines , secants and tangents , i am not the first that find fault with them . yet i deny not but they are true enough for the reckoning of acres in a map of land. a. what a deal of labour has been lost by them that being professors of geometry have read nothing else to their auditors but such stuff as this you have here seen . and some of them have written great books of it in strange characters , such as in troublesome times , a man would suspect to be a cypher . b. i think you have seen enough to satisfie you , that what i have written heretofore concerning the quadrature of the circle , and of other figures made in imitation of the parabola , has not been yet confuted . a. i see you have wrested out of the hands of our antagonists this weapon of algebra , so as they can never make use of it again . which i consider as a thing of much more consequence to the science of geometry , then either of the duplication of the cube , or the finding of two mean proportionals , or the quadrature of a circle , or all these problems put together . finis . books written by this author , and printed for william crooke . 1 de mirabilibus pecci , in quarto latin , in octavo in english and lantin . 2 three papers to the royal society against dr. wallis . 3 lumathematica . 4 prima partis doctrinae wallisianae de motu censura brevis . 5 resetum geometricum , sive propositiones aliquot frustra antehac tentatae . 6 principia & poblemata aliquot geometrica , ante desperata , nunc breviter explicata & demonstrata . 7 quadratura circuli cubatio sphaere duplicatio cubi breviter demonstrata . 8 consideration on his loyalty , reputation , religion and manners ; by himself . 9 de principio & ratione geometri . 20 the travels of vlises translated from homer . 11 epistol . ad dr. wood. 12 the translation of all homers works into english. 13 the epitome of the civil wars of enland from 1640 to 1660. 14 aristotles rhetorick translated into english by him , with his own rhetorick to it . 15 a dialogue betwixt a student in the common-laws of england , and a philosopher in which is set forth the errors in some practise . 16 a narration of heresie and the punnishment thereof . 17 ten dialogues of natural philosophy . 18 a poem in latin of his life . 19 — idem the same in english. 20 his life written in latin , part by himself and the rest by dr. r. b. wherein is contained the most material parts of his life . 21 seven philosophical problems , and two propositions of geometry . with an apology for himself , and his writings . dedicated to the king , in the year 1662. stigmai ageōmetrias, agroichias, antipoliteas, amatheias, or, markes of the absurd geometry, rural language, scottish church-politicks, and barbarismes of john wallis professor of geometry and doctor of divinity by thomas hobbes. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44015 of text r28097 in the english short title catalog (wing h2261). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 117 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44015 wing h2261 estc r28097 10409648 ocm 10409648 44957 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44015) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44957) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1386:2) stigmai ageōmetrias, agroichias, antipoliteas, amatheias, or, markes of the absurd geometry, rural language, scottish church-politicks, and barbarismes of john wallis professor of geometry and doctor of divinity by thomas hobbes. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [2], 31 p. printed for andrew crooke, london : 1657. reproduction of original in the trinity college library, cambridge university. eng wallis, john, 1616-1703. -due correction for mr. hobbes. mathematics -early works to 1800. a44015 r28097 (wing h2261). civilwar no stigmai ageōmetrias, agroichias, antipoliteas, amatheias or markes of the absurd geometry rural language scottish church-politicks and barb hobbes, thomas 1657 22722 625 795 19 0 0 0 633 f the rate of 633 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion στιγμαι {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or markes of the absurd geometry rural language scottish church-politicks and barbarismes of john wallis professor of geometry and doctor of divinity . by thomas hobbes of malmesbury . london , printed for andrew crocke , at the green dragon in pauls church-yard , 1657. to the right honourable henry lord pierrepont vicount newarke , earle of kingston , and marquis of dorchester . my most noble lord , i did not intend to trouble your lordship twice with this contention between me and doctor wallis . but your lordship sees how i am constrained to it ; which ( whatsoever reply the doctor makes ) i shall be constrained to no more . that which i have now said of his geometry , manners , divinity , and g●ammar all together is not much , though enough . as for that which i here have written concerning his geometry , which you will look for first , is so clear , that not only your lordship and such as have proceeded far in that sicence , but also any man else that doth but know how to adde and substract proportions ( which is taught at the twentieth third proposition of ●the sixth of euclide ) may see the doctor is in the wrong . that which i say of his ill language and politicks is yet shorter . the rest ( which concerneth grammar ) is almost all another mans , but so full of learning of that kinde , as no man that taketh delight in knowing the proprieties of the greek and latine tongues , will think his time ill bestowed in the reading it . i give the doctor no more ill words ; but am returned from his manners to my own . your lordship may perhaps say my complement in my tittle page is somewhat course ; and 't is true . but , my lord , it is since the writing of the title page , that i am returned from the doctors manners to my own ; which are such as i hope you will not be ashamed to own me , my lord , for one of your lordships most humble and obedient servants thomas hobbes . to doctor wallis in answer to his schoole discipline . sir , when ●nprovok'd you addressed unto me in your elenchus your ha●sh complement with great security , wantonly to shew your wit , i confesse you made me angry , and willing to put you into a better way of considering your own forces , and to move you a little as you had ●moved me ; which i perceive my lessons to you have in some measure done ; but here you shall see how easily i can bear your reproaches , now they proceed from anger , and how calmly i can argue with you about your geometry , and other parts of learning . i shall in the first part confer with you about your arit●metica infinitorum , and afterwards compare our manner of elocution ; then your politicks ; and last of all your grammar and criticks . your spirall line is condemned by him whose authority you use to prove me a plagiary , ( that is , a man that st●aleth other mens inventions , and arrogates them to himself ) whether it be roberval or not that w●it that paper , i am not certain . but i think i shall be shortly , but whosoever it be , his authority will serve no lesse to shew that your doctrine of the sp●rall line from the fi●th to the eighteenth proposition of your arithmetica infinitorum , is all false ; and that the principal fault therein ( if all faults be not principal in geometry , when they proceed from ignorance of the science ) is the same that i objected to you in my lessons . and for the author of that paper , when i am certain who it is , it will be then time enough to vindicate my self concerning that name of plagiary ; and whereas he challenges the invention of your method delivered in your arithmetica infinitorum to have been his before it was yours , i shall ( i think ) by and by say that which shall make him a shamed to own it ; and those that writ those encomiastick epistles to you ashamed of the honour they meant to you : i passe therefore to the ninteenth proposition , which in l●tine is this . your geometry . si proponatur series quantitatum in duplicata ratione arithmetice . proportionalium ( sive juxta seriem numerorum quadraticorum ) continu● crescentium , à puncto vel o inchoa●arum , ( puta ut 0. 1. 4. 9. 16. &c. ) propositum sit , inquirere quam habeat illa rat●onem ad seriem totid●m maximae aequalium . fiat investigatio per modum inductioni● ut ( in prop. 1. ) eritque & sic dein●eps . ratio proveniens est ubique major quam subtripla seu ⅓ ▪ ; excessus autem perpetuo decresci● prout ▪ numerus terminorum augetur ( puta 1 / 6 1 / 12 1 / 18 1 / 30 &c. ) aucto nimirum fractionis denominatore sive consequente rationis in singulis locis numero senario ( ut pa●et ) ut ●it rationis provenientis excessus supra subtriplam , ea quam habet unitas ad sextuplum numeri terminorum posto ; adeoque . that is , if there be propounded a row of quantities in duplicate proportion of the quantities arithmetically proportional ( or proceeding in the order of the square numbers ) continually increasing ; and beginning at a point or 0 ; let it be propounded to finde what proportion the row hath ; to as many quantities equal to the greatest ; let it be sought by induction ( as in the first proposition ) the proportion arising is every where greater then subtriple , or ⅓ , and the excesse perpetually decreaseth as the number of termes is augmented , as here , 1 / 6 1 / 12 1 / 18 1 / 24 1 / 30 &c. the denominator of the fraction being in every place augmented by the number six ( as is manifest ) so that the excesse of the rising proportion above subtriple is the same which unity hath to six times the number of termes after 0 ; and so . sir , in these your characters i understand by the crosse + that the quantities on each side of it are to be added together and make one aggregate ; and i understand by the two parallel lines = that the quantities betwen which they are placed are one to another equall ; this is your meaning , or you should have told us what you meant else : i understand also , that in the first row 0 + 1 is equal to 1 , and 1 + 1 equal to 2 ; and that in the second row 0 + 1 + 4 is equal to 5 ; and 4 + 4 + 4 equal to 12 ; but ( which you are too apt to grant ) i understand your symboles no further ; but must confer with your self about the rest . and first i ask you ( because fractions are commonly written in that manner ) whether in the uppermost row ( which is ) 0 / 1 be a fraction , 1 / 1 be a fraction , ½ be a fraction , that is to say , a part of an unite , and if you will ( for the cyphers sake ) whether 0 / 1 , be an infinitely little part of 1 ; and whether 1 / 1 , or 1 divided by 1 signifie an unity ; if that be your meaning , then the fractio● 0 / 1 added to the fraction 1 / 1 is equal to the fraction ½ : but the fraction 0 / 1 is equal to 0 ; therefore the fraction 0 / 1 + 1 / 1 is equal to the fraction 1 / 1 ; and 1 / 1 equal to ½ which you will ▪ confesse to be an absurd conclusion , and cannot own that meaning . i ask you therefore again if by 0 / 1 you mean the proportion of 0 to 1 ; and consequently by 1 / 1 the proportion of 1 to 1 , and by ½ the proportion of 1 to 2 : if so , then it will follow , that if the proportions of 0 to 1 and of 1 to 1 ●e compounded by addition , the proportion arising will be the proportion of 1 to 2. but the proportion of 0 to 1 is infinitely little , that is , none . therefore the proportion arising by composition will be that of 1 , to 1 , and equall ( because of the symbol = ) to the proportion of 1 to 2 and so 1 = 2 : this also is so absurd that i dare say that you will not own it . there may be another meaning yet : perhaps you mean that the uppermost quantitie 0 + 1 is equal to the uppermost q●antity 1 ; and the lowermost quantity 1 + 1 equal to the lowermost quantity 2 : which is true : but how then in this equation ½ = ⅓ + ⅙ is the uppermost quantity 1 equal to the uppermost quantity 1 + 1 ; or the lower most quantity 〈◊〉 equal to the lowermost quantity 3 + 6 ? therefore neither can this be your meaning ; unlesse you make your symbols more significant , you must not blame me for want of understanding them . let us now try what better successe we s●all have where the places are three , as here : if your symbols be fractions , the compound of them by addition is 5 / 4 ; for 0 , ¼ and 4 / 4 make 5 / 4 ; and consequently ( because of the symbole = ) 5 / 4 equal to 5 / 12 which is not to be allowed , and therefore that was not your meaning . if you meant that the proportions of 0 to 4 & of 1 to 4 & of 4 to 4 compounded is equal to the proportion of 5. to 12. you will fall again into no less an inconvenience . for the proportion arising out of that composition will be the proportion of 1. to 4. for the proportion of 0. to 4. is infinitely little . then to compound the other two , set them in this order 1. 4. 4. and you have a proportion compounded of 1. to 4. and of 4. to 4. namely , the proportion of the first to the last , which is of 1. to 4. which must be equal ( by this your meaning ) to the proportion of 5. to 12. and consequently as 5. to 12. so is 1. to 4. which you must not own . lastly , if you mean that the uppermost quantities to the uppermost , and the lowermost to the lowermost in the first equation are equal , t is granted , but then again in the second equation it is false . it concerns your fame in the mathematicks to look about how to justifie these equations which are the premises to your conclusion following , namely , that the proportion arising is every where greater then subtriple , or a third ; and that the excess ( that is , the excess above subtriple ) perpetually decreaseth as the number of terms is augmented , as here 1 / 6 1 / 12 1 / 18 1 / 24 1 / 30 &c. which i will shew you plainly is false . but first i wonder why you were so angry with me for saying you made proportion to consist in the quotient , as to tell me it was abominably false , and to justifie it , cite your own words penes quotientem , do not you say here , the proportion is every where greater then subtriple , or ⅓ ? and is not ⅓ the quotient of 1. divided by 3 ? you cannot say in this place that penes is understood ; for if it were expressed you would ●ot be able to proceed . but i return to your conclusion , that the ex●ess of the proportion of the increasing quantities above the third part of so many t●mes the greatest , decreaseth as 1 / 6 1 / 12 1 / 18 1 / 24 1 / 30 &c. for by this accompt in this row where the quantitie above exceeds the third part of the quantities below by ⅓ ' you make ⅓ equal to ⅙ ' which you do not mean . it may be said your meaning is that the proportion of 〈◊〉 . to the subtriple of 2. which is ⅔ exceedeth what ? i cannot imagine what , nor proceed further where the ter●s be but two . let us therefore take the second row , that is , the summe above is 5. the summe below is 12. the third part whereof is 4. if you mean , that the proportion of 5. to 4. exceeds the proportion of 4 ▪ to 12. ( which is subtriple ) by 1 / 12 ' you are out again . for 5. exceeds 4. by unitie , which is 12 / 12 i do not think you will own such an equation as . therefore i believe you mean ( and your next proposition assures me of it ) that the proportion of 5. to 4. exceeds subtriple proportion by the proportion of 1. to 12. if you do so , you are yet deceived . for if the proportion of 5. to 4. exceeds subtriple proportion by the proportion of 1. to 12. then subtriple proportion , that is , of 4. to 12. added to the proportion of 1. to 12. must make the proportion of 5. to 4. but if you look on these quantities 4. 12. 144. you will ●ee and must not dissemble that the proportion of 4. to 12. is subtriple , and the proportion of 12. to 144. is the same with that of 1 ▪ to 12. therefore by your assertion it must be as 5. to 4. so 4. to 144. which you must not own . and yet this is manifestly your meaning as apppeareth in th●se words ; u● 〈◊〉 rationis pr●venien●is excessus supra subtriplam ●a quam ●abet unitas ad sextuplum numeri terminorum post 0 , adeoque , which cannot be rendered in english , nor need to be . for you express your self in the 20th . pr●position very clearly ; i noted it only that you may be more merciful hereafter to the stumblings of a hasty pen . for excessus ea quam does not well , nor is to be well excused by subauditur ratio . your 20th . proposition is this ▪ siprop●natur serie● quantitatum in duplicata ratione arithmeticè proportionalium ( sive jux●a seriem numerorum quadraticorum ) continuè crescentium , a puncto vel o in choatarum , ratio quam habet illa ad seriem to●idem maximae aequalium subtriplam superabit ; eritque excessus ea ratio qua● habet unitas ad sex●uplum n●meri terminorum post 0 , sive quam habet radix quadraticae termini primi post 0 ad sextuplum radicis quadraticae termini maximi . that is , if there be propounded a row of quantities in duplicate proportion of arithmetically-proportionals ( or according to the row of square numbers ) continually increasing , and beginnin gwith a point or 0. the proportion of that row to a row of so many equals to the greatest , shall be greater then subtriple proportion , and the excesse s●all be that proportion which unity hath to the sextuple of the number of termes after 0 , or the same which the square roo● of the first number after 0 , hath to the sextuple of the square root of the greatest . for proof whereof you have no more here , then pa●e● ex praeceden●●bus ; and no more before but adeoque . you do not we●l to passe over such curious propositions so slightly ; none of the antients did so ; nor , that i remember , any man before your self . the proposition is false , as you shall presently see . take for example any one of your rows ; as . by this proportion of yours 1 + 4 which makes 5 is to 12 in more then subtriple proportion ; by the proportion of 1 to the sextuple of 2 which is 12. put in order these three quantities 5. 4. 12. and you must see that the proportion of 5 to 12 is greater then the proportion of 4 to 12 , that is , subtriple proportion , by the proprtion of 5 to 4. but by your account the proportion of 5 to 4 is greater then that of 4 to 12 by the proportion of 1 to 12. therefore as 5 to 4 so is 1 to 1● . which is a very strang parodox . after this you bring in this consectary . cum autem cresente numero terminorum excessus ille supra rationem sub●riplam conninuò minuatur , ut tandem quovis assignabili minor eva●●t ( un p●tet ) si in in●ini●um producatur prorsus evaniturus est . adeoque . that is , seeing as the number of tearms encreaseth , that excesse above subtriple proportion continually decre●seth , so as at length it be●omes lesse then any assignable ( as is manifes● ) if it be produced infinitely , it shall utterly vanish , and so . and so what ? sir , this consequence of yours is false . for two quantities being given , and the excesse of the greater above the lesse , that excesse may continually be decreased , and ye● never quite vanish . suppose any two unequal quantities differing by more then an unite , as 3 and 6 , the excesse 3 , let three be diminished , fi●st by an unite , and the ezcesse will be 2 and the quantities will be 3 and 5. 5 is greater then 4 ; the excesse 1. again , let 1 be diminished and made ½ . the excesse ½ and the quantities 3 and 4½ . 4½ is yet greater then 4. again diminish the excesse to ¼ , the quantities will be 3 and 4¼ yet still 4¼ is greater then 4. in the same manner you may proceed to ⅛ , 1 / 16 , 1 / 32 , &c. infinitely ; and yet you shall never come within an unite ( though your unite stand for 100 mile ) of the lesser quantity propounded 3 , if that 3 stand for 300 mile . the exce●ses above subtriple proportion do not d●creas● in the manner you say it does , but in the manner which i shall now shew you . in this first row a third of the quantities below is ⅔ . set in order these thre3 quantities 1. 2 / 9. ⅔ . the first is 1 equal to the sum above , the last is ⅔ equal to the subtriple of the sum below . the middlemost is 2 / 9 subtriple to the last quantity ⅔ . the excesse of the proportion of 1 to ⅔ above the subtriple proportion of2 / 9 to ⅔ is the proportion of 1 to 2 / 9 , that is , of 9 to 2 , that is of 18 to 4. secondly in the second row which is a third of the sum below is 4 the sum above is 5. set in order these quantities 15. 4. 12. there the proportion of 15 to 12 is the proportion of 5 to 4. the proportion of 4 to 12 is subtriple ; the excesse is the proportion of 15 to 4 , which is lesse then the proportion of 18 to 4. as it ought to be ; b●t not lesse by the proportion of ⅙ to 1 / 12 , as you would have it . thirdly , in the third row , which is . a third of the sum below is 12 , the su● above is 14. set in order these quantities 4 〈◊〉 . 4. 12. there the proportion of 42 to 12. is the same , with that of 14 to 4. and the p●oportion of 4 to 12 subtriple , lesse then the former excesse of 15 to 4. and so it goes on deceasing all the way in this manner , 18 to 4. 15 to 4. 14 to 4 &c. which differs very much from your 1 to 6. 1 to 12. 1 to 18 &c. and the cause of your mistake is this ; you call the twelfth part of twelve 1 / 12 , and the eighteenth part of thirty ●ix , you call 1 / 18 , and so of the rest . but what need all those equations in symbols , to shew that the proportion decreases ; is there any man can doubt , but th●t the propartion of 1 to 2 is greater then that of 5 to 12 , or that of 5 to 12 greater then that of 14 to 36 , and so continually forwards ; or could you have fallen into this errour , unlesse you had taken , as you have done in very many places of your elenchus , the fra ▪ ctions ⅙ and 1 / 12 , &c. which are the quotients of 1 divided by 6 and 12. for the very proportions of 1 to 6 , and 1 to 12. but notwithstanding the excesse of the proportions of the encreasing quanti●ies , to subtriple proportion decrease stil , as the number of tearms increaseth , and that what proportions soever i shall assigne , the decrement will in time ( in time i say without proceeding in in●initum ) produce a lesse , yet it does not follow that the row of the increasing qu●ntities shall ever be equall to the third part of the row of so many equalls to the last or greatest . for it is not , i hope , a paradox to you , that in two rows of quantities the proportion of the excesses may decrease , and yet the excesses them selves encrease , and do perpetually . for in the second and third rows , which are and 5 exceeds the third part of 12 , by a quarter of the square of fo●r , and 14 exceedes the third part of 36 by 2 quarters of the square of 4 , and proceeding on , the sum of the increasing quantities where the termes are 5 ( which sum is 30 ) exceedeth the third part of those below ( those below are 80 and their third part 26⅔ by 3 quarters and ½ a quarter of the square of 4. and when the tearms are 6 the quantities above will exceed the third part of them below by 5 quarte●s of the square of four . would you have ●en beleeve , that the forther you go , the excesse of the increasing quantities above the third p●r● of those below shall be so much the lesse ? and yet the proportions of those above , to the the thirds of those below , shall decrease eternally ; and therefore your 〈◊〉 proposit●on is ●alse , namely this . siproponatur series infinita quantitatum in duplic●t● ratione arithmeticè proportionalium ( sive juxta seriem numerorum quadraticorum ) continué crescentium 〈◊〉 puncto ●ive o inchoata●um ; eri● illa ad seriem to●idem maximae aequalium , ut 1 ad 3. that i● , if an infinite row of quantities be propounded in duplicate proportion of arithmetically proportio●alls ( or ●ccording to the row of quadratick numbers ) continually increasing and beginning from a point or 0 ; that row shall be to the row of as many equalls to the greatest , as 1 to 3. this is false , ut patet ex praecedentibus , and consequently all that yo● say in proof ●f the proportion of your parabola to a parallelogram , or of the spiral ( he true spiral ) to a circle is in vain . but your spiral puts me in mind of what you h●ve underwritten to the diagramme of your prop 5. the spirall in both f●gures was to be continued whole to the middle , but by the carelessnesse of the graver it is in one figure manca , in the other intercis● . t●uly sir , you will hardly make your reader beleeve that a graver could ●ommit those faults without the help of your own coppy , nor that it had been in your coppy , if you had known how to describe a spiral line then as now . this i had not said , though truth , but that you are pleased to say , though not truth , that i attributed to the printer some f●ults of mine ; i come now to the thirty ninth proposition which is this si proponatur series quantitatum in triplicata ratione arithmeticè proportionalium ( sive juxta seriem numerorum cubicorum ) continuè cresentium a puncto sive o inc●oata●um , ( puta ut o. 1. 8. 27. &c. ) propositum sit inquirere quam habeat series illa rationem ad seriem totidem maximae ●qualium . fiat investigatio per modum inductionis ( ut in prop. 1 & prop 19. ) eritque et sic d●inceps ratio proveniens est ubique major quam subquadrupla , sive ¼ . excessus autem perp●●uo decrescit , p●o ut numerus terminor●m augetur , puta ¼ . ⅛ . 1 / 12. 1 / 16 &c. aucto nimirum fractionis denominator●●ive cansequente rationis in ●ingulis locis numero quaternatio ( ut patet ) ut sit rati●nis provenie●…●xcess●… supra subquadruplam e● quam habet unitas ad quadruplum numeri terminorum post 0. adeoque . that is , if a row of quantities be propounded in triplicate proportion of arithmetically proportionalls ( or according the row of cubiqūe numbers ) continually encreasing , and beginning from a point or o ( as 0. 1. 8. 27. 64. &c. ) let it be propounded to enquire what proportion that row hath to a row of as many equalls to the greatest● be it sought by way of induction , ( as in prop. 1. 19 ) . the proportion arising is every where greater then subquadruple , or ¼ , and the excesse perpetually decreaseth as the number of tearms increaseth as ¼ , ⅛ , 1 / 12 , 1 / 16 , 1 / 20 , &c. the denominator of the fraction , or consequent of the proportion being in every place augmented by the number 4 ( as is manifest ) so that the excesse of the arising proportion above subquadruple is the same with that which an unite hath to the quadruple of the number of the tearms after 0. and so . here are just the same faults which are in prop. 19. for if 0 / 1 be a fraction , and 1 / 1 be a fraction and ½ be another fraction , then this equation is false . for this fraction 0 / 1 is equal , to 0 ▪ and therefore we have 1 / 1 = ½ , that is the whole equal to half . but perhaps you do not mean them fractions , but proportions ; and consequently that the proportion of 0 to 1 , and of 1 to 1 compounded by addition ( i say by addition ; not that i , but that you think there is a composition of proportions by multiplication , which i shall shew you anon is f●lse ) must be equal to the proportion of 1 to 2. which cannot be , for the proportion of 0 to 1 is infinitely little , that is , none at all ; and consequently the proportion of 1 to 1 is equall to the proportion of 1 to 2 ▪ which is again absurd , there is no doubt , but the whole number of 0 + 1 is equal to 1 , and the whole number 1 + 1 equal to 2. but reckoning them as you do , not for whole numbers , but for fractions , or proportions , the equations are false . again your second equation 2 / 4 = ¼ + ¼ though meant of fractions , that is of quotients it be true , and serve nothing to your purpose , yet if it be meant of proportions , it is false . for the proportion of 1 to 4 and of 1 to 4 being compounded are equal to the proportion of 1 to 16 , and so you make the proportion of 2 to 4 equal to the proportion of 1 to 16 , where as it is but subquaduplicate , as you call it , or the quarter of it as i call it . and in the same manner you may demonstrate to yourself , the same fault in all the other rows of how many tearms soever they consist , therefore you may give for lost this 39. prop. as well as all the other 38 that went before . as for the conclusion of it , which is , that the excesse of the arising proportion &c. they are the words of your 40 ▪ proposition , where you ▪ e●presse your self better , and make your errour more easie to be detected . the proposition is this . si proponatur series quantitatum in triplicata ratione arithmeticè proportionalium ( sive juxta seriem numerorum cubicorum ) continue crescentium à puncto velo inchoa●arum , ratio quam habet illa ad seriem totidem maximae aqualiùm subquadruplam superabit ; eritque excessus ea ratio quam habet unitas ad quadruplum numeri terminorum post 0 ; sive quam habet radix cubica termini primi post 0 ad quadruplum radicis cubicae te●mini maximi . pat●● ex praecedente . quum autem crescente numero terminorum excessus ille supra rationem subquadruplam i●a continuo minuatur , ut tandem qu●libet assignabili minor evadat , ( u● pa●et ) si in infinitum procedatur , prorsus evaniturus est . ade●que . paret ex prop. praecedent . that is ; if a row of quantlties be propounded in triplicate proportion of arithmetically proportionalls ( or according to the row of cubick numbers ) continually encreasing ; and beginning at a point or 0 ; the proportion which that row ●ath to a row of as many equals to the greatest is greater then subquadruple proportion ; and the excesse is that proportion which one unite hath to the quadruple of the number of termes after 0. or which the cubick root of the first term after 0 hath to the quadruple of the root of the greatest tearm . it is manifest by the precedent propositions . and seeing , the number of tearmes increasing , that excesse above quadruple proportion doth so continually decrease , as that at length it becomes lesse then any proportion that can be assigned ( as is manifest ) if the proceeding be infinite , it shall quite vanish ; and so . this conclusion was annexed to the end of your 39 proposition ; as there prooved . what cause you had to make a new proposition of it , without other proof then pate● ex praecedente , i cannot imagine . but howsoever the proposition is false . for example , set forth any of your rowes , as this of fower termes . the row above is 36 ▪ the fourth part of the row below is 27. the quadruple of the number of termes after 0 is 12 ▪ then by your accompt , the proportion of 36 to 108 is greater then subquadruple proportion by the proportion of 1 to 12. for trial whereof set in order these three quantities 36. 27. 108. the proportion of 36 ( the uppermost row ) to 108 ( the lowermost row ) is compounded by addition of the proportion● 36 to 27 , and 27 to 108. and the proportion of 36 to 108 exceedeth the proportion of 27 to 108 by the proportion of 36 to 27. but the proportion of 27 to 108 is subquadruple proportion . therefore the proportion of 36 to 108 exceedeth subquadruple proportion , by the proportion of 36 to 27. and by your account by the proportion of 1 to 12 ; and consequently as 36 to 27 so is 1 to 12. did you think such demonstrations as these , should alwayes passe ? then for your inference from the decrease of the proportions of the excesse to the vanishing of the excesse it self , i have already shewed it to be false ; and by consequence that your next proposition , namely , the 40 is also false . the proposition is this . si pr●ponatur series infinita quantitatum in triplicata ratione arithmeticé proportionalium ( sive juxta seriem numerorum cubicorum ) continuè crescentium à puncto sive 0 inchoatarum , erit illa ad seriem totidem maximae aequalium , ut 1 ad 4. pa●et ex praecedente . that is , if there be propounded an infinite row of quantities in triplicate proportion of arithmetically proportionalls ( or according to the row of cubick numbers ) continually increasing , and beginning at a point or 0 ; it shall be to the row of as many equalls to the greatest as 1 to 4. manifest out of the precedent proposition . even as manifest as that 36. 27. 1. 12. are proportionalls : seeing therefore your doctrine of the spiral lines and spaces is given by your self for lost , and a vaine attempt , your first 41 propositions are undemonstrated , and the grounds of your demonstrations all false . the cause whereof is partly your taking quotient for proportion , and a point for 0 , as you do in the 1. 16 and 40. propositions and in other places where you say beginning at a point or 0 ; though now you denie you ever said either . there be very manay places in your elenchus , where you say both ; and have no excuse for it , but that in one of the places , you say the proportion is p●nes quotientem , which is to the same or no sense . your 42 proportion is grounded on the 40 ; and therefore though true , and demonstrated by others , is not demonstrated by you . your 43 is this . pari methodo invenietur ratio seriei infinitae quantitatum arithmeticè proportionalium in ratione quadruplicata , quintuplicata , sextuplicata , etc arithmeticè proportionalium à puncto seu 0 in choatarum , ad seriem totidem maximae aequalium . nempe in quadruplicata ●●it , ut 1 ad 5 ; in quintuplicata ut 1 ad 6 ; in sextuplicata ut 1 ad 7. et sic d●inceps . that is , by the same method will be found the proportion of an infinite row of arithmetically proportionalls in proportion quadruplicate , quintuplicate , sextuplicate &c. of arithmetically proportionalls beginning at a point or 0 , to the row of as many equalls to the greatest ; namely , in quadruplicate , it shall be as 1 to 5 , in quintuplicate as 1 to 6 ; in sextuplicat● as 1 to 7 ; and so forth . but by the same method that i have demonstrated that the 19. 20. 21. 39. 40. 41. propositions are false , any man else that will examine the 43 may finde it false also . and because all the rest of the propositions of your arithmetica infinitorum depend on these , they may safely conclude that there is nothing demonstrated in all that book , though it consist of 194 propositions . the proportions of your parabolo●ides to their parallellogrammes are true , but the demonstrations false , and infer the contrary . nor were they ever demonstrated ( at least the demonstrations are not extant ) but by me ; nor can they be demonstrated , but upon the same grounds concerning the nature of proportion , which i have clearly laid , and you not understood . for if you had , you could never have fallen into so grosse an errour as is this your book of arithmetica infinitorum , or that of the angle of contact . you may see by this that your symbolick method is not onely , not at all inventive of new theormes , but also dangerous in expressing the old . if the best masters of symbolicks think for all this you are in the right , let them declare it . i know how far the analysis by the powers of the lines extendeth , as well as the best of your half-learn't epistlers , that approve so easily of such an●logismes as those . 5. 4. 1 12 , and 36. 27 ▪ 1. 12 ▪ &c. it is well for you that they who have the disposing of the professors places take not upon them to be judges of geometry , for if they did , seeing you confesse you have read these doctrines in your school● you had been in danger of being put out of your place . when the author of the paper wherein i am called plagiary , and wherein the honor is taken from you of being the first inventor of these fine theoremes , shall read this that i have here written , he will look to get no credit by it ; especially if it be roberval , which me thinkes it should not be . for he understands what proportion is , better then to make 5 to 4 the same with 1 to 12. or to make again , the proportion of 36 to 27 the same with that of 1 to 12 ; and innumerable disproportionalites that may be inferred from the grounds you go on . but if it be robeval indeed , that snatches this invention from you , when he shall see this burning coal hanging at it , he will let it fall again , for fear of spoiling his reputation . but what shall i answer to the authority of the three great mathemiticians that sent you those encomiastick letters . for the first , whom you say i use to praise , i shall take better ●eed hereafter of praising any man for his learning whilst he is young , further then that he is in a good way . but it seemes he was in too ready a way of thinking very well of himself , as you do of your self . for the muddinesse of my brain , i must confesse it . but ●r , ought not you to confesse the same of yours ? no , men of your tenets use not to do so . he wonders , ( say you ) you thought it worth the while to ●o●●l your fingers about such a piece . t is well ; every man abounds in his own sense . if you and i were to be compared by the complements that are given us in p●ivate letters , both you and your complementors would be out of countenance ; which ●omplements , besides that which has been printed and published in the commendations of my writings , if it were put together would make a greater volume then either of your libels . and truely sir , i had never answered your elenchus as proceeding from dr. walli● ▪ if i had not considered you also as the minister to execute the malice of that sort of people that are offended with my l●viathan . as for the judgement of that publick professor that makes himself a witnesse of the goodnesse of your geometry , a man may easily see by the letter it selfe that he is a dun● . and for the english person of quality whom i know not , i can say no more yet , then i can say of all three , that he is so ill a geometrician , as not to detect those grosse paralogismes as in●er that 5 to 4 and 1 to 12 are the same proportion . he came into the cry of those whom your title had deceived . and now i shall let you see that the composition of proportion by multiplication as it is in the 5 d●f . of the 6 element , is but another way of adding proportions one to another . let the proportions be of 2 to 3 , and of 4 to 5. multiply 2 into 4 and 3 into 5 the proportion arising is of 8 to 15. put in order these three quantities 8. 12. 15. the proportion therefore of 8 to 15 compounded of the proportions of 8 to 12 ( that is , of 2 to 3 ) and of 12 to 15. that is , of 4 to 5 by addition . again , let the proportion be of 2 to 3 and & 4 to 5 multiply 2 into 5 and 3 into 4 the proportion arising is of 10 to 12. put in order these 3 numbers 10 ▪ 8. 12. the proportion 10 to 12 is compounded of the proportions of 10 to 8 that is of 5 to 4 , and of 8 to 12 , that is of 2 to 3 by addition ▪ i wonder you know not this . i finde not any more clamour against me for saying the proportion of 1 to 2 is doublé to that of 1 to 4. your book you speak of concerning proportion against maybonius is like to be very useful when neither of you both do understand what proportion is . you take e●ceptions at that i say , that eucilde has but one word for double and duplicate ; which neverthelesse was said very truely , and that word is sometimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and sometimes {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ and you think you come of handsomly with asking me whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} be one word . nor are you now of the minde you were , that a point is not quantity unconsidered ; but that in an infinite series it may be safely neglected . what is neglected but unconsidered ? nor do you any more stand to it , that the quotient is the proportion . and yet were these the main grounds of your elenchus . but you will say perhaps i do not answer to the defence you have now made in this your school discipline , t is true . but 't is not because you answer never a word to my former objection against these prop. 19 ▪ 39. but because you do so shift and wriggle and throw out ink , that i cannot perceive which way you go ; nor need i , especially in your vindication of your arithmetica infinitorum . onely i must take notice that in the end of it , you have these words , well , arithmetica infinitorum is come off clear . you see the contrary . for sprawling is no defence . it is enough to me , that i have clearly demonstrated both , before sufficienly , and now again abundantly , that your book of arithmetica in●●ni●orum is all nought from the beginning to the end , and that thereby i have effected that your authority shall never hereafter be taken for a prejudice . and therefore they that have a desire to know the truth in the questions between us , will henceforth , if they be wise , examine my geometry by attentive reading me in my own writings , and then examine , whether this writing of yours confute or enervate mine . there is in my 5 lesson a proposition , with a diagramme to it to make good , ( i dare say , ) at least against you , my 20. chapter concerning the dimension of a circle . if that demonstration be not shewn to be false , your objections to that chapter ( though by me rejected ) come to nothing . i wonder why you passe it over in silence . but you are not , you say , bound to answer it . true , nor yet to defend what your have written against me . before i give over the examination of your geometry , i must tell you that your words ( pag. 〈◊〉 of this your schoole discipline ) again the first corollary are untrue . your words are these , you aff●…n that the proportion of the parabola a b i to the parabola a f k is triplicate to the proportion of the time a b to a f , as it is in the english . this is not so . let the reader turn to the place and judge . and going on you say , or of the imp●… b i to f k , as it is in the latine . nay , as it is in the english , and the other in the latine . t is but your mistake ; but a mistake is not easily excused in a false accusation . your exception to my saying , that the differences of two quantities is their proportion ( when they differ , as the no difference , when they be equal ) might have been put in amongst other marks of your not sufficiently understanding the latine tongue . differre and differentia differ no more then vivere and vita , which is nothing at all , but as the other words require that go with them , which other words you do not much use to consider . but differre and the quantity by which they differ , are quite of another kinde . di●ferre ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) differing , exceeding , is not quantity , but relation . but the quantity by which they differ is alwayes a certain and determined quantity , yet the word differrentia serves for both , and is to be understood by the coherence with that which went before . but i had said before , and expressly to prevent cavil , that relation is nothing but a comparison , and that proportion is nothing but relation of quantities and so defined them , and therefore ▪ i did there use the word differentia for differing , and not for the quantity which was le●t by substraction . for a quantity is not a differing . this i thought the intelligent reader would of himself understand without putting me , instead of differentia to use ( as ●ome do , and i shall never do ) the mongrell word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} differre . and whereas in one onely place for differre ternario i have writ ternarius , if you had understood what was clearly exprest before , you● might have been sure , it was not my meaning , and therefore the excepting against it , was either want of understanding , or want of candou● ; chuse which you will . you do not yet clear your doctrine of condensation and rarefa●lion . but i beleev● you will be degrees become satisfied that they who say the same numerical body may ●e sometimes greater , sometimes lesse , speak absurdly , and that condensation and rarefaction here , and definitive and ci●cumscriptive and some other of your distinctions elsewhere are but ●nares , such as school-divines have invented — {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to intangle shallow wits . and that that distinction which you bring here , that it is of the same quantity , while it is in the same place , but it may be of a different quantity , when it goes out of its place , ( as if the place added to , or took any quantity from the body placed ) is nothing but mee● words . t is true that the body which swells changeth place ; but it is not by becoming it self a greater body , but by admixtion of aire or other body ; as when water riseth up in boyling , it taketh in some parts of aire . but seeing the first place of the body is to the body equal , and the second place equal to the same body , the places must also be equal to one another , and consequently the dimensions of the body remain equal in both places . sir , when i said that such doctrine was taught in the universities , i did not speak against the universities , but against such as you . i have done with your geometry , which is one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . as for your el●quence let the reader judge , whether your● or mine be the more muddy , though i in plain s●olding should have out done you , yet i have this excuse which you have not , that i did but answer your challenge at that weapon which you thou●ht fit to choose . the catalogue of the hard language which you put in at the 3. and 4. pages of your school-discipline , i acknowledge to be mine , and would have been content you had put in all . the titles you say i give you of fooles , beasts , and asses i do not give you , but drive back upon you ; which is no more then not to own them ; ●or the rest of the catalogue i like it so well as you could not have pleased me better , then by setting those passages together to make them more conspicuous , that 's all the de●ence i will make to your accusations of that kinde . and now i would have you to consider whether you will make the like de●ence against the ●aults that i shall ●inde in the language of your school-discipline . i observe first the facetiousnesse of your title page . due correction for mr. h●●bs , or schoole discipline , for not saying his lessons right , what a quibble is this upon the word lesson ; besides , you know it has taken winde ; for you vented it amongst your ac quaintance at oxford then when my lessons were but upon the presse . do you think if you had pretermitted that peece of wit , the opinion of your judgement would have been ●re the lesse . but you were ●ot content with this but must make this metaphor from the rod , to take up a considerable part of your book ; in which there is scarce any thing that your self can think wittily said besides it . consider also these words of yours ; it is to be hoped that in time you may come to learn the language , for you be come to great a already . and presently after , were i great a before i would be willing to be so used , i should wish my self little a , a hundred times . sir , you are a doctor of divinity , and a professor of geometry , but do not deceive your self ; this does not passe for witt in these parts ; no nor generally at oxford . i have acquaintance there that will blush at the reading it . again , in another place you have these words , then you catechize ut , what 's your name . are you geometricians ? who gave you that name &c. besides in other places such abundance of the like insipid conc●ipts as would make men think , if they were no otherwis● acquainted with the universitv but by reading your books , that the dearth there of salt were very great . if you have any passage more like to salt then these are ( excepting now and anon ) you may do wel to shew it your acquaintance , lest they despise you ; for ( since the detection of your geometry ) you have nothing left you else to defend you from contempt . but i passe over this kinde of eloquence ; and come to somewhat yet more rurall . page 27. line 1. you say i have given euclide his lurry . and again pag. 129. l. 11. a●d and now he is lest to learn his lurry . i understand not the word lurry . i never read it before , nor heard it , as i remember , but once , and that was when a clown threatning another clown said he would give him such a lurry come poope &c. such words as these do not become a learned mouth , much lesse are fit to be registred in the publick writings of a doctor of divinity . in another place you have these words , just the same to a cows thumb , a pretty adage . page 2. but pree-thee tell me . and again page 95. pree-thee tell me , why doest thou ask me such a question , and the like in many other places . you cannot but know how casy it is and was for me ; to have spoken to you in the same language . why did i not ? because i thought that amongst men that were civilly bred it would have redounded to my shame , as you have cause to fear that this will redound to yours . but what moved you to speak in that manner ? were you angry ? if i thought that the cause , i could pardon it the sooner , but it must be very great anger that can put a man that pro●esseth to teach good manners , so much out of his wits as to ●all into such a language as this of yours ; it was perhaps an imagination that you were talking to your inferiour , which i will not gran● you , nor will the heralds i beleeve trouble themselves to decide the question . but howsoever i do not finde that civil men use to speak so to their inferious . if you grant my learning but to be equal to yours ( which you may certainly do without very much disparageing of your self abroad in the world ) you may think it lesse insolence in me to speak so to you in respect of my age , then for you to speak so to me in respect of your young doctor-ship . you will finde that for all your doctor-ship , your elders , if otherwise of as go●d repute as yo● , will be respected before you . but i am not sure that this language of yours proceeded from th●t cause ; i am rather inclined to think you have not been enough in good company , and that there is still somewhat le●t in your manners for which the honest youths ●of hedington and nincsey may compare with you ●or good language as great a doctor as you ar● . for my verses of the peak , though they be as ill in my opinion as i bel●eve they are in yours , and made long since , yet are they not so obscene , as that they ought to be blamed by dr. wallis . i pray you sir , whereas you have these words in your schoole-discipline page 96. unlesse you will say that one and the same motion may be now , and anon too ; what was the reason you put these words now and anon too in a different character , that makes them to be the more taken notice of ; do you think that the story of the minister that uttered his affection ( if it be not a sl●nder ) not unlawfully but unseasonably , is not known to others as well as to you ? what needed you then ( when there was nothing that i had said could give the occasion ) to use those words ; there is nothing in my verses that do olerehircum , so much a● this of yours , i know what good you can receive by ruminating on such ideas , or cherishing of such thoughts . but i go on to other words of 〈◊〉 by you reproached , you may as wel se●k the focu● of the parabola of dives and lazarus , which you say is mocking of the scripture . to which i answer onely , that i intended not to mock the scripture , but you ; and that which was not meant for mocking was none . and thus you have a second {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . grammar and critickes . i come now to the comparison of our grammar and criticks . you object first against the signification i give of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , & say thus , what should come into your cap ( that if you markit in a man that wears a square cap , to one that wears a hatt is very witty ) to make you think that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies a mark or brand with a hot iron , i perceive where the businesse lies . t was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} run in your minde when you talked of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; and because the words are somewhat alike you jumble them both together . sir , i tould you once before , you presume too much upon your first cogitations . aristophanes , in r●nis . act. 5. scen. 5. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. the old commentator upon the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} saith thus {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . that is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} for he ( adimantus ) was not a citizen . i hope the commentator does not here mock aristophanes for jumbling {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} together for want of understanding greek . no , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifie the same , save that for branding i seldom read {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} does no more signifie a brand with a hot iron then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a point made also with a hot iron . they have both one common theam {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which does not signifie pungo , nor interpungo nor inuro ( for all you lexicon ) but notam inprimere , or pungendo notare , without any restriction to burning or punching . it is therefore no lesse proper to say that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is a mark with a hot iron , then to say the same of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the difference is onely this , that when they marked a slave , or a rascal as you are not ignorant is usually done here at the assizes in the hand or shoulder with a hot iron they called that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , not for the burning but for the mark . and as it would have been called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that was imprinted on a slave , though made by st●yning or incision , so it is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} though done with a hot iron ▪ and therefore there was no jumbling of those two words together as for want of reading greek authors , and by trusting too much to your dictionaries ( which you say are proofes good enough for such a businesse ) you were made to imagine . the use i have made thereof was to shew that a point ( both by the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in euclide , and by the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in some others ) was not nothing , but a visible mark ; the ignorance where of hath thrown you into so many paralogismes in geometry . but do you think you can defend your adducis malleum aswel as i have now defended my {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ? you have brought , i confess , above a hundred places of authors where there is the word duco , or some of its compounds ; but none of them will justifie adducis malleum and ( excepting two of those places ) you your self seem to condemn them all , comparing yours , with none of the rest but with these two only ; both out of plautus , by you , not well understood . the first is in casina act. 5. scen. 2. ubi intro hanc novam nuptam deduxi , via recta , clavem abduxi . which you presently presuming of your first thoughts ( a peculiar fault to men of your principles ) assure your self is right . but if you look on the place as scaliger reads it cited by the commentator , you will finde it should be obduxi , and that clavis is there used for the bolt of the lock . besides he bolted it within . whither then could he carry away the key ? the place is to be rendered thus , when i had brought in this new bride i presently lockt the door , and is this as bad every whit as adducis malleum . the second place is it amphytryo act. 1. scen. 1. eam ( cirneam ) ut à matre ●uerat natum plenum vini eduxi me●i . which you interpret i brought out a flag●n of wine . unlearnedly . they are the words of mercury transformed into sofia . and to try whether mercury were so●ia or not , so●ia asked him where he was and what he did during the battle ; to which mercury answered , ( who knew where sofia then was and what he did ) i was in the cellar where i filled a cirnea , and brought it up full of wine , pure as it came from its mother . by the mother of the wine meaning the vine , and alluding to the education of children , for ebibi said eduxi , and with an emphasis in meri , because cirnea ( from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , misceo ) was a vessel wherein they put water to temper to their wine . intimating that th●ugh the vessel were cirnea , yet the wine was meru●… . this is the true sense of the place ; but you will have eduxi to be i brought out , though he came not out himself . you see sir , that nei●her this is so ●ad as addu●●s malleum . but suppose out of some one place in some one blind author you ●ad pa●ralled your addu●is m●ll●um , do you think it must therefore presently be held for good latin , why more then learn his lurry must be therefore thought good english a thousand years hence , because it will be read in dr. wallis long ▪ liv'd works . but how do you construe this passage of the greek testament {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . you construeit thus : she shall be saved notwithstanding child bearing , if ( the w●men ) remain in the faith . is child-bearing any obstacle to the salvation of women ? you might aswel have translated the first verse of rom. 5. in this manner , being then justified by fait● , ●e have pea●e with god notwithstanding our lord jesus christ . i let pass your n●t ●●nding in {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ as good a gra●arian as you are , a nominative case to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . if you had remembred the place . 1. pet. chap. 3. verse 20. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , they were saved in the wa●●rs , you would have thought your construstion justified then very well ; but you h●d been deceived , for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} does not there signifie causam , nor ablationem impedimenti but tran●…m ; not cause or removing an impediment but passage . being come thu●●●r i found a friend that hath eased me of this dispute ; for he shewed me a letter written to himself from a learned man , that hath out of very good authors collected enough to decide all the grammatical questions betwen you and me both greek and latin . he would not let me know his na●e , nor any thing of him but only this , that he had better ornaments then to be willing to go clad abroad in the habit of a grammarian . but he gave me leave to make use of so much of the letter as i thought fit in this dispute . which i have done and have added it to the end of this writing . but before i come to that , you must not take it ill ( though i have done with your school discipline ) if i ex●mine a little some other of your printed writings as you have examined mine ; for neither you in geometry nor such as you in church politicks can not expect to publish any unholesome doctrine without some antidotes from me , as long as i can hold a pen . but why did you answer nothing to my sixth lesson ? because ( you say ) it concerned your colle●gue onely ; no sir , it concerned you also , and chiefly . for i have not heard that your colleague holdeth those dangerous principies which i take notice of in you . in my sixth lesson page 62. upon the occasion of these words , not his but yours . perhaps you t●ke the whol● history of the fall of adam for a fable , which is no wonder , seeing you say the rules of honouring and worshiping of god are to be taken form the laws . in answer to which i said thus . you that take so hainously , tha● i would have the rule of gods worship in a christian common-wealth to be taken from the laws , tell me from whom you would have th●m taken . from your selfe ? why so , more then from me ? from the bishops ? right , if the supreme power of the common-wealth will have it so ; if not , why from them rather then from me ? from a consistory of pres●yt●rs ▪ themselves or joyned with lay-elders , whom they may sway as they please ? good , if the supream governour of the common-wealth will have it so . if not , why fr●m them rather then from me , or from any man else ? they are wiser and learneder then i ▪ it may be so ; but it ha● n●t yet appeared . howsoever , let that be granted . is ●h●re any man so very a fool a● to subje●● himself to the rules of other men in those things which do so neerly concern himself , for the title they assume of being wise and learne● , unlesse they also have the sword which must portect them . but it seems you understand the sword as comprehended . if so , do not you then r●ceive the rules of gods worship from the civil power ? yes doubtlesse ; and you would expect , if your consistory had that sword , that no man should dare to ex●rcise or teach any rules concerning gods worship which were not by you allowed . this will be thought strong arguing , if you do not answer it . but the truth is , you could say nothing against it without too plainly discove●ing your disaffection to the goverme●t . and yet you have discovered it pretty well in your second thesis maintained in the act at oxford 1654 , and since by your self published . this thesis i shall speak briefly to . scotch-church politicks . you define ministers of the gospel to be those to whom the preaching of the gospel by their o●fice is injoyned by christ . pray you , first , what do you mean by saying preaching ex offici● is enjoyned by christ . are they preachers ●x officio , and afterwards enjoyned to preach ? ex officio adds nothing to the definition ; but a man may ●asily see your purpose to disjoyn your self from the state by inserting i● . secondly , i desire to know in what manner you will be able out of this d●●inition to prove your self a minister ? did christ hi●self immediately enjoyn you to preach , or give you orders ? no . who then , some bishop , or minister or ministers ? yes ; by what authority ? are you sure they had authority immediately from christ ? no . how then ar● you sure but that they might have none ? at least , some of them through whom your authority is derived might have none . and therefore if you run b●ck for your authority towards the apostles times but a matter of sixscore years , you will ●inde your authority derived from the pope ; which words have a ●ound very unlike to the voice of the laws of england . and yet the pope will not own you . there 's no man doubts but that you hold that your office comes to you by successive impo●ition o● hands ●rom the time of the apostles . which opinion in those gentle terms passeth well enough ; but to say you derive your authority from thence , not through the authority of the soveraign power civill , is too rude to be endured in a state that would live in peace . in a word you can never prove you are a minister , but by the supream autho●ity of the common-wealth . why then do you not put some such clause into your definition ? as thus , ministers of the gospel are those to whom the preaching of the gospel is enjoyned by the soveraign power in the name of christ . what harm is there in this definition , saving onely it crosses the ambition of many men that hold your p●inciples ? then you d●●ine the power of a minister thus ; the power of a minister is that which belongeth to a minister of the gospel in vertue of the office he holds ; in as much as he holds a publick station , and is distinguished from private christians . such as is the power of preaching the gospel ; administring the sacrament ; the use of eccles●astical censure● ; and ord●ining of ministers &c. again ; how wil you prove out of this definition that you or any man ●lse hath the power of a minister , i● it be not given him , by him that is the soveraign o● the common-wealth ▪ for seeing ( as i have now proved ) it is from him that you must d●rive your ministery , you can have no oth●r power then that which is limited in y●ur orders , ●or ●ha● neithe● longer then he thinks fit . for if he give it you for the instruction of his subjects in their duty , he may take it from you again whensoever he shal see you instruct them wi●h undutiful and seditious principles . and if the sogeraign power give me command ( though without the ceremony of imposition of hands ) to teach the doctrine of my leviathan in the pulpit , why am not i if my doctrine and life be as good as yours , a minister as well as you , and as publick a person as you are ? for publick person primarily is none but the civil soveraign , and so seconda●ily all that are imployed in the execution of any part of the publick charge . for all are his ministers , and therefore also christs ministers because he is ●o ; and other ministers are but his vicars , and ought not to do or say any thing to his people contrary to the intention of the soveraign in giving them their commission , again , if you have in your commission a power to ex●ommunicate , how can you think that your soveraig● who gave you that commission intended it for a commission to excommunicate himself , that is , ( as long as he stands excommunicate ; to deprive him of his kingdom ) if all subjects were of your minde , as i hope ▪ they will never be , they will have a very unquiet life . and yet this has ( as i have often heard ) been practised in scotland , when ministers holding your principles had power enough ( though no right ) to do it . and for administration of the sacraments , if by the supream power of the common-wealth it were commited to such of the laity as know how it ought to be done as well as you , they would ips● facto be ministers as good as you . likewise the right of ordination of ministers depends not now on the imposition of hands of a minister or presbytery , but on the authority of the christian soveraign christs immedi●t vicar and supream governour of all persons and judge of all causes both spiritual and temporal in his own dominions , which i beleeve you will not denie . this being evident , what acts are those of yours which you call authoritative , and receive not from the authority of the civil power ? a constable does the acts of a constable authoritatively in that sense . there●ore you can no otherwayes claime your power then a constable claimeth his , who does not exercise his office in the con●●ablery of another . but you ●orget that the scribes and the pharisees ●it no more in moses chaire . you would have every minister to be a minister of the universal church , and that it be lawful for you to preach your doctrine at rome ; if you would be pleased to try , you would finde the contrary . you bring no argument for it that looks like reas●n . examples prove nothing , where persons , times , and other circumstances differ ; as they differ very much now when kings are christians , from what they were then when kings per●ecuted christians . it is ea●ie to perceive what you aime at . you woul fain have market-day lectures set up by authority ( not by the authority of the civil power but by the authority of example of the apostles in the emission of preachers to 〈◊〉 i●fidels ) not knowing that any christian may lawfully preach to the infidels . that is to say , proclaime unto them that jesus is the mesiah without need of being other wayes made a minister ; as the deacons did in the apostles time ; nor that many teachers unlesse they can agree better , do any thing else but prepare men for faction , nay , rather you know it well enough ; but it conduces to your end upon the market-dayes to dispose at once both town and country , under a false pretence of obedience to god , to a neglecting of the commandments of the civil soveraign , and make the subject to be wholly ruled by your selves ; wherein you have already found your selves deceived . you know how to trouble and sometimes und●e a ●lack government , and had need to be warily lookt to , but are not fit to hold the rei●es . and how should you , being men of so little judgement as not to see the necessity of unity in the governour , and of absolute obedience in the governed , as is manifest out of the place of your elenchus above recited . the doctrine of the duty of private men in a common-wealth is much more difficult , not onely then the knowledge of your symbols , but also then the knowledge of g●ometry it self ▪ how then do you think , when you erre so grosly in a few equations , and in the use of most common words , you should be fit to govern so great nations as england , ireland , and scotland , or so much as to teach them . for it is not reading but judgement that enables one man to teach another . i have one thing more to adde , and that is the disaffection i am charged with all to the universities . concerning the universities of oxford and cambridge , i ever held them for the greatest and noblest means of advancing learning of all kinds , where they should be therein imployed , as being ●urnished with large endowments , and other helps of study , and frequent ▪ with abundance of young gentlemen of good families ●●d good breeding from their childe hood . on the other side , in case the same means and the same wits should be imployed in the advancing of the doctrines that tend to the weakning of the publick , and strengthning of the power of any private ambitious party , they would also be very effectual for that ; and consequently that if any doctri●e tending ●o the diminishing of the civil power were taught there , not that the universities were to blame , but onely those men that in the universities either in lectures , sermons , printed books , or thesis did teach such doctrine to their hear●rs or readers . now yo● know very well that in the time of the roman religion , the power of the pope in england was upheld principally by such teachers in the universities . you k●ow also how much the divines that held the ●ame princi●les in church government with you , have contributed to our late troubles . can i therefore be justly taxed with disaffection to the universities for wishing this to be reformed . and it hath pleased god of late to reform it in a great measure , and indeed as i thought totally , when out comes this your thesis boldly maintained to shew the contrary ; nor can i yet cal this your doctrine the doctrine of the vniver●ity , b●t surely it wil not be unr●asonable to think so , if by publick act of the vniversity it be not disavowed , which done , and that as often as there shall be need , there can be no longer doubt but that the vniversities of england are not onely the noblest of all christian vniversities , ●ut also absolutly , & of the greatst benefit to this common wealth that can be imagined , except that benefit of the head it self that uniteth and ruleth all . i have not here perticularized at length all the ill consequences that may be deduced fromthis thesis of yours , because i may , when further provoked , have somewhat to say that is new . so much for the 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . an extract of a letter concerning the grammaticall part of the controversie between mr. hobbes and dr. wallis . mr. hobbes hath these words longi●udinem percu●sam motu uniformi , cum impetu ubique ipsi b d ●quali . dr. wallis saith cum were better out , unlesse you would have impe●us to be onely a companion , not a cause . mr. hobbes answered it was th●abla●ive case of the manner . the truth is the ablatives case of the manner , and cause both , may be used with the conjunction cum , as may be justified . cicero in the 2. de nat. deor. moliri aliquid cum labore operoso ac molesto ; and in his oration for c●cinn● . de se autem hoc praedicat , antiocho ebul●j se●vo imperâsse ut in caecinā advenien●em cum serro invaderet . let us see then what dr. wallis objects against tully ; where a causality is imported ; though we may use with in english , yet not cum in latine , to kill with a sword ( importing this to have an instrumental or causal in●luence , and not onely that it h●ngs by the mans side whilest some other weapon is made ●se of ) is not in latine , occidere cum gladio , but gladio occidere . this shews that the dr. hath not forgot his grammer , for the subsequent examples as well as this rule are borrowed thence . but yet he might have known that great personages have never confined themselves to this pedantry , but have chosen to walk in a greater latitude . most of the elegancies and idioms of every language are exceptions to his grammar . but since mr. hobbes saith it is the ablative case of the manner , there is no doubt it may be expressed with cum . the doctor in the mean time knew no more then what lilly had taught him ; alvarez would have taught him more . and voss●us in his book de constructione cap. 47. expressly teacheth , ablativ●s causae , instrument● , vel modi , non à verbo regised à praepositione omiss● , à vel ab , de , è , vel ex , prae , aut cum , ac praepositiones eas quandoque exprimi nisi quòd cum ablativis inst●umenti haud ●emerè inve●ias ; and afterwards he sath non timerè imitandum . if this be so , then did mr. hobbes speak grammatically , and with tully , but not usually . and might not one retort ●pon the doctor , that vossius is as great a critick a●●ie . his next reflection is upon praetendi● scire , this he saith is an angli●isme . if this be all his accusation , upon this score , we shall lose ma●y expres●ions that are used by the best authors , which i take to be good lati●…smes , though they be also anglicismes , the latter being but an imitation of the former . the do●tor therefore was too fierce to condemn upon so general an account , that which was not to have been censured for being an anglicisme , unlesse also it had been no latinisme . mr. hobbes replies , that the printer had omitted se . he saith , this mends the matter a little it is very likely , for then it is just such another anglicisme as that of quintilian ; cùm loricatus in foro ambularet , praetendebat se id metu facere . the doctor certanily was very negligent , or else he could not have missed this in robert stephen . or h●ply he was resolved to condemn quintilian for this and that other anglicisme , ignorantia p●●tendi non potest , as all those that have used praetendo , which are many and as good authors as doc●●r wallis that makes his own encomiasts ( not an english ma● ) amongst them to w●●te a●glicismes . then ●e bl●mes tractatus ●●jus partis t●rtiae , in q●â mo●us & magnitudo per se & abstract● consideravimus , te●minum hic statuo . here i ●●st con●esse the exception is colonrable , yet i can parallel it with the like objection made by erasm●s aga●●st tully , out of whom erasmus q●otes this passage ; d●ut ùs comm●tans athents ; quo●●am ven●… negabant solvendi facultatem , e●at ani●us ad ●e scr●bere : and excuses it hu● , that tully might have had at fir●t in his thoughts v●…bam or statuebam , which he afterwards relinquished for erat animus , and did not remember what he had antecedently w●itt●n , which did not vary fr●m his succeeding , though●● , but words . a●d this excuse may passe with any who knows that mr. hobbes values not the study of word● , but as it s●rves to expresse his thoughts , which were the same whe●her he wrot● ; in quâ metus & m●g●i●udo per se a● abstractè considerati sunt , or consideravimus . and if the dr ▪ will make this so capital ; he must prove it volunta●y , and shew that it is greater then what is legible in the p●ny letter of his encomiast , whom he would have to be beyond except●●n . now ●ollowes his r●diculous apol●gi● for adducis malleum , ut occidas muscam ▪ the cause why he did use that prov●rb ( of his own phrasing ) was this . mr. hobbes had taken a great deal of paines to demonstrate what dr. wallis thought he could have prov'd in shor● ; upon this occasion he objects , ad ducis malleum ut occidas muscam , which i shall suppose he intended to english thus , you bring a beetle to kill a ●●y . mr. hobbes retor●ed that adduco was not used in that sense . the dr. vindicates himself thu● ; duco , dedu●● , reduco , perduco , produco , &c. signifie s●range things , ergo , adduco may be used in that sense ; whi●h is 〈◊〉 most ridic●lo●● kinde of arguing , where we are but to take up our language from others , and not to coyue new phr●ses . it is not the grammar that shall secure the dr. nor weak analogies , where elegance comes in contest . to jus●i●ie his expression he must have shewed it usu tritum , or alledged the authori●y of some author of great note for i● . i have not the leasure to exam●…e his impertinent citations about those other compounds , nor yet of that simple verb duco ; nay , to justifie his saying he hath not brought one parallel example . he talkes indeed very high , that duco ( ●ith its compounds ) i● a word of a large signification , & amongst the rest to bring , fetch , carry &c. i● so exceeding frequent ●n all authors ( plautus , terence , tully ca●ar , tacitus , pliny , seneca , virgil , horace , ovid , claudian , &c that he must needs be either maliciously blind , or a very stranger to the latine tongue that doth not know it , or c●n have the face to denie it . 〈◊〉 ●ead what will ●e my doom for not allowing his latine ; yet 〈◊〉 must professe i dare secure the dr , for having read all authors , notwithstanding his assertion , and i hope he will do the like for me . and for those which he hath read , had he brought no better proofes then these , he had , i am sure , been whipped soundly in westminster-school , for hi● impudence as well as ig●or●nce , by the learned m●ster therof a● present . but i da●e f●●ther a●…m , the dr. hath no● read in this point any , ▪ but onely consulted with robe●t s●ephen's thesaurus li●guae la●inae , whence he hath borrowed his allegations in adduco ; and for the other i had not so much idle ●ime as to compare them . and lest the fact might be discovered he hath sophi●●icated those authors whence stephen cites the expressions , and imposed upon th●m others . if it be not so , o● that the dr. could not write it right wh●n the c●py was right before him , let him ●ell me where he did ever read in plautus , adducta res in fastidium . i fin●e the whole se●tence in plinie's preface to vespas●an ( out of whom in t●e precedent paragraph he cites it ) about the ●iddle : alia verò ita multis prodita , ut in factidium sint adducta , which is the very example stephanus useth , although he doth p●emise his adducta res in fastidium . let the dr. tell where he ever did read 〈◊〉 horace ova noctuae &c. ●aedium vini adducunt ▪ did he ( or any else ) with the interposition of an &c ) make trochaicks ? i say , and step●anus saies so too , that it is in pliny lib. 13. cap. 15. neer the end ; the whole sentence runs thus ; ebriosis ova noctuae per ●●id●um data in vino , ●aedium ejus adducunt . i doubt not but these are the places he aimed at , although he disguised and min● ▪ d the quotatio●s ; if they be not , i should b● glad to augment my stephanus with his additions . these things pr●mis●d , i come to consider the doctors proofes : res eò adducta est : adducta vita in ex●remum : adducta res in fas●idium : rem ad muc●ones & ●…s adducere : contracta res & adducta in a●gus●um : ●es ad concordiam adduci potest : in ordinem adducere : adducere febres , s●●im , taedium vini ( all in robert stephen ) betwixt which and adducere malleum , what a vast difference there is , i leave them to umpier ●…iteretes & religiosas nacti sunt aures ▪ who are the competent judges of elegancy , and onely cast in the verdict of one or two , who are in any place ( where the purity of the l●tin ●ongue flourisheth ) of great esteeme ▪ l●saeus in his scop● linguae latinae , ad purgandam linguam à barbarie , &c. ( would any think that the doctors elegant expression , frequent in all authors , which none but the malicious or ignorant can deny , should suffer so contumelious an expurgation ? ) losaeus ( i say ) hath these words , adferre plerique minus attentiutuntur pro adducere . quod plautus , in pseudolo , insigni exem●lo notat . c. attu●i hunc . p. quid attulisti ? t. adduxi volui dic●re p ▪ quis istic est ? c. charinus . satis igitur admonet discriminis inter ducere , reducere , adducere & abducere , quae de pers●nâ ; et ●erre , adferre &c. quae de re dicuntur . idem . demetrium , quem ego novi , adduce ; argentum non mo●or qu●… feras cavendum igitur est ne vulgi more , ( let the dr. mark this ▪ and know that this author is authentick amongst the ciceronians ) adferre de personâ dicamus , s ●●adducere ; licet et hoc de certis quibus●am rebus non ineptè dicatur . in this last clause he ●aith as ●uch as mr. hobbes saith , and what the dr. proves ; but th●t ever the dr. brought an example which might resemble adducis malleum , is denied ; for i have mentioned alre●dy his allegations every one , of adduco . another author ( a fit antagonist for the elegant dr. ) is the ●arrago ●ordidorum verborum , ●oyned with the epitome of l. valla's elegancies . he saith , acce●se , adduc petrum , latinè dicitur pro eo quod pueri dicunt ▪ adfer petrum . and this may suffice to justifie mr. hobbes's exception , who proceeded no further th●n this author to tell the doctor that adduco was used of animals . but the dr. replies , this signification is true , but so may the other be also ▪ i s●y , if it never have been used so , it cannot be so , for we cannot coine new latine words , no more then french or spanish who are forreign●rs . mr. hobbes was upon the negative , and not to disprove the contrary ●p●nion . if the dr. would be believed , he must prove it by some example ( which is all the proofe of elegancy ) and till he do so , not to beleev● him , it is sufficient not to h●ve cause . but dr wallis , why not adduco for a ●ammer as well as a tree ? i answer , yes , equally for either , and yet for neither ; did ever any body go about to mo●k his reade●s thus solemnly ? i do not finde , ( to my best remembrance ) any example of it in s●ephen , and the dr. is not wiser then his book ; if there be , it is strange the dr. should omit the onely pertinent example , and trouble us with such impertinences for three or four pages . in stephen there are adducer● habenas and adducere lorum , but in a different sense . it is not impossible i may guesse 〈◊〉 the doctors aime . in tully de nat ▪ d●or ( as i remember ) there is this passage ; quum autem ille respondisset , in agro ambu●anti ra●…ulum adductum , ut remissu● esset , in oculum suum recidisse , where it signifies nothing else but to be bent , bowed , pulled back , and in that sense , the hammer of a clock ▪ or , that of a smith , when he fetcheth his strok● ▪ may be said addu●i . and this i conceive the doctor would have us in the close think to have been his me●ning ; else wh●t doth he drive at in these words ? wh●n you have done the best you can , you will not be able to find better words then adducere mall●um and reduce●… ▪ to signifie the two contrary motions of the hammer , the one when you strike with it , ( excellently trivial ! ) the other when you take it back ( better and better ) what to do ? to fetch another stroak . if any can believe that this was his meaning , i shall justifie his latine , but must leave it to him to prove it sense . if he intended no more , why did he go about to defend the other meaning , and never meddle with this ? which yet might have been proved by this one example of mine ? may not therefore his own saying be justly retorted upon him in this case , adducis malleum , us occidas muscam ? another exception is ▪ falsae sunt et mult● istiusmodi ( propositiones ) i wish the doctor could bring so good parallels , and so many , out of any author , for his adducis malleum , as tully affords in this case . take one for all out of the beginning of his paradoxes ; animadverti saepe catonem , ●um in senatu sententiam diceret , locos graves ex philosophia tractare , abhorrentes ab hoc usu forensi et publico , sed dicendo consequi tamen , ut illa etiam populo pro●abilia viderentur . this is but a solaecophanes , and h●th ▪ many p●●sidents mo●e , as in the second ●ook of his academical questions , &c. i cannot now stay upon each particular p●ssage ; i do not see any necessitie of tracing the dr. in all hi● figaries . now he dis●llows tanquam diceremus , a● if we should say . but why is that l●ss tolerable then tanquam feceris , as if you had done ? it should be quasi ( forsooth ! ) or ac si , or tanquam si , which is tulli's own word . ( what is tanquam si become but one word ? ) tanquam si tua res agatur &c. good dr. leave out tully and all ciceronians , or you will for ever suffer for this , and your adducis malleum . is not this to put your self on their verdict , when you oppose mr. hobs with tully ? but the dr. gives his reason . and though he hath had the luck in his adducis malleum , to follow the first part of that saying , loquendum cum vulgo , yet now it is , sentiendum cum sapientibus . for tanquam without si signifies but , a● , not , as if . it is pity the dr. could not argue in symbols too , that so we might not understand him , but suppose all his papers to carry evidence with them , because they are mathematically scratch'd . how does he construe this , plance , tu●es alto drusorum sanguine , tanquam feceris ipse aliquid , propter quod nobilis esses . so coelius , one much esteemed by cicero , who hath inserted his epistle● into his works , saith in his fifth epistle ( tul. epist. sam . lib. 8. ep ▪ 5 ) omnia desiderantur ab eo tanquam nihil denegatum sit ei quo mi●us paratissimus esset qui publico negotio pr●positus est . but it was not possible the dr. should know this , it not being in stephen , where his examples for tanquam si are . but the dr. having pitched upon this criticisme , and penned it , some body , i believe , put him in mind of the absurditie th●reof ▪ and yet the generous professour ( who writes running hand and never tra●scrib●d his papers , if i am not misinformed ) presumed no body else could be more intelligent then he , who had perused stephen . he would not retract any thing , but subjoyns , that he will allow it as passable , because other modern writers , and some of the antients , have so used it , as mr. hobs hath done . i know not what authors the dr. meant , for , if i am not much mistaken , i do not find any in stephen . his citation of colum●lla is not right l. 5. cap. 5. ( nor can i deduce any thing thence till i have read the passage ) but if he take juvenal and coelius for modern authors , i hope he will admit of accius , n●vius , and ca●me●ta for the only antients . let him think upon this ▪ criticisme , and never hope pardon for his adducis malleum , which is not half so well justified , and yet none but mad men or fools reject it . but certainly the dr. should not have made it his businesse to object anglicisines , in whose elench●s i doubt not but there may be found such phrases as may serve to convince him that he is an english man . however scottified in his principles . if the dr. doubt of it , or but desire a catalogue , let him but signifie his minde , and he shall be furnished with a florilegium . but i am now come to the main controversie about empusa . the dr. saith nothing in defence of his quibble , nor gives any reason why he jumbled languages to make a silly clinch , which will not passe for wit either at oxford , or at cambridge ; no nor at westmi●ster . it seems he had derived empusa from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and said it was a kinde of hobgoblin that hopped upon one legge ; and hence it was that the boyes play ( fox come out of thy hole ) came to be called empusa . i suppose he means ludus empusae . this derivation he would have to be good , and that we may know his reading ( though he hath soarce consulted any of the authors ) he saith mr. hobbes did laugh at it , until somebody told him that it was in the scholiast of aristophanes ( as good a critick as mr. hobbes ) eust●thius , erasmus , coel●… rhodiginus , step●anus , scapula , and calepine . but sure he doth not think to seape so . to begin with the last , calepine doth indeed say , uno incedit pede , unde et non●●n . but he is a moderne , and i do not see why his authority should outweigh mine , if his authors reasons do not . he refers to erasmus and rhodiginus . erasmus in the adage . proteo mutabilior , hath these words of empusa . narrant autem uno videripedi ( this is not to hopp ) unde et nomen inditum putant , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . he doth not testifie his approbation of the derivation at all , onely lets you know what etymologies some have given before him . and doth any body think that dr. harmar was the first which began to shew his wit ( or folly ) in e●ymologizing words ? coelius rhodiginus doth not own the derivation , onely ●aith nominis ratio est , ut placet eustathio , quia uno incedit pede ; ( is this to hopp ? ) sed nec desunt qui alterum interpretentur habere ●neum pedem , & inde appella●… empusath ; quod in batrachis aristophanes expressit . and then he recites the interpretation that aristophanes's scholiast doth give upon the text , of which by and by . if any credit be to be attributed to this allegation , his last thoughts are opposite to dr. wallis ; and empusa must be so called , not because she hopped upon one legg , but because she had but one , the other , being brasse . but for the former derivation he refers to eustathius . as to eustathius , i do easily conjecture that the reader doth beleeve ; that rodiginus doth mean eustathius upon homer , for that is the book of most repute and fame , his other piece being no way considerable for bulk or repute . but it is not that book nor yet his history of ismenias , but his notes upon the 23 verse of dionysius {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the poet had said of the stone jaspis , that it was , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , upon which eustathius thus remarks ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( fortè {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} steph. ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . this testimony doth not prove any thing of hopping , and as to the derivation , i cannot but say that eustathius had too much of the grammarian in him , and this is not the first time , neither in this book , nor elsewhere , wherein he hath trifled . it is observable out of the place that there were m●re empusa's then one , as indeed the name is applied by several men to any kinde of ▪ frightful phantasme . and so it is used by several authors , and for as much as phantasmes are various , according as the persons affrighted have been severally educated , &c every man did impose this name upon his own apprehensions . this gave men occasion to fain empusa as such ( for who will beleeve that she was not apprehended as having four leggs , when she appeared in the form of a cow , dog , &c. ) but as apprehended by bacchus and his man at that time . i do not finde that she appeared in any shape , but such as made use of legges in going , whence i imagine that empusae might be opposite to the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which appellation was anciently fixed upon the gods ( propitious ) upon a twofold account , first for that they were usually essigiated as having no feet ( which is evident from ancient sculpture ) and secondly , for that they are all said not to walk , but rather swim , if i may so expresse that non gradiuntur , sed fluunt , which is the assertion of all the commentators i have ever seen upon that verse of virgil , et vera incessu patuit dea — this whole discourse may be much illustrated from a passage in heliodorus , aethiop . l. 3. sect. 12 , 13. calastris told cnemon that the gods apollo and diana did appear unto him , cnemen replied , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; upon this the old priest andswered , that both gods and demons , when they appear to men , may be discovered by the curious observer , both in that they never shut their eyes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . farnaby upon the place in virgil observes , that , deorum incessus est continuus & aequalis , non dimotis pedibus , neque transpositis , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . cernelius schrevelius in the new leyden notes , saith , antiquissima quaeque deorum simulachra , quod observarunt viri magni , erant {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , dijque ipsi non gradiuntur sed fluunt . their statues were said to stand rather upon columnes then upon legges ; for they seeme to have been nothing but columnes shaped out into this or that figure , the base whereof carrying little of the representation of a foot . these things being premised i suppose it easie for the intelligent reader to finde out the true etymology of empus● , quasi {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from going on her feet , whereas the other gods and demons had a different gate . if any can dislike this deduction , and think her so named from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , whereas she alwaies went upon two leggs ( if her shape permitted it ) though she might draw the one after her , as a man doth a wooden legge ; i say if any , notwithstanding what hath been said , can joyn issue with the doctor , my reply shall be , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . now as to the words of aristophanes upon which the scholiast descants , they are these . speaking of an apparition strangely shaped , sometimes like a camel , sometimes like an oxe , a beautiful woman , a dog &c. bacchus replies , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . the scholiast hereupon tells us that empusa was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and this is all that is material in the scholiast , except that he addes by and by , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is all one with the leg of an asse , and this very text and scholiast is that to which all the authors he names , and more , do refer . i come now to stephen , who in his index and in the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gives the derivation of empusa . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , gradior , inced● , ( not to hop ) sic suidas {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} dictam ait {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . in the index thus ; sunt qui dictam putent {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , quod uno incedat pede , quasi {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , alterum enim pedem aeneum habet . but neither stephen , nor any else ( except suida● , whom the hypercritical dr. had not seen ) no not the scholiast of aristophanes ( a better critick then mr. hobbes ) doth relate the etymology as their own . nay , there is not one saith , empusa hopped on one legg , which is to be proved out of them . the great etymological dictionary deriveth it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to binder , let &c. its apparition being a token of ill luck . but as to the doctors deduction , it saith {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it doth onely seem so . and it is strange that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} should not alter onely ▪ its aspiration , but change its ν into μ , which i can hardly beleeve admittable in greek , least there should be no difference betwixt its derivatives and those of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . when i consider the several {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which the grecians had , some whereof did fly , some had no leggs &c. i can think that the origine of this name may have been thus . some amazed person saw a spectrum , and giving another notice of it , his companion might answer , it is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. but he meeting with a new phantasme , cryes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for which apprehension of his some body coyned this expression of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it may also be possibly deduc'd from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} might afterwards be reduced to the single terme of empusa . nor do i much doubt , but that those who are conversant in languages , and know how that several expressions are often jumbled together to make up one word upon such like cases , will think this a probable origination . i beleeve then that mr. hobbes's friend did never tell him it was in eustathius , or that empusa was an hopping phantasme . it had two legges , and went upon both , as a man may upon a wooden legge . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is also a name for lamia , and such was that which menippus might have married , which i suppose did neither hop nor go upon one legge , for he might have discovered it . but mr. hobbes did not except against the derivation ( although he might justly , derivations made afterwards carrying more of fancy then of truth , and the dr. is not excused for asserting what others barely relate , none approve ) but asked him , where that is , in what authors he read that boyes play to be so called . to which question the dr. ( to shew his reading and the good authors he is conversant in ) replies , in junius's nemenclator , rider and thomas's dictionary , sufficient authors in such a businesss , which me thinks no man should say that were neer to so copious a library . it is to be remembred that the trial now is in westminster school , & amongst ciceronians , neither whereof wil allow those to be sufficient authors of any latine word . alas they are but vocabularies ; and if they bring no author for their allegation , all that may be allowed them is , that by way of allusion our modern play may be called ludus empusae . but that it is so called , we must expect till some author do give it the name . these are so good authors that i have not either of them in my library . but i have taken the paines to consult , first rider ; i looked in him ( who was onely author of the english dictionary ) and i could not finde any such thing . t is true in the latine dictionary which is joyned with rider , but made by holyoke ; ( o that the doctor would but mark ! ) in the index of obsolete words , there is ascoliasmus , ludus empusae , fox to thy hole , for which word , not signification , he quoteth junius . the same is in yhomasius , who refers to junius in like manner . but could the dr. think the word obsolete when the play is still in fashion ? or doth he think that this play is so ancient , as to have had a name so long ago , that it should now be grown obsolete ? as for junius's interpretation of empusa , it is this , empusa , spectrum quod se in●elicibus ingerit , uno pede ingrediens . had the dr. ever read him , he would have quoted him for his derivation of empusa , i suppose . in ascoliasmus he saith , ascoliasinus , ludus empusae fit ubi , altero pede in aere librato unico sub●●liunt pede . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , pollux . almanicè . hinctelen . belgi●è , op 〈◊〉 been springhen . hinctepin●●en flandris . but what is it in english he doth not tell● , although he doth so in other places often . what the dr. can pick out of the dutch i know not ; but if that do not justifie him , as i think it doth not , he hath wronged 〈◊〉 , and grossely imposed upon his readers . but to illustrate this controversie further , i cannot be perswaded the dr. ever looked into junius , for if he had , i am confident , according to his wonted accuratnesse , he would have cited polluxs's onomasticon into the bargin , for junius refers to him , and i shall set down his words , that so the reader may see what ascoliasmus was , and all the drs. authors say ludus empusae and ascoliasmus were one and the same thing . jul. pollux , lib. 9. cap. 7. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ( old editions read it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . so that ascoliasmus , and consequently , ludus empusae , was a certain sport which consisted in hopping , whether it were by striving who could hoppe surthest , or whether onely one did pursue the rest hopping , and they fled before him on both leggs , which game he was to continue till he had caught one of his fellows , or whether it did consist in the boyes striving who could hop longest . or lastly , whether it did consist in hopping upon a certain bladder , which being blown up , and well oyled over , was placed upon the ground for them to hop upon , that so the unctuous bladder might slip from under them and give them a fall . and this is all that pollux holds forth . now of all these wayes there is none that hath any resemblance with our , fox to thy hole ; but the second : and yet in its description there is no mention of beating him with gloves , as they do now adayes , and wherein the play consists as well as in hopping . it might notwithstanding be called ludus empusae , but not in any sort our fox to thy hole , so that the dr. and his authors are out ; imposing that upon junius and pollux , which they never said . and thus much may suffice as to this point . i shall onely adde out of meu●…'s ludi geaeci , that ascolia were not ludus empus● but bacchisacra , and he quotes aristophanes's scholiasts in plutus , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . as also hesychius ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . but i could have told the dr. where he might have read of empusa as being the name of a certain sport or game , and that is , in tu●nebus adve sar . lib. 27. cap. 33 there he speaks of several games mentioned by i●stinian in his c●de , at the latter end of the third book ; one of which he takes to be named empusa ; addding with all , that the other are games , it is indisputable , onely empusa , in li●e & causa erit , quod nemo nobis ●a ite ass●… sit ludum esse , eùm constet spectrum queddam fuisse formas variè mutans . sed quid vetat eo nomine ludum fuisse ? certè ad vestigia vittatae scri●… quàm proxin è accedit . yet ●e onely is satisfied in this conjecture , till somebody else shall produce a ●etter . and now what shall i say ? was not turnebus as good a critick , and of as great bead●… ? as dr. wall●s ? who had read over pollux , and yet is afraid that no body will beleeve 〈◊〉 to have been a game , and all he alledgeth for it is , quid vetat ? truely all i shall say , and so conclude this businesse , is , that he had read over an infinitie of ●ooks , yet had not had the happinesse which the dr. had , to consult with junius's nomenclator , thom●…us and riders dictionary , authors sufficient in such a case . i now come to the doctors last and greatest triumph , at which i cannot but stand 〈◊〉 admiration , when i consider he hath not got the victory . had the dr. been pleased to have conversed with some , of the fift form in westminster schoole ( for he needed not to have troubled the learned master ) he might have been better informed then to have exposed himself thus . mr. hobbes had said that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signified a mark with a hot iron ; upon which saying the dr. is pleased to play the droll thus , prethee tell mee , good tho ▪ before we leave this point . ( o the wit of a divinity dr. ! ) who it was told thee that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} was a mark with an hot iron ? for t is a notion i never heard til now ( and do not beleeve it yet . ) never beleeve him again that told thee that lye , for as sure as can be , he did it to abuse thee , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies a distinctive point in writing made with a pen or quill , not a mark made with a hot iron , such as they brand rogues withal ; and accordingly {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , distinguo , interstinguo , are often so used . it is also used of a mathematical point , or somewhat else that is very small , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a moment , or the like . what should come in your cap , to make you think that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies a mark or brand with a hot iron ? i perceive where the businesse lies ; 't was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ran in your minde when you talked of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and because the words are somewhat alike , you jumbled them both together , according to your usual care and a●curatenesse , as if they had been the same . when i read this , i cannot but be astonished at the doctors confidence , and applaud him who said , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . that the dr. should never hear that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies a mark with a hot iron , is a manifest argument of his ignorance . but that he should advise mr. h●bbes not to beleeve his own readings or any mans else that should tell him it did signifie any such thing , is a piece of notorious impudence . that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies a distinctive point in writing made with a pen or quill , ( is a pen one thing and a quill another to write with ? ) no body denies . but it must be withal acknowledged it signifies many things else . i know the dr. is a good historian ( else he should not presume to object the want of history to another ) let him tell us how long ago it is , since men have made use of pens or quills in writing ; for if that invention be of no long standing ; this signification must also be such , and so it could not be that from any ●allusion thereunto the mathe maticians used it for a point . another thing i would fain know of this great historian , how long ago {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} began to signifie inter●ungo ? for if the mathematicks were studied before the mystery of printing was found out ( as shall be proved when ever it shall please the dr. out of his no reading to maintain the contrary ) then the mathematical use thereof should have been named before the grammatical . and if this word be translatitions , and that sciences were the effect of long contemplation , the names used wherein are borrowed ▪ from talk , mr. hobbes did wel to say that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} precedaneously to that indivisible signification , which it afterwards had , did signifie a visible mark , made by a hot iron , or the like . and in this procedure , he did no more then any man would have done ; who considers that all our knowledge proceeds from our senses ; as also that words do , primarily , signifie things obvious to sense , and only secondarily , such as men call incorporeal . this leads me to a further consideration of this word . hesychius ( of whom it is said that he is legendus non ●anquam l●xicographus , sed tanquam justus author . ) interprets {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which is a point of a greater or lesser size , made with any thing . so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies to prick or marke with any thing in a●y manner , and hath no impropriated signification in it self , but according to the writer that useth it . thus in a grammarian {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies to distinguish by poin●ing often , sometimes , even in them , it is the same with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , sometimes it signifies to set a ma●k , that something is wanting in that place , which marks were called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . in maters of policy {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies to disallow , because they used to put a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) before his name who was either disapproved , or to be mulcted . in punishments it signifies to mark or brand , whereof i cannot at present remember any other wayes then that of an hot iron , which is most us●al in authors , because most practised by the antients . but that the marke which the turks●nd others do imprint without burning may be said {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i do not doubt ; no more then that h●rodian did to give that term to the antient britaines , of whom he sayes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . thus horses that were branded with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) were said {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . thus in its origine {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} doth signifi● a b●end or mark with an hot iron , ●r the like , and that must be the proper signification of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which is proper to {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , none but such as dr. wallis●an doubt . in its descendants it is no less evident , for from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} comes stigmosus , which signifies to be branded ; vitellianâ cicatrice stig●●sus not stigmatosus . so pliny in his epistles , as robert stephen cites it . and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( the derivative of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which signifies any mark , as well as a brand , even such as remain after stripes , being black and blew ) was a nick-name imposed upon the grammarian nicanor , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ▪ and though we had not any examples of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} being used in this sense , yet from thence for any man to argue against it ( but he who knows no more then stephen tells him ) is madness , unless he will deny that any word hath lost its right signification , and is used only ( by the authors we have , although neither the dr. nor i have read all them ) in its analogical signification . i have alwayes been of opinion , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signified a single point , big or little , it matters not ; and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a composure of many ; as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies a line , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a l●tter , made of several lines . for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signified the owle , the s●mana , the letter k , yea whole words , lines , epigrams engraven in mens faces ; and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i doubt not , had signified a single point , had such been used , and so it became translatitiously used by grammarians and mathematicians . i could give grounds for this conjecture , and not be so impertinent as the doctor in his sermon ( where he told men that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} was not in homer ; that from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} came ebrius ; that sobrietas was not bad latine , and that sobrius was once ( as i remember ) in tully . is this to speak suitably to the oracles of god , or rather to lash out into idle words ? hath the dr. any ground to think these are not impertinences ? or are we , poor mortals , accountable for such idle words as fall from us in private discourses , whilest these ambassadours of heaven droll in the pulpit without any danger of an after reckoning ? but i proceed to a further survey of the doctors intolerable ignorance . his charge in the end of the school ▪ masters rant , is , that he should remember {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} are not all one . i complained before that he hath not cited robert stephen aright , now i must tell him he hath been negligent in the reading of henry stephen ; for in him he might have found that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} was sometimes all one with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} though there be no example in him wherein {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is ●sed for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hath not hes●od ( as stephen rightly citeth it ) in his s●u●um . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ubi scholiastes ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . so johannes di●conus upon the place , a man , who ( if i may use the drs. phrase ) was as good a critick , as the geometry professour . thus much for the doctor . to the understanding reader , i say , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is ●sed for burning with a hot iron ; 〈◊〉 ▪ macchab. 9. 11. where speaking of antiochus's lamentable death , his body putrifying , and breeding worms , he is said {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; being pained as if he had been pricked , or burned with hot ir●ns . and that this is the meaning of that elegant writer , shall be made good against the doct●r , when he shall please to defend the vulgar interpretation ▪ pausanias , in baeoticis , speaking of epaminondas , who had taken a town belonging to the sicyonians called phaebia ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) wherein were many baeotian fugitives , who ought by law to have been put to death , saith , he dismissed them under other names , giving them onely a brand or mark {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it is true {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is here put adverbially , but that doth not alter the case . again zonaras , in the third ●ome of his history , in the l●fe of the emperour th●ophilus , saith , that when theophanes and another monk had reproved the said emperour for demolishing images , he took and s●igmatised each of them with twelve lambicks in their faces . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . a place so evident , that i know not what the dr. can reply . this place is just parallel to what the same author saith in the li●e of irene , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . if the dr. object that he is a moderne author , he will never be able to render him as inconsiderable as adrianus junius's nomenclator , th●mafius and rider . if any will deny that he writes good greek , hieronymus w●lfius will tell them , his onely fault is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , redundancy in words , and not the use of bad ones . another example of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} used in this sense , is in the collections out of diodorus siculus lib. 34. as they are to be found at the end of his works , and as photius hath transcr●bed them into his bibliotheca . he ●aith that the romans did buy multitudes of servants and employ them in sicily ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . these are the words but of one author , but ought to passe for the judgement of two , seeing photius , by inserting them , hath made them his own . besides , it is the judgement of a great master of the greek tongue , that stigmata non tam puncta ipsa qudm punctis variatam super●●ciem gr●ci vocaverun● : i need not i suppose , name him , so gre●t a critick as the dr. cannot be ignorant of him . nor were {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} commonly , but upon extraordinary occasions , imprinted with an hot iron . the letters were first made by incision , then the blood pressed , and the place filled up with ink , the composition whereof is to be seen in ae●ius . and thus they did use to matriculate souldiers also in the hand . thus did the grecian emperour in the precedent example of zonaras . and if the dr. would more , let him repair to vin●tas's comment upon the fifteenth epigram of ausonius . and now i conceive enough hath hath been said to vindicate mr. hobbes , and to shew the insufferable ignorance of the puny professor , and unlearned critick . if any more shall be though● necessary , i shall take the paines to collect more examples and authorities , though i confess i had rather spend time otherwise then in matter of so little moment . as for some other pssages in his book , i am no competent judge of symbolick stenography . the dr. ( sir reverence ) might have used a cleanlier expression then that of a s●itten piece , when he censures mr. hobbes's book . hitherto the letter . by which you may see what came in to my ( not square ) cap to call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a mark with a hot iron , and that , they who told me that , did no more tell me a lie then they told you a lie that said the same of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; and if {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} be not right as i use it now , ●hen call these notes not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i will not contend with you for a tris●e . for howsoever you call them you are like to be known by them . sir , the ▪ calling of a divine hath justly taken from you some time that might have been imployed in geometry . the study of algebra hath taken from you another part , for algebra and geometry are not all one ; and you have cast away much time in practising and trusting to symbolical writ writings , and for the authors of geometry you have read , you have not examined their demonstrations to the bottom . therefore you perhaps may be , but are not yet 〈◊〉 geometrician , much lesse a good divine . i would you had but so much ethicks , as to be civil . but you are a notable critick so fare you well , and consider what honour you do either to the university where you are received for professor , or to the vniversity from whence you came thither , by your geometry ; and what honour you do to emanuel colledge by your divinity ; and what honour you do to the degree of dr. with the manner of your language . and take the counsel which you publish out of your encomiast his letter ; think me no more worthy of your pains , you see how i have ●ouled your fingers . finis . humane nature, or, the fundamental elements of policy being a discovery of the faculties, acts, and passions of the soul of man from their original causes, according to such philosophical principles as are not commonly known or asserted / by tho. hobbs. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43995 of text r27431 in the english short title catalog (wing h2244). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 147 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 53 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a43995 wing h2244 estc r27431 09851606 ocm 09851606 44255 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43995) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44255) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1359:20) humane nature, or, the fundamental elements of policy being a discovery of the faculties, acts, and passions of the soul of man from their original causes, according to such philosophical principles as are not commonly known or asserted / by tho. hobbs. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43995 of text r27431 in the english short title catalog (wing h2244). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [9], 89, [1] p. printed for matthew gilliflower, henry rogers, and tho. fox, london : 1684. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. eng soul. free will and determinism. a43995 r27431 (wing h2244). civilwar no de corpore politico. or the elements of law, moral & politick. with discourses upon severall heads; as of the law of nature. oathes and cove hobbes, thomas 1652 25984 6 25 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion humane nature : or the fundamental elements of policy . being a discovery of the faculties acts and passions of the soul of man , from their original causes ; according to such philosophical principles as are not commonly known or asserted . the third edition , augmented and much corrected by the authors own hand . by tho. hobbs of malmsbury . london , printed for matthew gilliflower , henry rogers , and tho. fox , booksellers in westminster-hall . mdclxxxiv . to the right honourable , william earl of new-castle , governour to the prince his highness , one of his majesties most honourable privy council . my most honoured lord , from the principal parts of nature , reason and passion , have proceeded two kinds of learning , mathematical and dogmatical : the former is free from controversie and dispute , because it consisteth in comparing figure and motion only ; in which things , truth , and the interest of men , oppose not each other : but in the other there is nothing undisputable , because it compareth men , and medleth with their right and profit ; in which , as oft as reason is against a man , so oft will a man be against reason . and from hence it cometh , that they who have written of justice and policy in general , do all invade each other and themselves with contradictions . to reduce this doctrine to the rules and infallibility of reason , there is no way but , first , put such principles down for a foundation , as passion , not mistrusting , may not seek to displace ; and afterwards to build thereon the truth of cases in the law of nature ( which hitherto have been built in the air ) by degrees , till the whole have been inexpugnable . now , my lord , the principles fit for such a foundation , are those which heretofore i have acquainted your lordship withal in private discourse , and which by your command i have here put into a method . to examine cases thereby between soveraign and soveraign , or between soveraign and subject , i leave to them that shall find leasure and encouragement thereto : for my part , i present this to your lordship for the true and only foundation of such science . for the stile , it is therefore the worse , because , whilest i was writing , i consulted more with logick than with rhetorick : but for the doctrine , it is not slightly proved ; and the conclusions thereof of such nature , as , for want of them . government and peace have been nothing else , to this day , but mutual fears : and it would be an incomparable benefit to commonwealth , that every one held the opinion concerning law and policy here delivered . the ambition therefore of this book , in seeking by your lordships countenance to insinuate it self with those whom the matter it containeth most nearly concerneth , is to be excused . for my self , i desire no greater honour than i enjoy already in your lordship's favour , unless it be that you would be pleased , in continuance thereof , to give me more exercise in your commands ; which , as i am bound by your many great favours , i shall obey , being , my most honoured lord , your most humble , and most obliged servant , tho. hobbs . may 9. 1640. in libellum praestantissimi tho. hobbii veri verè philosophi , de naturâ hominis . qvae magna coeli moenia , & tractae maris , terraeque fines siquid aut ultra est , capit mens ipsa , tandem capitur : omnia hactenus quae nôsse potuit , nota jam primùm est sibi . accede , lector , disce quis demùm sies ; tranquilinam jecoris agnoscas tui , quî propiùs haeret nil tibi , & nil tam procul . non hic scholarum frivola , aut cassi logâ , quales per annos fortè plus septem legit ; ut folle pleno prodeat , rixae artifex ; vanasque merces futili linguâ crepet : sed sancta rerum pondera , & sensus graves quales parari decuit , ipsa cùm fuit pingenda ratio , & vindici suo adstitit . panduntur omnes machinae gyri tuae , animaeque vectes , trochleae , cunei , rotae ; quâ concitetur arte , quo sufflamine sistatur illa rursus , & constet sibi : nec , si fenestram pectori humano suam aptâsset ipse momus , inspiceret magis . hîc cerno levia affectuum vestigia , gracilesque sensûs lineas ; video quibus vehantur alis blanduli cupidines , quibusque stimulis urge●nt ir● graves . hîc & dolores , & voluptates suos produnt recessus ; ipse nec timor latet . has nôrit artes quisquis in foro velit animorum habenas flectere , & populos cupit aptis ligatos nexibus jungi sibi . hîc archimedes publicus figat podem , siquando regna machinis politicis vrgere satagit , & feras gentes ciet , imisque motum sedibus mundum quatit : facile domabit cuncta , qui menti imperat . consultor audax , & promethei potens facinoris anime ! quis tibi dedit deus haec intueri saeculis longè abdita , oculosque luce tinxit ambrosiâ tuos ? tu mentis omnis , at tuae nulla est capax . hâc laude solus fruere : divinum est opus animam creare ; proximum huic , ostendere . rad. bathurst , a. m. col. trin. oxon. humane nature : or the fundamental elements of policy . the true and perspicuous explication of the elements of laws natural and politick ( which is my present scope ) dependeth upon the knowledge of what is humane nature , what is body politick , and what it is we call a law ; concerning which points , as the writings of men from antiquity down wards have still increased , so also have the doubts and controversies concerning the same : and seeing that true knowledge begetteth not doubt nor controversie , but knowledge , it is manifest from the present controversies , that they which have heretofore written thereof , have not well understood their own subject . 2. harm i can do none , though i err no less than they ; for i shall leave men but as they are , in doubt and dispute : but , intending not to take any principle upon trust , but only to put men in mind of what they know already , or may know by their own experience , i hope to erre the less ; and when i do , it must proceed from too hasty concluding , which i will endeavour as much as i can to avoid . 3. on the other side , if reasoning aright win not consent , which may very easily happen , from them that being confident of their own knowledg weigh not what is said , the fault is not mine but theirs ; for as it is my part to shew my reasons , so it is theirs to bring attention . 4. mans nature is the summ of his natural faculties and powers , as the faculties of nutrition , motion , generation , sense , reason , &c. these powers we do unanimously call natural , and are contained in the definition of man , under these words , animal and rational . 5. according to the two principal parts of man , i divide his faculties into two sorts , faculties of the body , and faculties of the mind . 6. since the minute and distinct anatomy of the powers of the body is nothing necessary to the present purpose , i will only summ them up in these three heads , power nutritive , power motive , and power generative . 7. of the powers of the mind there be two sorts , cognitive , imaginative , or conceptive and motive ; and first of cognitive . for the understanding of what i mean by the power cognitive , we must remember and acknowledge that there be in our minds continually certain images or conceptions of the things without us , insomuch that if a man could be alive , and all the rest of the world annihilated , he should nevertheless retain the image thereof ; and all those things which he had before seen or perceived in it ; every one by his own experience knowing , that the absence or destruction of things once imagined doth not cause the absence or destruction of the imagination it self ; this imagery and representations of the qualities of the thing without , is that we call our conception , imagination , ideas , notice or knowledg of them ; and the faculty or power by which we are capable of such knowledge , is that i here call cognitive power , or conceptive , the power of knowing or conceiving . chap. ii. 2. definition of sense . 4. four propositions concerning the nature of conceptions . 5. the first proved . 6. the second proved . 7 , 8. the third proved . 9. the fourth proved . 10 ▪ the main deception of sense . 1. having declared what i mean by the word conception , and other words equivalent thereunto , i come to the conceptions themselves , to shew their differences , their causes , and the manner of the production , so far as is necessary for this place . 2. originally all conceptions proceed from the action of the thing it self , whereof it is the conception : now when the action is present , the conception it produceth is also called sense ; and the thing by whose action the same is produced , is called the object of the sense . 3 by our several organs we have several conceptions of several qualities in the objects ; for by sight we have a conception or image composed of colour and figure , which is all the notice and knowledge the object imparteth to us of its nature by the eye . by hearing we have a conception called sound , which is all the knowledge we have of the quality of the object from the ear . and so the rest of the senses are also conceptions of several qualities , or natures of their objects . 4. because the image in vision consisting of colour and shape is the knowledge we have of the qualities of the object of that sense ; it is no hard matter for a man to fall into this opinion , that the same colour and shape are the very qualities themselves ; and for the same cause , that sound and noise are the qualities of the bell , or of the air . and this opinion hath been so long received , that the contrary must needs appear a great paradox ; and yet the introduction of species visible and intelligible ( which is necessary for the maintenance of that opinion ) passing to and fro from the object , is worse than any paradox , as being a plain impossibility . i shall therefore endeavour to make plain these points : that the subject wherein colour and image are inherent , is not the object or thing seen . that there is nothing without us ( really ) which we call an image or colour . that the said image or colour is but an apparition unto us of the motion , agitation , or alteration , which the object worketh in the brain , or spirits , or some internal substance of the head . that as in vision , so also in conceptions that arise from the other senses , the subject of their inherence is not the object , but the sentient . 5. every man hath so much experience as to have seen the sun and the other visible objects by reflection in the water and glasses ; and this alone is sufficient for this conclusion , that colour and image may be there where the thing seen is not . but because it may be said that notwithstanding the image in the water be not in the object , but a thing meerly phantastical , yet there may be colour really in the thing it self : i will urge further this experience , that divers times men see directly the same object double ; as two candles for one , which may happen from distemper or otherwise without distemper if a man will , the organs being either in their right temper , or equally distempered , the colours and figures in two such images of the same thing cannot be inherent therein , because the thing seen cannot be in two places . one of these images therefore is not inherent in the object : but seeing the organs of the sight are then in equal temper or distemper , the one of them is no more inherent than the other ; and consequently neither of them both are in the object ; which is the first proposition , mentioned in the precedent number . 6. secondly , that the image of any thing by reflection in a glass or water or the like , is not any thing in or behind the glass , or in or under the water , every man may grant to himself ; which is the second proposition . 7. for the third , we are to consider , first that every great agitation or concussion of the brain ( as it happeneth from a stroak , especially if the stroak be upon the eye ) whereby the optick nerve suffereth any great violence , there appeareth before the eyes a certain light , which light is nothing without , but an apparition only , all that is real being the concussion or motion of the parts of that nerve ; from which experience we may conclude , that apparition of light is really nothing but motion within . if therefore from lucid bodies there can be derived motion , so as to affect the optick nerve in such manner as is proper thereunto , there will follow an image of light somewhere in that line by which the motion was last derived to the eye ; that is to say , in the object , if we look directly on it , and in the glass or water , when we look upon it in the line of reflection , which in effect is the third proposition ; namely , that image and colour is but an apparition to us of that motion , agitation , or alteration which the object worketh in the brain or spirits , or some internal substance in the head . 8. but that from all lucid , shining and illuminate bodies , there is a motion produced to the eye , and , through the eye , to the optick nerve , and so into the brain , by which that apparition of light or colour is affected , is not hard to prove . and first , it is evident that the fire , the only lucid body here upon earth , worketh by motion equally every way ; insomuch as the motion thereof stopped or inclosed , it is presently extinguished , and no more fire . and further , that that motion whereby the fire worketh , is dilation , and contraction of it self alternately , commonly called scintillation or glowing , is manifest also by experience . from such motion in the fire must needs arise a rejection or casting from it self of that part of the medium which is contiguous to it , whereby that part also rejecteth the next , and so successively one part beateth back another to the very eye ; and in the same manner the exteriour part of the eye presseth the interiour , ( the laws of refraction still observed . ) now the interiour coat of the eye is nothing else but a piece of the optick nerve ; and therefore the motion is still continued thereby into the brain , and by resistance or re-action of the brain , is also a rebound into the optick nerve again ; which we not conceiving as motion or rebound from within , do think it is without , and call it light ; as hath been already shewed by the experience of a stroak . we have no reason to doubt , that the fountain of light , the sun , worketh by any other ways than the fire , at least in this matter . and thus all vision hath its original from such motion as is here described : for where there is no light , there is no sight ; and therefore colour also must be the same thing with light , as being the effect of the lucid bodies : their difference being only this , that when the light cometh directly from the fountain to the eye , or indirectly by reflection from clean and polite bodies , and such as have not any particular motion internal to alter it , we call it light ; but when it cometh to the eye by reflection from une●en , rough , and coarse bodies , ( or such as are affected with internal motion of their own that may alter it ) then we call it colour ; colour and light differing only in this , that the one is pure , and the other perturbed light . by that which hath been said , not only the truth of the third proposition , but also the whole manner of producing light and colour , is apparent . 9. as colour is not inherent in the object , but an effect thereof upon us , caused by such motion in the object , as hath been described : so neither is sound in the thing we hear , but in our selves . one manifest sign thereof , is , that as a man may see , so also he may hear double or treble , by multiplication of echoes , which echoes are sounds as well as the original ; and not being in one and the same place , cannot be inherent in the body that maketh them : nothing can make any thing which is not in it self : the clapper hath no sound in it , but motion , and maketh motion in the internal parts of the bell ; so the bell hath motion , and not sound , that imparteth motion to the air ; and the air hath motion , but not sound ; the air imparteth motion by the ear and nerve unto the brain ; and the brain hath motion , but not sound : from the brain , it reboundeth back into the nerves outward , and thence it becometh an apparition without , which we call sound . and to proceed to the rest of the senses , it is apparent enough , that the smell and taste of the same thing , are not the same to every man ; and therefore are not in the thing smelt or tasted , but in the men . so likewise the heat we feel from the fire is manifestly in us , and is quite different from the heat which is in the fire : for our heat is pleasure or pain , according as it is great or moderate ; but in the coal there is no such thing . by this the fourth and last proposition is proved , viz. that as in vision , so also in conceptions that arise from other senses , the subject of their inherence is not in the object , but in the sentient . 10. and from hence also it followeth , that whatsoever accidents or qualities our senses make us think there be in the world , they be not there , but are seeming and apparitions only : the things that really are in the world without us , are those motions by which these seemings are caused . and this is the great deception of sense , which also is to be by sense corrected : for as sense telleth me , when i see directly , that the colour seemeth to be in the object ; so also sense telleth me , when i see by reflection , that colour is in the object . chap. iii. 1. imagination defined . 2. sleep and dreams defined . 3. causes of dreams . 4. fiction defined . 5. phantasms defined . 6. remembrances defined . 7. wherein remembrance consisteth . 8. why in a dream a man never thinks he dreams . 9. why few things seem strange in dreams . 10. that a dream may be taken for reality and vision . 1. as standing water put into motion by the stroak of a stone , or blast of wind , doth not presently give over moving as soon as the wind ceaseth , or the stone setleth : so neither doth the effect cease which the object hath wrought upon the brain , so soon as ever , by turning aside of the organs the object ceaseth to work ; that is to say , though the sense be past , the image or conception remaineth ; but more obscure while we are awake , because some object or other continually plieth and solliciteth our eyes , and ears , keeping the mind in a stronger motion , whereby the weaker doth not easily appear . and this obscure conception is that we call phantasie , or imagination : imagination being ( to define it ) conception remaining , and by little and little decaying from and after the act of sense . 2. but when present sense is not , as in sleep , there the images remaining after sense ( when there be many ) as in dreams , are not obscure , but strong and clear , as in sense it self . the reason is , that which obscured and made the conceptions weak , namely sense , and present operation of the object , is removed : for sleep is the privation of the act of sense , ( the power remaining ) and dreams are the imagination of them that sleep . 3. the causes of dreams ( if they be natural ) are the actions or violence of the inward parts of a man upon his brain , by which the passages of sense by sleep benummed , are restored to their motion . the signs by which this appeareth to be so , are the differences of dreams ( old men commonly dream oftener , and have their dreams more painful than young ) proceeding from the different accidents of mans body ; as dreams of lust , as dreams of anger , according as the heart , or other parts within , work more or less upon the brain , by more or less heat ; so also the descents of different sorts of flegm maketh us a dream of different tastes of meats and drinks ; and i believe there is a reciprocation of motion from the brain to the vital parts , and back from the vital parts to the brain ; whereby not only imagination begetteth motion in those parts ; but also motion in those parts begetteth imagination like to that by which it was begotten . if this be true , and that sad imaginations nourish the spleen , then we see also a cause , why a strong spleen reciprocally causeth fearful dreams , and why the effects of lasciviousness may in a dream produce the image of some person that had caused them . another sign that dreams are caused by the action of the inward parts , is the disorder and casual consequence of one conception or image to another : for when we are waking , the antecedent thought or conception introduceth , and is cause of the consequent , ( as the water followeth a mans finger upon a dry and level table ( but in dreams there is commonly no coherence , ( and when there is , it is by chance ) which must needs proceed from this , that the brain in dreams is not restored to its motion in every part alike ; whereby it cometh to pass , that our thoughts appear like the stars between the flying clouds , not in the order which a man would chuse to observe them , but as the uncertain flight of broken clouds permits . 4. as when the water , or any liquid thing moved at once by divers movents , receiveth one motion compounded of them all ; so also the brain or spirit therein , having been stirred by divers objects , composeth an imagination of divers conceptions that appeared single to the sense . as for example , the sense sheweth at one time the figure of a mountain , and at another time the colour of gold ; but the imagination afterwards hath them both at once in a golden mountain . from the same cause it is , there appear unto us castles in the air , chimaera's , and other monsters which are not in rerum natura , but have been conceived by the sense in pieces at several times . and this composition is that which we commonly call fiction of the mind . 5. there is yet another kind of imagination , which for clearness contendeth with sense , as well as a dream ; and that is , when the action of sense hath been long or vehement : and the experience thereof is more frequent in the sense of seeing , than the rest . an example whereof is , the image remaining before the eye after looking upon the sun . also , those little images that appear before the eyes in the dark ; whereof i think every man hath experience , ( but they most of all , who are timorous or superstitious ) are examples of the same . and these , for distinction-sake , may be called phantasms . 6. by the senses , which are numbred according to the organs to be five , we take notice ( as hath been said already ) of the objects without us ; and that notice is our conception thereof : but we take notice also some way or other of our conceptions : for when the conception of the same thing cometh again , we take notice that is again ; that is to say , that we have had the same conception before ; which is as much as to imagine a thing past ; which is impossible to the sense , which is only of things present . this therefore may be accounted a sixth sense , but internal , ( not external , as the rest ) and is commonly called remembrance . 7. for the manner by which we take notice of a conception past , we are to remember , that in the definition of imagination , it is said to be a conception by little and little decaying , or growing more obscure . an obscure conception is that which representeth the whole object together , but none of the smaller parts by themselves ; and as more or fewer parts be represented , so is the conception or representation said to be more or less clear . seeing then the conception , which when it was first produced by sense , was clear , and represented the parts of the 0bject distinctly ; and when it cometh again is obscure , we find missing somewhat that we expected ; by which we judge it past and decayed . for example , a man that is present in a foreign city , seeth not only whole streets , but can also distinguish particular houses , and parts of houses ; but departed thence , he cannot distinguish them so particularly in his mind as he did , some house or turning escaping him : yet is this to remember ; when afterwards there escape him more particulars , this is also to remember , but not so well . in process of time , the image of the city returneth but as a mass of building only , which is almost to have forgotten it . seeing then remembrance is more or less , as we find more or less obscurity , why may not we well think remembrance to be nothing else but the missing of parts , which every man expecteth should succeed after they have a conception of the whole ? to see at a great distance of place , and to remember at great distance of time , is to have like conceptions of the thing : for there wanteth distinction of parts in both ; the one conception being weak by operation at distance , the other by decay . 8. and from this that hath been said , there followeth , that a man can never know he dreameth ; he may dream he doubteth , whether it be a dream or no : but the clearness of the imagination representeth every thing with as many parts as doth sense it self , and consequently , he can take notice of nothing but as present ; whereas to think he dreameth , is to think those his conceptions , that is to say , obscurer than they were in the sense : so that he must think them both as clear , and not as clear as sense ; which is impossible . 9. from the same ground it proceedeth , that men wonder not in their dreams at place and persons , as they would do waking : for waking , a man would think it strange to be in a place where he never was before , and remember nothing of how he came there ; but in a dream , there cometh little of that kind into consideration . the clearness of conception in a dream , taketh away distrust , unless the strangeness be excessive , as to think himself fallen from on high without hurt , and then most commonly he waketh . 10. nor is it possible for a man to be so far deceived , as when his dream is past , to think it real : for if he dream of such things as are ordinarily in his mind , and in such order as he useth to do waking , and withal that he laid him down to sleep in the place were he findeth himself when he awaketh ; all which may happen : i know no {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or mark by which he can discern whether it were a dream or not , and therefore do the less wonder to hear a man sometimes to tell his dream for a truth , or to take it for a vision . chap. iv. 1. discourse . 2. the cause of coherence of thoughts . 3. ranging . 4. sagacity . 5. reminiscence . 6. experience . 7. expectation . 8. conjecture . 9. signs . 10. prudence . 11. caveats of concluding from experience . 1. the succession of conceptions in the mind , series or consequence of one after another , may be casual and incoherent , as in dreams for the most part ; and it may be orderly , as when the former thought introduceth the latter ; and this is discourse of the mind . but because the word discourse is commonly taken for the coherence and consequence of words , i will , to avoid aequivocation , call it discursion . 2. the cause of the coherence or consequence of one conception to another , is their first coherence or consequence at that time when they are produced by sense : as for example , from st. andrew the mind runneth to st. peter , because their names are read together ; from s. peter to a stone , for the same cause ; from stone to foundation , because we see them together ; and for the same cause , from foundation to church , and from church to people , and from people to tumult : and according to this example , the mind may run almost from any thing to any thing . but as in the sense the conception of cause and effect may succeed one another ; so may they after sense in the imagination : and for the most part they do so ; the cause whereof is the appetite of them , who , having a conception of the end , have next unto it a conception of the next means to that end ; as , when a man , from a thought of honour to which he hath an appetite , cometh to the thought of wisdom , which is the next means thereunto ; and from thence to the thought of study , which is the next means to wisdom . 3. to omit that kind of discursion by which we proceed from any thing to any thing , there are of the other kind divers sorts : as first , in the senses there are certain coherences of conceptions , which we may call ranging : examples whereof are ; a man casteth his eye upon the ground , to look about for some small thing lost ; the hounds casting about at a fault in hunting ; and the ranging of spaniels : and herein we take a beginning arbitrary . 4. another sort of discursion is , when the appetite giveth a man his beginning , as in the example before , where honour to which a man hath appetite , maketh him think upon the next means of attaining it , and that again of the next , &c. and this the latines call sagacitas ▪ and we may call hunting or tracing , as dogs trace beasts by the smell , and men hunt them by their footsteps ; or as men hunt after riches , place , or knowledge . 5. there is yet another kind of discursion beginning with the appetite to recover something lost , proceeding from the present backward , from thought of the place where we miss at , to the thought of the place from whence we came last ; and from the thought of that , to the thought of a place before , till we have in our mind some place , wherein we had the thing we miss : and this is called reminiscence . 6. the remembrance of succession of one thing to another , that is , of what was antecedent , and what consequent , and what concomitant , is called an experiment ; whether the same be made by us voluntarily , as when a man putteth any thing into the fire , to see what effect the fire will produce upon it : or not made by us , as when we remember a fair morning after a red evening . to have had many experiments , is that we call experience , which is nothing else but remembrance of what antecedents have been followed by what consequents . 7. no man can have in his mind a conception of the future ; for the future is not yet : but of our conceptions of the past , we make a future ; or rather , call past , future relatively . thus after a man hath been accustomed to see like antecedents follow by like consequents , whensoever he seeth the like come to pass to any thing he had seen before , he looks there should follow it the same that followed then : as for example , because a man hath often seen offences followed by punishment , when he seeth an offence in present , he thinketh punishment to be consequent thereto ; but consequent unto that which is present , men call future : and thus we make remembrance to be the prevision of things to come , or expectation or presumption of the future . 8. in the same manner , if a man seeth in present that which he hath seen before , he thinks that that which was antecedent to that which he saw before , is also antecedent to that he presently seeth : as for example , he that hath seen the ashes remain after the fire , and now again seeth ashes , concludeth again there hath been fire : and this is called again conjecture of the past , or presumption of the fact . 9. when a man hath so often observed like antecedents to be followed by like consequents , that whensoever he seeth the antecedent , he looketh again for the consequent ; or when he seeth the consequent , maketh account there hath been the like antecedent ; then he calleth both the antecedent and the consequent , signs one of another , as clouds are signs of rain to come , and rain of clouds past . 10. this taking of signs by experience , is that wherein men do ordinarily think , the difference stands between man and man in wisdom , by which they commonly understand a mans whole ability or power cognitive ; but this is an errour : for the signs are but conjectural ; and according as they have often or seldom failed , so their assurance is more or less ; but never full and evident : for though a man have always seen the day and night to follow one another hitherto ; yet can he not thence conclude they shall do so , or that they have done so eternally : experience concludeth nothing universally . if the signs hit twenty times for one missing , a man may lay a wager of twenty to one of the event ; but may not conclude it for a truth . but by this it is plain , that they shall conjecture best , that have most experience , because they have most signs to conjecture by ; which is the reason old men are more prudent , that is , conjecture better , caeteris paribus , than young : for , being old , they remember more ; and experience is but remembrance . and men of quick imagination , caeteris paribus , are more prudent than those whose imaginations are slow : for they observe more in less time . prudence is nothing but conjecture from experience , or taking of signs from experience warily , that is , that the experiments from which he taketh such signs be all remembred ; for else the cases are not alike that seem so . 11. as in conjecture concerning things past and future , it is prudence to conclude from experience , what is like to come to pass , or to have passed already ; so it is an errour to conclude from it , that it is so or so called ; that is to say , we cannot from experience conclude , that any thing is to be called just or unjust , true or false , or any proposition universal whatsoever , except it be from remembrance of the use of names imposed arbitrarily by men : for example , to have heard a sentence given in the like case , the like sentence a thousand times is not enough to conclude that the sentence is just ; though most men have no other means to conclude by : but it is necessary , for the drawing of such conclusion , to trace and find out , by many experiences , what men do mean by calling things just and unjust . further , there is another caveat to be taken in concluding by experience , from the tenth section of the second chapter ; that is , that we conclude such things to be without , that are within us . chap. v. 1. of marks . 2. names or appellations . 3. names positive and privative . 4. advantage of names maketh us capable of science . 5. names universal and singular . 6. vniversals not in rerum natura . 7. aequivocal names . 8. vnderstanding . 9. affirmation , negation , proposition . 10. truth , falsity . 11. ratiocination . 12. according to reason , against reason . 13. names causes of knowledge , so of errour . 14. translation of the discourse of the mind into the discourse of the tongue , and of the errours thence proceeding . 1. seeing the succession of conceptions in the mind are caused , as hath been said before , by the succession they had one to another when they were produced by the senses , and that there is no conception that hath not bin produced immediately before or after innumerable others , by the innumerable acts of sense ; it must needs follow , that one conception followeth not another , according to our election , and the need we have of them , but as it chanceth us to hear or see such things as shall bring them to our mind . the experience we have hereof , is in such brute beasts , which , having the providence to hide the remains and superfluity of their meat , do nevertheless want the remembrance of the place where they hide it , and thereby make no benefit thereof in their hunger : but man , who in this point beginneth to rank himself somewhat above the nature of beasts , hath observed and remembred the cause of this defect , and to amend the same , hath imagined or devised to set up a visible or other sensible mark , the which , when he seeth it again , may bring to his mind the thought he had when he set it up . a mark therefore is a sensible object which a man erecteth voluntarily to himself , to the end to remember thereby somewhat past , when the same is objected to his sense again : as men that have past by a rock at sea , set up some mark , thereby to remember their former danger , and avoid it . 2. in the number of these marks , are those humane voices , which we call the names or appellations of things sensible by the ear , by which we recall into our mind some conceptions of the things to which we gave those names or appellations ; as the appellation white bringeth to remembrance the quality of such objects as produce that colour or conception in us . a name or appellation therefore is the voice of a man arbitrary , imposed for a mark to bring into his mind some conception concerning the thing on which it is imposed . 3. things named , are either the objects themselves , as a man ; or the conception it self that we have of man , as shape and motion : or some privation , which is when we conceive that there is something which we conceive not , in him ; as when we conceive he is not just , not finite , we give him the name of unjust , of infinite , which signifie privation or defect ; and to the privations themselves we give the names of injustice and infiniteness : so that here be two sorts of names ; one of things , in which we conceive something ; or of the conceptions themselves , which are called positive : the other of things wherein we conceive privation or defect , and those names are called privative . 4. by the advantage of names it is that we are capable of science , which beasts , for want of them are not ; nor man , without the use of them : for as a beast misseth not one or two out of many her young ones , for want of those names of order , one , two , and three , and which we call number ; so neither would a man , without repeating orally or mentally the words of number , know how many pieces of money or other things lie before him . 5. seeing there be many conceptions of one and the same thing , and for every conception we give it a several name ; it followeth that for one and the same thing , we have many names or attributes ; as to the same man we give the appellations of just , valiant , &c. for divers vertues ; of strong , comely , &c. for divers qualities of the body . and again , because from divers things we receive like conceptions , many things must needs have the same appellation : as to all things we see , we give the same name of visible ; and to all things we see moveable , we give the appellation of moveable : and those names we give to many , are called universal to them all ; as the name of man to every particular of mankind : such appellation as we give to one only thing , we call individual , or singular ; as socrates , and other proper names : or , by circumlocution , he that writ the iliads , for homer . 6. the universality of one name to many things , hath been the cause that men think the things are themselves universal ; and so seriously contend , that besides peter and john , and all the rest of the men that are , have been , or shall be in the world , there is yet something else that we call man , viz. man in general , deceiving themselves , by taking the universal , or general appellation , for the thing it signifieth : for if one should desire the painter to make him the picture of a man , which is as much as to say , of a man in general ; he meaneth no more , but that the painter should chuse what man he pleaseth to draw , which must needs be some of them that are , or have been , or may be , none of which are universal . but when he would have him to draw the picture of the king , or any particular person , he limiteth the painter to that one person he chuseth . it is plain therefore , that there is nothing universal but names ; which are therefore called indefinite ; because we limit them not our selves , but leave them to be applied by the hearer : whereas a singular name is limited and restrained to one of the many things it signifieth ; as when we say , this man , pointing to him , or giving him his proper name , or by some such other way . 7. the appellations that be universal , and common to many things , are not always given to all the particulars , ( as they ought to be ) for like conceptions , and like considerations in them all ; which is the cause that many of them are not of constant signification , but bring into our mind other thoughts than these for which they were ordained , and those are called aequivocal . as for example , the word faith signifieth the same with belief ; sometimes it signifieth particularly that belief which maketh a christian ; and sometime it signifieth the keeping of a promise . also all metaphors are by profession aequivocal : and there is scarce any word that is not made aequivocal by divers contextures of speech , or by diversity of pronunciation and gesture . 8. this aequivocation of names maketh it difficult to recover those conceptions for which the name was ordained ; and that not only in the language of other men , wherein we are to consider the drift and occasion , and contexture of the speech , as well as the words themselves ; but also in our discourse , which being derived from the custom and common use of speech , representeth unto us not our own conceptions . it is therefore a great ability in a man , out of the words , contexture , and other circumstances of language , to deliver himself from aequivocation , and to find out the true meaning of what it said : and this is it we call vnderstanding . 9. of two appellations , by the help of this little verb is , or something equivalent , we make an affirmation or negation , either of which in the schools we call also a proposition , and consisteth of two appellations joyned together by the said verb is : as for example , man is a living creature ; or thus , man is not righteous : whereof the former is called an affirmation , because the appellation , living creature is positive ; the latter a negative , because not righteous is privative . 10. in every proposition , be it affirmative or negative , the latter appellation either comprehendeth the former , as in this proposition , charity is a vertue , the name of vertue comprehendeth the name of charity , and many other vertues beside ; and then is the proposition said to be true , or truth : for , truth , and a true proposition , is all one . or else the latter appellation comprehendeth not the former : as in this proposition , every man is just ; the name of just comprehendeth not every man ; for unjust is the name of the far greater part of men : and the proposition is said to be false , or falsity : falsity and a false proposition being also the same thing . 11. in what manner of two propositions , whether both affirmative , or one affirmative , the other negative , is made a syllogism , i forbear to write . all this that hath been said of names or propositions , though necessary , is but dry discourse : and this place is not for the whole art of logick , which if i enter further into , i ought to pursue : besides , it is not needfull ; for there be few men which have not so much natural logick , as thereby to discern well enough , whether any conclusion i shall make in this discourse hereafter , be well or ill collected : only thus much i say in this place , that making of syllogisms is that we call ratiocination or reasoning . 12. now when a man reasoneth from principles that are found indubitable by experience , all deceptions of sense and aequivocation of words avoided , the conclusion he maketh is said to be according to right reason : but when from his conclusion a man may , by good ratiocination , derive that which is contradictory to any evident truth whatsoever , then he is said to have concluded against reason : and such a conclusion is called absurdity . 13. as the invention of names hath been necessary for the drawing men out of ignorance , by calling to their remembrance the necessary coherence of one conception to another ; so also hath it on the other side precipitated men into errour : insomuch , that whereas by the benefit of words and ratiocination they exceed brute beasts in knowledge , and the commodities that accompany the same ; so they exceed them also in errour : for , true and false are things not incident to beasts , because they adhere not to propositions and language ; nor have they ratiocination , whereby to multiply one untruth by another , as men have . 14. it is the nature almost of every corporal thing , being often moved in one and the same manner , to receive continually a greater and greater easiness and aptitude to the same motion , insomuch as in time the same becometh so habitual , that , to beget it , there needs no more than to begin it . the passions of man , as they are the beginning of voluntary motions ; so are they the beginning of speech , which is the motion of the tongue . and men desiring to shew others the knowledge , opinions , conceptions and passions which are in themselves , and to that end having invented language , have by that means transferred all that discursion of their mind mentioned in the former chapter , by the motion of their tongues , into discourse of words : and ratio now is but oratio , for the most part , wherein custom hath so great a power , that the mind suggesteth only the first word ; the rest follow habitually , and are not followed by the mind ; as it is with beggars , when they saw their pater noster , putting together such words , and in such manner , as in their education they have learned from their nurses , from their companies , or from their teachers , having no images or conceptions in their mind , answering to the words they speak : and as they have learned themselves , so they teach posterity . now if we consider the power of those deceptions of the sense , mentioned chap 2. sect. 10 and also how unconstantly names have been setled , and how subject they are to aequivocation , and how diversified by passion , ( scarce two men agreeing what is to be called good , and what evil ; what liberality , what prodigality ; what valour , what temerity ) and how subject men are to paralogism or fallacy in reasoning , i may in a manner conclude , that it is impossible to rectifie so many errours of any one man , as must needs proceed from those causes , without beginning a-new from the very first grounds of all our knowledge and sense ; and instead of books , reading over orderly ones own conceptions : in which meaning , i take noste teipsum for a precept worthy the reputation it hath gotten . chap. vi 1. of the two kinds of knowledge 2. truth and evidence necessary to knowledge . 3. evidence defined . 4. science defined . 5. supposition defined . 6. opinion defined . 7. belief defined . 8. conscience defined . 9. belief , in some cases , no less from doubt than knowledge . 1. there is a story somewhere , of one that pretends to have been miraculously cured of blindness ( wherewith he was born ) by st. albane or other saints , at the town of st. albans ; and that the duke of glocester being there , to be satisfied of the truth of the miracle , asked the man , what colour is this ? who , by answering , it was green , discovered himself , and was punished for a counterfeit : for though by his sight newly received he might distinguish between green , and red , and all other colours , as well as any that should interrogate him , yet he could not possibly know at first sight which of them was called green , or red , or by any other name . by this we may understand , there be two kinds of knowledge , whereof the one is nothing else but sense , or knowledge original , as i have said in the beginning of the second chapter , and remembrance of the same ; the other is called science or knowledge of the truth of propositions , and how things are called ; and is derived from vnderstanding . both of these sorts are but experience ; the former being the experience of the effects of things that work upon us from without ; and the latter experience men have from the proper use of names in language : and all experience being , as i have said , but remembrance , all knowledge is remembrance : and of the former , the register we keep in books , is called history ; but the registers of the latter are called the sciences . 2. there are two things necessarily implied in this word knowledge ; the one is truth , the other evidence : for what is not truth , can never be known . for , let a man say he knoweth a thing never so well , if the same shall afterwards appear false , he is driven to confession , that it was not knowledge , but opinion . likewise , if the truth be not evident , though a man holdeth it , yet is his knowledge thereof no more than theirs who hold the contrary : for if truth were enough to make it knowledge , all truth were known ; which is not so . 3. what truth is , hath been defined in the precedent chapter ; what evidence is , i now set down : and it is the concomitance of a mans conception with the words that signifie such conception in the act of ratiocination : for when a man reasoneth with his lips only , to which the mind suggesteth only the beginning , and followeth not the words of his mouth with the conceptions of his mind , out of custom of so speaking ; though he begin his ratiocination with true propositions , and proceed with certain syllogisms , and thereby make always true conclusions ; yet are not his conclusions evident to him , for want of the concomitance of conception with his words : for if the words alone were sufficient , a parrot might be taught as well to know truth , as to speak it . evidence is to truth , as the sap to the tree , which , so far as it creepeth along with body and branches , keepeth them alive ; where it forsaketh them , they die : for this evidence , which is meaning with our words , is the life of truth . 4. knowledge therefore which we call science , i define to be evidence of truth , from some beginning or principle of sense : for the truth of a proposition is never evident , until we conceive the meaning of the words or terms whereof it consisteth , which are always conceptions of the mind : nor can we remember those conceptions , without the thing that produced the same by our senses . the first principle of knowledge is , that we have such and such conceptions ; the second , that we have thus and thus named the things whereof they are conceptions ; the third is , that we have joyned those names in such manner as to make true propositions ; the fourth and last is , that we have joyned those propositions in such manner as they be concluding , and the truth of the conclusion said to be known . and of these two kinds of knowledge , whereof the former is experience of fact , and the later of evidence of truth ; as the former , if it be great , is called prudence ; so the latter , if it be much , hath usually been called , both by ancient and modern writers , sapience or wisdom : and of this latter , man only is capable ; of the former , brute beasts also participate . 5. a proposition is said to be supposed , when , being not evident , it is nevertheless admitted for a time , to the end , that , joyning to it other propositions , we may conclude something ; and to proceed from conclusion to conclusion , for a trial whether the same will lead us into any absurd or impossible conclusion ; which if it do , then we know such supposition to have been false . 6. but if , running thorow many conclusions , we come to none that are absurd , then we think the proposition probable : likewise we think probable whatsoever proposition we admit for truth by errour of reasoning , or from trusting to other men : and all such propositions as are admitted by trust or errour , we are not said to know , but think them to be true ; and the admittance of them is called opinion . 7. and particularly , when the opinion is admitted out of trust to other men , they are said to believe it ; and their admittance of it is called belief , and sometimes faith . 8. it is either science or opinion which we commonly mean by the word conscience : for men say that such and such a thing is true in or upon their conscience ; which they never do , when they think it doubtful ; and therefore they know , or think they know it to be true . but men , when they say things upon their conscience , are not therefore presumed certainly to know the truth of what they say : it remaineth then , that that word is used by them that have an opinion , not only of the truth of the thing , but also of their knowledge of it , to which the truth of the proposition is consequent . conscience i therefore define to be opinion of evidence . 9. belief , which is the admitting of propositions upon trust , in many cases is no less free from doubt , than perfect and manifest knowledge : for as there is nothing whereof there is not some cause ; so , when there is doubt , there must be some cause thereof conceived now there be many things which we receive from report of others , of which it is impossible to imagine any cause of doubt : for what can be opposed against the consent of all men , in things they can know , and have no cause to report otherwise than they are , ( such as is great part of our histories ) unless a man would say that all the world had conspired to deceive him . and thus much of sense , imagination , discursion , ratiocination , and knowledge , which are the acts of our power cognitive , or conceptive . that power of the mind which we call motive , differeth from the power motive of the body : for the power motive of the body is that by which it moveth other bodies , and we call strength ; but the power motive of the mind , is that by which the mind giveth animal motion to that body wherein it existeth : the acts hereof are our affections and passions , of which i am to speak in general . chap. vii . of delight , pain , love , hatred . appetite , aversion , fear . good , evil , pulchritude , turpitude . end , fruition . profitable , vse , vain . felicity . good and evil mixt sensual delight , and pain ; joy and grief . in the eighth section of the second chapter is shewed , that conceptions and apparitions are nothing really , but motion in some internal substance of the head ; which motion not stopping there , but proceeding to the heart , of necessity must there either help or hinder the motion which is called vital : when it helpeth , it is called delight , contentment , or pleasure , which is nothing really but motion about the heart , as conception is nothing but motion in the head ; and the objects that cause it are called pleasant or delightful , or by some name equivalent ; the latines have jucundum , à juvando , from helping ; and the same delight , with reference to the object , is called love : but when such motion weakeneth or hindereth the vital motion , then it is called pain ; and in relation to that which causeth it , hatred , which the latines express sometimes by odium , and sometimes by taedium . 2. this motion in which consisteth pleasure or pain , is also a solicitation or provocation either to draw near to the thing that pleaseth , or to retire from the thing that displeaseth ; and this solicitation is the endeavour or internal beginning of animal motion , which when the object delighteth , is called appetite ; when it displeaseth , it is called aversion , in respect of the displeasure present ; but in respect of the displeasure expected , fear . so that pleasure , love , and appetite , which is also called desire , are divers names for divers considerations of the same thing . 3. every man , for his own part , calleth that which pleaseth , and is delightful to himself , good ; and that evil which displeaseth him : insomuch that while every man differeth from other in constitution , they differ also from one another concerning the common distinction of good and evil . nor is there any such thing as absolute goodness , considered without relation : for even the goodness which we apprehend in god almighty , is his goodness to us . and as we call good and evil the things that please and displease ; so call we goodness and badness , the qualities or powers whereby they do it : and the signs of that goodness are called by the latines in one word pulchritudo , and the signs of evil , turpitudo ; to which we have no words precisely answerable . 4. as all conceptions we have immediately by the sense , are , delight , or pain , or appetite , or fear ; so are all the imaginations after sense . but as they are weaker imaginations , so are they also weaker pleasures , or weaker pain . 5. as appetite is the beginning of animal motions towards something that pleaseth us ; so is the attaining thereof , the end of that motion , which we also call the scope , and aim , and final cause of the same : and when we attain that end , the delight we have thereby is called the fruition : so that bonum and finis are different names , but for different considerations of the same thing . 6. and of ends , some of them are called propinqui , that is , near at hand ; others remoti , far off : but when the ends that be nearer attaining , be compared with those that be further off , they are called not ends , but means , and the way to those . but for an utmost end , in which the ancient philosophers have placed felicity , and disputed much concerning the way thereto , there is no such thing in this world , nor way to it , more than to vtopia : for while we live , we have desires , and desire presupposeth a further end . those things which please us , as the way or means to a further end , we call profitable ; and the fruition of them , vse ; and those things that profit not , vain . 7. seeing all delight is appetite , and presupposeth a further end , there can be no contentment but in proceeding : and therefore we are not to marvel , when we see , that as men attain to more riches , honour , or other power ; so their appetite continually groweth more and more ; and when they are come to the utmost degree of some kind of power , they pursue some other , as long as in any kind they think themselves behind any other : of those therefore that have attained to the highest degree of honour and riches , some have affected mastery in some art ; as nero in musick and poetry , commodus in the art of a gladiator ; and such as affect not some such thing , must find diversion and recreation of their thoughts in the contention either of play or business : and men justly complain of a great grief , that they know not what to do . felicity therefore , by which we mean continual delight , consisteth not in having prospered , but in prospering . 8. there are few things in this world , but either have mixture of good and evil , or there is a chain of them so necessarily linked together , that the one cannot be taken without the other : as for example , the pleasures of sin , and the bitterness of punishment , are inseparable ; as is also labour and honour , for the most part . now when in the whole chain , the greater part is good , the whole is called good ; and when the evil over-weigheth , the whole is called evil . 9. there are two sorts of pleasure , whereof the one seemeth to affect the corporeal organ of the sense , and that i call sensual ; the greatest part whereof , is that by which we are invited to give continuance to our species ; and the next , by which a man is invited to meat , for the preservation of his individual person : the other sort of delight is not particular to any part of the body , and is called the delight of the mind , and is that which we call joy . likewise of pains , some affect the body , and are therefore called the pains of the body ; and some not , and those are called grief . chap. viii . 1 , 2. wherein consist the pleasures of sense . 3 , 4. of the imagination , or conception of power in man . 5. honour , honourable , worth . 6. signs of honour . 7. reverence . 1. having in the first section of the precedent chapter presupposed , that motion and agitation of the brain which we call conception , to be continued to the heart , and there to be called passion ; i have therefore obliged my self , as far forth as i am able , to search out and declare from what conception proceedeth every one of those passions which we commonly take notice of : for , seeing the things that please and displease , are innumerable , and work innumerable ways , men have not taken notice but of a very few , which also are many of them without name . 2. and first , we are to consider , that of conceptions there are three sorts , whereof one is of that which is present , which is sense ; another , of that which is past , which is remembrance ; and the third , of that which is future , which we call expectation : all which have been manifestly declared in the second and third chapters ; and every of these conceptions is pleasure or pain present . and first for the pleasures of the body which affect the sense of touch and tast , as far forth as they be organical , their conceptions are sense : so also is the pleasure of all exonerations of nature : all which passions i have before named , sensual pleasures ; and their contrary , sensual pains : to which also may be added the pleasures and displeasures of odours , if any of them shall be found organical , which for the most part they are not , as appeareth by this experience which every man hath , that the same smells , when they seem to proceed from others , displease , though they proceed from our selves ; but when we think they proceed from our selves , they displease not , though they come from others : the displeasure of this is a conception of hurt thereby from those odours , as being unwholesom , and is therefore a conception of evil to come , and not present . concerning the delight of hearing , it is diverse , and the organ it self not affected thereby : simple sounds please by aequality , as the sound of a bell or lute : insomuch as it seems , an equality continued by the percussion of the object upon the ear , is pleasure ; the contrary is called harshness , such as is grating , and some other sounds , which do not always affect the body , but only sometime , and that with a kind of horrour beginning at the teeth . harmony , or many sounds together agreeing , please by the same reason as the vnison , which is the sound of equal strings equally stretched . sounds that differ in any height , please by inequality and aequality alternate , that is to say , the higher note striketh twice , for one stroke of the other , whereby they strike together every second time ; as is well proved by galileo , in the first dialogue concerning local motion : where he also sheweth , that two sounds differing a fifth , delight the ear by an aequality of striking after two inequalities ; for the higher note striketh the ear thrice , while the other strikes but twice . in like manner he sheweth wherein consisteth the pleasure of concord , and the displeasure of discord , in other difference of notes . there is yet another pleasure and displeasure of sounds , which consisteth in consequence of one note after another , diversified both by accent and measure ; whereof that which pleaseth is called air ; but for what reason succession in tone and measure is more air than another , i confess i know not ; but i conjecture the reason to be , for that some of them imitate and revive some passion which otherwise we take no notice of , and the other not ; for no air pleaseth but for a time , no more doth imitation . also the pleasures of the eye consist in a certain aequality of colour : for light , the most glorious of all colours , is made by equal operation of the object ; whereas colour is perturbed , that is to say , unequal light , as hath been said , chap. 2. sect. 8. and therefore colours , the more equality is in them , the more resplendent they are : and as harmony is pleasure to the ear , which consisteth of divers sounds ; so perhaps may some mixture of divers colours be harmony to the eye , more than another mixture . there is yet another delight by the ear , which happeneth onely to men of skill in musick , which is of another nature , ( and not as these ) conception of the present , but rejoycing of their own skill ; of which nature are the passions of which i am to speak next . 3. conception of the future , is but a supposition of the same , proceeding from remembrance of what is past ; and we so far conceive that any thing will be hereafter , as we know there is something at the present that hath power to produce it : and that any thing hath power now to produce another thing hereafter , we cannot conceive , but by remembrance that it hath produced the like heretofore . wherefore all conception of future , is conception of power able to produce something . whosoever therefore expecteth pleasure to come , must conceive withal some power in himself by which the same may be attained . and because the passions , whereof i am to speak next , consist in conception of the future , that is to say , in conception of power past , and the act to come ; before i go any further , i must in the next place speak somewhat concerning this power . 4. by this power i mean the same with the faculties of the body , nutritive , generative , motive , and of the mind , knowledge ; and besides these , such further power as by them is acquired , viz. riches , place of authority , friendship or favour , and good fortune ; which last is really nothing else but the favour of god almighty . the contraries of these are impotencies , infirmities , or defects of the said powers respectively . and because the power of one man resisteth and hindereth the effects of the power of another , power simply is no more , but the excess of the power of one above that of another : for equal powers opposed , destroy one another ; and such their opposition is called contention . 5. the signs by which we know our own power , are those actions which proceed from the same ; and the signs by which other men know it , are such actions , gesture , countenance and speech , as usually such powers produce : and the acknowledgement of power is called honour ; and to honour a man inwardly , is to conceive or acknowledge that that man hath the odds or excess of that power above him with whom he contendeth or compareth himself . and honourable are those signs for which one man acknowledgeth power or excess above his concurrent in another : as for example , beauty of person , consisting in a lively aspect of the countenance , and other signs of natural heat , are honourable , being signs precedent of power generative , and much issue ; as also , general reputation among those of the other sex , because signs consequent of the same . and actions proceeding from strength of body , and open force , are honourable , as signs consequent of power motive , such as are victory in battel or duel ; a d'avoir tué son homme . also to adventure upon great exploits and danger , as being a sign consequent of opinion of our own strength , and that opinion a sign of the strength it self . and to teach or perswade are honourable , because they be signs of knowledge . and riches are honourable ; as signs of the power that acquired them : and gifts , cost , and magnificence of houses , apparel , and the like , are honourable , as signs of riches . and nobility is honourable by reflection , as a sign of power in the ancestors : and authority , because a sign of the strength , wisdom , favour or riches by which it is attained . and good fortune or casual prosperity is honourable , because a sign of the favour of god , to whom is to be ascribed all that cometh to us by fortune , no less than that we attain unto by industry . and the contraries and defects of these signs are dishonourable ; and according to the signs of honour and dishonour , so we estimate and make the value or worth of a man : for so much worth is every thing , as a man will give for the use of all it can do . 6. the signs of honour are those by which we perceive that one man acknowledgeth the power and worth of another ; such as these , to praise , to magnifie , to bless , to call happy , to pray or supplicate to , to thank , to offer unto or present , to obey , to hearken unto with attention , to speak to with consideration , to approach unto in decent manner , to keep distance from , to give way to , and the like , which are the honour the inferior giveth to the superiour . but the signs of honour from the superiour to the inferiour , are such as these ; to praise or prefer him before his concurrent , to hear more willingly , to speak to him more familiarly , to admit him nearer , to employ him rather , to ask his advice rather , to take his opinions , and to give him any gifts rather than money ; or if money , so much as may not imply his need of a little : for need of a little is greater poverty than need of much . and this is enough for examples of the signs of honour and power . 7. reverence is the conception we have concerning another , that he hath the power to do unto us both good and hurt , but not the will to do us hurt . 8. in the pleasure men have , or displeasure from the signs of honour or dishonour done unto them , consisteth the nature of the passions , whereof we are to speak in the next chapter . chap. ix . 1. glory aspiring , false glory , vain glory . 2. humility and dejection . 3. shame . 4. courage . 5. anger . 6. revengefulness . 7. hope , despair , diffidence . 8. trust . 9. pity and hardness of heart . 10. indignation . 11. emulation and envie . 12. laughter . 13. weeping . 14. lust . 15. love . 16. charity , 17. admiration and curiosity . 18. of the passion of them that flock to see danger . 19. of magnanimity and pusillanimity . 20. a view of the passions represented in a race . glory , or internal gloriation or triumph of the mind , is the passion which proceedeth from the imagination or conception of our own power above the power of him that contendeth with us ; the signs whereof , besides those in the countenance , and other gestures of the body which cannot be described , are , ostentation in words , and insolency in actions : and this passion , of them whom it displeaseth , is called pride ; by them whom it pleaseth , it is termed a just valuation of himself . this imagination of our power or worth , may be from an assured and certain experience of our own actions ; and then is that glory just , and well grounded , and begetteth an opinion of increasing the same by other actions to follow ; in which consisteth the appetite which we call aspiring , or proceeding from one degree of power to another . the same passion may proceed not from any conscience of our own actions , but from fame and trust of others , whereby one may think well of himself , and yet be deceived ; and this is false glory , and the aspiring consequent thereto procureth ill success . further , the fiction ( which is also imagination ) of actions done by our selves , which never were done , is glorying ; but because it begetteth no appetite nor endeavour to any further attempt , it is meerly vain and unprofitable ; as when a man imagineth himself to do the actions whereof he readeth in some romance , or to be like unto some other man whose acts he admireth : and this is called vain glory ; and is exemplied in the fable , by the fly sitting on the axletree , and saying to himself , what a dust do i make rise ! the expression of vain glory is that wish , which some of the school mistaking for some appetite distinct from all the rest , have called velleity , making a new word , as they made a new passion which was not before . signs of vain glory in the gesture ; are , imitation of others , counterfeiting and usurping the signs of vertue they have not ; affectation of fashions , captation of honour from their dreams , and other little stories of themselves , from their country , from their names , and from the like . 2. the passion contrary to glory , proceeding from apprehension of our own infirmity , is called humility by those by whom it is approved ; by the rest , dejection and poorness : which conception may be well or ill grounded ; if well , it produceth fear to attempt any thing rashly ; if ill , it utterly cows a man , that he neither dares speak publickly , nor expect good success in any action . 3. it happeneth sometimes , that he that hath a good opinion of himself , and upon good ground , may nevertheless , by reason of the frowardness which that passion begetteth , discover in himself some defect or infirmity , the remembrance whereof dejecteth him ; and this passion is called shame ; by which being cooled and checked in his forwardness , he is more wary for the time to come , this passion , as it is a sign of infirmity , which is dishonour ; so also it is a sign of knowledge , which is honour . the sign of it is blushing , which appeareth less in men conscious of their own defect , because they less betray the infirmities they acknowledge . 4. courage , in a large signification , is the absence of fear in the presence of any evil whatsoever : but in a strict and more common meaning , it is contempt of wounds and death , when they oppose a man in the way to his end . 5. anger or sudden courage is nothing but the appetite or desire of overcoming present opposition . it hath been defined commonly to be grief proceeding from an opinion of contempt ; which is confuted by the often experience which we have of being moved to anger by things inanimate , and without sense , and consequently incapable of contemning us . 6. revengefulness is that passion which ariseth from an expectation or imagination of making him that hath hurt us , find his own action hurtful to himself , and to acknowledge the same ; and this is the height of revenge : for though it be not hard , by returning evil for evil , to make ones adversary displeased with his own fact ; yet to make him acknowledge the same , is so difficult , that many a man had rather die than do it . revenge aimeth not at the death , but at the captivity or subjection of an enemy ; which was well expressed in the exclamation of tiberius caesar , concerning one , that , to frustrate his revenge , had killed himself in prison ; hath he escaped me ? to kill , is the aim of them that hate , to rid themselves out of fear : revenge aimeth at triumph , which over the dead is not . 7. repentance is the passion which proceedeth from opinion or knowledge that the action they have done is out of the way to the end they would attain : the effect whereof is , to pursue that way no longer , but , by the consideration of the end , to direct themselves into a better . the first motion therefore in this passion is grief ; but the expectation or conception of returning again into the way , is joy ; and consequently , the passion of repentance is compounded and allayed of both : but the predominant is joy ; else were the whole grief , which cannot be , forasmuch as he that proceedeth towards the end , he conceiveth good , proceedeth with appetite ; and appetite is joy , as hath been said , chap. 7. sect. 2. 8. hope is expectation of good to come , as fear is the expectation of evil : but when there be causes , some that make us expect good , and some that make us expect evil , alternately working in our mind ; if the causes that make us expect good , be greater than those that make us expect evil , the whole passion is hope ; if contrarily the whole is fear . absolute privation of hope is despair , a degree whereof is diffidence . 9. trust is a passion proceeding from the belief of him from whom we expect or hope for good , so free from doubt that upon the same we pursue no other way to attain the same good : as distrust or diffidence is doubt that maketh him endeavour to provide himself by other means and that this is the meaning of the words trust and distrust , is manifest from this , that a man never provideth himself by a second way , but when he mistrusteth that the first will not hold 10. pity is imagination or fiction of future calamity to our selves , proceeding from the sense of another mans calamity . but when it lighteth on such as we think have not deserved the same , the compassion is greater , because then there appeareth more probability that the same may happen to us : for , the evil that happeneth to an innocent man , may happen to every man . but when we see a man suffer for great crimes , which we cannot easily think will fall upon our selves , the pity is the less . and therefore men are apt to pity those whom they love : for , whom they love , they think worthy of good , and therefore not worthy of calamity . thence it is also , that men pity the vices of some persons at the first sight only , out of love to their aspect . the contrary of pity is hardness of heart , proceeding either from slowness of imagination , or some extreme great opinion of their own exemption from the like calamity , or from hatred of all or most men . 11. indignation is that grief which consisteth in the conception of good success happening to them whom they think unworthy thereof . seeing therefore men think all those unworthy whom they hate , they think them not only unworthy of the good fortune they have , but also of their own vertues . and of all the passions of the mind , these two , indignation and pity , are most raised and increased by eloquence : for , the aggravation of the calamity , and extenuation of the fault , augmenteth pity ; and the extenuation of the worth of the person , together with the magnifying of his success , which are the parts of an orator , are able to turn these two passions into fury . 12. emulation is grief arising from seeing ones self exceeded or excelled by his concurrent , together with hope to equal or exceed him in time to come , by his own ability . but , envy is the same grief joyned with pleasure conceived in the imagination of some ill fortune that may befall him . 13. there is a passion that hath no name ; but the sign of it is that distortion of the countenance which we call laughter , which is always joy : but what joy , what we think , and wherein we triumph when we laugh , is not hitherto declared by any . that it consisteth in wit , or , as they call it , in the jest , experience confuteth : for men laugh at mischances and indecencies , wherein there lieth no wit nor jest at all . and forasmuch as the same thing is no more ridiculous when it groweth stale or usual , whatsoever it be that moveth laughter , it must be new and unexpected . men laugh often ( especially such as are greedy of applause from every thing they do well ) at their own actions performed never so little beyond their own expectations ; as also at their own jests : and in this case it is manifest , that the passion of laughter proceedeth from a sudden conception of some ability in himself that laugheth . also men laugh at the infirmities of others , by comparison wherewith their own abilities are set off and illustrated . also men laugh at jests , the wit whereof always consisteth in the elegant discovering and conveying to our minds some absurdity of another : and in this case also the passion of laughter proceedeth from the sudden imagination of our own oddes and eminency : for what is else the recommending of our selves to our own good opinion , by comparison with another mans infirmity or absurdity ? for when a jest is broken upon our selves , or friends of whose dishonour we participate , we never laugh thereat . i may therefore conclude , that the passion of laughter is nothing else but sudden glory arising from some sudden conception of some eminency in our selves , by comparison with the infirmity of others , or with our own formerly : for men laugh at the follies of themselves past , when they come suddenly to remembrance , except they bring with them any present dishonour . it is no wonder therefore that men take hainously to be laughed at or derided , that is , triumphed over . laughing without offence , must be at absurdities and infirmities abstracted from persons , and when all the company may laugh together : for , laughing to ones self putteth all the rest into jealousie , and examination of themselves . besides , it is vain-glory , and an argument of little worth , to think the infirmity of another , sufficient matter for his triumph . 14. the passion opposite hereunto , ( whose signs are another distortion of the face with tears ) called weeping , is the sudden falling out with our selves , or sudden conception of defect ; and therefore children weep often : for seeing they think that every thing ought to be given them which they desire , of necessity every repulse must be a check of their expectation , and puts them in mind of their too much weakness to make themselves masters of all they look for . for the same cause women are more apt to weep than men , as being not only more accustomed to have their wills , but also to measure their powers by the power and love of others that protect them . men are apt to weep that prosecute revenge , when the revenge is suddenly stopt or frustrated by the repentance of their adversary ; and such are the tears of reconciliation . also revengeful men are subject to this passion upon the beholding those men they pity , and suddenly remember they cannot help . other weeping in men proceedeth for the most part from the same cause it proceedeth from in women and children . 15. the appetite which men call lust , and the fruition that appertaineth thereunto , is a sensual pleasure , but not only that ; there is in it also a delight of the mind : for it consisteth of two appetites together , to please , and to be pleased ; and the delight men take in delighting , is not sensual , but a pleasure or joy of the mind consisting in the imagination of the power they have so much to please . but the name lust is used where it is condemned ; otherwise it is called by the general word love : for the passion is one and the same indefinite desire of different sex , as natural as hunger . 16. of love , by which is understood the joy man taketh in the fruition of any present good , hath been already spoken of in the first section , chap. 7. under which is contained the love men bear to one another , or pleasure they take in one anothers company ; and by which nature , men are said to be sociable . but there is another kind of love , which the greeks call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and is that which we mean , when we say that a man is in love : forasmuch as this passion cannot be without diversity of sex , it cannot be denied but that it participateth of that indefinite love mentioned in the former section . but there is a great difference betwixt the desire of a man indefinite , and the same desire limited ad hunc ; and this is that love which is the great theme of poets : but notwithstanding their praises , it must be defined by the word need : for it is a conception a man hath of his need of that one person desired . the cause of this passion is not always nor for the most part beauty , or other quality in the beloved , unless there be withall hope in the person that loveth : which may be gathered from this , that in great difference of persons , the greater have often faln in love with the meaner ; but not contrary . and from hence it is , that for the most part they have much better fortune in love , whose hopes are built upon something in their person , than those that trust to their expressions and service ; and they that care less , than they that care more : which not perceiving , many men cast away their services , as one arrow after another , till , in the end , together with their hopes , they lose their wits . 17. there is yet another passion sometimes called love , but more properly good will or charity . there can be no greater argument to a man , of his own power , than to find himself able not only to accomplish his own desires , but also to assist other men in theirs : and this is that conception wherein consisteth charity . in which , first , is contained that natural affection of parents to their children , which the greeks call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as also , that affection wherewith men seek to assist those that adhere unto them . but the affection wherewith men many times bestow their benefits on strangers , is not to be called charity , but either contract , whereby they seek to purchase friendship ; or fear , which maketh them to purchase peace . the opinion of plato concerning honourable love , delivered according to his custom in the person of socrates , in the dialogue intituled convivium , is this , that a man full and pregnant with wisdom and other vertues , naturally seeketh out some beautiful person , of age and capacity to conceive , in whom he may , without sensual respects , ingender and produce the like . and this is the idea of the then noted love of socrates wise and continent , to alcibiades young and beautiful : in which , love is not the sought honour , but the issue of his knowledge ; contrary to the common love , to which though issue sometimes follows , yet men seek not that , but to please , and to be pleased . it should be therefore this charity , or desire to assist and advance others . but why then should the wise seek the ignorant , or be more charitable to the beautiful than to others ? there is something in it savouring of the use of that time : in which matter though socrates be acknowledged for continent , yet the continent have the passion they contain , as much and more than they that satiate the appetite ; which maketh me suspect this platonick love for meerly sensual ; but with an honourable pretence for the old to haunt the company of the young and beautiful . 18. forasmuch as all knowledge beginneth from experience , therefore also new experience is the beginning of new knowledge , and the increase of experience the beginning of the increase of knowledge . whatsoever therefore happeneth new to a man , giveth him matter of hope of knowing somewhat that he knew not before . and this hope and expectation of future knowledge from any thing that happeneth new and strange , is that passion which we commonly call admiration ; and the same considered as appetite , is called curiosity , which is appetite of knowledge . as in the discerning of faculties , man leaveth all community with beasts at the faculty of imposing names ; so also doth he surmount their nature at this passion of curiosity . for when a beast seeth any thing new and strange to him , he considereth it so far only as to discern whether it be likely to serve his turn , or hurt him , and accordingly approacheth nearer to it , or fleeth from it : whereas man , who in most events remembereth in what manner they were caused and begun , looketh for the cause and beginning of every thing that ariseth new unto him . and from this passion of admiration and curiosity , have arisen not only the invention of names , but also supposition of such causes of all things as they thought might produce them . and from this beginning is derived all philosophy ; as astronomy from the admiration of the course of heaven ; natural philosophy from the strange effects of the elments and other bodies . and from the degrees of curiosity , proceed also the degrees of knowledge amongst men : for , to a man in the chace of riches or authority , ) which in respect of knowledge are but sensuality ) it is a diversity of little pleasure , whether it be the motion of the sun or the earth that maketh the day , or to enter into other contemplations of any strange accident , than whether it conduce or not to the end he pursueth . because curiosity is delight , therefore also novelty is so , but especially that novelty from which a man conceiveth an opinion true or false of bettering his own estate ; for , in such case , they stand affected with the hope that all gamesters have while the cards are shuffling . 19. divers other passions there be , but they want names : whereof some nevertheless have been by most men observed : for example ; from what passion proceedeth it , that men take pleasure to behold from the shore the danger of them that are at sea in a tempest , or in fight , or from a safe castle to behold two armies charge one to another in the field ? it is certainly , in the whole summ , joy ; else men would never flock to such a spectacle . nevertheless there is in it both joy and grief : for as there is novelty and remembrance of our own security present , which is delight : so there is also pity , which is grief : but the delight is so far predominant , that men usually are content in such a case to be spectators of the misery of their friends . 20. magnanimity is no more than glory , of the which i have spoken in the first section ; but glory well grounded upon certain experience of a power sufficient to attain his end in open manner . and pusillanimity is the doubt of that . whatsoever therefore is a sign of vain glory , the same is also a sign of pusillanimity : for sufficient power maketh glory a spur to ones end . to be pleased or displeased with fame true or false , is a sign of that same , because he that relieth on fame hath not his success in his own power . likewise art and fallacy are signs of pusillanimity , because they depend not upon our own power , but the ignorance of others . also proneness to anger , because it argueth difficulty of proceeding . also ostentation of ancestors , because all men are more inclined to make shew of their own power when they have it , than of anothers . to be at enmity and contention with inferiours , is a sign of the same , because it proceedeth from want of power to end the war . to laugh at others , because it is an affectation of glory from other mens infirmities , and not from any ability of their own . also irresolution , which proceedeth from want of power enough to contemn the little difficulties that make deliberations hard . 21. the comparison of the life of man to a race , though it hold not in every part , yet it holdeth so well for this our purpose , that we may thereby both see and remember almost all the passions before mentioned . but this race we must suppose to have no other goal , nor other garland , but being formost , and in it to endeavour , is appetite . to be remiss , is sensuality . to consider them behind , is glory . to consider them before , is humility . to lose ground with looking back , vain-glory . to be holden , hatred . to turn back , repentance . to be in breath , hope . to be weary , despair . to endeavour to overtake the next , emulation . to supplant or overthrow , envie . to resolve to break thorow a stop foreseen , courage . to break thorow a sudden stop , anger . to break thorow with ease , magnanimity . to lose ground by little hindrances , pusillanimity . to fall on the sudden , is disposition to weep . to see another fall , is disposition to laugh . to see one out-gone whom we would not , is pity . to see one out-goe whom we would not , is indignation . to hold fast by another , is to love . to carry him on that so holdeth , is charity . to hurt ones self for hast , is shame . continually to be out-gone is misery . continually to out-go the next before , is felicity . and to forsake the course , is to die . chap. x. 1. having shewed in the precedent chapters , that sense proceedeth from the action of external objects upon the brain , or some internal substance of the head ; and that the passions proceed from the alteration there made , and continued to the heart : it is consequent in the next place , seeing the diversity of degrees in knowlege in divers men , to be greater than may be ascribed to the divers tempers of their brain , to declare what other causes may produce such oddes , and excess of capacity , as we daily observe in one man above another . as for that difference which ariseth from sickness , and such accidental distempers , i omit the same , as impertinent to this place , and consider , it only in such as have their health , and organs well disposed . if the difference were in the natural temper of the brain , i can imagin no reason why the same should not appear first and most of all in the senses , which being equal both in the wise and less wise , infer an equal temper in the common organ ( namely the brain ) of all the senses . 2. but we see by experience , that joy and grief proceed not in all men from the same causes , and that men differ very much in the constitution of the body ; whereby , that which helpeth and furthereth vital constitution in one , and is therefore delightful , hindereth it and crosseth it in another , and therefore causeth grief . the difference therefore of wits hath its original from the different passions , and from the ends to which the appetite leadeth them . 3. and first , those men whose ends are sensual delight , and generally are addicted to ease , food , onerations and exonerations of the body , must needs be the less thereby delighted with those imaginations that conduce not to those ends , such as are imaginations of honour and glory , which , as i have said before , have respect to the future : for sensuality consisteth in the pleasure of the senses , which please only for the present , and take away the inclination to observe such things as conduce to honour , and consequently maketh men less curious , and less ambitious , whereby they less consider the way either to knowledge or other power : in which two consisteth all the excellency of power cognitive . and this is it which men call dulness , and proceedeth from the appetite of sensual or bodily delight . and it may well be conjectured , that such passion hath its beginning from a grossness and difficulty of the motion of the spirit about the heart . 4. the contrary hereunto , is that quick rangeing of mind described , chap. 4. sect. 3. which is joyned with curiosity of comparing the things that come into the mind , one with another : in which comparison , a man delighteth himself either with finding unexpected similitude of things , otherwise much unlike , in which men place the excellency of fancy , and from whence proceed those grateful similies , metaphors , and other tropes , by which both poets and orators have it in their power to make things please or displease , and shew well or ill to others , as they like themselves ; or else in discerning suddenly dissimilitude in things that otherwise appear the same . and this vertue of the mind is that by which men attain to exact and perfect knowledge ; and the pleasure thereof consisteth in continual instruction , and in distinction of places , persons , and seasons , and is commonly termed by the name of judgement : for , to judge is nothing else , but to distinguish or discern : and both fancy and judgement are commonly comprehended under the name of wit , which seemeth to be a tenuity and agility of spirits , contrary to that restiness of the spirits supposed in those that are dull . 5. there is another defect of the mind , which men call levity , which betrayeth also mobility in the spirits , but in excess . an example whereof is in them that in the midst of any serious discourse , have their minds diverted to every little jest or witty observation ; which maketh them depart from their discourse by a parenthesis , and from that parenthesis by another , till at length they either lose themselves , or make their narration like a dream , or some studied nonsence . the passion from whence this proceedeth , is curiosity , but with too much equality and indifference : for when all things make equal impression and delight , they equally throng to be expressed . 6. the vertue opposite to this defect , is gravity , or steadiness ; in which the end being the great and master-delight , directeth and keepeth in the way thereto all other thoughts . 7. the extremity of dulness is that natural folly which may be called stolidity : but the extream of levity , though it be natural folly distinct from the other , and obvious to every mans observation , i know not how to call it . 8. there is a fault of the mind called by the greeks {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which is indocibility , or difficulty of being taught ; the which must needs arise from a false opinion that they know already the truth of that is called in question : for certainly men are not otherwise so unequal in capacity as the evidence is unequal between what is taught by the mathematicians , and what is commonly discoursed of in other books : and therefore if the minds of men were all of white paper , they would all most equally be disposed to acknowledge whatsoever should be in right method , and by right ratiocination delivered to them : but when men have once acquiesced in untrue opinions , and registred them as authentical records in their minds , it is no less impossible to speak intelligibly to such men , than to write legibly upon a paper already scribled over . the immediate cause therefore of indocibility , is prejudice ; and of prejudice , false opinion of our own knowledge . 9. another , and a principal defect of the mind , is that which men call madness , which appeareth to be nothing else but some imagination of some such predominancy above the rest , that we have no passion but from it ; and this conception is nothing else but excessive vain glory , or vain dejection : which is most propable by these examples following , which proceed in appearance every one of them from pride , or some dejection of mind . as first , we have had the example of one that preached in cheapside from a cart there , instead of a pulpit , that he himself was christ , which was spiritual pride or madness . we have had also divers examples of learned madness , in which men have manifestly been distracted upon any occasion that hath put them in remembrance of their own ability . amongst the learned men , may be remembred ( i think also ) those that determine of the time of the worlds end , and other such the points of prophecy . and the gallant madness of don quixotte is nothing else but an expression of such height of vain glory as reading of romance may produce in pusillanimous men . also rage and madness of love , are but great indignations of them in whose brains is predominant contempt from their enemies , or their mistresses . and the pride taken in form and behaviour , hath made divers men run mad , and to be so accounted , under the name of fantastick . 10. and as these are the examples of extremities , so also are there examples too many of the degrees , which may therefore be well accounted follies ; as it is a degree of the first , for a man , without certain evidence , to think himself to be inspired , or to have any other effect of gods holy spirit than other godly men have . of the second , for a man continually to speak his mind in a cento of other mens greek or latine sentences . of the third , much of the present gallantry in love and duel . of rage , a degree is malice ; and of fantastick madness , affection . 11. as the former examples exhibit to us madness , and the degrees thereof , proceeding from the excess of self-opinion ; so also there be other examples of madness , and the degrees thereof , proceeding from too much vain fear and dejection ; as in those melancholy men that have imagined themselves brittle as glass , or have had some other like imagination : and degrees hereof are all those exorbitant and causless fears , which we commonly observe in melancholy persons . chap. xi . 1. hitherto of the knowledge of things natural and of the passions that arise naturally from them . now forasmuch as we give names not only to things natural , but also to supernatural ; and by all names we ought to have some meaning and conception : it followeth in the next place , to consider what thoughts and imaginations of the mind we have , when we take into our mouths the most blessed name of god , and the names of those vertues we attribute unto him ; as also , what image cometh into the mind at hearing the name of spirit , or the name of angel , good or bad . 2. and forasmuch as god almighty is incomprehensible , it followeth , that we can have no conception or image of the deity , and consequently , all his attributes signifie our inability and defect of power to conceive any thing concerning his nature , and not any conception of the same , excepting only this , that there is a god : for the effects we acknowledge naturally , do include a power of their producing , before they were produced ; and that power presupposeth something existent that hath such power : and the thing so existing with power to produce , if it were not eternal , must needs have been produced by somewhat before it , and that again by something else before that , till we come to an eternal ( that is to say , the first ) power of all powers , and first cause of all causes : and this is it which all men conceive by the name of god , implying eternity , incomprehensibility , and omnipotency . and thus all that will consider , may know that god is , though not what he is : even a man that is born blind , though it be not possible for him to have any imagination what kind of thing fire is ; yet he cannot but know that somewhat there is that men call fire , because it warmeth him . 2. and whereas we attribute to god almighty , seeing , hearing , speaking , knowing , loving , and the like , by which names we understand something in men to whom we attribute them , we understand nothing by them in the nature of god : for , as it is well reasoned , shall not the god that made the eye , see ; and the ear , hear ? so it is also , if we say , shall god , which made the eye , not see without the eye ; or that made the ear , not hear without the ear ; or that made the brain , not know without the brain ; or that made the heart , not love without the heart ? the attributes therefore given unto the deity , are such as signifie either our incapacity or our reverence : our incapacity , when we say incomprehensible and infinite ; our reverence , when we give him those names , which amongst us are the names of those things we most magnifie and commend , as omnipotent , omniscient , just , merciful , &c. and when god almighty giveth those names to himself in the scriptures , it is but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is to say , by descending to our manner of speaking ; without which we are not capable of understanding him . 4. by the name of spirit , we understand a body natural , but of such subtilty , that it worketh not upon the senses ; but that filleth up the place which the image of a visible body might fill up . our conception therefore of spirit consisteth of figure without colour ; and in figure is understood dimension , and consequently , to conceive a spirit , is to conceive something that hath dimension . but spirits supernatural commonly signifie some substance without dimension ; which two words do flatly contradict one another : and therefore when we attribute the name of spirit unto god , we attribute it not as the name of any thing we conceive , no more than we ascribe unto him sense and understanding ; but , as a signification of our reverence , we desire to abstract from him all corporal grosness . 5. concerning other things , which some men call spirits incorporeal , and some corporeal , it is not possible by natural means only , to come to knowledge of so much , as that there are such things . we that are christians acknowledge that there be angels good and evil , and that there are spirits , and that the soul of man is a spirit , and that those spirits are immortal : but , to know it , that is to say , to have natural evidence of the same , it is impossible : for , all evidence is conception , as it is said , chap. 6. sect. 3. and all conception is imagination , and proceedeth from sense , chap. 3. sect. 1. and spirits we suppose to be those substances which work not upon the sense ; and therefore not conceptible . but though the scripture acknowledge spirits , yet doth it no where say , that they are incorporeal , meaning thereby , without dimension and quality : nor , i think , is that word incorporeal at all in the bible ; but it is said of the spirit , that it abideth in men ; sometimes that it dwelleth in them , sometimes that it cometh on them , that it descendeth , and goeth , and cometh ; and that spirits are angels , that is to say , messengers : all which words do imply locality ; and locality is dimension ; and whatsoever hath dimension , is body , be it never so subtil . to me therefore it seemeth , that the scripture favoureth them more , who hold angels and spirits corporeal , than them that hold the contrary . and it is a plain contradiction in natural discourse , to say of the soul of man , that it is tota in toto , & tota in qualibet parte corporis , grounded neither upon reason nor revelation , but proceeding from the ignorance of what those things are which are called spectra , images , that appear in the dark to children , and such as have strong fears , and other strange imaginations , as hath been said , chap. 3. sect. 5. where i call them phantasms : for , taking them to be things real , without us , like bodies , and seeing them to come and vanish so strangely as they do , unlike to bodies ; what could they call them else , but incorporeal bodies ? which is not a name , but an absurdity of speech . 6. it is true , that the heathens , and all nations of the world , have acknowledged that there be spirits , which for the most part they hold to be incorporeal ; whereby it might be thought , that a man by natural reason , may arrive , without the scriptures , to the knowledge of this , that spirits are : but the erroneous collection thereof by the heathens , may proceed , as i have said before , from the ignorance of the cause of ghosts and phantasms , and such other apparitions . and from thence had the grecians their number of gods , their number of daemons good or bad , and for every man his genius ; which is not the acknowledging of this truth , that spirits are ; but a false opinion concerning the force of imagination . 7. and seeing the knowledge we have of spirits , is not natural knowledge , but faith from supernatural revelation given to the holy writers of the scriptures ; it followeth , that of inspirations also , which is the operation of spirit in us , the knowledge which we have , must all proceed from scripture . the signs there set down of inspiration , are miracles , when they be great , and manifestly above the power of men to do by imposture : as for example , the inspiration of elias was known by the miraculous burning of the sacrifice . but the signs to distinguish whether a spirit be good or evil , are the same by which we distinguish whether a man or a tree be good or evil , namely , actions and fruit : for there are lying spirits , wherewith men are inspired sometimes , as well as with spirits of truth . and we are commanded in scripture , to judge of the spirits by their doctrine , and not of the doctrine by the spirits . for miracles , our saviour hath forbidden us to rule our faith by them , matth. 24.24 . and saint paul saith , gal. 1.8 . though an angel from heaven preach to you otherwise , &c. let him be accursed . where it is plain , that we are not to judge whether the doctrine be true or not , by the angel ; but whether the angel say true or no , by the doctrine . so likewise , 1 joh. 4.1 . believe not every spirit : for false prophets are gone out into the world . vers. 2. hereby shall ye know the spirit of god . vers. 3. every spirit that confesseth not that jesus christ is come in the flesh , is not of god : and this is the spirit of antichrist . vers. 15. whosoever confesseth that jesus is the son of god , in him dwelleth god , and he in god . the knowledge therefore we have of good and evil inspiration , cometh not by vision of an angel that may teach it , nor by a miracle that may seem to confirm it ; but by conformity of doctrine with this article and fundamental point of christian faith , which also saint paul saith is the sole foundation , that jesus christ is come in the flesh , 1 cor. 3.11 8. but if inspiration be discerned by this point , and this point be acknowledged and believed upon the authority of the scriptures ; how ( may some men ask ) know we that the scripture deserveth so great authority , which must be no less than that of the lively voice of god ; that is , how we know the scriptures to be the word of god ? and first , it is manifest , that if by knowledge we understand science infallible and natural , as is defined , chap. 6. sect. 4. proceeding from sense , we cannot be said to know it , because it proceedeth not from the conceptions ingendered by sense . and if we understand knowledge as supernatural , we cannot have it but by inspiration : and of that inspiration we cannot judge , but by the doctrine : it followeth , that we have not any way , natural or supernatural , of the knowledge thereof , which can properly be called infallible science and evidence . it remaineth , that the knowledge that we have that the scriptures are the word of god , is only faith , which faith therefore is also by saint paul defined , heb. 11.1 . to be the evidence of things not seen ; that is to say , not otherwise evident but by faith : for , whatsoever either is evident by natural reason , or revelation supernatural , is not called faith ; else should not faith cease , no more than charity , when we are in heaven ; which is contrary to the doctrine of the scripture . and , we are not said to believe , but to know those things that be evident . 9. seeing then the acknowledgment of scriptures to be the word of god , is not evidence , but faith , and faith ( chap. 6. sect. 7. ) consisteth in the trust we have of other men , it appeareth plain , that the men so trusted , are the holy men of gods church succeeding one another from the time of those that saw the wondrous works of god almighty in the flesh . nor doth this imply that god is not the worker or efficient cause of faith , or that faith is begotten in man without the spirit of god : for , all those good opinions which we admit and believe , though they proceed from hearing , and hearing from teaching , both which are natural , yet they are the work of god : for , all the works of nature are his , and they are attributed to the spirit of god : as for example , exod. 28.3 . thou shalt speak unto all cunning men , whom i have filled with the spirit of wisdom , that they may make aaron's garments for his consecration , that he may serve me in the priests office . faith therefore wherewith we believe , is the work of the spirit of god in that sense , by which the spirit of god giveth to one man wisdom and cunning in workmanship more than another , and by which he effecteth also in other points pertaining to our ordinary life ; that one man believeth that , which , upon the same grounds , another doth not ; and one man reverenceth the opinion , and obeyeth the commands of his superiour , and others not . 10. and seeing our faith , that the scriptures are the word of god , began from the confidence and trust we repose in the church ; there can be no doubt but that their interpretation of the same scriptures ( when any doubt or controversie shall arise , by which this fundamental point , that jesus christ is come in the flesh , may be called in question ) is safer for any man to trust to , than his own , whether reasoning or spirit , that is to say , his own opinion . 11. now concerning mens affections to god-ward , they are not the same always that are described in the chapter concerning passions there , for to love , is to be delighted with the image or conception of the thing loved ; but god is unconceivable : to love god therefore , in the scripture , is to obey his commandments , and to love one another . also to trust god , is different from our trusting one another : for , when a man trusteth a man , ( chap. 9. sect. 8. ) he layeth aside his own endeavours : but if we do so in our trust to god almighty , we disobey him ; and how shall we trust to him whom we know we disobey ? to trust to god almighty therefore , is to referr to his good pleasure all that is above our own power to effect : and this is all one with acknowledging one only god , which is the first commandment . and to trust in christ , is no more but to acknowledge him for god ; which is the fundamental article of our christian faith : and consequently , to trust , rely , or , as some express it , to cast and roll our selves on christ , is the same thing with the fundamental point of faith , namely , that jesus christ is the son of the living god . 12. to honour god internally in the heart , is the same thing with that we ordinarily call honour amongst men : for it is nothing but the acknowledging of his power ; and the signs thereof , the same with the signs of the honour due to our superiours , mentioned chap. 8. sect. 6. viz. to praise , to magnifie , to bless ; to pray to him , to thank him , to give oblations and sacrifices to him , to give attention to his word , to speak to him in prayer with consideration , to come into his presence with humble gesture , and in decent manner , and to adorn his worship with magnificence and cost : and these are natural signs of our honouring him internally : and therefore the contrary hereof , to neglect prayer , to speak to him extempore , to come to church slovenly , to adorn the place of his worship worse than our own houses , to take up his name in every idle discourse , are the manifest signs of contempt of the divine majesty . there be other signs which are arbitrary ; as , to be uncovered , ( as we be here ) ; to put off their shooes , as moses at the fiery bush , and some other of that kind , which in their own nature are indifferent , till , to avoid indecency and discord , it be otherwise determined by common consent . chap. xii . 1. it hath been declared already , how external objects cause conceptions , and conceptions , appetite and fear , which are the first unperceived beginnings of our actions : for either the actions immediately follow the first appetite , as when we do any thing upon a sudden ; or else to our first appetite there succeedeth some conception of evil to happen to us by such actions , which is fear , and which holdeth us from proceeding . and to that fear may succeed a new appetite , and to that appetite another fear alternately , till the action be either done , or some accident come between , to make it impossible ; and so this alternate appetite and fear ceaseth . this alternate succession of appetite and fear during all the time the action is in our power to do or not to do , is that we call deliberation ; which name hath been given it for that part of the definition wherein it is said that it lasteth so long as the action , whereof we deliberate , is in our power : for , so long we have liberty to do or not to do ; and deliberation signifieth a taking away of our own liberty . 2. deliberation therefore requireth in the action deliberated two conditions ; one , that it be future ; the other , that there be hope of doing it , or possibility of not doing it ; for , appetite and fear are expepectations of the future ; and there is no expectation of good , without hope ; or of evil , without possibility : of necessaries therefore there is no deliberation . in deliberation , the last appetite , as also the last fear , is called will , viz. the last appetite , will to do , or will to omit . it is all one therefore to say will , and last will : for , though a man express his present inclination and appetite concerning the disposing of his goods , by words or writing ; yet shall it not be counted his will , because he hath still liberty to dispose of them other ways : but when death taketh away that liberty , then it is his will . 3. voluntary actions and omissions are such as have beginning in the will ; all other are involuntary , or 〈◊〉 voluntary , such as a man doth upon appetite or fear ; involuntary , such as he doth by necessity of nature , as when he is pushed , or falleth , and thereby doth good or hurt to another : mixt , such as participate of both ; as when a man is carried to prison , going is voluntary , to the prison , is involuntary : the example of him that throweth his goods out of a ship into the sea , to save his person , is of an action altogether voluntary ; for , there is nothing therein involuntary , but the hardness of the choice , which is not his action , but the action of the winds : what he himself doth , is no more against his will , than to flee from danger is against the will of him that seeth no other means to preserve himself . 4. voluntary also are the actions that proceed from sudden anger , or other sudden appetite in such men as can discern good or evil : for , in them the time precedent is to be judged deliberation ; for then also he deliberateth in what cases it is good to strike , deride , or do any other action proceeding from anger or other such sudden passion . 5. appetite , fear , hope , and the rest of the passions are not called voluntary ; for they proceed not from , but are the will , and the will is not voluntary : for , a man can no more say he will will , than he will will will , and so make an infinite repetition of the word [ will ] ; which is absurd , and insignificant . 6. forasmuch as will to do is appetite , and will to omit , fear ; the cause of appetite and fear is the cause also of our will : but the propounding of the benefits and of harms , that is to say , of reward and punishment , is the cause of our appetite , and of our fears , and therefore also of our wills , so far forth as we believe that such rewards and benefits as are propounded , shall arrive unto us ; and consequently , our wills follow our opinions , as our actions follow our wills ; in which sense they say truly , and properly , that say the world is governed by opinion . 7. when the wills of many concur to one and the same action and effect , this concourse of their wills is called consent ; by which we must not understand one will of many men ( for every man hath his several will ) but many wills to the producing of one effect : but when the wills of two divers men produce such actions as are reciprocally resistant one to the other , this is called contention ; and , being upon the persons one of another , battel : whereas actions proceeding from consent , are mutual aid . 8. when many wills are involved or included in the will of one or more consenting , ( which how it may be , shall be hereafter declared ) then is that involving of many wills in one or more , called vnion . 9. in deliberations interrupted , as they may be by diversion of other business , or by sleep , the last appetite of such part of the deliberation is called intention , or purpose . chap. xiii . 1. having spoken of the powers and acts of the mind , both cognitive and motive , considered in every man by himself , without relation to other● ; it will fall fitly into this chapter , to speak of the effects of the same power one upon another ; which effects are also the signs , by which one taketh notice what another conceiveth and intendeth . of these signs , some are such as cannot easily be counterfeited ; as actions and gestures , especially if they be sudden , whereof i have mentioned some ; ( for example , look in chap. 9. ) with the several passions whereof they are signs : others there are which may be counterfeited ; and those are words or speech ; of the use and effects whereof , i am to speak in this place . 2. the first use of language , is the expression of our conceptions , that is , the begetting in one another the same conceptions that we have in our selves ; and this is called teaching ; wherein , if the conception of him that teacheth continually accompany his words , beginning at something true in experience , then it begetteth the like evidence in the hearer that understandeth them , and maketh him to know something , which he is therefore said to learn : but if there be not such evidence , then such teaching is called perswasion , and begetteth no more in the hearer , than what is in the speakers bare opinion . and the signs of two opinions contradictory one to another ; namely , affirmation and negation of the same thing , is called controversie : but both affirmations , or both negations , consent in opinion . 3. the infallible sign of teaching exactly , and without errour , is this , that no man hath ever taught the contrary : not that few , how few soever , if any ; for commonly truth is on the side of a few , rather than of the multitude : but when in opinions and questions considered and discussed by many , it happeneth that not any one of the men that so discuss'd them differ from another , then it may be justly inferred , they know what they teach , and that otherwise they do not . and this appears most manifestly to them that have considered the divers subjects wherein they have exercised their pens , and the divers ways in which they have proceeded , together with the diversity of the success thereof : for , those men who have taken in hand to consider nothing else but the comparison of magnitudes , numbers , times , and motions , and how their proportions are to one another , have thereby been the authors of all those excellencies by which we differ from such savage people as now inhabit divers places in america ; and as have been the inhabitants heretofore of those countries where at this day arts and sciences do most flourish : for , from the studies of these men , have proceeded whatsoever cometh to us for ornament by navigation , and whatsoever we have beneficial to humane society by the division , distinction , and portraicting the face of the earth ; whatsoever also we have by the account of times , and foresight of the course of heaven ; whatsoever by measuring distances , plains , and solids of all sorts ; and whatsoever either elegant or defensible in building : all which supposed a way , what do we differ from the wildest of the indians ? yet to this day was it never heard of , that there was any controversie concerning any conclusion in this subject ; the science whereof hath nevertheless been continually amplified and enriched by the conclusions of most difficult and profound speculation . the reason whereof is apparent to every man that looketh into their writings ; for they proceed from most low and humble principles , evident even to the meanest capacity ; going on slowly , and with most scrupulous ratiocination ; viz. from the imposition of names , they inferr the truth of their first propositions ; and from two of the first , a third ; and from any two of the three , a fourth ; and so on , according to the steps of science , mentioned chap. 6. sect. 4. on the other side , those men who have written concerning the faculties , passions , and manners of men , that is to say ; of moral philosophy , and of policy , government , and laws , whereof there be infinite volumes , have been so far from removing doubt and controversie in the questions they have handled , that they have very much multiplied the same : nor doth any man at this day so much as pretend to know more than hath been delivered two thousand years ago by aristotle : and yet every man thinks that in this subject he knoweth as much as any other ; supposing there needeth thereunto no study but that accrueth unto them by natural wit ; though they play , or imploy their mind otherwise in the purchace of wealth or place . the reason whereof is no other , than that in their writings and discourses they take for principles those opnions which are already vulgarly received ; whether true or false , being for the most part false . there is therefore a great deal of difference between teaching and perswading ; the sign of this being controversie ; the sign of the former , no controversie . 4. there be two sorts of men that commonly be called learned : one is that sort that proceedeth evidently from humble principles , as is described in the last section ; and those men are called mathematici : the other are they that take up maxims from their education , and from the authority of men , or of custom , and take the habitual discourse of the tongue for ratiocination ; and these are called dogmatici . now seeing in the last section those we call mathematici are absolved of the crime of breeding controversie , and they that pretend not to learning cannot be accused , the fault lieth altogether in the dogmaticks , that is to say , those that are imperfectly learned , and with passion press to have their opinions pass every where for truth , without any evident demonstration either from experience , or from places of scripture of uncontroverted interpretation . 5. the expression of those conceptions which cause in us the experience of good while we deliberate , as also of those which cause our expectation of evil , is that which we call counselling , and is the internal deliberation of the mind concerning what we our selves are to do or not to do . the consequences of our actions are our counsellors , by alternate succession in the mind . so in the counsel which a man taketh from other men , the counsellors alternately do make appear the consequences of the action , and do not any of them deliberate , but furnish among them all , him that is counselled with arguments whereupon to deliberate with himself . 6. another use of speech is expression of appetite , intention , and will ; as the appetite of knowledge by interrogation ; appetite to have a thing done by another , as request , prayer , petition : expressions of our purpose or intention , as promise , which is the affirmation or negation of some action to be done in the future : threatning , which is the promise of evil ; and commanding , which is that speech by which we signifie to another our appetite or desire to have any thing done , or left undone , for reasons contained in the will it self : for it is not properly said , sic volo , sic jubeo , without that other clause , stet pro ratione voluntas : and when the command is a sufficient reason to move us to action , then is that command called a law . 7. another use of speech is instigation and appeasing , by which we increase or diminish one anothers passion : it is the same thing with perswasion ; the difference not being real ; for , the begetting of opinion and passion is the same . but whereas in perswasion we aim at getting opinion from passion ; here , the end is , to raise passion from opinion . and as in raising an opinion from passion , any premisses are good enough to inforce the desired conclusion ; so , in raising passion from opinion , it is no matter whether the opinion be true or false , or the narration historical or fabulous : for , not the truth , but the image , maketh passion : and a tragedy , well acted , affecteth no less than a murther . 8. though words be the signs we have of one anothers opinions and intentions , because the aequivocation of them is so frequent according to the diversity of contexture , and of the company wherewith they go , which , the presence of him that speaketh , our sight of his actions , and conjecture of his intentions , must help to discharge us of ; it must therefore be extream hard to find the opinions and meaning of those men that are gone from us long ago , and have left us no other signification thereof than their books , which cannot possibly be understood without history , to discover those aforementioned circumstances , and also without great prudence to observe them . 9. when it happeneth that a man signifieth unto us two contradictory opinions , whereof the one is clearly and directly signified , and the other either drawn from that by consequence , or not known to be contradictory to it ; then ( when he is not present to explicate himself better ) we are to take the former for his opinion ; for that is clearly signified to be his , and directly ; whereas the other might proceed from errour in the deduction , or ignorance of the repugnancy . the like also is to be held in two contradictory expressions of a mans intention and will , for the same reason . 10. forasmuch as whosoever speaketh to another , intendeth thereby to make him understand what he saith , if he speak unto him either in a language which he that heareth understandeth not , or use any word in other sence than he believeth is the sence of him that heareth , he intendeth also not to make him understand what he saith ; which is a contradiction of himself . it is therefore always to be supposed , that he which intendeth not to deceive , alloweth the private interpretation of his speech to him to whom it is addressed . 11. silence , in him that believeth that the same shall be taken for a sign of his intent , is a sign thereof indeed : for , if he did not consent , the labour of speaking so much as to declare the same , is so little , as it is to be presumed he would have done it . conclusion . thus have we considered the nature of man so far as was requisite for the finding out the first and most simple elements wherein the compositions of politick rules and laws are lastly resolved ; which was my present purpose . finis . decameron physiologicum, or, ten dialogues of natural philosophy by thomas hobbes ... ; to which is added the proportion of a straight line to half the arc of a quadrant, by the same author. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1678 approx. 190 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 69 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43983 wing h2226 estc r2630 12780387 ocm 12780387 93813 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43983) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93813) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 983:44) decameron physiologicum, or, ten dialogues of natural philosophy by thomas hobbes ... ; to which is added the proportion of a straight line to half the arc of a quadrant, by the same author. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. proportion of a straight line to half the arc of a quadrant. [6], 131 p. printed by j.c. for w. crook ..., london : 1678. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng physics -early works to 1800. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licensed may 26. 1677. ro. l'strange . decameron physiologicum : or , ten dialogues of natural philosophy . by thomas hobbes of malmsbury . to which is added the proportion of a straight line to half the arc of a quadrant . by the same author . london : printed by j. c. for w. crook at the green dragon without temple-bar . 1678. the contents . dial. 1. of the original of natural philosophy . pag. 1. 2. of the principles and method of natural philosophy . p. 14. 3. of vacuum . p. 23. 4. of the systeme of the world. p. 31. 5. of the motions of water and air. p. 46. 6. of the causes and , effects of heat and cold. p. 58. 7. of hard and soft , and of the atomes that fly in the air. p. 72. 8. of gravity and gravitation . p. 84. 9. of the loadstone , and its poles ; and whether they shew the longitude of places on the earth . p. 104. 10. of transparence , refraction , and of the power of the earth to produce living creatures . p. 121. the proportion of a straight line to half the arc of a quadrant ; by the same author . p. 133. cap. i. of the original of natural philosophy . a. i have heard exceeding highly commended a kinde of thing which i do not well understand , though it be much talkt of , by such as have not otherwise much to do , by the name of philosophy . and the same again by others as much despised and derided . so that i cannot tell whether it be good or ill , nor what to make of it , though i see many other men that thrive by it . b. i doubt not , but what so many do so highly praise must be very admirable , and what is derided and scorn'd by many , foolish and ridiculous . the honour and scorn falleth finally not upon philosophy , but upon the professors . philosophy is the knowledge of natural causes . and there is no knowledge but of truth . and to know the true causes of things , was never in contempt , but in admiration . scorn can never fasten upon truth . but the difference is all in the writers and teachers . whereof some have neither studied , nor care for it , otherwise than as a trade to maintain themselves or gain preferment ; and some for fashion , and to make themselves fit for ingenious company : and their study hath not been meditation , but acquiescence in the authority of those authors whom they have heard commended . and some ( but few ) there be , that have studied it for curiosity , and the delight which commonly men have in the acquisition of science , and in the mastery of difficult and subtil doctrines . of this last sort i count aristotle , and a few others of the ancients , and some few moderns : and to these it is that properly belong the praises which are given to philosophy . a. if i have a minde to study ( for example natural philosophy ) must i then needs read aristotle , or some of those that now are in request ? b. there 's no necessity of it . but if in your own meditation you light upon a difficulty , i think 't is no loss of time , to enquire what other men say of it , but to rely onely upon reason . for though there be some few effects of nature ( especially concerning the heavens ) whereof the philosophers of old time have assigned very rational causes , such as any man may acquiesce in , as of eclipses of the sun and moon by long observation , and by the calculation of their visible motions ; yet what is that to the numberless and quotidian phaenomena of nature ? who is there amongst them or their successors , that has satisfied you with the causes of gravity , heat , cold , light , sense , colour , noise , rain , snow , frost , winds , tides of the sea , and a thousand other things which a few mens lives are too short to go through , and which you and other curious spirits admire ( as quotidian as they are ) and fain would know the causes of them , but shall not finde them in the books of naturalists ; and when you ask what are the causes of any of them , of a philosopher now , he will put you off with mere words ; which words , examined to the bottom , signifie not a jot more than i cannot tell , or because it is : such as are intrinsecal quality , occult quality , sympathy , antipathy , antiperistasis , and the like . which pass well enough with those that care not much for such wisdom , though wise enough in their own ways ; but will not pass with you that ask not simply what 's the cause , but in what manner it comes about that such effects are produced . a. that 's cozening . what need had they of that ? when began they thus to play the charletants ? b. need had they none . but know you not that men from their very birth , and naturally , scramble for every thing they covet , and would have all the world , if they could , to fear and obey them ? if by fortune or industry one light upon a secret in nature , and thereby obtain the credit of an extraordinary knowing man , should he not make use of it to his own benefit ? there is scarce one of a thousand but would live upon the charges of the people as far as he dares . what poor geometrician is there , but takes pride to be thought a conjurer ? what mountebank would not make a living out of a false opinion that he were a great physician ? and when many of them are once engaged in the maintenance of an errour , they will joyn together for the saving of their authority to decry the truth . a. i pray , tell me , if you can , how and where the study of philosophy first began . b. if we may give credit to old histories , the first that studyed any of the natural sciences were the astronomers of aethiopia . my author is diodorus siculus , accounted a very faithful writer , who begins his history as high as is possible , and tells us that in aethiopia were the first astronomers ; and that for their predictions of eclipses , and other conjunctions and aspects of the planets , they obtained of their king not onely towns and fields to a third part of the whole land , but were also in such veneration with the people , that they were thought to have discourse with their gods , which were the stars ; and made their kings thereby to stand in awe of them , that they durst not either eat or drink but what and when they prescribed ; no nor live , if they said the gods commanded them to die . and thus they continued in subjection to their false prophets , till by one of their kings , called ergamenes , ( about the time of the ptolemies ) they were put to the sword. but long before the time of ergamenes , the race of these astrologers ( for they had no disciples but their own children ) was so numerous , that abundance of them ( whether sent for or no i cannot tell ) transplanted themselves into egypt , and there also had their cities and lands allowed them , and were in request not onely for astronomy and astrologie , but also for geometry . and egypt was then as it were an university to all the world , and thither went the curious greeks , as pythagoras , plato , thales , and others , to fetch philosophy into greece . but long before that time , abundance of them went into assyria , and had their towns and lands assigned them also there ; and were by the hebrews called chaldies . a. why so ? b. i cannot tell ; but i finde in martinius lexicon they were called chasdim , and chesdim , and ( as he saith ) from one chesed the son of nachor ; but i finde no such man as chesed amongst the issue of noah in the scripture . nor do i finde that there was any certain country called chaldaea ; though a town where any of them inhabited were called a town of the chaldies . martinius saith further , that the same word chasdim did signifie also demons . a. by this reckoning i should conjecture they were called chusdim , as being a race of ethiopians . for the land of chus is aethiopia ; and so the name degenerated first into chuldim , and then into chaldim ; so that they were such another kinde of people as we call gypsies ; saving that they were admired and feared for their knavery , and the gypsies counted rogues . b. nay pray , except claudius ptolomaeus , author of that great work of astronomy , the almegest . a. i grant he was excellent both in astronomy and geometry , and to be commended for his almegest ; but then for his judiciar astrologie annexed to it , he is again a gypsie . but the greeks that travelled ( you say ) into egypt , what philosophy did they carry home ? b. the mathematiques and astronomy . but for that sublunary physiques , which is commonly called natural philosophy , i have not read of any nation that studied it earlier than the greeks , from whom it proceeded to the romans . yet both greeks and romans were more addicted to moral than to natural philosophy ; in which kinde we have their writings , but loosly and incoherently , written upon no other principles than their own passions and presumptions , without any respect to the laws of common-wealth , which are the ground and measure of all true morality . so that their books tend rather to teach men to censure than to obey the laws . which has been a great hinderance to the peace of the western world ever since . but they that seriously applied themselves to natural philosophy were but few , as plato and aristotle , whose works we have ; and epicurus , whose doctrine we have in lucretius . the writings of philolaus and many other curious students being by fire or negligence now lost : though the doctrine of philolaus concerning the motion of the earth have been revived by copernicus , and explained and confirmed by galileo now of late . a. but methinks the natural philosophy of plato and aristotle , and the rest , should have been cultivated and made to flourish by their disciples . b. whom do you mean , the successors of plato , epicurus , aristotle , and the other first philosophers ? it may be some of them may have been learned and worthy men . but not long after , and down to the time of our saviour and his apostles , they were for the most part a sort of needy , ignorant , impudent cheating fellows , who by the profession of the doctrine of those first philosophers , got their living . for at that time , the name of philosophy was so much in fashion and honour amongst great persons , that every rich man had a philosopher of one sect or another to be a schoolmaster to his children . and these were they that faining christianity , with their disputing and readiness of talking got themselves into christian commons , and brought so many heresies into the primitive church , every one retaining still a tang of what they had been us'd to teach . a. but those heresies were all condemned in the first council of nice . b. yes . but the arrian heresie for a long time flourished no less than the roman , and was upheld by divers emperours , and never fully extinguished as long as there were vandals in christendom . besides , there arose daily other sects , opposing their philosophy to the doctrine of the councils concerning the divinity of our saviour ; as , how many persons he was , how many natures he had . and thus it continued till the time of charlemain , when he and pope leo the third divided the power of the empire into temporal and spiritual . a. a very unequal division . b. why ? which of them think you had the greater share ? a. no doubt , the emperour : for he onely had the sword. b. when the swords are in the hands of men , whether had you rather command the men or the swords ? a. i understand you . for he that hath the hands of the men , has also the use both of their swords and strength . b. the empire thus divided into spiritual and temporal , the freedom of philosophy was to the power spiritual very dangerous . and for that cause it behoved the pope to get schools set up not onely for divinity , but also for other sciences , especially for natural philosophy . which when by the power of the emperour he had effected , out of the mixture of aristotle's metaphysicks with the scripture , there arose a new science called school-divinity ; which has been the principal learning of these western parts from the time of charlemain till of very late . a. but i finde not in any of the writings of the school-men in what manner , from the causes they assigne , the effect is naturally and necessarily produced . b. you must not wonder at that . for you enquire not so much , when you see a change of any thing , what may be said to be the cause of it , as how the same is generated ; which generation is the entire progress of nature from the efficient cause to the effect produced . which is always a hard question , and for the most part impossible for a man to answer to . for the alterations of the things we perceive by our five senses are made by the motion of bodies ( for the most part ) either for distance , smalness , or transparence , invisible . a. but what need had they then to assigne any cause at all , seeing they could not shew the effect was to follow from it ? b. the schools ( as i said ) were erected by the pope and emperour , but directed by the pope onely , to answer and confute the heresies of the philosophers . would you have them then betray their profession and authority , that is to say , their livelihood , by confessing their ignorance ? or rather uphold the same , by putting for causes , strange and unintelligible words ; which might serve well enough not onely to satisfie the people whom they relied on , but also to trouble the philosophers themselves to finde a fault in . a. seeing you say that alteration is wrought by the motion of bodies , pray tell me first what i am to understand by the word body . b. it is a hard question , though most men think they can easily answer it , as that it is whatsoever they can see , feel , or take notice of by their senses . but if you will know indeed what is body , we must enquire first what there is that is not body . you have seen ( i suppose ) the effects of glasses , how they multiply and magnifie the object of our sight ; as when a glass of a certain figure will make a counter or a shilling seem twenty , though you be well assured there is but one . and if you set a mark upon it , you will finde the mark upon them all . the counter is certainly one of those things we call bodies : are not the others so too ? a. no , without doubt . for looking through a glass cannot make them really more than they are . b. what then be they but fancies , so many fancies of one and the same thing in several places ? a. 't is manifest they are so many idols , mere nothings . b. when you have look'd upon a star or candle with both your eyes , but one of them a little turn'd awry with your finger , has not there appeared two stars , or two candles ? and though you call it a deception of the sight , you cannot deny but there were two images of the object . a. 't is true , and observed by all men . and the same i say of our faces seen in looking-glasses , and of all dreams , and of all apparitions of dead mens ghosts ; and wonder , since 't is so manifest , i never thought upon 't before , for it is a very happy encounter , and such as being by every body well understood , would utterly destroy both idolatry and superstition , and defeat abundance of knaves that cheat and trouble the world with their devices . b. but you must not hence conclude that whosoever tells his dream , or sometimes takes his direction from it , is therefore an idolater , or superstitious , or a cheater . for god doth often admonish men by dreams of what they ought to do ; yet men must be wary in this case that they trust not dreams with the conduct of their lives further than by the laws of their country is allow'd : for you know what god says , deut. 13. if a prophet or a dreamer of dreams give thee a signe or a wonder , and the signe come to pass , yet if he did thee serve other gods , let him be put to death . here by serving other gods ( since they had chosen god for their king ) we are to understand revolting from their king , or disobeying of his laws . otherwise i see no idolatry nor superstition in following a dream , as many of the patriarches ( in the old testament ) and of the saints ( in the new testament ) did . a. yes : their own dreams . but when another man shall dream , or say that he has dream'd , and require me to follow that , he must pardon me if i ask him by what authority , especially if he look i should pay him for it . b. but if commanded by the laws you live under , you ought to follow it . but when there proceed from one sound divers echoes , what are those echoes ? and when with fingers cross'd you touch a small bullet , and think it two ; and when the same herb or flower smells well to one and ill to another , and the same at several times , well and ill to your self , and the like of tastes , what are those echoes , feelings , odours , and tastes ? a. 't is manifest they are all but fancies . but certainly when the sun seems to my eye no bigger than a dish , there is behinde it somewhere somewhat else ( i suppose a real sun ) which creates those fancies , by working ( one way or other ) upon my eyes , and other organs of my senses , to cause that diversity of fancy . b. you say right ; and that is it i mean by the word body , which briefly i define to be any thing that hath a being in it self , without the help of sense . a. aristotle ( i think ) meaneth by body , substance , or subjectum , wherein colour , sound , and other fancies are ( as he says ) inherent . for the word essence has no affinity with substance . and seneca says , he understands it not . and no wonder : for essence is no part of the language of mankinde , but a word devised by philosophers out of the copulation of two names , as if a man having two hounds could make a third ( if 't were need ) of ther● couples . b. 't is just fo . for having said in themselves ( for example ) a tree is a plant , and conceiving well enough what is the signification of those names , knew not what to make of the word is that couples those names ; nor daring to call it a body , they called it by a new name , ( derived from the word est ) essentia , and substantia , deceived by the idiome of their own language . for in many other tongues , and namely in the hebrew , there is no such copulative . they thought the names of things sufficiently connected , when they are placed in their natural consequence ; and were therefore never troubled with essences , nor other fallacy from the copulative est. cap. ii. of the principles and method of natural philosophy . a. this history of the old philosophers has not put me out of love , but out of hope of philosophy from any of their writings . i would therefore try if i could attain any knowledge therein by my own meditation : but i know neither where to begin , nor which way to proceed . b. your desire ( you say ) is to know the causes of the effects or phaenomena of nature ; and you confess they are fancies , and ( consequently ) that they are in your self ; so that the causes you seek for onely are without you , and now you would know how those external bodies work upon you to produce those phaenomena . the beginning therefore of your enquiry ought to be at what it is you call a cause , i mean an efficient cause : for the philosophers make four kindes of causes , whereof the efficient is one . another they call the formal cause , or simply the form or essence of the thing caused ; as when they say , four equal angles and four equal sides are the cause of a square figure , or that heaviness is the cause that makes heavie bodies to descend . but that 's not the cause you seek for , nor any thing but this : it descends because it descends . the third is the material cause , as when they say , the walls and roof , &c. of a house , are the cause of a house . the fourth is the final cause , and hath place onely in moral philosophy . a. we will think of final causes upon some other occasion ; of formal and material not at all : i seek onely the efficient , and how it acteth from the beginning to the production of the effect . b. i say then , that in the first place you are to enquire diligently into the nature of motion . for the variations of fancies , or ( which is the same thing ) of the phaenomena of nature , have all of them one universal efficient cause , namely the variety of motion . for if all things in the world were absolutely at rest , there could be no variety of fancy , but living creatures would be without sense of all objects , which is little less than to be dead . a. what if a childe new taken from the womb should with open eyes be exposed to the azure-sky , do not you think it would have some sense of the light , but that all would seem unto him darkness ? b. truly , if he had no memory of any thing formerly seen , or by any other sense perceived ( which is my supposition ) i think he would be in the dark . for darkness is darkness , whether it be black or blue , to him that cannot distinguish . a. howsoever that be , it is evident enough that whatsoever worketh is moved : for action is motion . b. having well considered the nature of motion , you must thence take your principles for the foundation and beginning of your enquiry . a. as how ? b. explain as fully and as briefly as you can what you constantly mean by motion ; which will save your self as well as others from being seduced by aequivocation . a. then i say , motion is nothing but change of place : for all the effect of a body upon the organs of our senses is nothing but fancy . therefore we can fancy nothing from seeing it moved , but change of place . b. 't is right . but you must then tell me also what you understand by place : for all men are not yet agreed on that . a. well then ; seeing we fancy a body , we cannot but fancy it somewhere . and therefore i think place is the fancy of here or there . b. that is not enough . here and there are not understood by any but your self , except you point towards it . but pointing is no part of a definition . besides , though it help him to finde the place , it will never bring him to it . a. but seeing sense is fancy , when we fancy a body , we fancy also the figure of it , and the space it fills up . and then i may define place to be the precise space within which the body is contained . for space is also part of the image we have of the object seen . b. and how define you time ? a. as place is to a body , so ( i think ) is time to the motion of it ; and consequently i take time to be our fancy or image of the motion . but is there any necessity of so much niceness ? b. yes . the want of it is the greatest , if not the onely cause , of all the discord amongst philosophers , as may easily be perceived by their abusing and confounding the names of things that differ in their nature ; as you shall see when there is occasion to recite some of the tenets of divers philosophers . a. i will avoid aequivocation as much as i can . and for the nature of motion , i suppose i understand it by the definition . what is next to be done ? b. you are to draw from these definitions , and from whatsoever truth else you know by the light of nature , such general consequences as may serve for axiomes , or principles of your ratiocination . a. that is hard to do . b. i will draw them my self , as many as for our present discourse of natural causes we shall have need of ; so that your part will be no more than to take heed i do not deceive you . a. i will look to that . b. my first axiome then shall be this : two bodies , at the same time , cannot be in one place . a. that 's true : for we number bodies as we fancy them distinct , and distinguish them by their places . you may therefore adde , nor one body at the same time in two places . and philosophers mean the same , when they say , there is no penetration of bodies . b. but they understand not their own words : for penetration signifies it not . my second axiome is , that nothing can begin , change , or put an end to its own motion . for supposing it begin just now , or being now in motion , change its way or stop ; i require the cause why now rather than before or after , having all that is necessary to such motion , change , or rest , alike at all times . a. i do not doubt but the argument is good in bodies inanimate ; but perhaps in voluntary agents it does not hold . b. how it holds in voluntary agents we will then consider when our method hath brought us to the powers and passions of the minde . a third axiome shall be this : whatsoever body being at rest is afterwards moved , hath for its immediate movent some other body which is in motion and toucheth it . for , since nothing can move it self , the movent must be external . and because motion is change of place , the movent must put it from its place , which it cannot do till it touch it . a. that is manifest , and that it must more than touch it , it must also follow it . and if more parts of the body are moved than are by the movent touched , the movent is not immediate . and by this reason , a continued body though never so great , if the first superficies be prest never so little back , the motion will proceed through it . b. do you think that to be impossible ? i will prove it from your own words : for you say that the movent does then touch the body which it moveth . therefore it puts it back ; but that which is put back , puts back the next behinde , and that again the next ; and so onward to any distance , the body being continued . the same is also manifest by experience , seeing one that walks with a staff can distinguish ( though blinde ) between stone and glass ; which were impossible , if the parts of his staff between the ground and his hand made no resistance . so also he that in the silence of the night lays his ear to the ground , shall hear the treading of mens feet further than if he stood upright . a. this is certainly true of a staff or other hard body , because it keeps the motion in a straight line from diffusion . but in such a fluid body as the air , which being put back must fill an orb , and the further it is put back , the greater orb , the motion will decrease , and in time , by the resistance of air to air , come to an end . b. that any body in the world is absolutely at rest , i think not true : but i grant , that in a space filled every where with body , though never so fluid , if you give motion to any part thereof , that motion will by resistance of the parts moved , grow less and less , and at last cease ; but if you suppose the space utterly void , and nothing in it , then whatsoever is once moved shall go on eternally : or else that which you have granted is not true , viz. that nothing can put an end to its own motion . a. but what mean you by resistance ? b. resistance is the motion of a body in a way wholly or partly contrary to the way of its movent , and thereby repelling or retarding it . as when a man runs swiftly , he shall feel the motion of the air in his face . but when two hard bodies meet , much more may you see how they abate each others motion , and rebound from one another . for in a space already full , the movent cannot , in an instant , be communicated through the whole depth of the body that is to be moved . a. what other definitions have i need of ? b. in all motion , as in all quantity , you must take the beginning of your reckoning from the least supposed motion . and this i call the first endeavour of the movent ; which endeavour , how weak soever , is also motion . for if it have no effect at all , neither will it do any thing though doubled , trebled , or by what number soever multiplied : for nothing , though multiplied , is still nothing . other axiomes and definitions we will take in , as we need them , by the way . a. is this all the preparation i am to make ? b. no , you are to consider also the several kinds and properties of motion , viz. when a body being moved by one or more movents at once , in what way it is carried , straight , circular , or otherwise crooked ; and what degree of swiftness ; as also the action of the movent , whether trusion , vection , percussion , reflexion , or refraction ; and further you must furnish your self with as many experiments ( which they call phaenomenon ) as you can . and supposing some motion for the cause of your phaenomenon , try if by evident consequence , without contradiction to any other manifest truth or experiment , you can derive the cause you seek for from your supposition . if you can , 't is all that is expected ( as to that one question ) from philosophy . for there is no effect in nature which the author of nature cannot bring to pass by more ways than one . a. what i want of experiments you may supply out of your own store , or such natural history as you know to be true ; though i can be well content with the knowledge of the causes of those things which every body sees commonly produced . let us therefore now enquire the cause of some effect particular . b. we will begin with that which is the most universal , the universe , and enquire in the first place , if any place be absolutely empty , that is to say in the language of philosophers , whether there be any vacuum in nature . cap. iii. of vacuum . a. 't is hard to suppose , and harder to believe that the infinite and omnipotent creator of all things should make a work so vast as is the world we see , and leave a few little spaces with nothing at all in them ; which put altogether in respect of the whole creature , would be insensible . b. why say you that ? do you think any argument can be drawn from it to prove there is vacuum ? a. why not ? for in so great an agitation of natural bodies , may not some small parts of them be cast out , and leave the places empty from whence they were thrown ? b. because he that created them is not a fancy , but the most real substance that is ; who being infinite , there can be no place empty where he is , nor full where he is not . a. 't is hard to answer this argument , because i do not remember that there is any argument for the maintenance of vacuum in the writings of divines : therefore i will quit that argument , and come to another . if you take a glass vial with a narrow neck , and having suckt it , dip it presently at the neck into a bason of water , you shall manifestly see the water rise into the vial. is not this a certain signe that you had suckt out some of the air , and consequently that some part of the vial was left empty ? b. no : for when i am about to suck , and have air in my mouth , contracting my cheeks i drive the same against the air in the glass , and thereby against every part of the sides of the hard glass . and this gives to the air within an endeavour outward , by which ( if it be presently dipt into the water ) it will penetrate and enter into it . for air if it be prest will enter into any fluid , much more into water . therefore there shall rise into the vial so much water as there was air forced into the bason . a. this i confess is possible , and not improbable . b. if sucking would make vacuum , what would become of those women that are nurses ? should they not be in a very few days exhausted , were it not that either the air which is in the childs mouth penetrateth the milk as it descends , and passeth through it , or the breast is contracted ? a. from what experiment can you evidently infer that there is no vacuum ? b. from many , and such as to almost all men are known and familiar . if two hard bodies , flat and smooth , be joyned together in a common superficies parallel to the horizontal plain , you cannot without great force pull them asunder , if you apply your force perpendicularly to the common superficies : but if you place that common superficies erect to the horizon , they will fall asunder with their own weight . from whence i argue thus : since their contiguity , in what posture soever , is the same , and that they cannot be pull'd asunder by a perpendicular force without letting in the ambient air in an instant , which is impossible ; or almost in an instant , which is difficult : and on the other side , when the common superficies is erect , the weight of the same hard bodies are able to break the contiguity , and let in the air successively , it is manifest that the difficulty of separation proceeds from this , that neither air nor any other body can be moved to any ( how small soever ) distance in an instant ; but may easily be moved ( the hardness at the sides once mastered ) successively . so that the cause of this difficulty of separation is this , that they cannot be parted except the air or other matter can enter and fill the space made by their diremption . and if they were infinitely hard , not at all . and hence also you may understand the cause why any hard body , when it is suddenly broken , is heard to crack ; which is the swift motion of the air to fill the space between . another experiment , and commonly known , is of a barrel of liquor , whose tap-hole is very little , and the bung so stopt as to admit no air ; for then the liquor will not run : but if the tap-hole be large it will , because the air prest by a heavier bodie will pierce through it into the barrel . the like reason holds of a gardeners watering-pot , when the holes in the bottom are not too great . a third experiment is this : turn a thin brass kettle the bottom upwards , and lay it flat upon the water . it will sink till the water rise within to a certain height , but no higher : yet let the bottom be perforated , and the kettle will be full and sink , and the air rise again through the water without . but if a bell were so laid on , it would be fill'd and sink , though it were not perforated , because the weight is greater than the weight of the same bulk of water . a. by these experiments , without any more , i am convinced , that there is not actually in nature any vacuum ; but i am not sure but that there may be made some little place empty , and this from two experiments , one whereof is torricellius his experiment , which is this : take a cylinder of glass , hollow throughout , but close at the end , in form of a sack. b. how long ? a. as long as you will , so it be more than 29 inches . b. and how broad ? a. as broad as you will , so it be broad enough to pour into it quicksilver . and fill it with quicksilver , and stop up the entrance with your finger , so as to unstop it again at your pleasure . then set down a bason , or ( if you will ) a sea of quicksilver , and inverting the cylinder full as it is , dip the end into the quicksilver , and remove your finger , that the cylinder may empt it self . do you conceive me ? for there is so many passing by , that i cannot paint it . b. yes , i conceive you well enough . what follows ? a. the quicksilver will descend in the cylinder , not till it be level with that in the bason according to the nature of heavie fluids , but stay and stand above it at the height of 29 inches or very neer it , the bottom being now uppermost that no air can get in . b. what do you infer from this ? a. that all the cavitie above 29 inches is fill'd with vacuum . b. 't is very strange that i , from this same experiment , should infer ( and i think evidently ) that it is fill'd with air. i pray , tell me , when you had inverted the cylinder , full as it was , and stopt with your finger , dipt into the bason , if you had then removed your finger , whether you think the quicksilver would not all have fallen out ? a. no sure . the air would have been prest upward through the quicksilver it self : for a man with his hand can easily thrust a bladder of air to the bottom of a bason of quicksilver . b. it is therefore manifest that quicksilver can press the air through the same quicksilver . a. 't is manifest ; and also it self rise into the air. b. what cause then can there be , why it should stand still at 29 inches above the level of the bason , rather than any place else ? a. 't is not hard to assigne the cause of that . for so much quicksilver as was above the 29 inches , will raise the first level of that in the bason , as much as if you had pour'd it on ; and thereby bring it to an aequilibrium . so that i see plainly now , that there is no necessity of vacuum from this experiment . for i considered onely that naturally quicksilver cannot ascend in air , nor air descend in quicksilver , though by force it may . b. nor do i think that torricellius or any other vacuist thought of it more than you . but what is the second experiment ? a. there is a sphere of glass , which they call a recipient , of the capacity of three or four gallons . and there is inserted into it the end of a hollow cylinder of brass above a foot long ; so that the whole is one vessel , and the bore of the cylinder three inches diameter . into which is thrust by force a solid cylinder of wood , covered with leather so just , as it may in every point exactly touch the concave superficies of the brass . there is also to let out the air which the wooden cylinder as it enters ( called the sucker ) drives before it , a flap to keep out the external air while they are pulling the sucker . besides , at the top of the recipient there is a hole to put into it any thing for experiment . the sucker being now forc'd up into the cylinder , what do you think must follow ? b. i think it will require as much strength to pull it back , as it did to force it in . a. that is not it i ask , but what would happen to the recipient . b. i think so much air as would fill the place the sucker leaves , would descend into it out of the recipient ; and also that just so much from the external air would enter into the recipient , between the brass and the wood , at first very swiftly , but , as the place increased , more leasurely . a. why may not so much air rather descend into the place forsaken , and leave as much vacuum as that comes to , in the recipient ? for otherwise no air will be pumpt out ; nor can that wooden pestle be called a sucker . b. that 's it i say . there is no air either pumpt or sucked out . a. how can the air pass between the leather and the brass , or between the leather and the wood being so exactly contiguous , or through the leather it self ? b. i conceive no such exact contiguity , nor such fastness of the leather : for i never yet had any that in a storm would keep out either air or water . a. but how then could there be made in the recipient such strange alteration both on animate and inanimate bodies ? b. i will tell you how : the air descends out of the recipient , because the air which the sucker removeth from behinde it self as it is pulling out , has no place to retire into without . and therefore is driven into the engine between the wood of the sucker and the brass of the cylinder , and causes as much air to come into the place forsaken by the retiring sucker ; which causeth by oft repetition of the force , a violent circulation of the air within the recipient , which is able quickly to kill any thing that lives by respiration , and make all the alterations that have appeared in the engine . cap. iv. of the systeme of the world. b. you are come in good time ; let us therefore sit down . there is ink , paper , ruler , and compass . draw a little circle to represent the body of the sun. a. 't is done . the centre is a , the circumference is l m. b. upon the same centre a , draw a larger circle to stand for the ecliptick : for you know the sun is always in the plain of the ecliptick . a. there ' t is . the diameters of it at right angles are b z. b. draw the diameter of the aequator . a. how ? b. through the centre a ( for the earth is also always in the plain of the aequator or of some of its parallels ) so as to be distant from b 23 deg . and a half . a. let it be h i : and let c g be equal to b h ; and so g will be one of the poles of the ecliptick , suppose the north-pole ; and then h will be east , and i west . and c a produced to the circumference in e , makes e the south-pole . b. take c k equal to c g , and the chord g k will be the diameter of the arctick-circle , and parallel to h i , the diameter of the aequator . lastly , upon the point b , draw a little circle wherein i suppose to be the globe of the earth . a. 't is drawn , and marked with l m. and b d and k g joyned will be parallel ; and as h and i are east and west , and so are b and d , and g and k. b. true ; but producing z b to the circumference l m in b , the line b b will be in the diameter of the ecliptick of the earth , and b m in the diameter of the aequator of the earth . in like manner , if you produce k g cutting the circle , whose centre is g , in d and e , and make an angle n g d equal to b b m , the line n g will be in the ecliptick of the earth , because g d is in the aequator of the earth . so that in the annual motion of the earth through the ecliptick , every streight line drawn in the earth , is perpetually kept parallel to the place from whence it is removed . a. 't is true ; and 't is the doctrine of copernicus . but i cannot yet conceive by what one motion this circle can be described otherwise than we are taught by euclid . and then i am sure that all the diameters shall cross one another in the centre , which in this figure is a. b. i do not say that the diameters of a sphere or circle can be parallel ; but that if a circle of a lesser sphere be moved upon the circumference of a great circle of a greater sphere , that the streight lines that are in the lesser sphere may be kept parallel perpetually to the places they proceed from . a. how ? and by what motion ? b. take into your hand any streight line , ( as in this figure ) the line l a m , which we suppose to be the diameter of the suns body ; and moving it parallelly , with the ends in the circumference , so as that the end m may withal describe a small circle , as m a. it is manifest that all the other points of the same line l m will by the same motion , at the same time , describe equal circles to it . likewise if you take in your hand any two diameters fastened together , the same parallel-motion of the line l m , shall cause all the points of the other diameter to make equal circles to the same m a. a. 't is evident ; as also that every point of the suns body shall do the like . and not onely so , but also if one end describe any other figure , all the other points of the body shall describe like and equal figures to it . b. you see by this , that this parallel-motion is compounded of two motions , one circular upon the superficies of a sphere , the other a streight motion from the centre to every point of the same superficies , and beyond it . a. i see it . b. it follows hence , that the sun by this motion must every way repel the air ; and since there is no empty place for retiring , the air must turn about in a circular stream ; but slower or swifter according as it is more or less remote from the sun , and that according to the nature of fluids , the particles of the air must continually change place with one another ; and also that the stream of the air shall be the contrary way to that of the motion , for else the air cannot be repelled . a. all this is certain . b. well . then if you suppose the globe of the earth to be in this stream which is made by the motion of the suns body from east to west , the stream of air wherein is the earths annual motion will be from west to east . a. 't is certain . b. well . then if you suppose the globe of the earth , whose circle is moved annually , to be l m , the stream of the air without the ecliptick falling upon the superficies of the earth l m without the ecliptick , being slower , and the stream that falleth within swifter , the earth shall be turned upon its own centre proportionally to the greatness of the circles ; and consequently their diameters shall be parallel ; as also are other streight lines correspondent . a. i deny not but the streams are as you say ; and confess that the proportion of the swiftness without , is to the swiftness within , as the suns ecliptick to the ecliptick of the earth ; that is to say , as the angle hab to the angle m b b. and i like your argument the better , because it is drawn from copernicus his foundation . i mean the compounded motion of streight and circular . b. i think i shall not offer you many demonstrations of physical conclusions that are not derived from the motions supposed or proved by copernicus . for those conclusions in natural philosophy i most suspect of falshood , which require most variety of suppositions for their demonstrations . a. the next thing i would know , is how great or little you suppose that circle a m. b. i suppose it less than you can make it : for there appears in the sun no such motion sensible . 't is the first endeavour of the suns motion . but for all that , as small as the circle is , the motion may be as swift , and of as great strength as 't is possible to be named . 't is but a kinde of trembling that necessarily happeneth in those bodies , which with great resistance press upon one another . a. i understand now from what cause proceedeth the annual motion : is the sun the cause also of the diurnal motion ? b. not the immediate cause . for the diurnal motion of the earth is upon its own centre , and therefore the suns motion cannot describe it . but it proceedeth as a necessary consequence from the annual motion . for which i have both experience and demonstration . the experiment is this : into a large hemisphere of wood , spherically concave , put in a globe of lead , and with your hands hold it fast by the brim , moving your hands circularly , but in a very small compass , you shall see the globe circulate about the concave vessel , just in the same manner as the earth doth every year in the air ; and you shall see withal , that as it goes , it turns perpetually upon its own centre , and very swiftly . a. i have seen it : and 't is used in some great kitchins to grinde mustard . b. is it so ? therefore take a hemisphere of gold ( if you have it ) the greater the better , and a bullet of gold , ( and without mustard ) you shall see the same effect . a. i doubt it not . but the of it cause is evident . for any spherical body being in motion upon the sides of a concave and hard sphere , is all the way turned upon its own centre by the resistance of the hard wood or metal . but the earth is a bullet without weight , and meeteth onely with air , without any harder body in the way to resist it . b. do you think the air makes no resistance , especially to so swift a motion as is the annual motion of the earth ? if it do make any resistance , you cannot doubt but that it shall turn the earth circularly , and in a contrary way to its annual motion ; that is to say , from east to west , because the annual motion is from west to east . a. i confess it . but what deduce you from these motions of the sun ? b. i deduce ( first ) that the air must of necessity be moved both circularly about the body of the sun according to the ecliptick , and also every way directly from it . for the motion of the suns body is compounded of this circular motion upon the sphere l m , and of the streight motion of its semi-diameters from the centre a to the superficies of the suns body , which is lm . and therefore the air must needs be repelled every way , and also continually change place to fill up the places forsaken by other parts of the air , which else would be empty , there being no vacuum to retire unto . so that there would be a perpetual stream of air , and in a contrary way to the motion of the suns body , such as is the motion of water by the sides of a ship under sail . a. but this motion of the earth from west to east , is onely circular , such as is described by a compass about a centre ; and cannot therefore repel the air as the sun does . and the disciples of copernicus will have it to be the cause of the moons monthly motion about the earth . b. and i think copernicus himself would have said the same , if his purpose had been to have shewn the natural causes of the motions of the stars . but that was no part of his designe ; which was onely from his own observations , and those of former astronomers , to compute the times of their motions ; partly to foretel the conjunctions , oppositions , and other aspects of the planets ; and partly to regulate the times of the churches festivals . but his followers , kepler and galileo , make the earths motion to be the efficient cause of the monthly motion of the moon about the earth ; which without the like motion to that of the sun in lm , is impossible . let us therefore for the present take it in as a necessary hypothesis ; which from some experiment that i shall produce in our following discourses , may prove to be a certain truth . a. but seeing a is the centre both of the suns body and of the annual motion of the earth , how can it be ( as all astronomers say it is ) that the orb of the annual motion of the earth should be excentrique to the suns body ? for you know that from the vernal aequinox to the autumnal , there be 187 days ; but from the autumnal aequinox to the vernal , there be but 178 days . what natural cause can you assigne for this excentricity ? b. kepler ascribes it to a magnetique vertue , viz. that one part of the earths superficies has a greater kindness for the sun than the other part . a. i am not satisfied with that . it is magical rather than natural , and unworthy of kepler . tell me your own opinion of it . b. i think that the magnetical vertue he speaks of , consisteth in this : that the southern hemisphere of the earth is for the greatest part sea , and that the greatest part of the northern hemisphere is dry land. but how it is possible that from thence should proceed the excentricity ( the sun being neerest to the earth , when he is in the winter-solstice ) i shall shew you when we come to speak of the motions of air and water . a. that 's time enough : for i intend it for our next meeting . in the mean time i pray you tell me what you think to be the cause why the equinoctial ( and consequently the solstitial ) points are not always in one and the same point of the ecliptique of the fixt stars . i know they are not , because the sun does not rise and set in points diametrally opposite : for if it did , there would be no difference of the seasons of the year . b. the cause of that can be no other , than that the earth ( which is l m ) hath the like motion to that which i suppose the sun to have in l m , compounded of streight and circular from west to east in a day , as the annual motion hath in a year ; so that ( not reckoning the excentricity ) it will be moved through the ecliptiques one revolution ( as copernicus proveth ) about one degree . suppose then the whole earth moved from h to i , ( which is half the year ) circularly , but falling from i to i in the same time about 30 minutes , and as much in the other hemisphere from h to k ; then draw the line i k , which will be equal and parallel to h i , and be the diameter of the aequator for the next year . but it shall not cut the diameter of the ecliptick b z in a , which was the equinoctial of the former year , but in o 36 seconds from the first degree of aries . suppose the same done in the hemisphere under the plain of the paper , and so you have the double of 36 seconds , that is 72 seconds , or very neer , for the progress of the vernal equinox in a year . the cause why i suppose the arch i i to be half a degree in the ecliptique of the earth , is , that copernicus and other astronomers , and experience , agree in this , that the aequinoctial points proceed according to the order of the signes , aries , taurus , gemini , &c. from west to east every 100 year one degree or very neer . a. in what time do they make the whole revolution through the ecliptique of the sky ? b. that you may reckon . for we know by experience that it hath proceeded about one degree , that is 60 minutes constantly a long time in a hundred years . but as 100 years to one degree , so is 36000 years to 360 degrees . also as 100 years to one degree , so is one year to the hundred part of one degree or 60 minutes ; which is 60 / 100 , or 36 seconds for the progress of one year ; which must be somewhat more than a degree according to copernicus , who , lib. 3. cap. 2. saith , that for 400 years before ptolomie it was one degree almost constantly . which is well enough as to the natural cause of the precession of the aequinoctial points , which is the often-said compounded motion , though not an exact astronomical calculation . a. and 't is a great signe that his supposition is true . but what is the cause that the obliquity of the ecliptique , that is , the distance between the aequinoctial and the solstice , is not always the same ? b. the necessity of the obliquity of the ecliptique is but a consequence to the precession of the aequinoctial points . and therefore if from c the north-pole you make a little circle c u equal to 15 minutes of a degree upon the earth , and another u s equal to the same , which will appear like this figure 8 , that is ( as copernicus calls it ) a circle twined , the pole c will be moved half the time of the aequinoctial points , in the arc c u , and as much in the alternate arc u s descending to s. but in the arc s u , and its alternate rising to c. the cause of the twining is the earths annual motion the same way in the ecliptique , and makes the four quarters of it ; and makes also their revolution twice as slow as that of the aequinoctial points . and therefore the motion of it is the same compounded motion which copernicus takes for his supposition , and is the cause of the precession of the aequinoctial points , and consequently of the variation of the obliquity , adding to it or taking from it somewhere more , somewhere less ; so as that one with another the addition is not much more , nor the substraction much less than 30 minutes . but as for the natural efficient cause of this compounded motion , either in the sun , or the earth , or any other natural body , it can be none but the immediate hand of the creator . a. by this it seems that the poles of the earth are always the same , but make this 8 in the sphere of the fixt stars neer that which is called cynosura . b. no : 't is described on the earth , but the annual motion describes a circle in the sphere of the fixed stars . though i think it improper to say a sphere of the fixt stars , when 't is so unlikely that all the fixt stars should be in the superficies of one and the same globe . a. i do not believe they are . b. nor i , since they may seem less one than another , as well by their different distances , as by their different magnitudes . nor is it likely that the sun ( which is a fixt star ) is the efficient cause of the motion of those remoter planets , mars , jupiter , and saturn ; seeing the whole sphere , whose diameter is the distance between the sun and the earth , is but a point in respect of the distance between the sun and any other fixed star. which i say onely to excite those that value the knowledge of the cause of comets , to look for it in the dominion of some other sun than that which moveth the earth . for why may not there be some other fixed star , neerer to some planet than is the sun , and cause such a light in it as we call a comet ? a. as how ? b. you have seen how in high and thin clouds above the earth , the sun-beams piercing them have appeared like a beard ; and why might not such a beard have appeared to you like a comet , if you had lookt upon it from as high as some of the fixed stars ? a. but because it is a thing impossible for me to know , i will proceed in my own way of enquiry . and seeing you ascribe this compounded motion to the sun and earth , i would grant you that the earth ( whose annual motion is from west to east ) shall give the moon her monthly-motion from east to west . but then i ask you whether the moon have also that compounded motion of the earth , and with it a motion upon its own centre , as hath the earth ? for seeing the moon has no other planet to carry about her , she needs it not . b. i see reason enough , and some necessity , that the moon should have both those motions . for you cannot think that the creator of the stars , when he gave them their circular motion , did first take a centre , and then describe a circle with a chain or compass , as men do ? no ; he moved all the parts of a star together and equally in the creation : and that 's the reason i give you . the necessity of it , comes from this phaenomenon , that the moon doth turn one and the same face towards the earth : which cannot be by being moved about the earth parallelly , unless also it turn about its own centre . besides , we know by experience , that the motion of the moon doth adde not a little to the motion of the sea : which were impossible if it did not adde to the stream of the air , and by consequence to that of the water . a. if you could get a piece of the true and intimate substance of the earth , of the bigness of a musquet-bullet , do you believe that the bullet would have the like compounded motion to that which you attribute to the sun , earth , and moon ? b. yes truly ; but with less strength , according to its magnitude ; saving that by its gravity falling to the earth , the activity of it would be unperceived . a. i will trouble you no more with the nature of celestial appearances . but i pray you tell me by what art a man may finde what part of a circle the diameter of the suns body doth subtend in the ecliptique circle . b. kepler says it subtends 30 minutes , which is half a degree . his way to finde it is by letting in the sun-beams into a close room through a small hole , and receiving the image of it upon a plain perpendicularly . for by this means he hath a triangle , whose sides and angles he can know by measure ; and the vertical angle he seeks for , and the substance of the arc of the suns body . a. but i think it impossible to distinguish where the part illuminate toucheth the part not illuminate . b. another way is this : upon the aequinoctial-day , with a watch that shews the minutes standing by you , observe when the lower brim of the suns setting first comes to the horizon , and set the index to some minute of the watch ; and observe again the upper brim when it comes to the horizon : then count the minutes , and you have what you look for . other way i know none . cap. v. of the motions of water and air. a. i have considered , as you bad me , this compounded motion with great admiration . first , it is that which makes the difference between continuum and contiguum , which till now i never could distinguish . for bodies that are but contiguous , with any little force are parted ; but by this compounded motion ( because every point of the body makes an equal line in equal time , and every line crosses all the rest ) one part cannot be separated from another , without disturbing the motion of all the other parts at once . and is not that the cause , think you , that some bodies when they are prest or bent , as soon as the force is removed , return again of themselves to their former figure ? b. yes sure ; saving that it is not of themselves that they return , ( for we were agreed that nothing can move it self ) but it is the motion of the parts which are not prest , that delivers those that are . and this restitution the learned now call the spring of a body . the greeks called it antitypia . a. when i considered this motion in the sun and the earth and planets , i fancied them as so many bodies of the army of the almighty in an immense field of air , marching swiftly , and commanded ( under god ) by his glorious officer the sun , or rather forced so to keep their order in every part of every of those bodies , as never to go out from the distance in which he had set them . b. but the parts of the air and other fluids keep not their places so . a. no. you told me that this motion is not natural in the air , but received from the sun. b. true. but since we seek the natural causes of sublunary effects , where shall we begin ? a. i would fain know what makes the sea to ebbe and flow at certain periods , and what causeth such variety in the tides . b. remember that the earth turneth every day upon its own axis from west to east ; and all the while it so turneth , every point thereof by its compounded motion makes other circlings , but not on the same centre , which is ( you know ) a rising in one part of the day , and a falling in the other part . what think you must happen to the sea , which resteth on it , and is a fluid body ? a. i think it must make the sea rise and fall . and the same happeneth also to the air , from the motion of the sun. b. remember also , in what manner the sea is situated in respect of the dry land. a. is not there a great sea that reacheth from the straight of magellan eastward to the indies , and thence to the same straight again ? and is not there a great sea called the atlantick sea that runneth northward to us ? and does not the great south-sea run also up into the northern seas ? but i think the indian and the south-sea of themselves to be greater than all the rest of the surface of the globe . b. how lieth the water in those two seas ? a. east and west , and rises and falls a little , as it is forc'd to do by this compounded motion , which is a kind of succussion of the earth , and fills both the atlantick and northern seas . b. all this would not make a visible difference between high and low water , because this motion being so regular , the unevenness would not be great enough to be seen . for though in a bason the water would be thrown into the air , yet the earth cannot throw the sea into the air. a. yes . the bason , if gently moved , will make the water so move , that you shall hardly see it rise . b. it may be so . but you should never see it rise as it doth , if it were not checkt . for at the straight of magellan , the great south-sea is checkt by the shore of the continent of peru and chily , and forced to rise to a great height , and made to run up into the northern seas on that side by the coast of china ; and at the return is checkt again and forced through the atlantick into the british and german seas . and this is done every day . for we have supposed that the earths motion in the ecliptique caused by the sun is annual ; and that its motion in the aequinoctial , is diurnal . it followeth therefore from this compounded motion of the earth , the sea must ebb and flow twice in the space of twenty four hours , or thereabout . a. has the moon nothing to do in this business ? b. yes . for she hath also the like motion . and is , though less swift , yet much neerer to the earth . and therefore when the sun and moon are in conjunction or opposition , the earth , as from two agents at once , must needs have a greater succussion . and if it chance at the same time the moon also be in the ecliptique , it will be yet greater , because the moon then worketh on the earth less obliquely . a. but when the full or new moon happen to be then when the earth is in the aequinoctial points , the tides are greater than ordinary . why is that ? b. because then the force by which they move the sea , is at that time , to the force by which they move the same at other times , as the aequinoctial circle to one of its parallels , which is a lesser circle . a. 't is evident . and 't is pleasant to see the concord of so many and various motions , when they proceed from one and the same hypothesis . but what say you to the stupendious tides which happen on the coasts of lincolnshire on the east , and in the river of severn on the west ? b. the cause of that , is their proper scituation . for the current of the ocean through the atlantick sea , and the current of the south-sea through the northern seas meeting together , raise the water in the irish and british seas a great deal higher than ordinary . therefore the mouth of the severn being directly opposite to the current from the atlantick sea , and those sands on the coast of lincolnshire directly opposite to the current of the german sea , those tides must needs fall furiously into them , by this succussion of the water . a. does , when the tide runs up into a river , the water all rise together , and fall together when it goes out ? no : one part riseth and another falleth at the same time ; because the motion of the earth rising and falling , is that which makes the tide . a. have you any experiment that shews it ? b. yes . you know that in the thames , it is high water at greenwich before it is high water at london-bridge . the water therefore falls at greenwich whilst it riseth all the way to london . but except the top of the water went up , and the lower part downward , it were impossible . a. 't is certain . it is strange that this one motion should salve so many apparences , and so easily . but i will produce one experiment of water , not in the sea , but in a glass . if you can shew me that the cause of it is this compounded motion , i shall go neer to think it the cause of all other effects of nature hitherto disputed of . the experiment is common , and described by the lord chancellour bacon , in the third page of his natural history . take ( saith he ) a glass of water , and draw your finger round about the lip of the glass , pressing it somewhat hard ; after you have done so a few times , it will make the water frisk up into a fine dew . after i had read this , i tried the same with all diligence my self , and found true not onely the frisking of the water to above an inch high , but also the whole superficies to circulate , and withal to make a pleasant sound . the cause of the frisking he attributes to a tumult of the inward parts of the substance of the glass striving to free it self from the pressure . b. i have tried and found both the sound and motion ; and do not doubt but the pressure of the parts of the glass was part of the cause . but the motion of my finger about the glass was always parallel ; and when it chanced to be otherwise , both sound and motion ceased . a. i found the same . and being satisfied , i proceed to other questions . how is the water ( being a heavie body ) made to ascend in small particles into the air , and be there for a time sustained in form of a cloud , and then fall down again in rain ? b. i have shewn already , that this compounded motion of the sun , in one part of its circumlation , drives the air one way , and in the other part , the contrary way ; and that it cannot draw it back again , no more than he that sets a stone a flying can pull it back . the air therefore , which is contiguous to the water , being thus distracted , must either leave a vacuum , or else some part of the water must rise and fill the spaces continually forsaken by the air. but , that there is no vacuum , you have granted . therefore the water riseth into the air , and maketh the clouds ; and seeing they are very small and invisible parts of the water , are ( though naturally heavie ) easily carried up and down with the wind , till , meeting with some mountain or other clouds , they be prest together into greater drops , and fall by their weight . so also it is forced up in moist ground , and with it many small atomes of the earth , which are either twisted with the rising water into plants , or are carried up and down in the air incertainly . but the greatest quantity of water is forced up from the great south and indian seas , that lie under the tropique of capricorn . and this climate is that which makes the suns perigaeum to be always on the winter-solstice . and that is the part of the terrestrial globe which keplerus says is kinde to the sun ; whereas the other part of the globe ( which is almost all dry land ) has an antipathy to the sun. and so you see where this magnetical vertue of the earth lies . for the globe of the earth having no natural appetite to any place , may be drawn by this motion of the sun a little neerer to it , together with the water which it raiseth . a. can you guess what may be the cause of wind ? b. i think it manifest that the unconstant winds proceed from the uncertain motion of the clouds ascending and descending , or meeting with one another . for the winds after they are generated in any place by the descent of a cloud , they drive other clouds this way and that way before them , the air seeking to free it self from being pent up in a straight . for when a cloud descendeth , it makes no wind sensible directly under it self . but the air between it and the earth is prest and forced to move violently outward . for it is a certain experiment of mariners , that if the sea go high when they are becalmed , they say they shall have more wind than they would ; and take in their sails all but what is necessary for steering . they know ( it seems ) that the sea is moved by the descent of clouds at some distance off : which presseth the water , and makes it come to them in great waves . for a horizontal wind does but curl the water . a. from whence come the rivers ? b. from the rain , or from the falling of snow on the higher ground . but when it descendeth under ground , the place where it again ariseth is called the spring . a. how then can there be a spring upon the top of a hill ? b. there is no spring upon the very top of a hill , unless some natural pipe bring it thither from a higher hill. a. julius scaliger says , there is a river , and in it a lake , upon the top of mount cenis in savoy ; and will therefore have the springs to be ingendred in the caverns of the earth by condensation of the air. b. i wonder he should say that . i have pass'd over that hill twice since the time i read that in scaliger , and found that river as i pass'd , and went by the side of it in plain ground almost two miles . where i saw the water from two great hills , one on one side , the other on the other , in a thousand small rillets of melting snow fall down into it . which has made me never to use any experiment the which i have not my self seen . as for the conversion of air into water by condensation , and of water into air by rarefaction ( though it be the doctrine of the peripatetiques ) it is a thing incogitable , and the words are insignificant . for by densum is signified onely frequencie and closeness of parts ; and by rarum the contrary . as when we say a town is thick with houses , or a wood with trees , we mean not that one house or tree is thicker than another , but that the spaces between are not so great . but ( since there is no vacuum ) the spaces between the parts of air are no larger than between the parts of water , or of any thing else . a. what think you of those things which mariners that have sailed through the atlantick sea called spouts , which pour down water enough at once to drown a great ship ? b. 't is a thing i have not seen . and therefore can say nothing to it ; though i doubt not but when two very large and heavie clouds shall be driven together by two great and contrary winds , the thing is possible . a. i think your reason good . and now will propound to you another experiment . i have seen an exceeding small tube of glass with both ends open set upright in a vessel of water , and that the superficies of the water within the tube was higher a good deal than of that in the vessel ; but i see no reason for it . b. was not part of the glass under water ? must not then the water in the vessel rise ? must not the air that lay upon it rise with it ? whither should this rising air go , since there is no place empty to receive it ? it is therefore no wonder if the water , press'd by the substance of the glass which is dipt into it , do rather rise into a very small pipe , than come about a longer way into the open air. a. 't is very probable . i observed also that the top of the inclosed water was a concave superficies ; which i never saw in other fluids . b. the water hath some degree of tenacity , though not so great but that it will yield a little to the motion of the air ; as is manifest in the bubbles of water , where the concavity is always towards the air. and this i think the cause why the air and water meeting in the tube make the superficies towards the air concave , which it cannot do to a fluid of greater tenacity . a. if you put into a bason of water a long rag of cloth , first drenched in water , and let the longer part of it hang out , it is known by experience , that the water will drop out as long as there is any part of the other end under water . b. the cause of it is , that water ( as i told you ) hath a degree of tenacity . and therefore being continued in the rag till it be lower without than within , the weight will make it continue dropping , though not onely because it is heavie ( for if the rag lay higher without than within , and were made heavier by the breadth , it would not descend ) but 't is because all heavie bodies naturally descend with proportion of swiftness duplicate to that of the time ; whereof i shall say more when we talk of gravity . a. you see how despicable experiments i trouble you with . but i hope you will pardon me . b. as for mean and common experiments , i think them a great deal better witnesses of nature , than those that are forced by fire , and known but to very few . cap. vi. of the causes and effects of heat and cold. a. 't is a fine day , and pleasant walking through the fields , but that the sun is a little too hot . b. how know you that the sun is hot ? a. i feel it . b. that is to say , you know that your self , but not that the sun is hot . but when you finde your self hot , what body do you feel ? a. none . b. how then can you infer your heat from the sense of feeling ? your walking may have made you hot : is motion therefore hot ? no. you are to consider the concomitants of your heat ; as , that you are more faint , or more ruddy , or that you sweat , or feel some endeavour of moisture or spirits tending outward ; and when you have found the causes of those accidents , you have found the causes of heat , which in a living creature , and specially in a man , is many times the motion of the parts within him , such as happen in sickness , anger , and other passions of the minde ; which are not in the sun nor in fire . a. that which i desire now to know , is what motions and of what bodies without me are the efficient causes of my heat . b. i shewed you yesterday in discoursing of rain , how by this compounded motion of the suns body , the air was every way at once thrust off west and east ; so that where it was contiguous , the small parts of the water were forced to rise , for the avoiding of vacuum . think then that your hand were in the place of water so exposed to the sun. must not the sun work upon it as it did upon the water ? though it break not the skin , yet it will give to the inner fluids and looser parts of your hand , an endeavour to get forth , which will extend the skin , and in some climates fetch up the bloud , and in time make the skin black . the fire also will do the same to them that often sit with their naked skins too neer it . nay , one may sit so neer ( without touching it ) as it shall blister or break the skin , and fetch up both spirits and bloud mixt into a putrid oyly matter sooner , than in a furnace oyl can be extracted out of a plant. a. but if the water be above the fire in a kettle , what then will it do ? shall the particles of water go toward the fire , as it did toward the sun ? b. no. for it cannot . but the motion of the parts of the kettle which are caused by the fire , shall dissipate the water into vapour till it be all cast out . a. what is that you call fire ? is it a hard or fluid body ? b. it is not any other body but that of the shining coal ; which coal , though extinguished with water , is still the same body . so also in a very hot furnace , the hollow spaces between the shining coals , though they burn that you put into them , are no other body than air moved . a. is it not flame ? b. no. for flame is nothing but a multitude of sparks , and sparks are but the atomes of the fewel dissipated by the incredible swift motion of the movent , which makes every spark to seem a hundred times greater than it is , as appears by this ; that when a man swings in the air a small stick fired at one end ( though the motion cannot be very swift ) yet the fire will appear to the eye to be a long , streight , or crooked line . therefore a great many sparks together flying upward , must needs appear unto the sight as one continued flame . nor are the sparks striken out of a flint any thing else but small particles of the stone , which by their swift motion are made to shine . but that fire is not a substance of it self , is evident enough by this , that the sun-beams passing through a globe of water will burn as other fire does . which beams , if they were indeed fire , would be quenched in the passage . a. this is so evident , that i wonder so wise men as aristotle and his followers , for so long a time could hold it for an element , and one of the primary parts of the universe . but the natural heat of a man or other living creature , whence proceedeth it ? is there any thing within their bodies that hath this compounded motion ? b. at the breaking up of a deer i have seen it plainly in his bowels as long as they were warm . and it is called the peristaltique motion , and in the heart of a beast newly taken out of his body ; and this motion is called systole and diastole . but they are both of them this compounded motion , whereof the former causeth the food to winde up and down through the guts , and the later makes the circulation of the blood. a. what kind of motion is the cause of cold ? methinks it should be contrary to that which causeth heat . b. so it is in some respect . for seeing the motion that begets heat , tendeth to the separation of the parts of the body whereon it acteth , it stands with reason , that the motion which maketh cold , should be such as sets them closer together . but contrary motions are ( to speak properly ) when upon two ends of a line two bodies move towards each other , the effect whereof is to make them meet . but each of them ( as to this question ) is the same . a. do you think ( as many philosophers have held and now hold ) that cold is nothing but a privation of heat ? b. no. have you never heard the fable of the satyre that dwelling with a husbandman , and seeing him blow his fingers to warm them , and his pottage to cool it , was so scandalized , that he ran from him , saying he would no longer dwell with one that could blow both hot and cold with one breath ? yet the cause is evident enough . for the air which had gotten a calefactive power from his vital parts , was from his mouth and throat gently diffused on his fingers , and retained still that power . but to cool his pottage he streightened the passage at his lips , which extinguished the calefactive motion . a. do you think wind the general cause of cold ? if that were true , in the greatest winds we should have the greatest frosts . b. i mean not any of those uncertain winds which , i said , were made by the clouds , but such as a body moved in the air makes to and against it self . for it is all one motion of the air , whether it be carried against the body , or the body against it . such a wind as is constant ( if no other be stirring ) from east to west made by the earth turning dayly upon its own centre . which is so swift , as ( except it be kept off by some hill ) to kill a man , as by experience hath been found by those who have passed over great mountains , and specially over the andies which are opposed to the east . and such is the wind which the earth maketh in the air by her annual motion , which is so swift , as that ( by the calculation of astronomers ) to go sixty miles in a minute of an hour . and therefore this must be the motion which makes it so cold about the poles of the ecliptique . a. does not the earth make the wind as great in one part of the ecliptique as in another ? b. yes . but when the sun is in cancer , it tempers the cold , and still less and less , but least of all in the winter-solstice , where his beams are most oblique to the superficies of the earth . a. i thought the greatest cold had been about the poles of the aequator . b. and so did i once . but the reason commonly given for it is so improbable , that i do not think so now . for the cause they render of it , is onely , that the motion of the earth is swiftest in the aequinoctial , and slowest about the poles ; and consequently ( since motion is the cause of heat , and cold is but ( as 't was thought ) a want of the same ) they inferr'd that the greatest cold must be about the poles of the aequinoctial . wherein they miscounted . for not every motion causeth heat , but this agitation onely , which we call compounded motion ; though some have alleadged experience for that opinion ; as that a bullet out of a gun will with its own swiftness melt . which i never shall believe . a. 't is a common thing with many philosophers to maintain their fancies with any rash report , and sometimes with a lye. but how is it possible that so soft a substance as water should be turned into so hard a substance as ice ? b. when the air shaves the globe of the earth with such swiftness , as that of sixty miles in a minute of an hour , it cannot ( where it meets with still water ) but beat it up into small and undistinguishable bubbles , and involve it self in them as in so many bladders or skins of water . and ice is nothing else but the smallest imaginable parts of air and water mixt ; which is made hard by this compounded motion , that keeps the parts so close together , as not to be separated in one place without disordering the motion of them all . for when a body will not easily yield to the impression of an external movent in one place without yielding in all , we call it hard ; and when it does , we say 't is soft . a. why is not ice as well made in a moved as in a still water ? are there not great seas of ice in the northern parts of the earth ? b. yes , and perhaps also in the southern parts . but i cannot imagine how ice can be made in such agitation as is always in the open sea made by the tides and by the winds . but how it may be made at the shoar , it is not hard to imagine . for in a river or current , though swift , the water that adhereth to the banks is quiet , and easily by the motion of the air driven into small insensible bubbles ; and so may the water that adhereth to those bubbles , and so forwards till it come into a stream that breaks it , and then it is no wonder though the fragments be driven into the open sea , and freeze together into greater lumps . but when in the open sea , or at the shoar , the tide or a great wave shall arise , this young and tender ice will presently be washt away . and therefore i think it evident , that as in the thames the ice is first made at the banks where the tide is weak or none , and broken by the stream comes down to london , and part goes to the sea floating till it dissolve , and part ( being too great to pass the bridge ) stoppeth there and sustains that which follows , till the river be quite frozen over : so also the ice in the northern seas begins first at the banks of the continent and islands which are scituated in that climate , and then broken off , are carried up and down , and one against another , till they become great bodies . a. but what if there be islands , and narrow inlets of the sea , or rivers also about the pole of the aequinoctial ? b. if there be , 't is very likely the sea may also there be covered all over with ice . but for the truth of this , we must stay for some further discovery . a. when the ice is once made and hard , what dissolves it ? b. the principal cause of it , is the weight of the water it self ; but not without some abatement in the stream of the air that hardned it ; as when the sun-beams are less oblique to the earth , or some contrary wind resisteth the stream of the air. for when the impediment is removed , then the nature of the water only worketh , and ( being a heavie body ) downward . a. i forgot to ask you , why two pieces of wood rub'd swiftly one against another , will at length set on fire . b. not onely at length , but quickly , if the wood be dry . and the cause is evident , viz. the compounded motion which dissipates the external small parts of the wood. and then the inner parts must of necessity ( to preserve the plenitude of the universe ) come after ; first the most fluid , and then those also of greater consistence , which are first erected , and ( the motion continued ) made to flie swiftly out ; whereby the air driven to the eye of the beholder , maketh that fancie which is called light. a. yes . i remember you told me before , that upon any strong pressure of the eye , the resistance from within would appear a light. but to return to the enquiry of heat and cold , there be two things that beyond all other put me into admiration . one is the swiftness of kindling in gunpowder . the other is the freezing of water in a vessel ( though not far from the fire ) set about with other water with ice and snow in it . when paper or flax is flaming , the flame creeps gently on ; and if a house full of paper were to be burnt with putting a candle to it , it will be long in burning ; whereas a spark of fire would set on flame a mountain of gunpowder in almost an instant . b. know you not gunpowder is made of the powder of charcole , brimstone , and salt-peter ? whereof the first will kindle with a spark , the second flame as soon as toucht with fire ; and the third blows it , as being composed of many orbs of salt fill'd with air , and as it dissolveth in the flame , furiously blowing increaseth it . and as for making ice by the fire side . it is manifest that whilst the snow is dissolving in the external vessel , the air must in the like manner break forth , and shave the superficies of the inner vessel , and work through the water till it be frozen . a. i could easily assent to this , if i could conceive how the air that shaves ( as you say ) the outside of the vessel , could work through it . i conceive well enough a pail of water with ice or snow dissolving in it , and how it causeth wind. but how that wind should communicate it self through the vessel of wood or metal , so as to make it shave the superficies of the water which is within it , i do not so well understand . b. i do not say the inner superficies of the vessel shaves the water within it . but 't is manifest that the wind made in the pail of water by the melting snow or ice presseth the sides of the vessel that standeth in it ; and that the pressure worketh clean through , how hard soever the vessel be ; and that again worketh on the water within , by restitution of its parts , and so hardeneth the water by degrees . a. i understand you now . the ice in the pail by its dissolution transfers its hardness to the water within . b. you are merry . but supposing , as i do , that the ice in the pail is more than the water in the vessel , you will finde no absurdity in the argument . besides , the experiment , you know , is common . a. i confess it is probable . the greeks have the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whence the latins have their word frigus ) to signifie the curling of water by the wind ; and use the same also for horrour , which is the passion of one that cometh suddenly into a cold air , or is put into a sudden affright , whereby he shrinks , and his hair stands upright . which manifestly shews that the motion which causeth cold , is that which pressing the superficies of a body , sets the parts of it closer together . but to proceed in my quaeries . monsieur des cartes , who ( you know ) hath written somewhere , that the noise we hear in thunder , proceeds from breaking of the ice in the clouds ; what think you of it ? can a cloud be turned into ice ? b. why not ? a cloud is but water in the air. a. but how ? for he has not told us that . b. you know that 't is onely in summer , and in hot weather , that it thunders ; or if in winter , it is taken for a prodigie . you know also , that of clouds , some are higher , some lower , and many in number , as you cannot but have oftentimes observed , with spaces between them . therefore , as in all currents of water , the water is there swiftest where it is streightned with islands , so must the current of air made by the annual motion be swiftest there , where it is checkt with many clouds through which it must ( as it were ) be strained , and leave behinde it many small particles of earth , always in it , and in hot weather more than ordinary . a. this i understand , and that it may cause ice . but when the ice is made , how is it broken ? and why falls it not down in shivers ? b. the particles are inclosed in small caverns of the ice ; and their natural motion being the same which we have ascribed to the globe of the earth , requires a sufficient space to move in . but when it is imprisoned in a less room that that , then a great part of the ice breaks : and this is the thunder-clap . the murmur following is from the settling of the air. the lightening is the fancie made by the recoiling of the air against the eye . the fall is in rain , not in shivers ; because the prisons which they break are extreme narrow , and the shivers being small , are dissolved by the heat . but in less heat they would fall in drops of hail , that is to say , half frozen by the shaving of the air as they fall , and be in a very little time ( much less than snow or ice ) dissolved . a. will not that lightning burn ? b. no. but it hath often kill'd men with cold. but this extraordinary swiftness of lightning consisteth not in the expansion of the air , but in a straight and direct stream from where it breaks forth ; which is in many places successively , according to the motion of the cloud . a. experience tells us that . i have now done with my problems concerning the great bodies of the world , the stars , and element of air in which they are moved , and am therein satisfied , and the rather , because you have answered me by the supposition of one onely motion , and commonly known , and the same with that of copernicus , whose opinion is received by all the learned ; and because you have not used any of these empty terms , sympathy , antipathy , antiperistasis , &c. for a natural cause , as the old philosophers have done to save their credit . for though they were many of them wise men , as plato , aristotle , seneca , and others , and have written excellently of morals and politiques , yet there is very little natural philosophy to be gathered out of their writings . b. their ethiques and politiques are pleasant reading , but i finde not any argument in their discourses of justice or vertue drawn from the supreme authority , on whose laws all justice , vertue , and good politiques depend . a. concerning this cover , or ( as some have called it ) the scurf or scab of the terrestrial star , i will begin with you to morrow . for it is a large subject , containing animals , vegetables , metals , stones , and many other kinds of bodies , the knowledge whereof is desired by most men , and of the greatest and most general profit . b. and this is it , in which i shall give you the least satisfaction ; so great is the variety of motion , and so concealed from humane senses . cap. vii . of hard and soft , and of the atomes that flie in the air. a. concerning this cover of the earth , made up of an infinite number of parts of different natures , i had much ado to finde any tolerable method of enquiry . but i resolved at last to begin with the questions concerning hard and soft , and what kinde of motion it is that makes them so . i know that in any pulsion of air , the parts of it go innumerable and inexplicable ways ; but i ask only if every point of it be moved . b. no. if you mean a mathematical point , you know it is impossible . for nothing is movable but body . but i suppose it divisible ( as all other bodies ) into parts divisible . for no substance can be divided into nothings . a. why may not that substance within our bodies , which are called animal spirits , be another kind of body , and more subtile than the common air ? b. i know not why , no more than you or any man else knows why it is not very air , though purer perhaps than the common air , as being strained through the blood into the brain and nerves . but howsoever that be , there is no doubt , but the least parts of the common air , ( respectively to the whole ) will easilier pierce ( with equal motion ) the body that resisteth them , than the least parts of water . for it is by motion onely that any mutation is made in any thing ; and all things standing as they did , will appear as they did . and that which changeth soft into hard , must be such as makes the parts not easily to be moved without being moved all together ; which cannot be done but by some motion compounded . and we call hard , that whereof no part can be put out of order without disordering all the rest ; which is not easily done . a. how water and air beaten into extreme small bubbles is hardned into ice , you have told me already , and i understand it . but how a soft homogeneous body , as air , or water , should be so hardned , i cannot imagine . b. there is no hard body that hath not also some degree of gravity ; and consequently , being loose , there must be some efficient cause , that is , some motion , when it is severed from the earth , to bring the same to it again . and seeing this compounded motion gives to the air and water an endeavour from the earth , the motion which must hinder it , must be in a way contrary to the compounded motion of the earth . for whatsoever , having been asunder , comes together again , must come contrary ways , as those that follow one another go the same way , though both move upon the same line . a. what experiment have you seen to this purpose ? b. i have seen a drop of glass like that of the second figure , newly taken out of the furnace , and hanging at the end of an iron rod , and yet fluid , and let fall into the water and hardned . the club-end of it a a coming first to the water , the tail b c following it . 't is proved before , that the motion that makes it is a compounded motion , and gives an endeavour outward to every part of it ; and that the motion which maketh cold , is such as shaving the body in every point of contact , and turning it , gives them all an endeavour inward . such is this motion made by the sinking of the hot and fluid glass into the water . 't is therefore manifest that the motion which hardneth a soft body , must in every point of contact be in the contrary way to that which makes a hard body soft . and further , that slender tail b c shall be made much more hard than common glass . for towards the upper end , in c , you cannot easily break it , as small as it is . and when you have broken it , the whole body will fall into dust , as it must do , seeing the bending is so difficult . for all the parts are bent with such force , that upon the breaking at d , by their sudden restitution to their liberty , they will break together . and the cause why the tail b c , being so slender , becomes so hard , is , that all the endeavour in the great part a b , is propagated to the small part b c , in the same manner as the force of the sun-beams is derived almost to a point by a burning-glass . but the cause why , when it is broken in d , it breaks also in so many other places , is , that the endeavour in all the other parts ( which is called the spring ) unbends it ; from whence a motion is caused the contrary way , and that motion continued bends it more the other way and breaks it , as a bow over-bent is broken into shivers by a sudden breaking of the string . a. i conceive now how a body which having been hard and softned again , may be re-hardned ; but how a fluid and meer homogeneous body , as air or water , may be so , i see not yet . for the hardning of water is making a hard body of two fluids , whereof one ( which is the water ) hath some tenacity ; and so a man may make a bladder hard with blowing into it . b. as for meer air , which hath no natural motion of it self , but is moved onely by other bodies of a greater consistence , i think it impossible to be hardned . for the parts of it so easily change places , that they can never be fixt by any motion . no more i think can water , which though somewhat less fluid , is with an insensible force very easily broken . a. it is the opinion of many learned men , that ice ( in long time ) will be turned into christal ; and they alleadge experience for it . for they say that christal is found hanging on high rocks in the alps like isicles on the eaves of a house , and why may not that have formerly been ice , and in many years have lost the power of being reduced ? b. if that were so , it would still be ice , though also christal : which cannot be , because christal is heavier than water , and therefore much heavier than ice . a. is there then no transubstantiation of bodies but by mixture ? b. mixture is no transubstantiation . a. have you never seen a stone that seemed to have been formerly wood , and some like shells , and some like serpents , and others like other things ? b. yes . i have seen such things , and particularly i saw at rome in a stone-cutters work-house a billet of wood , as i thought it , partly covered with bark , and partly with the grain bare , as long as a mans arm , and as thick as the calf of a mans leg ; which handling i found extreme heavie , and saw a small part of it which was polished , and had a very fine gloss , and thought it a substance between stone and metal , but neerest to stone . i have seen also a kind of slate painted naturally with forest-work . and i have seen in the hands of a chymist of my acquaintance at paris , a broken glass , part of a retort , in which had been the rozin of turpentine , wherein though there were left no rozin , yet there appeared in the piece of glass many trees ; and plants in the ground about them , such as grow in woods ; and better designed than they could be done by any painter ; and continued so for a long time . these be great wonders of nature , but i will not undertake to shew their causes . but yet this is most certain , that nothing can make a hard body of a soft , but by some motion of its parts . for the parts of the hardest body in the world can be no closer together than to touch ; and so close are the parts of air and water , and consequently they should be equally hard , if their smallest parts had not different natural motions . therefore if you ask me the causes of these effects , i answer , they are different motions . but if you expect from me how and by what motions , i shall fail you . for there is no kind of substance in the world now , that was not at the first creation , when the creator gave to all things what natural and special motion he thought good . and as he made some bodies wondrous great , so he made others wondrous little . for all his works are wondrous . man can but guess , nor guess further , than he hath knowledge of the variety of motion . i am therefore of opinion , that whatsoever perfectly homogeneous is hard , consisteth of the smallest parts ( or , as some call them , atomes ) that were made hard in the beginning , and consequently by an eternal cause ; and that the hardness of the whole body is caused onely by the contact of the parts by pressure . a. what motion is it that maketh a hard body to melt ? b. the same compounded motion that heats , namely , that of fire , if it be strong enough . for all motion compounded is an endeavour to dissipate ( as i have said before ) the parts of the body to be moved by it . if therefore hardness consist onely in the pressing contact of the least parts , this motion will make the same parts slide off from one another , and the whole to take such a figure as the weight of the parts shall dispose them to , as in lead , iron , gold , and other things melted with heat . but if the small parts have such figures as they cannot exactly touch , but must leave spaces between them filled with air or other fluids , then this motion of the fire , will dissipate those parts some one way , some another , the hard part still hard ; as in the burning of wood or stone into ashes or lime . for this motion is that which maketh fermentation , scattering dissimilar parts , and congregating similar . a. why do some hard bodies resist breaking more one way than another ? b. the bodies that do so , are for the most part wood , and receive that quality from their generation . for the heat of the sun in the spring-time draweth up the moisture at the root , and together with it the small parts of the earth , and twisteth it into a small twig by its motion upwards to some length , but to very little other dimensions , and so leaves it to dry till the spring following ; and then does the same to that , and to every small part round about it ; so that upward the strength is doubled , and the next year trebled , &c. and these are called the grain of the wood , and but touch one another , like sticks with little or no binding , and therefore can hardly be broken across the grain , but easily all-along it . also some other hard bodies have this quality of being more fragile one way than another , as we see in quarrels of a glass-window , that are aptest many times to break in some crooked line . the cause of this may be , that when the glass , hot from the furnace , is poured out upon a plain , any small stones in or under it will break the stream of it into divers lines , and not onely weaken it , but also cause it falsly to represent the object you look on through it . a. what is the cause why a bow of wood or steel , or other very hard body , being bent , but not broken , will recover its former degree of straightness ? b. i have told you already , how the smallest parts of a hard body have every one ( by the generation of hardness ) a circular , or other compounded motion ; such motion is that of the smallest parts of the bow. which circles in the bending you press into narrower figures , as a circle into an ellipsis , and an ellipsis into a narrower but longer ellipsis with violence ; which turns their natural motion against the outward parts of the bow so bent , and is an endeavour to stretch the bow into its former posture . therefore if the impediment be removed , the bow must needs recover its former figure . a. 't is manifest ; and the cause can be no other but that , except the bow have sense . b. and though the bow had sense , and appetite to boot , the cause will be still the same . a. do you think air and water to be pure and homogeneous bodies ? b. yes , and many bodies both hard and heavie to be so too , and many liquors also besides water . a. why then do men say they finde one air healthy , another infectious ? b. not because the nature of the air varies , but because there are in the air drawn , or rather , beaten up by the sun , many little bodies , whereof some have such motion as is healthful , others such as is hurtful to the life of man. for the sun ( as you see in the generation of plants ) can fetch up earth as well as water ; and from the driest ground any kind of body that lieth loose , so it be small enough , rather than admit any emptiness . by some of these small bodies it is that we live ; which being taken in with our breath , pass into our blood , and cause it ( by their compounded motion ) to circulate through the veins and arteries ; which the blood of it self ( being a heavie body ) without it cannot do . what kind of substance these atomes are , i cannot tell . some suppose them to be nitre . as for those infectious creatures in the air , whereof so many die of the plague , i have heard that monsieur des cartes , a very ingenious man , was of opinion , that they were little flies . but what grounds he had for it , i know not , though there be many experiments that invite me to believe it . for first , we know that the air is never universally infected over a whole country , but onely in or neer to some populous town . and therefore the cause must also be partly ascribed to the multitude thronged together , and constrained to carry their excrements into the fields round about and neer to their habitation . which in time fermenting breed worms , which commonly in a month or little more , naturally become flies ; and though engendred at one town , may flie to another . secondly , in the beginning of a plague , those that dwell in the suburbs , that is to say , neerest to this corruption , are the poorest of the people , that are nourished for the most part with the roots and herbs which grow in that corrupted dirt ; so that the same filth makes both the blood of poor people , and the substance of the fly. and 't is said by aristotle , that every thing is nourished by the matter whereof it is generated . thirdly , when a town is infected , the gentlemen , and those that live on wholsomest food , scarce one of five hundred die of the plague . it seems therefore , whatsoever creatures they be that invade us from the air , they can discern their proper nourishment , and do not enter into the mouth and nostrils with the breath of every man alike , as they would do if they were inanimate . fourthly , a man may carry the infection with him a great way into the country in his clothes , and infect a village . shall another man there draw the infection from the clothes onely by his breath ? or from the hangings of a chamber wherein a man hath died ? it is impossible . therefore whatsoever killing thing is in the clothes or hangings , it must rise and go into his mouth or nostrils before it can do him hurt . it must therefore be a fly , whereof great numbers get into the blood , and there feeding and breeding worms , obstruct the circulation of the blood , and kill the man. a. i would we knew the palate of those little animals ; we might perhaps finde some medicine to fright them from mingling with our breath . but what is that which kills men that lie asleep too neer a charcole-fire ? is it another kind of fly ? or is charcole venimous ? b. it is neither fly nor venim , but the effect of a flameless glowing fire , which dissipates those atomes that maintain the circulation of the blood ; so that for want of it , by degrees they faint , and being asleep cannot remove , but in short time , there sleeping die , as is evident by this , that being brought into the open air ( without other help ) they recover . a. 't is very likely . the next thing i would be informed of , is the nature of gravity . but for that , if you please , we will take another day . cap. viii . of gravity and gravitation . b. what books are those ? a. two books written by two learned men concerning gravity . i brought them with me , because they furnish me with some material questions about that doctrine ; though of the nature of gravity , i finde no more in either of them than this , that gravity is an intrinsecal quality by which a body so qualified descendeth perpendicularly towards the superficies of the earth . b. did neither of them consider that descending is local motion , that they might have called it an intrinsecal motion rather than an intrinsecal quality ? a. yes . but not how motion should be intrinsecal to the special individual body moved . for how should they , when you are the first that ever sought the differences of qualities in local motion , except your authority in philosophy were greater with them than it is ? for 't is hard for a man to conceive ( except he see it ) how there should be motion within a body , otherwise than as it is in living creatures . b. but it may be they never sought , or despaired of finding what natural motion could make any inanimate thing tend one way rather than another . a. so it seems . but the first of them enquires no further than , why so much water ( being a heavie body ) as lies perpendicularly on a fishes back in the bottom of the sea , should not kill it . the other ( whereof the author is dr. wallis ) treateth universally of gravity . b. well . but what are the questions which from these books you intend to ask me ? a. the author of the first book tells me , that water and other fluids are bodies continued , and act ( as to gravity ) as a piece of ice would do of the same figure and quantity . is that true ? b. that the universe ( supposing there is no place empty ) is one entire body , and also , as he saith it is , a continual body , is very true . and yet the parts thereof may be contiguous , without any other cohesion but touch. and it is also true , that a vessel of water will descend in a medium less heavie ( but fluid ) as ice would do . a. but he means that water in a tub would have the same effect upon a fish in the bottom of the tub , as so much ice would have . b. that also would be true , if the water were frozen to the sides of it . otherwise the ice ( if there be enough ) will crush the fish to death . but how applies he this , to prove that the water cannot hurt a fish in the sea by its weight ? a. it plainly appears that water does not gravitate on any part of it self beneath it . b. it appears by experience , but not by this argument , though instead of water the tub were fill'd with quicksilver . a. i thought so . but how it comes to pass that the fish remains uncrush'd , i cannot tell . b. the endeavour of the quicksilver downward , is stopt by the resistance of the hard bottom . but all resistance is a contrary endeavour ; that is , an endeavour upwards , which gives the like endeavour to the quicksilver , which is also heavie , and thereby the endeavour of the quicksilver is diverted to the sides round-about ; where stopt again by the resistance of the sides , it receives an endeavour upwards , which carries the fish to the top , lying all the way upon a soft bed of quicksilver . this is the true manner how the fish is saved harmless . but your author , i believe , either wanted age , or had too much business , to study the doctrine of motion ; and never considered that resistance is not an impediment onely , or privation , but a contrary motion ; and that when a man claps two pieces of wax together , their contrary endeavour will turn both the pieces into one cake of wax . a. i know not the author ; but it seems he has deeplier considered this question than other men . for in the introduction to his book , he saith , that men have pre-engaged themselves to maintain certain principles of their own invention , and are therefore unwilling to receive any thing that may render their labour fruitless : and that they have not strictly enough considered the several interventions that abate , impede , advance , or direct the gravitation of bodies . b. this is true enough ; and he himself is one of those men , in that he considered not , that resistance is one of those interventions , which abate , impede , and direct gravitation . but what are his suppositions for the question he handles ? a. his first is , that as in a pyramide of brick , wherein the bricks are so joyned , that the uppermost lies every where over the joynt or cement of the two next below it , you may break down a part , and leave a cavity , and yet the bricks above will stand firm and sustain one another by their cross posture : so also it is in wheat , hail-shot , sand , or water ; and so they arch themselves , and thereby the fish is every way secured by an arch of water over it . b. that the cause why fishes are not crusht nor hurt in the bottom of the sea by the weight of the water , is the waters arching it self , is very manifest . for if the uppermost orb of the water should descend by its gravity , it would tend toward the centre of the earth , and place it self all the way in a less and lesser orb ; which is impossible . for the places of the same body are always equal . but that wheat , sand , hail-shot , or loose stones should make a firm arch , is not credible . a. the author therefore ( it seems ) quits it : and taketh a second hypothesis for the true cause , though the former ( he saith ) be not useless , but contributes its part to it . b. i see , though he depart from his hypothesis , he looks back upon it with some kindness . what is his second hypothesis ? a. it is , that air and water have an endeavour to motion upward , downward , directly , obliquely , and every way . for air ( he saith ) will come down his chimney , and in at his door , and up his stairs . b. yes , and mine too ; and so would water if i dwelt under water , rather than admit of vacuum . but what of that ? a. why then it would follow , that those several tendencies or endeavours would so abate , impede , and correct one another , as none of them should gravitate . which being granted , the fish can take no harm . wherein i finde one difficulty . which is this : the water having an endeavour to motion every way at once , methinks it should go no way , but lie at rest ; which , he saith , was the opinion of stevinus , and rejecteth it , saying , it would crush the fish into pieces . b. i think the water in this case would neither rest nor crush . for the endeavour being ( as he saith ) intrinsecal , and every way , must needs drive the water perpetually outward , that is to say ( as to this question ) upwards ; and seeing the same endeavour in one individual body cannot be more ways at once than one , it will carry it on perpetually without limit , beyond the fixed stars ; and so we shall never more have rain . a. as ridiculous as it is , it necessarily follows . b. what are dr. wallis his suppositions ? a. he goes upon experiments . and first he alleadgeth this , that water left to it self without disturbance , does naturally settle it self into a horizontal plain . b. he does not then ( as your author and all other men ) take gravity for that quality whereby a body tendeth to the centre of the earth . a. yes , he defines gravity to be a natural propension towards the centre of the earth . b. then he contradicteth himself . for if all heavie bodies tend naturally to one centre , they shall never settle in a plain , but in a spherical superficies . but against this , that such an horizontal plain is found in water by experience , i say it is impossible . for the experiment cannot be made in a bason , but in half a mile at sea , experience visibly shews the contrary . according to this , he should think also that a pair of scales should hang parallel . a. he thinks that too . b. let us then leave this experiment . what saies he further concerning gravity ? a. he takes for granted ( not as an experiment , but an axiome ) that nature worketh not by election , but ad ultimum virium , with all the power it can . b. i think he means ( for 't is a very obscure passage ) that every inanimate body by nature worketh all it can without election ; which may be true . but 't is certain that men ( and beasts ) work often by election , and often without election ; as when he goes by election , and falls without it . in this sence i grant him , that nature does all it can . but what infers he from it ? a. that naturally every body has every way ( if the ways oppose not one another ) an endeavour to motion . and consequently , that if a vessel have two holes , one at the side , another at the bottom , the water will run out at both . b. does he think the body of water that runs out at the side , and that which runs out at the bottom is but one and the same body of water ? a. no sure . he cannot think but that they are two several parts of the whole water in the vessel . b. what wonder is it then , if two parts of water run two ways at once , or a thousand parts a thousand ways ? does it follow thence that one body can go more than one way at once ? why is he still medling with things of such difficulty ? he will finde at last that he has not a genius either for natural philosophy or for geometry . what other suppositions has he ? a. my first author had affirmed , that a lighter body does not gravitate on a heavier ; against this dr. wallis thus argueth : let there be a siphon a b c d filled with quicksilver to the level a d. if then you pour oyl upon a as high as to e , he asketh if the oyl in a e ( as being heavie ) shall not press down the quicksilver a little at a , and make it rise a little at d , suppose to f. and answers himself , that certainly it will. so that it is neither an experiment nor an hypothesis , but onely his opinion . b. whatsoever it be , it is not true ; though the doctor may be pardoned , because the contrary was never proved . a. can you prove the contrary ? b. yes . for the endeavour of the quicksilver both from a and d downward , is stronger than that of the oyl downward . if therefore the endeavour of the quicksilver were not resisted by the bottom b c , it would fall so , by reason of the acceleration of heavie bodies in their descending , as to leave the oyl , so that it should not onely not press , but also not touch the quicksilver . it is true in a pair of scales equally charged with quicksilver , that the addition of a little oyl to either scale , will make it praeponderate . and that was it deceiv'd him . a. 't is evident . the last experiment he cites is the weighing of air in a pair of scales , where 't is found manifestly that it has some little weight . for if you weigh a bladder , and put the weight into one scale , and then blow the bladder full of air , and put it into the other scale , the full bladder will outweigh the empty . must not then the air gravitate ? b. it does not follow . i have seen the experiment just as you describe it , but it can never be thence demonstrated that air has any weight . for as much air as is prest downward by the weight of the blown bladder , so much will rise from below , and lay it self spherically at the altitude of the center of gravity of the bladder so blown . so that all the air within the bladder above that centre , is carried thither imprisoned , and by violence : and the force that carries it up , is equal to that which presseth it down . there must therefore be allowed some little counterpoise in the other scale to ballance it . therefore the experiment proves nothing to his purpose . and whereas they say there be small heavie bodies in the air , which make it gravitate , do they think the force which brought them thither cannot hold them there ? a. i leave this question of the fish , as cleerly resolved , because the water tending every way to one point ( which is the centre of the earth ) must of necessity arch it self . and now tell me your own opinion concerning the cause of gravity , and why all bodies descend or ascend not all alike . for there can be no more matter in one place than another if the places be equal . b. i have already shewed you in general , that the difference of motion in the parts of several bodies makes the difference of their natures . and all the difference of motions consisteth either in swiftness , or in the way , or in the duration . but to tell you in special , why gold is heaviest , and then quicksilver , and then ( perhaps ) lead , is more than i hope to know , or mean to enquire : for i doubt not but that the species of heavie , hard , opaque , and diaphanous , were all made so at their creation , and at the same time separated from different species . so that i cannot guess at any particular motions that should constitute their natures , further than i am guided by the experiments made by fire or mixture . a. you hope not then to make gold by art ? b. no , unless i could make one and the same thing heavier than it was . god hath from the beginning made all the kindes of hard , and heavie , and diaphanous bodies that are , and of such figure and magnitude as he thought fit ; but how small soever , they may by accretion become greater in the mine , or perhaps by generation , though we know not how . but that gold , by the art of man should be made of not gold , i cannot understand ; nor can they that pretend to shew how . for the heaviest of all bodies , by what mixture soever of other bodies , will be made lighter ; and not to be received for gold. a. why , when the cause of gravity consisteth in motion , should you despair of finding it ? b. it is certain , that when any two bodies meet , as the earth and any heavie body will , the motion that brings them to or towards one another , must be upon two contrary ways ; and so also it is when two bodies press each other in order to make them hard. so that one contrariety of motion might cause both hard and heavie . but it doth not . for the hardest bodies are not always the heaviest . therefore i finde no access that way to compare the causes of different endeavours of heavie bodies to descend . a. but shew me at least how any heavie body that is once above in the air , can descend to the earth , when there is no visible movent to thrust or pull it down . b. 't is already granted , that the earth hath this compounded motion supposed by copernicus , and that thereby it casteth the contiguous air from it self every way round-about . which air so cast off , must continually by its nature , range it self in a spherical orb. suppose a stone ( for instance ) were taken up from the ground , and held up in the air by a mans hand , what shall come into the place it fill'd when it lay upon the earth ? a. so much air as is equal to the stone in magnitude , must descend and place it self in an orb upon the earth . but then i see that to avoid vacuum , another orb of air of the same magnitude must descend , and place it self in that , and so perpetually to the mans hand ; and then so much air as would fill the place must descend in the same manner , and bring the stone down with it . for the stone having no endeavour upward , the least motion of the air ( the hand being removed ) will thrust it downward . b. 't is just so . and further , the motion of the stone downward shall continually be accelerated according to the odde numbers from unity ; as you know hath been demonstrated by galileo . but we are nothing the nearer by this , to the knowledge of why one body should have a greater endeavour downward than another . you see the cause of gravity is this compounded motion with exclusion of vacuum . a. it may be 't is the figure that makes the difference . for though figure be not motion , yet it may facilitate motion , as you see commonly the breadth of a heavie body retardeth the sinking of it . and the cause of it is , that it makes the air have further to go laterally , before it can rise from under it . for suppose a body of quicksilver falling in the air from a certain height , must it not ( going as it does towards the centre of the earth ) as it draws neerer and neerer to the earth , become more and more slender , in the form of a solid sector ? and if it have far to go , divide it self into drops ? this figure of a solid sector is like a needle with the point downward , and therefore i should think that facilitating the motion of it does the same that would be done by increasing the endeavour . b. do not you see that this way of facilitating is the same in water , and in all other fluid heavy bodies . besides , your argument ought to be applicable to the weighing of bodies in a pair of scales ( which it is not , for there they have no such figure ) it should also hold in the comparison of gravity in hard and fluid bodies . a. i had not sufficiently consider'd it . but supposing now ( as you do ) that both heavy and hard bodies , in their smallest parts , were made so in the creation ; yet , because quicksilver is harder than water , a drop of water shall in descending be prest into a more slender sector than a drop of quicksilver , and consequently the earth shall more easily cast off any quantity of water than the same quantity of quicksilver . b. this one would think were true ; as also that of simple fluid bodies , those whose smallest parts , naturally , without the force of fire do strongliest cohere , are generally the heaviest . but why then should quicksilver be heavier than stone or steel ? fluidity and hardness are but degrees between greater fluidity and greater hardness . therefore to the knowledge of what it is that causeth the difference , in different bodies , of their endeavour downward , there are required ( if it can be known at all ) a great many more experiments than have been yet made . it is not difficult to find why water is heavier than ice , or other body mix'd of air and water . but to believe that all bodies are heavier or lighter according to the quantity of air within them , is very hard . a. i see by this , that the creator of the world , as by his power he ordered it , so by his wisdom he provided it should be never disordered . therefore leaving this question , i desire to know whether if a heavy body were as high as a fixt star , it would return to the earth . b. 't is hard to try . but if there be this compounded motion in the great bodies so high , such as is in the earth , it is very likely that some heavy bodies will be carried to them . but we shall never know it till we be at the like height . a. what think you is the reason why a drop of water ( though heavy ) will stand upon a horizontal plain of dry or unctuous wood , and not spread it self upon it ? for let a b ( in the 6th figure ) be the dry plain , d the drop of water , and d c perpendicular to a b. the drop d ( though higher ) will not descend and spread it self upon it . b. the reason i think is manifest . for those bodies which are made by beating of water and air together , shew plainly that the parts of water have a great degree of cohesion . for the skin of the bubble is water , and yet it can keep the air ( though moved ) from getting out . therefore the whole drop of water at d , hath a good deal of cohesion of parts . and seeing a b is an horizontal plain , the way from the contact in d either to a or b is upwards , and consequently there is no endeavour in d either of those ways , but what proceeds from so much weight of water as is able to break that cohesion , which so small a drop is too weak to do . but the cohesion being once broken , as with your finger , the water will follow . a. seeing the descent of a heavy body increaseth according to the odd numbers 1 , 3 , 5 , 7 , &c. and the aggregates of those numbers , viz. of 1 and 3 ; and 1 and 3 and 5 ; and of 1 and 3 and 5 and 7 , &c. are square numbers , namely 4. 9. 16 , the whole swiftness of the descent will be , i think , to the aggregate of so many swiftnesses equal to the first endeavour , as square numbers are to their sides , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. is it so ? b. yes , you know it hath been demonstrated by galileo . a. then if ( for instance ) you put into a pair of scales equal quantities of quicksilver and water , seeing they are both accelerated in the same proportion , why should not the weight of quicksilver to the weight of water be in duplicate proportions to their first endeavours ? b. because they are in a pair scales . for there the motion of neither of them is accelerated . and therefore it will be , as the first endeavour of the quicksilver to the first endeavour of the water , so the whole weight to the whole weight . by which you may see , that the cause which takes away the gravitation of liquid bodies from fish or other lighter bodies within them , can never be derived from the weight . a. i have one question more to ask concerning gravity . if gravity be ( as some define it ) an intrinsecal quality , whereby a body descendeth towards the center of the earth , how is it possible that a piece of iron that hath this intrinsecal quality , should rise from the earth , to go to a loadstone ? hath it also an intrinsecal quality to go from the earth ? it cannot be . the cause therefore must be extrinsecal . and because when they are come together in the air , if you leave them to their own nature , they will fall down together , they must also have some like extrinsecal cause . and so this magnetique vertue will be such another vertue as makes all other heavy bodies to descend ( in this our world ) to the earth . if therefore you can from this your hypothesis of compounded motion , by which you have so probably salved the problem of gravity , salve also this of the loadstone , i shall acknowledge both your hypothesis to be true , and your conclusion to be well deduced . b. i think it not impossible . but i will proceed no further in it now , than ( for the facilitating of the demonstrations ) to tell you the several proprieties of the magnet , whereof i am to shew the causes . as first , that iron , and no other body , at some little distance ( though heavy ) will rise to it . secondly , that if it be laid upon a still water in a floating vessel , and left to it self , it will turn it self till it lye in a meridian , that is to say , with one and the same line still north and south . thirdly , if you take a long slender piece of iron , and apply the loadstone to it , and ( according to the position of the poles of the loadstone ) draw it over to the end of the iron , the iron will have the same poles with the magnet , so it be drawn with some pressure ; but the poles will lye in a contrary position ; and also this long iron will draw other iron to it as the magnet doth . fourthly , this long iron , if it be so small as that poiz'd upon a pin , the weight of it have no visible effect , the navigators use it for the needle of their compass , because it points north and south ; saving that in most places by particular accidents it is diverted ; which diversion is called the variation of the horizontal needle . fifthly , the same needle placed in a plain perpendicular to the horizon , hath another motion called the inclination . which that you may the better conceive , draw a fourth figure ; wherein let there be a circle to represent the terrella , that is to say , a spherical magnet . a. let this be it , whose center is a , the north pole b , the south pole c. b. join b c , and cross it at right angles with the diameter d e. a. 't is done . b. upon the point d set the needle parallel to b c , with the cross for the south pole , and the barb for the north ; and describe a square about the circle b d c e , and divide the arch d b into four equal parts in a , b , c. a. 't is done . b. then place the middle of the needle on the points a , b , c , so that they may freely turn ; and set the barb which is at d toward the north , and that which is at c towards the south . you see plainly by this , that the angles of inclination through the arch d c taken all together , are double to a right angle . for when the south point of the needle , looking north , as at d , comes to look south , as at c , it must make half a circle . a. that is true . and if you draw the sine of the arch d a ( which is d a ) and the sine of the arch b a ( which is a c ) and the sine of the arch d b ( which is b f ) and the sine of the arch b c ( which is c g ) the needle will lye upon b f with the north-point downwards , so that the needle will be parallel to a d. then from a draw the line a h , making the angle e a h equal to the angle d a a. and then the needle at a shall lye in the line a h with the south point toward h. finally , draw the line c h , which ( with c g ) will also make a quarter of a right angle ; and therefore if the needle be plac'd on the point c it will lye in c h with the south point toward h. and thus you see by what degrees the needle inclines or dips under the horizon more and more from d till it come to the north pole at b ; where it will lye parallel to the needle in d ; but with their barbs looking contrary ways . and this is certain by experience , and by none contradicted . b. you see then why the degrees of the inclinatory needle in coming from d to b are double to the degrees of a quadrant . it is found also by experience , that iron both of the mine and of the furnace put into a vessel so as to float , will lay it self ( if some accident in the earth hinder it not ) exactly north and south . and now i am , from this compounded motion supposed by copernicus , to derive the causes why a loadstone draws iron ; why it makes iron to do the same ; why naturally it placeth it self in a parallel to the axis of the earth ; why by passing it over the needle it changes its poles ; and what is the cause that it inclines . but it is your part to remember what i told you of motion at our second meeting ; and what i told you of this compounded motion supposed by copernicus , at our fourth meeting . cap. ix . of the loadstone , and its poles ; and whether they shew the longitude of places on the earth . a. i come now to hear what natural causes you can assign of the vertues of the magnet ; and first , why it draws iron to it , and only iron . b. you know i have no other cause to assign but some local motion , and that i never approved of any argument drawn from sympathy , influence , substantial forms , or incorporeal effluvia . for i am not , nor am accounted by my antagonists for a witch . but to answer this question , i should describe the globe of the earth greater than it is at b in the first figure , but that the terrella in the fourth figure will serve our turn . for 't is but calling b and c the poles of the earth , and d e the diameter of the aequinoctial circle , and making d the east , and e the west . and then you must remember that the annual motion of the earth is from west to east , and compounded of a straight and circular motion , so as that every point of it shall describe a small circle from west to east , as is done by the whole globe . and let the circles about a b c be three of those small circles . a. before you go any further , i pray you shew me how i must distinguish east and west in every part of this figure . for wheresoever i am on earth ( suppose at london ) and see the sun rise ( suppose in cancer ) is not a straight line from my eye to the sun terminated in the east ? b. 't is not due east , but partly east , partly south . for the earth ( being but a point compared to the sun ) all the parallels to d e the aequator , such as are e a , f b , e g , if they be produced , will fall upon the body of the sun. and therefore a b is north-east ; a a east north-east ; and a c north north-east . a. proceed now to the cause of attraction . b. suppose now that the internal parts of the loadstone had the same motion with that of the internal parts of the sun which make the annual motion of the earth from west to east , but in a contrary way , for otherwise the loadstone and the iron can never be made to meet . then set the loadstone at a little distance from the earth , marked with z ; and the iron marked with x upon the superficies of the earth . now that which makes x rise to z , can be nothing else but air ; for nothing touches it but air. and that which makes the air to rise , can be nothing but those small circles made by the parts of the earth ( such as are at a b c , ) for nothing else touches the air. seeing then the motion of each point of the loadstone is from east to west in circles , and the motion of each point of the iron from west to east ; it follows , that the air between the loadstone and the iron shall be cast off both east and west ; and consequently the place left empty , if the iron did not rise up and fill it . thus you see the cause that maketh the loadstone and the iron to meet . a. hitherto i assent . but why they should meet when some heterogeneous body lyes in the air between them , i cannot imagine . and yet i have seen a knife , though within the sheath , attract one end of the needle of a mariners compass ; and have heard it will do the same though a stone-wall were between . b. such iron were indeed a very and vigorous loadstone . but the cause of it is the same that causeth fire or hot water ( which have the same compounded motion ) to work through a vessel of brass . for though the motion be altered by restraint within the heterogeneous body , yet being continued quite through it restores it self . a. what is the cause why the iron rub'd over by a loadstone will receive the vertue which the loadstone hath of drawing iron to it ? b. since the motion that brings two bodies to meet must have contrary ways , and that the motions of the internal parts of the magnet and of the iron are contrary ; the rubbing of them together does not give the iron the first edeavour to rise , but multiplies it . for the iron untouch'd will rise to a loadstone ; but if touch'd , it becomes a loadstone to other iron . for when they touch a piece of iron they pass the loadstone over it only one way , viz. from pole to pole ; not back again , for that would undo what before had been done ; also they press it in passing , to the very end of the iron , and somewhat hard . so that by this pressing motion all the small circles about the points a b c , are turned the contrary way . and the halves of those small circles made on the arch d b will be taken away , and the poles changed , so as that the north-poles shall point south , and the south poles north , as in the figure . a. but how comes it to pass , that when a loadstone hath drawn a piece of iron , you may add to it another , as if they begat one another ? is there the like motion in the generation of animals ? b. i have told you that iron of it self will rise to the loadstone . much more then will it adhere to it when it is armed with iron , and both it and the iron have a plain superficies . for then not only the points of contact will be many ( which make the coherence stronger ) but also the iron wherewith it is armed is now another loadstone , differing a little ( which you perhaps think ) as male and female . but whether this compounded motion and confrication causeth the generation of animals , how should i know , that never had so much leasure as to make any observation which might conduce to that ? a. my next question is , seeing you say the loadstone , or a needle touch'd with it , naturally respecteth the poles of the earth , but that the variation of it proceedeth from some accidents in the superficies of the earth ; what are those accidents ? b. suppose there be a hill upon the earth ( for example ) at r ; then the stream of the air which was between z and x westward , coming to the hill , shall go up the hills side , and so down to the other side , according to the crooked line which i have mark'd about the hill by points ; and this infallibly will turn the north-point of the needle , being on the east side , more toward the east , and that on the other side more towards the west , than if there had been no hill. and where upon the earth are there not eminencies and depressions , except in some wide sea , and a great way from land ? a. but if that be true , the variation in the same place should be always the same . for the hills are not removed . b. the variation of the needle at the same place is still the same : but the variation of the variation is partly from the motion of the pole it self , which by the astronomers is called motus trepidationis ; and partly from that , that the variation cannot be truly observ'd : for the horizontal needle and the inclinatory needle incline alike , but cannot incline in due quantity . for whether set upon a pin or an axis , their inclination is hindred in the horizontal needle by the pin it self . if upon an axis , if the axis be just , it cannot move ; if slack , the weight will hinder it . but chiefly because the north pole of the earth draws away from it the north pole of the needle . for two like poles cannot come together . and this is the cause why the variation in one place is east , and another west . a. this is indeed the most probable reason why the variation varies , that ever i heard given . and i should presently acknowledge that this parallel motion of the axis of the earth in the ecliptick , supposed by copernicus , is the true annual motion of the earth , but that there is lately come forth a book called longitude found , which makes the magnetical poles distant from the poles of the earth eight degrees and a half . b. i have the book . 't is far from being demonstrated , as you shall find if you have the patience to see it examined . for wheresoever his demonstration is true , the conclusion ( if rightly inferred ) will be this , that the poles of the loadstone and the poles of the earth are the same . and where on the contrary his demonstrations are fallacies , it is because sometimes he fancieth the lines he hath drawn , not where they are ; sometimes because he mistakes his station ; and sometimes because he goes on some false principle of natural philosophy ; and sometimes also because he knoweth not sufficiently the doctrine of spherical triangles . a. i think that 's the book there which lyes at your elbow . pray you read . b. i find first ( pag. 4. ) that the ground of his argument are the two observations made by mr. burroughs ; one at vaygates , in 1676 , where the variation from the pole of the earth he found to be 11 deg . 15 min. east ; the other at lime-house near london , in 1580 , where the variation from the pole of the earth was 8 deg . 38 min. west . by which he saith , he might find out the magnetical pole. a. where is vaygate ? b. in 70 degrees of north latitude , the difference of longitude between london and it being 58 degrees . a. the longitude of places being yet to seek , how came he to know this difference of 58 degrees , except the poles of the magnet and the earth be the same ? b. i believe he trusted to the globe for that . for the distance between the places is not above 2000 miles the nearest way . but we will pass by that , and come to his demonstration , and to his diagram , wherein l is london , p the north-pole of the earth , v vaygates . so that l p is 38 deg . 28 min. p v 20 deg . the angle l p v 58 deg . for the difference between the longitudes of vaygates and london . this is the construction . but before i come to the demonstration , i have an inference to draw from these observations , which is this . because in the same year the variation at london was 11 deg . 15 min. east , and at vaygates 8 deg . 38 min. west ; if you substract 11 deg . 15 min. from the arc l p ; and 8 deg . 38 min. from the arc l v , the variation on both sides will be taken away ; so that p v being the meridian of vaygates , and l p the meridian of london , they shall both of them meet in p the pole of the earth . and if the pole of the magnet be nearer to the zenith of london than is the pole of the earth , it shall be just as much nearer to the zenith of vaygates in the meridian of vaygates which is p v ; as is manifest by the diurnal motion of the earth . a. all this i conceive without difficulty . proceed to the demonstration . b. mark well now . his words are these , ( pag. 5. ) from p l v substract 11 deg . 15 min. and there remains the angle v l m. consider now which is the angle p l v , and which is the remaining angle v l m , and tell what you understand by it . a. he has mark'd the angle p l v with two numbers , 11 deg . 15 min. and 21 deg . 50 min. which together make 33 deg . 5 min. and the angle 11 deg . 15 min. being substracted from p l v , there will remain 21 deg . 50 min. for the angle v l m. i know not what to say to it . for i thought the arc p v , which is 20 deg . had been the arc of the spherical angle p l v ; and that the arc l v had been 58 deg . because he says the angle l p v is so ; and that the arc l m had been 46 deg . because the angle l p m is so ; and lastly , that the angle p l m had been 8 deg . 30 min. because the arc p m is so . b. and what you thought had been true , if a spherical angle were a very angle . for all men that have written of spherical triangles take for the ground of their calculation ( as regiomontanus , copernicus , and clavius , ) that the arch of a spherical angle is the side opposite to the angle . you should have considered also that he makes the angle v p m 12 deg . but sets down no arc to answer it . but that you may find i am in the right , look into the definitions which clavius hath put down before his treatise of spherical triangles , and amongst them is this ; the arc of a spherical triangle is a part of a great circle intercepted between the two sides drawn from the pole of the said great circle . a. the book is nothing worth ; for it is impossible to substract an arc of a circle out of a spherical angle . and i see besides that he takes the superficies that lyeth between the sides l p and l m for an arch , which is the quantity of an angle ; and is a line , and cannot be taken out of a superficies . i wonder how any man that pretends to mathematicks could be so much mistaken . b. 't is no great wonder . for clavius himself striving to maintain that a right angle is greater than the angle made by the diameter and the circumference , fell into the same errour . a corner ( in vulgar speech , ) and an angle ( in the language of geometry ) are not the same thing . but it is easie even for a learned man sometimes to take them for the same , as this author now has done ; and proceeding he saith , substract 8 deg . 38 min. from the angle p v l , and there remains the angle l v m. a. that again is false , because impossible . what was it that deceiv'd him now ? b. the same misunderstanding of the nature of a spherical angle . which appears further in this , that when he knew the arc v p was part of a great circle , he thought v m ( which he maketh 8 deg . 30 min. ) were also parts of a great circle ; which is manifestly false . for two great circles ( because they pass through the center ) do cut each other into halves . but p v is not half a circle . he sure thought himself at vaygates , and that p m v was equal to p v , although in the same hemisphere . a. but how proves he that the arc pm is 8 deg . 30 min ? b. thus. we have in two triangles , p l m and p v m , two sides and one angle included , to find p m the distance of the magnetical pole from the pole of the earth 8 deg . 30 min. a. is that all ? 't is very short for a demonstration of two so difficult problems , as the quantity of 8 deg . 30 min. and of the place of the magnetical pole. but he has proved nothing till he has shew'd how he found it . and though p m be 8 deg . 30 min. it follows not that m is the magnetical pole. b. nor is it true . for if p m be 8 deg . 30 min. and v m 8 deg . 38 min. the whole arc p m v will be 17 deg . 8 min. which should be 20 deg . besides , whereas the variations were east and west , the substracting of them should be also east and west , but they are north and south . a. i am satisfied that the magnetical poles and the poles of the earth are the same . but thus much i confess , that if they were not the same , the longitude were found . for the difference of the latitudes of the earths aequator and of the magnetical aequator is the difference of the longitude . but proceed . b. the earth being a solid body , and the magnetick sphere that encompasseth the earth being a substance that hath not solidity to keep pace with the earth , looseth in its motion . and that may be the cause of the motion of the magnetick poles from east to west . a. this is very fine , and unexpected . the magnetick sphere ( which i took for a globe made of a magnet ) has not solidity to keep pace with the earth , though it be one of the hardest stones that are . it encompasseth the earth ; yet i thought nothing had encompassed the earth but air in which i breath and move . by this also the whole earth must be a loadstone . for two bodies cannot be in one place . so that he is yet no further than dr. gilbert whom he sleights . and if the sphere be a magnet , then the earth and loadstone have the same poles . see the force of truth ! which though it could not draw to it his reason , hath drawn his words to it . b. but perhaps he meant that the magnetick vertue encompasseth the earth , and not the magnetick body . a. but that helpeth him not . for if the body of the magnet be not there , the vertue then is the vertue of the earth ; and so again the poles of the earth are magnetick poles . b. you see how unsafe it is to boast of doctrines as of gods gifts , till we are sure that they are true . for god giveth and denieth as he pleaseth , not as our selves wish ; as now to him he hath given confidence enough , but hath denied him ( at least hitherto ) the finding of the longitudes . in the next place ( pag. 8. ) he seems much pleased that his doctrine agrees with an opinion of keplerus , that from the creation to the year of our lord it is to the year 1657 now 5650 years ; and with that which he saith some divines have held in times past , that as this world was created in six days , so it should continue six thousand years . by which account the world will be at an end 350 years hence ; though the scripture tell us it shall come as a thief in the night . o what advantage 340 years hence will they have that know this , over them that know it not , by taking up money at interest , or selling lands at 20 years purchase ! a. but he says he will not meddle with that . b. yes , when he had medled with it too much already . a. but you have not told me wherein consisteth this agreement between him and keplerus . b. i forgot it . 't is in the motion of the magnetick poles . for precedently ( pag. 7. ) he had said that their period or revolution was 600 years ; their yearly motion 36 min. and ( pag. 8. ) that their motion is by sixes . six tenths of a degree in one year ; six degrees in ten year ; sixty degrees in a hundred year ; and six times sixty degrees in 600 year . a. but what natural cause doth he assign of this revolution of 600 years ? b. none at all . for the magnet lying upon the earth , can have no motion at all but what the earth and the air give it . and because it is always at 8 deg . 30 min. distance from the pole of the earth , the earth can give it no other motion than what it gives to its own poles by the precession of the aequinoctial points . nor can the air give it any motion but by its stream ; which must needs vary when the stream varieth . but what a vast difference does he make between the period of the motion of the aequinoctial points , which are about or near 36000 years according to copernicus ( lib. 3. cap. 6. ) which makes the annual precession to be 36 seconds , and the period of the magnetical poles motion , which is but 600 years . a. go on . b. he comes now ( pag. 15. ) to the inclinatory needle upon a spherical loadstone . where he shews , by diagram , that the needle and the instrument together moved toward the magnetical pole , make the sum of the inclinations equal to two quadrants , setting the north-point of the needle southward . which i confess is true . but ( in the same page ) he ascribeth the same motion to the earth in these words : as the horizontal needle hath a double motion about the round loadstone or terrulla , so also the inclinatory needle hath a double motion about the earth . what is this , but a confession that the poles of the magnet and of the earth are the same ? a. 't is plain enough . b. besides , seeing he placeth the magnetical pole at m in the meridian of vaygates , the needle being touch'd shall incline to the pole of the earth which is p , as well there as at london , and make the north-pole of the earth point south . a. 't is certain , because he puts both the magnetical pole and the pole of the earth in the same meridian of the earth . nor see i any cause why , the needle being the same , it should not be as subject to variation , and to variation of variation , and to all accidents of the earth there , as in any other part . b. he putteth ( pag. 16. ) a question , at what distance from the earth are the magnetick poles ? and answers to it , they are very near the earth , because the nearer the earth , the greater the strength . what think you of this ? a. i think they are in the superficies of the magnet , as the pole of the earth is in the superficies of the earth . and consequently , that then the earth must be a part of the magnet , and their poles the same . for the body of the magnet and the body of the earth , if they be two , cannot be in one place . b. his next words are , some things are to be considered concerning those variations of the horizontal needle which are not according to the scituation of the place from the magnetick poles , but are contrary ; as all the west-indies according to the poles should be easterly , and they are westerly . which is by some accidental cause in the earth ; and their motion , as i formerly said , is a forced motion , and not natural . a. he has clearly overthrown his main doctrine . for to say the motion of the needle is forced and unnatural , is a most pityful shift , and manifestly false , no motion being more constant or less accidental , notwithstanding the variation , to which the inclinatory needle is no less subject than the horizontal needle . b. that which deceived him , was , that he thought them two sorts of needles , forgetting what he had said of normans invention of the inclinatory needle by the inclining of the horizontal needle , pag. 11. for i will shew you that what he says is easterly and should be westerly , should be easterly as it is . consider the fourth figure , in which b is the north-pole , and b c 11 deg . 15 min. easterly , which was the variation at london in 1576 easterly . suppose a c to be the needle , shall it not incline , as well here as at d a , and the variation b c be easterly ? again , d a is 11 deg . 15 min. and the needle in d parallel to a b , and at a inclining also 11 deg . 15 min. westerly . and is not the variation there d a westerly , with the north-point of the needle in the line a h ? a. but the west-indies are not in this hemisphere b c d e. the variation therefore will proceed in an arc of the opposite hemisphere , which is westerly . b. i believe he might think so , forgetting that he and his compass were on the superficies of the earth , and fancying them in the center at a. a. 't is like enough . if we had a straight line exactly equal to the arc of a quadrant , i think it would very much facilitate the doctrine of spherical triangles . b. when you have done with your questions of natural philosophy , i will give you a clear demonstration of the equality of a straight line to the arc of a quadrant , which , if it satisfie you , you may carry with you , and try thereby if you can find the angle of a spherical triangle given . a. it is time now to give over . and at our next meeting i desire your opinion concerning the causes of diaphaniety , and refraction . this copernicus has done much more than he thought of . for he has not only restored to us astronomy , but also made the way open to physiology . cap. x. of transparence , refraction ; and of the power of the earth to produce living creatures . a. thinking upon what you said yesterday , it lookt like a generation of living creatures . i saw the love between the loadstone and the iron in their mutual attraction , their engendring in their close and contrary motion ; and their issue in the iron , which being touch'd hath the same attractive vertue . now seeing they have the same internal motion of parts with that of the earth , why should not their substance be the same , or very near a kin ? b. the most of them ( if not all ) that have written of this subject , when they call the loadstone a terrella , seem to think as you do . but i , except i could find proof for it , will not affirm it . for the earth attracteth all kind of bodies but air , and the loadstone none but iron . the earth is a star , and it were too bold to pronounce any sentence of its substance , especially of the planets , that are so lapt up in their several coats , as that they cannot work on our eyes , or any organ of our other senses . a. i come therefore now to the business of the day . seeing all generation , augmentation , and alteration is local motion , how can a body not transparent be made transparent ? b. i think it can never be done by the art of man. for as i said of hard and heavy bodies in the creation , so i think of diaphanous , that the very same individual body which was not transparent then , shall never be made transparent by humane art. a. do not you see that every day men make glass , and other diaphanous bodies not much inferior in beauty to the fairest gems ? b. it is one thing to make one transparent of many by mixture , and another to make transparent of not transparent . any very hard stone , if it be beaten into small sands , such as is used for hour-glasses , every one of those sands , if you look upon it with a microscope , you will find to be transparent ; and the harder and whiter the sone is , so much the more transparent , as i have seen in the stone of which are made milstones , which stone is here called greet . and i doubt not but the sands of white marble must be more transparent . but there are no sands so transparent that they have not a scurf upon them as hard , perhaps , as the stone it self ; which they whose profession it is to make glass , have the art to scour and wash away . and therefore i think it no great wonder to bring those sands into one lump , though i know not how they do it . a. i know they do it with lie made with a salt extracted from the ashes of an herb , of which salt they make a strong lie , and mingle it with the sand , and then bake it . b. like enough . but still it is a compound of two transparent bodies , whereof one is the natural stone , the other is the morter . this therefore doth not prove , that one and the same body , of not transparent can be made transparent . a. since they can make one transparent body of many , why do they not of a great many small sparks of natural diamant compound one great one ? it would bear the charges of all the materials , and beside , enrich them . b. 't is probable it would . but it may be they know no salt that howsoever prepared , which ( with how great a fire soever ) can make them melt . and , it may be the true chrystal of the mountain , which is found in great pieces in the alps , is but a compound of many small ones , and made by the earths annual motion . for it is a very swift motion . suppose now that within a very small cavern of those rocks whose smallest atomes are chrystal , and the cavity fill'd with air ; and consider what a tumult would be made by the swift reciprocation of that air ; whether it would not in time separate those atomes from the rock , and jumbling them together make them rub off their scruf from one another , and by little and little to touch one another in polish'd plains , and consequently stick together , till in length of time they become one lump of clean chrystal . a. i believe that the least parts of created substances lay mingled together at first , till it pleased god to separate all dissimilar natures , and congregate the similar , to which this annual motion is proper . but they say that chrystal is found in the open air hanging like icicles upon the rocks . which ( if true ) defeats this supposition of a narrow cavern . and therefore i must have some further experience of it before i make it my opinion . but howsoever , it still holds true that diaphanous bodies of all sorts , in their least parts , were made by god in the beginning of the world. but it may be true , notwithstanding those icicles . for the force of the air that could break off those diaphanous atomes in a cavern , can do the same in the open air. and i know that a less force of air can break some bodies into small pieces , not much less hard than chystal , by corrupting them . b. that which you now have said is somewhat . but i deny not the possibility , but only doubt of the operation . you may therefore pass to some other question . a. well , i will ask you then a question about refraction . i know already that for the cause of refraction ( when the light falleth through a thinner medium upon a thicker ) you assign the resistance of the thicker body ; but you do not mean there by rarum and densum , two bodies whereof in equal spaces one has more substance in it than the other . b. no. for equal spaces contain equal bodies . but i mean by densum any body which more resisteth the motion of the air , and by rarum that which resisteth less . a. but you have not declared in what that resistance consisteth . b. i suppose it proceedeth from the hardness . a. but from thence it will follow , that all transparent bodies that equally refract are equally hard. which i think is not true , because the refraction of glass is not greater ( at least in comparison of their hardnesses ) than that of water . b. i confess it . therefore i think we must take in gravity to a share in the production of this refraction . for i never considered refraction but in glass ; because my business then was only to find the causes of the phaenomena of telescopes and microscopes . let therefore a b ( in fig. 7. ) be a hard , and consequently , a heavy body . and from above ( as from the sun ) let c a be the line of incidence , and produced to d. and draw a e perpendicular to a b. it is manifest that the hardness in a b shall turn the stream of the light inwards toward a e , suppose in the line a e. it is also evident that the endeavour in b , which is ( being heavy ) downward , shall turn the stream again inward , towards a e as in a b. thus it is in refraction from the sun downwards . in like manner , if the light come from below , as from a candle in the point d , the line of incidence will be d a , and produced will pass to c. and the resistance of the hardness in a will turn the stream a c inward , suppose into b l , and make c l equal to d e. for passing into a thinner medium , it will depart from the perpendicular in an angle equal to the angle d a e , by which it came nearer to it in a e. so also the resistance of the gravity in the point a shall turn the stream of the light into the line a i , and make the angle l a i equal to the angle e a b. and thus you see in what manner , though not in what proportion hardness and gravity conjoyn their resistance in the causing of refraction . a. but you proved yesterday , that a heavy body does not gravitate upon a body equally heavy . now this a b has upper parts , and lower parts ; and if the upper parts do not gravitate upon the lower parts , how can there be any endeavour at all downward to contribute to the refraction ? b. i told you yesterday , that when a heavy body was set upon another body heavier or harder than it self , the endeavour of it downward was diverted another way , but not that it was extinguished . but in this case , where it lyeth upon air , the first endeavour of the lowest part worketh downward . for neither motion nor body can be utterly extinguished by a less than an omnipotent power . all bodies as long as they are bodies , are in motion one way or other , though the farther it be communicated , so much the less . a. but since you hold that motion is propagated through all bodies , how hard or heavy soever they be , i see no cause but that all bodies should be transparent . b. there are divers causes that take away transparency . first , if the body be not perfectly homogeneous , that is to say , if the smallest parts of it be not all precisely of the same nature , or do not so touch one another as to leave no vacuum within it ; or though they touch , if they be not as hard in the contact as in any other line . for then the refractions will be so changed both in their direction , and in their strength , as that no light shall come through it to the eye ; as in wood and ordinary stone and metal . secondly , the gravity and hardness may be so great , as to make the angle refracted so great , as the second refraction shall not direct the beam of light to the eye ; as if the angle of refraction were d a e , the refracted line would be perpendicular to a b , and never come to the line a d , in which is the eye . a. to know how much of the refraction is due to the hardness , and how much to the gravity , i believe it is impossible , though the quantity of the whole be easily measured in a diaphanous body given . and both you and mr. warner have demonstrated , that as the sine of the angle refracted in one inclination is to the sine of the angle refracted in another inclination , so is the sine of one inclination to the sine of the angle of the other inclination . which demonstrations are both published by mersennus in the end of the first volume of his cogitata physico-mathematica . but since there be many bodies , through which though there pass light enough , yet no object appears through them to the eye , what is the reason of that ? b. you mean paper . for paper-windows will enlighten a room , and yet not show the image of an object without the room . but 't is because there are in paper abundance of pores , through which the air passing moveth the air within ; by the reflections whereof any thing within may be seen . and in the same paper there are again as many parts not transparent , through which the air cannot pass , but must be reflected first to all parts of the object , and from them again to the paper ; and at the paper either reflected again or transmitted , according as it falls upon pores or not pores ; so that the light from the object can never come together at the eye . a. there belongs yet to this subject the causes of the diversity of colours . but i am so well satisfied with that which you have written of it in the 24th chapter of your book de corpore , that i need not trouble you further in it . and now i have but one question more to ask you , which i thought upon last night . i have read in an antient historian that living creatures after a great deluge were produced by the earth , which being then very soft , there were bred in it ( it may be by the rapid motion of the sun ) many blisters , which in time breaking , brought forth ( like so many eggs ) all manner of living creatures great and small , which since it is grown hard it cannot do . what think you of it ? b. it is true that the earth produced the first living creatures of all sorts but man. for god said , ( gen. 1. vers . 24. ) let the earth produce every living creature , cattle , and creeping thing , &c. but then again ( ver . 25. ) it is said that god made the beast of the earth , &c. so that it is evident that god gave unto the earth that vertue . which vertue must needs consist in motion , because all generation is motion . but man , though the same day , was made afterward . a. why hath not the earth the same vertue now ? is not the sun the same it was ? or is there no earth now soft enough ? b. yes . and it may be the earth may yet produce some very small living creatures : and perhaps male and female . for the smallest creatures which we take notice of , do engender , though they do not all by conjunction ; therefore if the earth produce living creatures at this day , god did not absolutely rest from all his works on the seventh day , but ( as it is cap. 2. ver . 2. ) he rested from all the work he had made . and therefore it is no harm to think that god worketh still , and when and where and what he pleaseth . beside , 't is very hard to believe , that to produce male and female , and all that belongs thereto , as also the several and curious organs of sense and memory , could be the work of any thing that had not understanding . from whence , i think we may conclude , that whatsoever was made after the creation , was a new creature made by god no therwise than the first creatures were , excepting only man. a. they are then in an errour that think there are no more different kinds of animals in the world now , than there were in the ark of noah . b. yes doubtless . for they have no text of scripture from which it can be proved . a. the questions of nature which i could yet propound are innumerable . and since i cannot go through them , i must give over somewhere , and why not here ? for i have troubled you enough , though i hope you will forgive me . b. so god forgive us both as we do one another . but forget not to take with you the demonstration of a straight line equal to an arc of a circle . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a43983-e5380 fig. 1. notes for div a43983-e12690 fig. 3. fig. 4. de corpore politico, or, the elements of law, moral and politick with discourses upon severall heads, as of [brace] the law of nature, oathes and covenants, several kinds of government : with the changes and revolutions of them / by tho. hobbs of malmsbury. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43978 of text r41339 in the english short title catalog (wing h2221). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 247 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 95 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a43978 wing h2221 estc r41339 31355044 ocm 31355044 110315 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43978) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110315) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1740:5) de corpore politico, or, the elements of law, moral and politick with discourses upon severall heads, as of [brace] the law of nature, oathes and covenants, several kinds of government : with the changes and revolutions of them / by tho. hobbs of malmsbury. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [8], 183 p. printed by t.r. for j. ridley, and are to be sold at the castle in fleetstreet ..., london : 1652. imperfect: tightly bound with loss of text. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng natural law. political science -early works to 1800. oaths. a43978 r41339 (wing h2221). civilwar no de corpore politico. or the elements of law, moral & politick. with discourses upon severall heads; as of the law of nature. oathes and cove hobbes, thomas 1652 48730 180 30 0 0 1 2 168 f the rate of 168 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2004-11 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion de corpore politico . or the elements of law , moral & politick . with discourses upon severall heads ; as of the law of nature . oathes and covenants . several kinds of government . with the changes and revolutions of them . by tho. hobbs of malmsbury . london , printed by t. r. for j. ridley , and are to be sold at the castle in fleetstreet , by ram-alley . 1652. to the reader . reader , you may be pleased to take notice , that the first part of the work depends upon a former treatise of humane nature written by mr. hobbs , and by a friend of his committed to the press for the benefit of mankind . it was thought fit , that nothing of so worthy an author should be left unprinted , especially considering , that this piece is most usefull for the society of reasona●le creatures , being the grounds and principles of policy , without which there would be nothing but confusion in the world . i am confident , if mens minds were but truly fixt upon the center of this discourse , they would not prove such weather-cocks , to be turned about with the wind of every false doctrine , and vain opinion . vve should then be free from those disorders which threaten distraction to the soul , and destruction to the common vvealth . but let others write never so well , if our practise doe not second their instructions , we may bee wise enough to foresee our misery , but never know how to prevent it . what pitty is it , that such rare conclusions as these are , should produce no other effect , but to informe our knowledg , and confute our conversation ; whilest we neglect the truth that is apprehended . yet there is some hope , that such observers , whose vvisdome hath received the stamp of goodnesse , will improve their skill to a reall advancement of those benefits , which lye horded up in this curious cabinet , to whose use and behoof , these excellent notions are commended , as the best that ever were writ in this kind , and may serve for a generall ground and foundation to all regular conceptions , that concern the essence and existence of man , the government of kingdoms and common-vvealths , and by consequence our eternall salvation . de corpore politico . chap. i. 1.2 . men by nature equall . 3. by vain glory indisposed to allow equality with themselves , to others . 4. apt to provoke another by comparisons . 5. apt to incroach one upon another . 6. right defined . 7. right to the end , implyeth right to the means . 8 every man his own judge by nature . 9. every mans strength and knowledge for his owne use . 10. every man by nature hath right to all things . 11. warr and peace defined . 12. men by noture in the state of warr . 13. in manifest inequality , might is right . 14. reason dictateth peace . in a former treatise of humane nature already printed , hath beene set forth the whole nature of man , consisting in the powers naturall of his body and mind , and may all be comprehended in these four , strength of body , experinece , reason , and passion . 2. in this , it will be expedient to consider in what estate of security this our nature hath placed us , and what probability it hath left us , of continuing and preserving our selves against the violence of one another . and first , if we consider how little odds there is of strength or knowledge , between men of mature age , and with how great facility he that is the weaker in strength , or in wit , or in both , may utterly destroy the power of the stronger ; since there needeth but little force to the taking away of a mans life , we may conclude that men , considered in meer nature , ought to admit amongst themselves equality ; and that he that claimeth no more , may be esteemed moderate . 3. on the other side , considering the great difference there is in men , from the diversity of their passions , how some are vainly glorious , and hope for precedency and superiority above their fellows , not only when they are equall in power , but also when they are inferiour ; we must needs acknowledge that it must necessarily follow , that those men who are moderate , and look for no more but equality of nature , shall be obnoxious to the force of others , that will attempt to subdue them . and from hence shall proceed a generall diffidence in mankind , and mutuall fear one of another . 4. farther , since men by natural passion are divers wayes offensive one to another , every man thinking well of himself , and hating to see the same in others , they must needs provoke one another by words , and other signes of contempt and hatred , which are incident to all comparison , till at last , they must determine the preheminence by strength and force of body . 5. moreover , considering that many mens appetites carry them to one and the same end ; which end sometimes can neither be enjoyed in common , nor divided , it followeth , that the stronger must enjoy it alone and that it be decided by battell who is the stronger . and thus the greatest part of men , upon no assurance of odds , do neverthelesse through vanity , or comparison , or appetite , provoke the rest , that otherwise would be contented with equality . 6. and forasmuch as necessity of nature maketh men to will and desire bonum sibi , that which is good for themselves , and to avoid that which is hurtfull ; but most of all , the terrible enemy of nature , death , from whom we expect both the losse of all power , and also the greatest of bodily paines in the losing : it is not against reason , that a man doth all he can , to preserve his owne body and limbs , both from death and paine . and that which is not against reason , men call right , or jus , or blame●esse liberty , of using our own naturall power and ability . it is therefore ● right of nature , that every man may preserve his owne life and limbs , with all the power he hath . 7. and because where a man hath right to the end , and the end cannot be attained without the meanes ; that is , without such things as are necessary to the end , it is consequent that it is not against reason , and therefore right for a man to use all meanes , and doe whatsoever action is necessary for the preservation of his body . 8. also every man by right of nature , is judge himself of the necessity of the means , and of the greatnesse of the danger . for if it be against reason , that i be judge of mine owne danger my self , then it is reason , that another man be judge thereof . but the same reason that maketh another man judge of those things that concern me , maketh me also judge of that that concerneth him . and therefore i have reason to judge of his sentence , whether it be for my benefit , or not . 9. as a mans judgment in right of nature is to be imployed for his own benefit , so also the strength , knowledg , and art , of every man is then rightly imployed , when he useth it for himselfe ; else must not a man have right to preserve himselfe . 10. every man by nature hath right to all things , that is to say , to do whatsoever he listeth to whom he listeth , to possesse , use , and enjoy all things he will and can . for seeing all things he willeth , must therfore be good unto him in his own judgment , because he willeth them , and may tend to his preservation some time or other , or he may judg so , and we have made him judg thereof , sect. 8. it followeth , that all things may rightly also be done by him . and for this cause it is rightly sayd , natura dedil omnia omnibus , that nature hath given all things to all men ; insomuch that jus & utile , right and profit , is the same thing . but that right of all men to all things , is in effect no better than if no man had right to any thing . for there is little use and benefit of the right a man hath , when another as strong , or stronger then himselfe hath right to the same . 11. seeing then to the offensivenesse of mans nature one to another , there is added a right of every man to every thing , whereby one man invadeth with right , and another man with right resisteth , and men live thereby in perpetuall diffidence , and study how to p●eoccupate each other : the estate of men in this naturall liberty , is the estate of warr . for warr is nothing else but that time wherein the will and contention of contending by force , is either by words or actions sufficiently declared ; and the time which is not warr , is peace . 12. the estate of hostility and war being such , as thereby nature it selfe is destroyed , and men kil one another : ( as we know also that it is , both by the experience of salvage nations that live at this day , and by the histories of our ancestors , the old inhabitants of germany , and other now civill countries , where we find the people few , and short-lived , and without the ornaments and comforts of life , which by peace and society are usually invented and procured ) he therefore that desireth to live in such an estate as is the estate of liberty and right of all to all , contradicteth himselfe . for every man by natural necessity desireth his own good , to which this estate is contrary , wherin we suppose contention between men by nature equal , and able to destroy one another . 13. seeing this right of protecting our selves by our own discretion and force proceedeth from danger , and that danger from the fquality between mens forces , much more reason is there , that a man prevent such equality before the danger cometh , and before the necessity of battell . a man therefore that hath another man in his power to rule or govern , to do good to , or harm , hath right , by the advantage of this his present power , to take caution at his pleasure , for his security against that other in time to come . he therefore that hath already subdued his adversary , or gotten into his power any other , that either by infancy , or weaknesse , is unable to resist him , by right of nature may take the best caution , that such infant , or such feeble and subdued person can give him , of being ruled and governed by him for the time to come . for seeing we intend allwaies our one safety and preservation , we manifestly contradict that our intention , if we willingly dismiss such a one , and suffer him at once to gather strength and be our enemy . out of which may also be collected , that inresistable might in the state of nature is right . 14. but since it is supposed by the equality of strength and other natural faculties of men , that no man is of might sufficient , to assure himselfe for any long time , of preserving himself therby , whiles he remaineth in the state of hostility and war ; reason therefore dictateth to every man for his own good , to seek after peace , as far forth as there is hope to attain the same : and strengthen himselfe with all the help he can procure , for his own defence against those , from whom such peace cannot be obtained : and to do all those things which necessarily conduce thereunto . chap. ii. 1. the law of nature consisteth not in consent of men , but reason . 2. that every man devests himself of the right he hath to all things is one precept of nature . 3. what it is to relinquish and transferr ones right . 4. the will to transfer , and the will to accept , both necessary to the passing away of right . 5. right not transferred by words , de futuro , onely . 6. words de futuro , together with other signes of the will , may transferr right . 7. free gift defined 8. contract , and the sorts of it . 9. covenant defined . 10. contract of mutuall trust , is of no validity in the estate of hostility . 11. no covenant of men but with one another . 12. covenant how dissolved . 13. covenant extorted by feare , in the law of nature , valid . 14. covenant contrary to former covenant , voyd . 15. an oath defined . 16. oath to be administred to every man in his own religion . 17. oath addeth not to the obligation . 18. covenants binde but to endeavour . what it is we call the law of nature , is not agreed upon by those , that have hitherto wtitten . for the most part such writets as have occasion to affirm , that any thing is against the law of nature , do alledge no more than this , that it is against the consent of all nations , or the wisest and most civill nations . but it is not agreed upon , who shall judge which nations are the wisest . others make that against the law of nature , which is contrary to the consent of all mankind , which definition cannot be allowed , because then no man could offend against the law of nature ; for the nature of every man is contained under the nature of mankind . but forasmuch as all men are carried away by the violence of their passion , and by evill customes , do those things which are commonly said to be against the law of nature ; it is not the consent of passion , or consent in some errour gotten by custome , that makes the law of nature . reason is no less of the nature of man then passion , and is the same in all men , because all men agree in the will to be directed and governed in the way to that which they desire to attain , namely , their own good which is the work of reason , there can therefore be no other law of nature then reason , nor no other precepts of natural law , then those which declare unto us the wayes of peace , where the same may be obtained , and of defence where it may not . 2. one precept of the law of nature therefore this is , that every man devest himself of the right he hath to all things by nature . for when divers men having right not only to all things else , but to one anothers persons , if they use the same , there ariseth thereby invasion on the one part , and resistance on the other , which is war , and therefore contrary to the law of nature , the sum whereof consisteth in making peace . 3. wen a man devesteth and putteth from his right , he either simply relinquisheth it , or transferreth the same to another man . to relinquish it , is by sufficient signs to declare , that it is his will no more to doe that action , which of right he might have done before . to transferre right to another , is by sufficient signs to declare to that other accepting thereof , that it is his will not to resist , or hinder him , according to that right he had thereto before he transferred it . for seeing that by nature every man hath right to every thing , it is impossible for a man to transfer unto another any right that he had not before . and therefore all that a man doth in transferring of right , is no more but a declaring of the will , to suffer him to whom he hath so transferred his right , to make benefit of the same , without molestation . as for example , when a man giveth his lands or goods to another , he taketh from himself the right to enter into , and make use of the said lands or goods , or otherwise to hinder him of the use of what he hath given . 4. in transferring of right , two things therefore are required , one on the part of him that transferreth , which is a sufficient signification of his will therein : the other , on the part of him to whom it is transferred which is a sufficient signification of his acceptation thereof . either of these failing the right remaineth where it was : nor is it to be supposed , that he which giveth his right to one that accepteth it not , doth thereby simply relinquish it , and transfer it to whomsoever will receive it : in as much as the cause of transferring the same to one , rather then to another , is in the one , rather then in the rest . 5. when there appeare no other signes that a man hath relinquished , or transferred his right , but only words , it behoveth that the same be done in words , that signifie the present time , or the time past , and not only the time to come . for he that saith of the time to come ( as for example ) to morrow , i will give , declareth evidently , that he hath not yet given . the right therefore remaineth in him to day , and so continues , till he have given actually . but he that saith , i give , presently , or have given to another any thing , to have and enjoy the same to morrow , or any other time future , hath now actually transferred the sayd right , which otherwise he should have had at the time that the other is to enjoy it . 6. but because words alone are not a sufficient declaration of the mind , as hath been shewed , chap. 13. sect. 8 words spoken , de futuro , when the will of him that speaketh them may be gathered by other signs , may be taken very often , as if they were meant de praesenti . for when it appeareth , that he that giveth , would have his words so understood by him to whom he giveth , as if he did actually transfe●r his right , then he must needs be understood to will all that is necessary to the same . 7. when a man transferreth any right of his to another , without consideration of reciprocal benefit past , present , or to come , this is called free gift . and in free gift , no other words can be binding , but those which are de praesenti , or de praeterito . for being de futuro only , they transfer nothing , nor can they be understood , as if they proceeded from the will of the giver ; because being a free gift , it carryeth with it no obligation greater then that which is inforced by the words . for he that promiseth to give , without any other consideration but his own affection , so long as he hath not given , deliberateth still , according as the causes of the affections continue , or diminish : and he that deliberateth , hath not yet willed , because the will is the last act of his deliberation . he that promiseth therefore , is not thereby a donor , but doson ; which name was given to that antiochus , that promised often , but seldome gave . 8. when a man transferreth his right upon consideration of reciprocal benefit , this is not free gift , but mutual donation , and is called contract . and in all contracts , either both parties presently perform , and put each other into a certainty and assurance of enjoying what they contract for . as when men buy or sell , or barter : or one party performeth presently , and the other promiseth , as when one selleth upon trust : or else neither party performeth presently , but trust one another . and it is impossible there should be any kind of contract besides these three . for either both the contractors trust , or neither , or else one trusteth , and the other not . 9. in all contracts where there is trust , the promise of him that is trusted , is called a covenant . and this though it be a promise , and of the time to come , yet doth it transfer the right , when that time cometh , no lesse then an actuall donation . for it is a manifest signe , that he which did perform , understood it was the will of him that was trusted , to performe also . promises therefore , upon consideration of reciprocal benefit , are covenants and signes of the will , or last act of deliberation , whereby the liberty of performing , or not performing , is taken away , and consequently are obligatory . for where liberty ceaseth , there beginneth obligation . 10. neverthelesse , in contracts that consist of such mutual trust , as that nothing be by either party performed for the present , when the contract is between such as are not compellable , he that performeth first , considering the disposition of men to take advantage of every thing for their benefit , doth but betray himself thereby to the covetousnesse or other passion of him with whom he contracteth . and therefore such covenants are of none effect . for there is no reason why the one should performe first , if the other be likely not to performe afterward . and whether he be likely or not , he that doubteth shall be judge himself , as hath been sayd , chap. 1. sect. 8. as long as they remaine in the estate and liberty of nature . but when there shall be such power coercive over both the parties , as shall deprive them of their private judgements in this point , then may such covenants be effectuall , seeing he that performeth first shal have no reasonable cause to doubt of the performance of the other , that may be compelled thereunto . 11. and forasmuch as in all covenants , and contracts , and donations , the acceptance of him to whom the right is transferred , is necessary to the essence of those covenants , donations , &c. it is impossible to make a covenant or donation to any , that by nature , or absence , are unable ; or if able , do not actualty declare their acceptation of the same . first of all therefore , it is impossible for any man to make a covenant with god almighty , farther then it hath pleased him to declare who shall receive and accept of the said covenant in his name . also it is impossible to make covenant with those living creatures , of whose wils we have no sufficient signe , for want of common language . 12. a covenant to do any action at a certain time and place , is then dissolved by the covenantor , when that time cometh , either by the performance , or by the violation . for a covenant is void that is once impossible . but a covenant not to do without time limited , which is as much as to say , a covenant never to do , is dissolved by the covenantor then only , when he violateth it or dyeth . and generally , all covenants are dischargeable by the covenantee , to whose benefit , and by whose right , he that maketh the covenant is obliged . this right therefore of the covenantee relinquished , is a release of the covenant . and universally , for the same reason , all obligations are determinable at the will of the obliger . 13. it is a question often moved , whether such covenants oblige , as are extorted from men by fear . as for example , whether if a man for feare of death , hath promised to give a theef an hundred pounds the next day , and not discover him , whether such covenant be obligatory , or not . and though in some cases such covenant may be void , yet it is not therefore void , because extorted by fear . for there appeareth no reason , why that which we do upon fear , should be lesse firme then that which we do for covetousnesse . for both the one and the other maketh the action voluntary . and if no covenant should be good , that proceedeth from feare of death , no conditions of peace betweene enemies , nor any laws , could be of force , which are all consented to from that fear . for who would lose the liberty that nature hath given him , of governing himselfe by his own will and power , if they feared not death in the retaining of it ? what prisoner in war might be trusted to seek his ransome , and ought not rather to be killed , if he were not tyed by the grant of his life , to perform his promise ? but after the introduction of policy and laws , the case may alter , for if by the law the performance of such a covenant be forbidden , then he that promiseth any thing to a theif , not only may , but must refuse to perform it . but if the law forbid not the performance , but leave it to the will of the promiser , then is the performance still lawfull ; and the covenant of things lawfull is obligatory , even towards a theif . 14. he that giveth , promiseth , or covenanteth to one , and after giveth , promiseth , or covenanteth the same to another , maketh void the later act. for it is impossible for a man to transfer that right which he himselfe hath not ; and that right he hath not , which he himself hath before transferred . 15. an oath is a clause annexed to a promise , containing a renuntiation of gods mercy by him that promiseth , in case he perform not as far as is lawfull and possible for him to doe . and this appeareth by the words which make the essence of the oath , so helpe me god . so also was it amongst the heathen . and the forme of the romans was , thou jupiter kill him that breaketh , as i kill this beast . the intention therefore of an oath being to provoke vengeance upon the breakers of covenant ; it is to no purpose to sweare by men , be they never so great , because their punishment by divers accidents may be avoided , whether they will or no , but gods punishment not . though it were a custome of many nations , to sweare by the life of their princes ; yet those princes being ambitious of divine honour , give sufficient testimony , that they beleeved , nothing ought to be sworne by , but the deity . 16. and seeing men cannot be afraid of the power they beleeve not , and an oath is to no purpose , without fear of him they swear by , it is necessary that he that sweareth , doe it in that forme which himself admitteth in his owne religion , and not in that forme which he useth , that putteth him to the oath . for though all men may know by nature , that there is an almighty power , neverthelesse they beleeve not , that they sweare by him in any other form or name , then what their own ( which they think the true ) religion teacheth them . 17. and by the definition of an oath , it appeareth , that it addeth not a greater obligation to perform the covenant sworne , then the covenant carryeth in it self , but it putteth a man into greater danger , and of greater punishment . 18 covenants and oaths are de voluntariis , that is , de possibilibus . nor can the covenantee understand the covenantor to promise impossibles ; for they fall not under deliberation : and consequently ( by chap. 13. sect. 10. which maketh the covenanter interpreter ) no covenant is understood to bind further , then to our best endervour , either in performance of the thing promised , or in something equivalent . chap. iii. 1. that men stand to their covenants . 2. injury defined . 3. that iniury is done onely to the covenantee . 4. the signification of those names , just , uniust . 5. justice not rightly divided into commutative , and distributive . 6. it is a law of nature , that he that is trusted , turn not that trust to the damage of him that trusteth . 7. ingratitude defined . 8. it is a law of nature , to endeavour to accommodate one another . 9. and that man forgive upon caution for the future . 10. and that revenge ought to respect the future onely . 11. that reproach and contempt declared , is against the law of nature . 12. that indifference of commerce is of the law of nature . 13. that messengers imployed to procure or maintaine peace , ought to be safe by the law of nature . it is a common saying , that nature maketh nothing in vain . and it is most certaine , that as the truth of a conclusion , is no more but the truth of the premises that make it , so the force of the command , or law of nature , is no more then the force of the reasons inducing thereunto . therefore the law of nature mentioned in the former chapter , sect. 2. namely , that every man should devest himself of the right , &c. were utterly vaine , and of none effect , if this also were not a law of the same nature , that every man is obliged to stand to , and perform , those covenants he maketh . for what benefit is it to a man that any thing be promised , or given unto him , if he that giveth , or promiseth , performeth not , or retaineth still the right of taking back what he hath given ? 2. the breach or violation of covenant , is that which men call iniury , consisting in some action or omission , which is therefore called uniust . for it is action or omission without jus , or right , which was transferred or relinquish before . there is a great similitude between that we call iniury , or iniustice in the actions and conversations of men in the world , and that which is called absurd in the arguments and disputations of the schools . for as he which is driven to contradict an assertion by him before maintained , is sayd to be reduced to an absurdity ; so he that through passion doth , or omitteth that which before by covenant he promised to doe , or not to omit , is sayd to commit injustice : and there is in every breach of covenant a contradiction properly so called . for he that covenanteth , willeth to do , or omit , in the time to come . and he that doth any action , willeth it in that present , which is part of the future time contained in the covenant . and therefore he that violateth a covenant , willeth the doing and the not doing of the same thing , at the same time , which is a plaine contradiction . and so iniury is an absurdity of conversation , as absurdity is a kind of iniustice in disputation . 3. in all violation of covenant ( to whom soever accrueth the damage ) the iniury is done onely to him to whom the covenant was made . for example , if a man covenant to obey his master , and the master command him to give money to a third , which he promiseth to doe , and doth not , though this be to the damage of the third , yet the iniury is done to the master onely . for he could violate no covenant with him with whom none was made , and therefore doth him no iniury . for iniury consisteth in violation of covenant , by the definition thereof . 4. the name of just , uniust , justice , iniustice ; are equivocall , and signifie diversly . for justice and iniustice , when they be attributed to actions , signifie the same thing with no iniury , and iniury , and denominate the action just , or uniust , but not the man so . for they denominate him guilty or not guilty . but when justice or iniustice , are attributed to men , they signifie pronenesse , and affection , and inclination of nature , that is to say , passions of the minde , apt to produce just and uniust actions . so that when a man is sayd to be just , or uniust ; not the action , but the passion and aptitude , to do such actions , is considered . and therefore a just man may have committed an uniust act ; and an uniust man may have done iustly , not only one , but most of his actions . for there ts an oderunt peccare in the uniust as well as in the just , but from different causes . for the uniust man who abstaineth from iniuries for fear of punishment , declareth plainly , that the justice of his actions dependeth upon civill constitution , from whence punishments proceed , which would otherwise in the estate of nature be uniust , according to the fountaine from whence they spring . this distinction therefore of justice and iniustice , ought to be remembred , that when iniustice is taken for guilty , the action is uniust , but not therefore the man ; and when justice is taken for guiltlesness , the actions are iust , and yet not alwayes the man . likewise when justice and iniustice are taken for habits of the mind , the man may be iust , or uniust , and yet not all his actions so . 5. concerning the justice of actions , the same is usually divided into two kinds , wherof men call the one commutative , and the other distributive ; and are sayd to consist , the one in proportion arithmetical , the other in geometrical : and commutative justice , they place in permutation , as buying , seling , and barter ; distributive , in giving to every man according to their deserts . which distinction is not well made , in as much as iniury , which is the iniustice of action , consisteth not in the inequality of the things changed , or distributed , but in the inequality that men ( contrary to nature and reason ) assume unto themselves above their fellowes . of which inequality , shall be spoken hereafter . and for commutative justice placed in buying and selling , though the thing bought be unequall to the price given for it ; yet for as much as both the buyer and the seller are made judges of 〈◊〉 value , and are thereby both satisfied , there can be no iniury done on either side , neither party having trusted , or covenanted with the other . and for distributive justice , which consisteth in the distribution of our own benefits , seeing a thing is therfore said to be our own , because we may dispose of it at our own pleasure , it can be no iniury to any man , though our liberality be farther extended towards another , then towards him ; unlesse we be thereto obliged by covenant : and then the iniustice consisteth in the violation of that covenant , and not in the inequality of distribution . 6. it happeneth many times , that man benefitteth , or contributeth to the power of another , without any covenant , but onely upon confidence and trust of obtaining the grace and favor of that other , whereby he may procure a greater , or no lesse benefit and assistance to himselfe . for by necessity of nature , every man doth in all his voluntary actions intend some good unto himself . in this case it is a law of nature , that no man suffer him , that thus trusteth to his charity , or good affection towards him , to be in the worse estate for his trusting . for if he shall so do , men will not dare to confer mutually to each others defence , nor put themselves into each others mercy , upon any tearmes whatsoever , but rather abide the utmost and worst even of hostility , by which general diffidence , men will not only be inforced to warr , but also afraid to come so much within the danger of one another , as to make any overture of peace . but this is te be understood of those onely , that confer their benefits ( as i have sayd ) upon trust onely , and not for tryumph or ostentation . for as when they do it upon trust , the end they aimed at , namely to be well used , is the reward ; so also when they do it for ostentation , they have the reward in themselves . 2. but seeing in this case there passeth no covenant , the breach of this law of nature is not to be called iniury . it hath another name , to wit , ingratitude . 8. it is also a law of nature . that every man do help and endeavor to accommodate each other as far as may be , without danger of their persons , and losse of their means , to maintaine and defend themselves . for seeing the causes of warr and desolation proceed from those passions , by which we strive to accommodate our selves , and to leave others as far as we can behind us , it followeth , that tha● passion by which we strive mutually to accommadate each ather , must be the cause of peace . and this passion is that charity defined , chap. 9. sect. 17. 9. and in this precept of nature , is included and comprehended also this , that man forgive and pardon him that hath done him wrong , upon his repentance and caution for the future . for pardon , is peace granted to him that ( having provoked to war ) demandeth it . it is not therefore charity , but feare , when a man giveth peace to him that repenteth not , nor giveth caution for maintaining thereof in the time to come . for he that repenteth not , remaineth with the affection of an enemy ; as also doth he that refuseth to give caution , and consequently , is presumed not to seek after peace , but advantage . and therefore to forgive him is not commanded in this law of nature , nor is charity , but may sometime be prudence . otherwise , not to pardon upon repentance and caution , considering men cannot abstain from provoking one another , is never to give peace . and that is against the generall definition of the law of nature . 10. and seeing the law of nature commandeth pardon , when there is repentance and caution for the future , it followeth , that the same law ordaineth , that no revenge be taken upon the consideration only of the offence past , but of the benefit to come , that is to say , that all revenge ought to tend to amendment , either of the person offending , or of others , by the example of his punishment ; which is sufficiently apparent , in that the law of nature commandeth pardon , where the future time is secured . the same is also apparent by this , that revenge when it considereth the offence past , is nothing else , but present triumph and glory , and directeth to no end : and what is directed to no end , is therefore unprofitable ; and consequently the triumph of revenge , is vain-glory : and whatsoever is vain , is against reason ; and to hurt one another without reason , is contrary to that , which by supposition is every mans benefit , namely peace , and what is contrary to peace , is contrary to the law of nature . 11. and because all signs which we shew to one another of hatred and contempt , provoke in the highest degree to quarrell and battel , ( in as much as life it self , with the condition of enduring scorn , is not esteemed worth the enjoying , much lesse peace ) it must necessarily be implyed as a law of nature , that no man reproach , revile , deride , or any otherwise declare his hatred , contempt , or disesteem of any other . but this law is very little practised . for what is more ordinary then reproaches of those that are rich , towards them that are not ? or of those that sit in place of judicature , towards those that are accused at the bar ? although to greive them in that manner , be no part of the punishment for their crime , nor contained in their office . but use hath prevailed , that what was lawful in the lord towards the servant whom he maintaineth , is also practised a● lawful in the more mighty towards the lesse though they contribute nothing towards their maintenance . 12. it is also a law of nature , that one man allow commerce and traffick indifferently to one another . for he that alloweth that to one man , which he denyeth to another , declareth his hatred to him , to whom he denyeth . and to declare hatred , is warr . and upon this title was grounded , the great war between the athenians , and the peloponnesians . for would the athenians have condescended to suffer the megareans , their neighbours , to traffick in their ports , and markets , that war had not begun . 13. and this also is a law of nature , that all messengers of peace , and such as are imployed to procure and maintaine amity between man and man , may safely come and goe . for seeing peace is the general law of nature , the meanes thereto ( such as are these men ) must in the same law be comprehended . chap. iv. 1. a law of nature , that every man acknowledge other for his equal . 2. another , that men allow aequalia aequalibus . 3. another , that those things which cannot be divided , be used in common . 4. another , that things indivisible and incommunicable , be divided by lot . 5. natural lot , primogeniture , and first possession . 6. that men submit to arbitration . 7. of an arbitrator . 8. that no man presse his counsel upon any man against his will . 9. how to know suddenly what is the law of nature . 10. that the law of nature taketh place after security from others to observe the same . 11. the right of nature not to be taken away by custome , nor the law of nature abrogated by any act. 12. why the dictates of nature are called lawes . 13. whatsoever is against conscience in a man that is his owne judge , is against the law of nature . 14. of malum poenae , malum culpae ; virtue and vice . 15. aptitude to society , fulfilleth the law of nature . the question which is the better man , is determinable onely in the estate o● government and policy , though it be mistaken for a question of nature , not onely by ignorant men , that thinke one man blood better then anothers by nature , but also by him , whose opinions are at this day and in these parts , of greater authority then any other humane writings . for he puttet so much difference between the powers 〈◊〉 men by nature , that he doubteth not to s● down as the ground of all his politick , that some men are by nature worthy to govern and others by nature ought to serve which foundation hath not only weakne● the whole frame of his politicks , but hath also given men colour and pretences , whereby to disturb and hinder the peace of one another . for though there were such a difference of nature , that master and servant were not by consent of men , but by inherent virtue , yet who hath that eminency of virtue above others and who is so stupid , as not to govern himself , shall never be agreed upon amongst men , who do every one naturally think himself , as able , at the least to govern another , as another to govern him . and when there was any contention between the finer and the courser wits , ( as there hath been often in times of sedition and civill war ) for the most part , these latter carried away the victory ; and as long as men arrogate to themselves more honour then they give to others , it cannot be imagined , how they can possibly live in peace : and consequently we are to suppose , that for peace sake , nature hath ordained this law , that every man acknowledg other for his equall . and the breach of this law , is that we call pride . 2. as it was necessary that a man should not retain his right to every thing , so also was it , that he should retain his right to some things ; to his own body ( for example ) the right of defending , whereof he could not transfer ; to the use of fire , water , free aire , and place to live in , and to all things necessary for life . nor doth the law of nature command any devesting of other rights , then of those only which cannot be retained without the losse of peace . seeing then many rights are retained , when we enter into peace one with another , reason and the law of nature dictateth , whatsoever right any man requireth to retain , he allow every other man to retain the same . for he that doth not so , alloweth not the equality mentioned in the former section . for there is no acknowledgement of worth , without attribution of the equality of benefit and respect . and this allowance of aequalia aequalibus , is the same thing with the allowing of proportionalia proportionalibus . for when a man alloweth to every man a like , the allowance he maketh , will be in the same proportion , in which are the numbers of men to whom they are made . and this is it men mean by distributive justice , and is properly termed equity . the breach of this law is that which the greeks call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which is commonly rendred coveteousness , but seemeth to be more precisely expressed by the word incroaching . 3. if there passe no other covenant , the law of nature is , that such things as cannot be divided , be used in common , proportionably to the numbers of them that are to use the same , or without limitation , when the quantity thereof sufficeth . for first supposing the thing to be used in common , not sufficient for them , that are to use it without limitation , if a few shall make more use thereof then the rest , that equality is not observed , which is required in the second section . and this is to be understood , as all the rest of the laws of nature , without any other covenant antecedent : for a man may have given away his right of common , and so the case be altered . 4. in those things which neither can be divided , nor used in common , the rule of nature must needs be one of these , lot , or alternate use : for besides these two wayes , there can no other equality be imagined ; and for alternate use , he that beginneth , hath the advantage ; and to reduce that advantage to equality , there is no other way but lot . in things therefore indivisible and incommunicable , it is the law of nature , that the use be alternate , or the advantage given away by lot ; because there is no other way of equality . and equality is the law of nature . 5. there be two sorts of lots ; one arbitrary , made by men , and commonly knowne by the names of lot , chance , hazard , and the like ; and there is natural lot , such as is primogeniture , which is no more but the chance , or lot , of being first born , which it seemeth they considered , that call inheritance by the name of kleronomia , which signifieth distribution by lot . secondly , prima occupatio , first feizing , or finding of a thing whereof no man made use before , which for the most part also is meerly chance . 6. although men agree upon these laws of nature , and endeavour to observe the same ; yet considering the passions of men , that make it difficult to understand by what actions , and circumstances of actions , those laws are broken , there must needs arise many great controversies about the interpretation thereof , by which the peace must need● be dissolved , and men return again to their former estate of hostility . for the taking away of which controversies , it is necessary that there be some common arbitrator and judge , to whose sentence , both the parties to the controversies ought to stand . and therefore it is a law of nature , that in every controversie , the parties thereto ought mutual●● to agree upon an arb●trator , whom they bot● trust , and mutually to covenant to stand to the sentence he shall give ther●in . for where every man is his own judge , there properly is no judg at all ; as wh●re every man ca●veth out his own right , it hath the same effect , as if there were no right at all : and where is no judge , there is no end of controversie ▪ and therefore the right of hostility remaineth . 7. an arbitrator therefore , or he that is judge , is trusted by the parties to any controversie , to determine the same by the declaration of his own judgement therein . out of which followeth first , that the judge ought not to be concerned in the controversie he endeth ; for in that case he is a party , and ought by the same reason to bee judged by another . secondly , that he maketh no covenant with either of the parties , to pronounce sentence for the one , more then for the other . nor doth he covenant so much , as that his sentence shall be just ; for that were to make the parties judges of the sentence , whereby the controversie would remaine still undecided . neverthelesse for the trust reposed in him , and for the equality which the law of nature requireth him to consider in the parties , he violateth that law , if for favour , or hatred to either party , he give other sentence then he thinketh right . and thirdly , that no man ought to make himself judge in any controversie between others , unlesse they consent and agree thereto . 8. it is also the law of nature , that no man obtrude or presse his advice or counsell to any man , that declareth himselfe unwil●ing to heare the same . for seeing a man taketh counsel concerning what is good or hurt of himself onely , and not of his counsellor , and that counsel is a voluntary action , and therefore tendeth also to the good of the counsellor , there may be often iust cause to suspect the counsellor : and though there be none , yet seeing counsell unwillingly heard , is a needlesse offence to him that is not willing to hear it , and offences tend all to the breach of peace , it is therefore against the law of nature to obtrude it . 9. a man that shall see these lawes of nature set down and inferred with so many words , and so much adoe , may think there is yet much more difficulty and subtilty required to acknowledge and do according to the said laws in every sudden occasion , when a man hath but a little time to consider . and while we consider man in most passions , as of anger , ambition , coveteousness , vain-glory , and the like , that tend to the excluding of natural equality , it is true . but without these passions , there an easie rule to know upon a sudden , whether the action i be to do , be against the law of nature , or not . and it is but this ; that a man imagine himself in the place of the party with whom he hath to do , and reciprocally him in his . which is no more but a changing ( as it were ) of the scales . for every mans passion weigheth heavy in his owne scale , but in the scale of his neighbour . and this rule is very well knowne and expressed in this old dictate , quod tibi fieri non vis , alteri ne feceris . 10. these lawes of nature , the sum whereof consisteth , in forbidding us to be our own judges , and our own carvers , and in commanding us to accommodate one another ; in case they should be observed by some , and not by others , would make the observers but a prey to them that should neglect them , leaving the good both without defence against the wicked , and also with a charge to assist them : which is against the scope of the said lawes , that are made only for the protection , and defence of them that keepe them . reason therefore , and the law of nature over and above all these particular lawes , doth dictate this law in general , that those particular lawes be so far observed , as they subi●ct us not to any incommodity , that in ou● owne judgments may arise , by the neglect thereof in those towards whem we observe them ; and consequently requireth no more , but the desire and constant intention to endeavour , and be ready to observe them , unlesse there be cause to the contrary in other mens refusall to observe them towards us . the force therefore of the law of nature , is not in foro externo , till there be security for men to obey it , but is alwaies in foro interno , wherein the action of obedience being unsafe , the will and readiness to performe , is taken for the performance . 11. amongst the lawes of nature , customes and prescriptions are not numbred . for whatsoever action is against reason , though it be reiterated never so often , or that there be never so many precedents thereof , is still against reason , and therefore not a law of nature , but contrary to it . but consent and covenant may so alter the cases , which in the law of nature may be put by changing the circumstances , that that which was reason before , may afterwards be against it ; and yet is reason still the law . for though every man be bound to allow equally to another , yet if that other shall see cause to renounce the same , & make himself inferior , then , if from thenceforth he consider him as inferior , he breaketh not thereby that law of nature , that commandeth to allow● equallity . in sum , a mans owne cons●nt may abridge him of the liberty which the law of nature leaveth him , but custome not ; nor can either of them abrogate either these , or any other law of nature . 12. and forasmuch as law ( to speake properly ) is a command , and these dictates as they proceed from nature , are not commands , they are not therefore called laws , in respect of nature , but in respect of the author of nature , god almighty . 13. and seeing the laws of nature concern the conscience , not he only breaketh them that doth any action contrary , but also he whose action is conformable to them , in case he think it contrary . for though the action chance to be right , yet in his judgment he despiseth the law . 14. every man by naturall passion , calleth that good which pleaseth him for the present , or so far forth as he can foresee ; and in like manner , that which displeaseth him , evil . and therefore he that foreseeth the whole way to his proservation , ( which is the end that every one by nature aymeth at , ) must also call it good , and the contrary evil . and this is that good and evil , which not every man in passion calleth so , but all men by reason . and therefore the fulfilling of all these laws is good in reason , and the breaking of them evill . and so also the habit , or disposition , or intention to fulfill them good ; and the neglect of them evill . and from hence cometh that distinction of malum poen● , and malum culpae , ; for malum p●n● is any pain or molestation of the mind whatsoever ; but malum culpae is that action which is contrary to reason , and the law of nature : as also the habit of doing according to these and other laws of nature , that tend to our preservation , is that wee call virtue , and the habit of doing the contrary , vice . as for example , justice is that habit by which we stand to covenants , iniustice the contrary vice ; equity that habit by which we allow equality of nature , arrogancy the contrary vice ; gratitude the habit whereby we requite the benefit and trust of others , ingratitude the contrary vice ; temperance the habit , by which wee abstain from all things that tend to our destruction , intemperance the contrary vice ; prudence the same with virtue in general . as for the common opin●on , that virtue consisteth in mediocrity and vice in extreames , i see no ground for it , nor can find any such mediocrity . courage may be virtue , when the daring is extream , if the cause be good ; and extream fear no vice , when the danger is extream . to give a man more then his due , is no iniustice , though it be to give him less : and in gifts , it is not the sum that maketh liberality , but the reason . and so in all other virtues and vices . i know that this doctrine of mediocrity is aristole's , but ●is opinions concerning virtue and vice , are no other then those which were received then , and are still by the generality of men , unstudyed , and therefore not very likely to be accurate . 15. the sum of virtue is to be sociable with them that will be soc●able , and formidable to them that will not . and the same is the sum of the law of nature : for in being sociable , the law of nature taketh place by the way of peace and societie ; and to be formidable , is the law of nature in war , where to be feared is a protection a man hath from his own power : and as the ●ormer consisteth in actions of equity and justice , the latter consisteth in actions of honour . and equity , justice , and honour , contain all virtues whatsoever . chap. v. a confirmation out of holy scripture of the principall points mentioned in the two last chapters concerning the law of nature . the lawes mentioned in the former chapters , as they are called the lawes of nature , for that they are the dictates of naturall reason , and also morall lawes , because they concern the manners and conversation , one towards another , so are they also divine lawes in respect of the author thereof , god almighty ; and ought therefore to agree , or at least not to be repugnant to the word of god , revealed in holy scripture . in this chapter therefore , i shall produce such places of scripture , as appear to be most consonant to the said lawes . 2. and first , the word of god seemeth to place the divine law in reason , by all such texts as ascribe the same to the heart and understanding ; as psal. 40.8 . thy law is in my heart : heb. 8.10 . after those dayes saith the lord , i will put my lawes in their mind . and heb. 10.16 . the same psal. 37.31 . speaking of the righteous man he saith , the law of god in his heart , psal. 19.7 , 8. the law of god is perfect , converting the soul . it giveth wisdome to the simple , and light unto the eyes . jer. 31.33 . i will put my law in their inward parts , and write it in their hearts . and joh. 1. the law-giver himself , god almighty , is called by the name of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which is also called , ver. 4. the light of men . and vers. 9. the light which lighteth every man which cometh in●o the world . all which are descriptions of naturall reason . 3. and that the law divine , for so much as is morall , are those precepts which tend to peace , seemeth to be much confirmed by such places of scripture , as these , rom 3.17 . righteousnesse ( which is the fufilling of the law ) is called , the way of peace . and psa. 85.10 . righteousness and peace shall kiss each other . and matth. 5.9 . blessed are the peacemakers . and heb. 7.2 . melchisedeck king of salem , is interpreted king of righteousness , and king of peace . and ver. 21. our saviour christ is said to be , a preist for ever after the order of m●lchisedeck : out of which may be inferred , that the doctrine of our saviour christ annexeth the fulfilling of the law to peace . 4. that the law of nature is unalterable , is intimated by this , that the preisthood of melchisedeck is everlasting ; and by the words of our saviour , matth. 5.18 . heaven and earth , shall passe away , but one jot , or tittle of the law shall not passe till all things be fulfilled . 5. that men ought to stand to their covenants , is taught , psal. 15. where the question being asked , vers. 1. lord , who shall dwell in thy tavernacle , &c. it is answered , vers. 4. he that sweareth to h●s own hinderance , and yet changeth not . and that men ought to be gratified , where no covenant passeth , deut. 25.4 . thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn , which s. paul , 1 cor. 9.9 . interpreteth not of oxen but of men . 6. that men content themselves with equality , as it is the foundation of natural law , so also is it of the second table , of the divine law , matth. 22 39.40 . thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . on these two laws depend the whole law and the prophets ; which is not so to be understood , as that a man should study so much his neighbours profit as his own , or that he should divide his goods amongst his neighbours ; but that he should esteem his neighbour worthy all rights and priviledges that himself enjoyeth ; and attribute unto him , whatsoever he looketh should be attributed unto himself : which is no more , but that he should be humble , meck , and content with equality . 7. and that in distributing of right amongst equalls , that distribution is to be made according to the proportions of the numbers , which is the giving of aequalia aequalibus , & proportionalia proportionalibus ; we have , numb. 26.53.54 . the commandement of god to moses ; thou shalt divide the land according to the number of names ; to many thou shalt give more , to few thou shall give lesse , to every one according to his number . that decision by lot is a means of peace . prov. 18.18 . the lot causeth contention to cease , and maketh partition among the mighty . 8. that the accommodation and forgiveness of one another , which have before been put for lawes of nature , are also law divine , there is no question . for they are the essence of charity , which is the scope of the whole law , that we ought not to repr●ach , or reprehend one another , is the doctrine of our saviour , matth. 7.1 . judge not that ye be not judged . vers. 3. why seest thou the mote that is in thy brothers eye , and seest not the beam that is in thine own eye ? also the law that forbiddeth us to press our councell upon others further then they admit , is a divine law . for after our charity and desire to rectifie one another is rejected , to presse it farther , is to reprehend him , and condemn him , which is forbidden in the text last recited ; as also rom. 14.12 . every one of us shall give account of himself to god . let us not therefore judge one another any more , but use your judgment rather in this , that no man put an occasion to fall , or a stumbling block before his brother . 9. farther , the rule of men concerning the law of nature , quod tibi fieri non vis , alteri ne feceris , is confirmed by the like , matth. 7.12 . whatsoever therefore you would have men do unto you , that do you unto them : for this is the law and the prophets . and rom. 2.1 . in that thou judgest another , thou condemnest thy self , &c. 10. it is also manifest by the scriptures , that these laws concern only the tribunall of our conscience ; and that the actions contrary to them , shall be no farther punished by god almighty , then as they proceed from negligence , or contempt . and first that these lawes are made to the conscience , appeareth , matth. 5.20 . for i say unto you , except your righteousnesse exceed the righteousnesse of the scribes and pharisees , ye shall not enter into the kingdome of heaven . now the pharisees were the most exact among the jews in the external performance ; they therefore must want the sincerity of conscience ; else could not our saviour have required a greater righteousnesse then theirs . for the same reason our saviour christ saith , the publican departed from the temple iustified rather then the pharisee . and christ saith , his yoke is easie , & his burthen light , which proceedeth from this , that christ required no more then our best endeavour . and rom. 14.23 . he that doubteth is condemned , if he eat . and in innumerable places both in the old and new testament , god almighty declareth , that he taketh the will for the deed , both in good and evill actions . by all which it plainly appears , that the divine law is dictated to the conscience one the other side is no less plain ; that how many and hainous actions soever a man commit through infirmity , he shall nevertheless , whensoever he shall condemn the same in his own conscience , be freed from the punishments that to such actions otherwise belong . for at what time soever a sinner doth repent him of his sinns from the bottome of his heart , i will put all his iniquties out of my remembrance , saith the lord . 11. concerning revenge which by the law of nature ought not to aym ( as i have sayd , chap. 3. sect 10. ) at present delight , but future profit , there is some difficulty mad● , as if the same accorded not with the law divine , by such as obiect the continuance of punishment after the day of judgement , when there shall be no place , neither for amendment nor for example . this obiection had been of some force , if such punishment had been ordained after all sinnes were past ; but considering the punishment was instituted before sinne , it serveth to the benefit of mankinde , because it keepeth men in peaceable and virtuous conversation by the terrour . and therefore such revenge was directed to the future only . 12. finally , there is no law of natural reason that can be against the law divine : for god almighty hath given reason to a man to be a light unto him . and i hope it is no impiety to think , that god almighty will require a strict account thereof , at the day of judgment , as of the instructions which we were to follow in our peregrination here , notwithstanding the opposition and affronts of supernaturalists now adayes , to rationall and morall conversation . chap. vi . 1. that men notwithstanding these lawes , are still in the state of war , till they have security one against another . 2. the law of nature in war , is nothing but honour . 3. no security without the concord of many . 4. that concord of many cannot be maintained without power to keep them all in awe . 5. the cause why concord remaineth in a multitude of some irrationall creatures , and not of men . 6. that vnion is necessary for the maintaining of concord . 7 how union is made . 8. body politick defined . 9. corporation defined . 10. soveraign subiect defined . 11. two sorsts of bodies politick , patrimonia , and common wealth . in chap. 12. sect. 16. of the treatise of human nature , it hath been shewed that the opinions men have of the rewards and punishments which are to follow their actions , are the causes that make and govern the will to those actions . in this estate of man therefore , wherein all men are equal , and every man allowed to be his own judge , the fears they have one of another are equal , and every mans hopes consist in his own sleight and strength : & consequently when any man by his natural passion , is provoked to break these lawes of nature , there is no security in any other man of his own defence but anticipation . and for this cause , every mans right ( howsoever he be inclined to peace ) of doing whatsoever seemeth good in his own eyes , remaineth with him still , as the necessary means of his perservation . and therefore till there be security amongst men for the keeping of the law of nature one towards another , men are still in the estate of war , and nothing is unlawfull to any man that tendeth to his own safety or commodity : and this safety and commodity consisteth in the mutuall ayd and help of one another , whereby also followeth the mutuall fear of one another . 2. it is a proverbiall saying , inter arma silent leges . there is little therefore to be said concerning the lawes that men are to observe one towards another in time of war , wherein every mans being and w●ll-being is the rule of his actions . yet thus much the law of nature commandeth in war , that men satiate not the cruelty of their present passions , whereby in their own conscience they foresee no benefit to come . for that betrayeth not a necessity , but a disposition of the mind to war , which is against the law of nature . and in old time we read , that rapine was a trade o● life , wherein nevertheless many of them ●hat used it , did not only spare the lives of those they invaded , but left them also such things , as were necessary to preserve that life which they had given them ; as namely , their oxen and instruments for tillage , though they carried away all their other cattel and substance . and as the rapine it self was warranted in the law of nature , by the want of security otherwise to maintain themselves , so the exercise of cruelty was forbidden by the same law of nature , unless fear suggested any thing to the contrary . for nothing but fear can just●fie the taking away of anothers life . and because fear can hardly be made manifest , but by some action dishonorable , that bewrayeth the conscience of ones own weakness , all men , in whom the passion of courage or magnanimity hath been predominant , have abstained f●om cruelty , insomuch , that though there be in war no law , the breach wherof is iniury , yet there are in war those lawes the breach whereof is dishonour . in one word therefore , the only law of actions in war , is honour , and the right of war , providence . 3. and seeing natural ayd is necessary for defence , as mutual fear is necessary for peace , wee are to consider how great ayds are required for such defence , and for the causing of such mutual fear , as men may not easily adventure on one another . and first it is evident , that the mutual ayd of two or three men is of very little security . for the odds on the other side , of a man or two , giveth sufficient encouragement to an assault . and therfore before men have sufficient security in the help of one another , their number must be so great , that the odds of a few which the enemie may have , be no certaine and sensible advantage . 4. and supposing how great a number soever of men assembled together for their mutual defence , yet shall not the effect follow , unless they all direct their actions to one and the same end ; which direction to one and the same end is that , which chap. 12. sect. 7. is called consent . this consent ( or concord ) amongst so many men , thoug● it may be made by the fear of a present invader , or by the hope of a present conquest , or bootie , and endure as long as that action endureth , nevertheless , by the diversity of judgements and passions in so many men contending naturally ●or honour and advantage one above another ; it is impossible , not only that their consent to ayd each other against an enemie , but also that the peace should last between themselves , with out some mutual and common fear to rule them . 5. but contrary hereunto may be obiected , the experience we have of certain living creatures irrational , that nevertheless continually live in such good order and government for their common benefit , and are so free from sedition & war amongst themselves , that for peace , profit , and defence , nothing more can be imaginable . and the experience we have in this , is in that little creature the bee , which is therefore reckoned amongst animalia politica . why therefore may not men that foresee the benefit of concord , continually maintain the same without compulsion , as well as they ? to which i answer , that amongst other living creatures , there is no question of precedence in their owne species , nor strife about honour , or acknowledgement of one anothers wisdome , as there is amongst men , from whence arise envie and hatred of one towards another , and from thence sedition and war . secondly , those living creatures aim every one at peace , and food common the will of man being voluntary , but the beginning of voluntary actions , is not subject to deliberation and covenant , yet when a man covenanteth to subject his will to the command of another , he obligeth himself to this , that he resigne his strength and meanes to him , whom he covenanteth to obey . and hereby he that is to command , may by the use of all their means & strength , be able by the terrour thereof , to frame the will of them all to unity and concord , amongst themselves . 8. this union so made , is that which men call now adayes , a body politick , or civil society and the greeks call it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is to say , a city , which may be defined to be a multitude of men , united as one person , by a common power , for their common peace , defence and benefit . 9 and as this union into a city or body politick , is instituted with common power over all ther particular persons , or members thereof , to the common good of them all , so also may there be amongst a multitude of those members instituted , a subordinate union of certain men , for certain common actions to be don by those men for some commo● benefit of theirs , or of the whole city ; a● for subordinate government , for counsell for trade , and the like . and these subordinate bodies politick are usually calle●corporations ; and their power such over the particulars of their own society , as the whole city whereof they are members have allowed them . 10. in all cities , or bodies politick not subordinate , but independent , that one man , or one councell , to whom the particular members have given that common power , is called their soveraign , and his power the soveraign power ; which consisteth in the power and the strength , that every of the members have transferred to him from themselves by covenant and because it is impossible for any man really to transfer his own strength to another , or for that other to receive it , it is to be understood , that to transfer a mans power and strength , is no more , but to lay by or relinquish his own right of resisting him to whom he so transferreth it . and every member of the body politick , is called a subiect , to wit , to the soveraign . 11. the cause in generall , which moveth a man to become subiect to another , is ( as i have sayd already ) the fear of not otherwise preserving himself . and a man may subiect himself to him that invadeth , or may invade him , for fear of him ; or men may joyne amongst themselves , to subject themselvs to such as they shall agree upon for fear of others , and when many men subject themselves the former way , there ariseth thence a body politick , as it were naturally . from whence proceedeth dominion , paternal , and despotique . and when they subiect themselves the other way , by mutual agreement amongst many , the body politick they make , is for the most part called a common wealth in distinction from the former , though the name be the generall name for them both . and i shall speak in the first place of common wealths , and afterward of bodies politick , patrimoniall , and despotical . the second part . chap. i. 1. introduction . 2. a multitude before their union , &c. 3. expresse consent of every particular , &c. 4. democratical , aristocraticall , monarchiall union , may be instituted for ever , or , &c. 5. without security no private right relinquished . 6. covenants of government without power of coertion are no security . 7. power coercive , &c. 8. the sword of war , &c. 9. decision in all debates &c. annexed to the sword . 10. laws civil , &c. 11. appointment of magestrates , &c. 12. soveraign power includeth impunity . 13. a supposed common weal●h , where lawes are made first , and the common-wealth after . 14. the same refelled . 15. mixt formes of government sup●osed in soveraignty . 16. that refelled . 17. mixt government , &c. 18. reason and experience to prove absolute soveraignty some where in all common wealths . 19. some principal , &c. marks of soveraignty . in that treatise of humane nature which was formerly printed , hath been wholly spent in the consideration of the naturall power , and the natural estate of man , namely , of his cognition and passions in the first eleven chapters , and how from thence proceed his actions ; in the twelfth , how men know one anothers minds : in the last , in what estate mens passions set them . in the first chapter of this treatise , what estate they are directed unto by the dictates of reason , that is to say , what be the principall articles of the law of nature , in the 2.3.4.5 . and lastly , how a multitude of persons naturall , are united by covenants into one person civil , or body politick . in this part therefore shall be considered , the nature of a body politick , and the lawes thereof , otherwise called civill laws . and whereas it hath been sayd in the last chapter , and last section of the former part , that there be two wayes of erecting a body politick ; one by arbitrary institution of many men assembled together which is like a creation out of nothing by humane wit ; the other by compulsion , which is as it were a generation thereof out of natural force ; i shall first speak of such erection of a body politick , as proceedeth from the assembly and consent of a multitude . 2. having in this place to consider , a multitude of men about to unite themselves into a body politick , for their security , both against one another , and against common enemies , and that by covenants , the knowledge of what covenants they must needs make , dependeth on the knowledge of the persons , and the knowledge of their end . first , for their persons they are many , and ( as yet ) not one ; nor can any action done in a multitude of people met together , be attributed to the multitude , or truly called the action of the multitude , unless every mans hand , and every mans will , ( not so much as one excepted ) have concurred thereto . for multitude , though in their persons they run together , yet they concur not alwaies in their designes . for even at that time when men are in tumult , though they agree a number of them to one mischeife , and a number of them to one another ; yet in the whole , they are amongst themselves in the state of hostility , and not of peace ; like the seditious jews besieged in jerusalem , that could joyn against their enemies , and fight amongst themselves . whensoever therefore any man saith , that a number of men hath done any act , it is to be understood , that every particular man in that number hath consented therunto , and not the greatest part only . secondly , though thus assembled with intention to unite themselves , they are yet in that estate in which every man hath right to every thing , and consequently as hath been sayd , chap. 1. sect. 10. in an estate of inioying nothing . and therefore meum & tuum , hath no place amongst them . 3. the first thing therefore they are to do is expresly , every man to consent to something by which they may come neer to their ends , which can be nothing else imaginable , but this , that they allow the wills of the maior part of their whole number , or the wills of the maior part of some certain number of men by them determined and named ; or lastly , the will of some one man , to involve and be taken for the wllis of every man . and this done they are united , and a body politick . and if the maior part of their whole number be supposed to involve the wills of all the particulars , then the wills of the particulars , then are they said to be a democracie , that is to say , a government wherein the whole number , or so many of them as please , being assembled together , are the soveraign , and every particular man a subject . if the major part of a certain number of men named or distinguished from the rest , be supposed to involve the wills of every one of the particulars , then are they said to be an oligarchy , or aristocracy , which two words signifie the same thing , together with the divers passions of those that use them . for when the men that be in that office please , they are called an aristocracy , or otherwise an oligarchy , where in those the major part of which declare the wills of the whole multitude being assembled , are the soveraign , and every man severally a subiect . lastly , if their consent be such , that the will of one man whom they name , shall stand for the wills of them all , then is their government or union called a mornarchy , and that one man a soveraign , and every of the rest a subiect . 4. and those several sorts of unions , governments , and subiections , of mans will may be understood to be made , either absolutely , that is so say , for all future time , or for a time limited only . but forasmuch as we speak here of a body politick , instituted for the perpetuall benefit and defence of them that make it ; which therefore men desire should last for ever , i will omit to speak of those that be temporary , and consider of those that be for ever . 5. the end for which one man giveth up , and relinquisheth to another , or others the right of protecting & defending himself by his own power , is the security which he expecteth thereby , of protection and defence from those to whom he doth so relinquish it ; and a man may then account himself in the estate of security , when he can foresee no violence to be done unto him , from which the doer may not be deterred by the power of that soveraign , to whom they have every one subiected themselves : and without that security , there is no reason for a man to deprive himself of his own advantages , and make himself a prey to others . and therefore when there is not such a soveraign power erected , as may afford this security , it is to be understood that every mans right of doing whatsoever seemeth good in his own eyes , remaineth still with him ; and contrarywise , where any subiect hath right by his own judgment and discretion , to make use of his force , it is to be understood that every man hath the like , and consequently that there is no common wealth at all established . how far therefore in the making of a common wealth , man subiecteth his will to the power of others , must appear from the end , namely , security . for whatsoever is necessary to be by covenant transferred for the attaining thereof , so much is transferred , or else every man is in his naturall liberty to secure himself . 6. covenants agreed upon by every man assembled for the making of a common wealth ; and put in writing without erecting of a power of coercion , are no reasonable security for any of them that so covenant , nor are to be called laws , and leave men still in the estate of nature and hostility . for seeing the wills of most men are governed only by fear , and where there is no power of coercion , there is no fear , the wills of most men will follow their passions of covetousness , lust , anger , and the like , to the breaking of those covenants , whereby the rest also , who otherwise would keep them , are set at liberty , and have no law , but from themselves . 7. this power of coercion as hath been sayd , chap. 2. sect. 3. of the former part consisteth in the transferring of every mans right of resistance against him , to whom he hath transferred the power of coercion . it followeth therefore , that no man in any common wealth whatsoever hath right to resist him , or them , on whom they have transferred this power coercive , or ( as men use to call it the sword of justice , supposing the not resistance possible . for part 1. chap. 2. sect. 18. covenants bind but to the utmost of our endeavour . 8. and forasmuch as they who are amongst themselves in security , by the means of this sword of justice , that keep them all in awe , are nevertheless in danger of enemies from without , if there be not some means found , to unite their strength● and natural forces , in the resistance of such enemies , their peace amongst themselves is but in vain . and therefore it is to be understood as a covenant of every member , to contribute their several forces fore the defence of the whole , whereby to make one power as sufficie●t , as is possible for their defence . now seeing that every man hath already transferred the use of his strength to him , or them , that have the sword of justice , it followeth , that the power of defence , that is to say , the sword of war , be in the same hands , wherein is the sword of justice ; and cons●quently those two swords are but one , and that inseperably and essentially annexed to the soveraign power . 9. moreover , seeing to have the right of the sword , is nothing else but to have the use thereof depending onely on the judgement and discretion of him or them that have it , it followeth , that the power of indenture in all controversies , wherein the sword of justice is to be used ; and in all deliberations concerning war , ( wherein the use of that sword is required ) the right of resolving and determining what is to be done , belong to the same soveraign . 10. farther , considering it is no less , but much more necessary to prevent violence & rapine , then to punish the same when it is committed , & all violence proceedeth from controversies that arise between men concerning meum & tuum , right and wrong , good and bad , and the like which men use every one to measure by their own judgements , it belongeth also to the judgment of the same soveraign power , to set forth and make known the common measure by which every man is to know what is his , and what anothers ; what is good and what bad , and what he ought to do and what not , and to command the same to be observed . and these measures of the actions of the subiects are those , which men call laws politick , or civil . the making whereof , must of right belong to him that hath the power of the sword , by which men are compelled to observe them ; for otherwise they should be made in vain . 11. farthermore , seeing it is impossible that any one man that hath such soveraign power , can be able in person , to hear and determine all controversies , to be present at al deliberations concerning common good , and to execute and perform all those common actions that belong thereunto , whereby there will be necessity of magistrates , and ministers of publique affaires ; it is consequent that the appointment , nomination , & limitation of the same be understood , as an inseperable part of the same soveraignty , ●o which the sum of all iudicature , and execution hath been already annexed . 12. and forasmuch as the right to use the forces of every particular member , is transferred from themselves , to their soveraign , a man will easily fall upon this conclusion of himself , that to soveraign power ( whatsoever it doth ) there belongeth impunity . 13. the sum of these rights of sov●r●ignty ; namely the absolute use of the sword in peace and war , the making and abrogating of laws , supream , judicature , & decision , in al debate iudiciall and deliberative , the nomination of all magistrates , and ministers , with other rights contained in the same , make the soveraign power no less absolute in the common-wealth , then before common-wealth , every man was absolute in himself , to do , or not to do , what he thought good ; which men that have not had the experience of that miserable estate , to which men are reduced by long war , think so hard a condition , that they can not easily acknowledge such covenants , and subiection on their parts , as are here set down to have been ever necessary to their peace . and therefore some have imagined that a common-wealth may be constituted in such manner as the soveraign power may be so limited , and moderated , as they shall think fit themselves . for example ; they suppose a multitude of men to have agreed upon certain articles , ( which they presently call lawes ) declaring how they will be governed , and that done , to agree farther upon some man , or number of men , to see the same articles performed , and put in execution ; and to enable him , or them thereunto , they allot unto them a provision limited , as of certain lands , taxes , penalties , and the like then , which ( if mispent ) they shall have no more , without a new consent of the same men that allowed the former . and thus they think they have made a common wealth , in which it is unlawfull for any private man to make use of his owne sword for his security ; wherein they deceive themselves . 14. for first , if to the revenue , it did necessarily follow , that there might be forces raised and procured at the will of him that hath such revenue , yet since the revenue is limited , so must also the forces : b●t limited forces against the power of an enemy , which wee cannot limit , are unsufficient . whensoever therefore there happeneth an invasion greater then those forces are able to resist , and there be no other right to levy more , then is every man by necessity of nature , allowed to make the best provision he can for himself ; and thus is the private sword , and the estate of war again reduced . but seeing revenue , without the right of commanding men , is of no use , neither in peace nor war , it is necessary to be supposed , that he that hath the administration of those articles , which are in the former section supposed , must have also right to make use of the strengths of particular men . and what reason soever giveth him that right over any one , giveth him the same over all . and then is his right absolute . for he that hath right to all their forces , hath right to dispose of the same . again , supposing those limited forces and revenue , either by the necessary , or negligent use of them to fail , and that for a supply the same multitude be again to be assembled , who shall have power to assemble them , that is to compel them to come together ? if he that demandeth the supply , hath that right , to wit , the right to compell them all , then is his soveraignty absolute ; if not , then is every particular man at liberty to come , or not ; to frame a new common wealth , or not , and so the right of the private sword returneth but suppose them willingly , and of their own accord assembled to consider of this supply , if now it be stil in their choice , whether they shall give it , or not , it is also in their choice , whether the common wealth shall stand , or not . and therefore there lieth not upon any of them any civil obligation that may hinder them from using force , in case they think it tend to their defence . this device therefore of them that will make civil laws first , and then a civil body afterwards ( as if policy made a body politick , and not a body politick made policy ) is of no effect . 15. others , to avoid the hard condition , as they take it , of absolute subiection ( which ( in hatred thereto ) they also call slaverie ) have despised a government , as they think , mixed of three sorts of soveraignty . as for example ; they suppose the power of making laws , given to some great assembly democratical , the power of judicature to some other assembly , and the administration of the laws to a third , or to some one man ; and this policy they call mixt mona●chy , or mixt aristocracy , or mixt democracy , according as any of these three sorts do most visibly predominate . and in this estate of government , they thinke the use of the private sword excluded . 16. and supposing it were so , how were this condition which they call slavery , eased thereby . for in this estate they would have no man allowed , either to be his own judge , or own carver , or to make any lawes unto himself ; and as long as these three agree they are as absolutely subject to them , as is a child to the father , or a slave to the master , in the state of nature . the ease therefore of this subjection , must consist in the disagreement of those amongst whom they have dist●ibuted the rights of soveraign power . but the same disagreement is war . the division therefore of the soveraignty , either worketh no effect to the taking away of simple subjection , or introduceth war , wherein the private sword hath place againe . but the truth is , as hath been already shewed in 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. precedent sections , the soveraignty is indivisible . and that seeming mixture of severall kinds of government , not mixture of the things themselves , but confusion in our understandings , that cannot find out readily to whom we have subiected our selves . 17. but though the soveraignty be not mixt , but be alwaies either simple democracy , or simple aristocracy , or pure monarchy , nevertheless in the administration thereof , all those sorts of government may have place subordinate . for suppose the soveraign power be democracy , as it was sometimes in rome , yet at the same time they may have a counsel aristocratical , such as was the senate ; and at the same time they may have a subordinate monarch , such as was their dictator , who had , for a time , the exercise of the whole soveraignty , & such as are all generals in war . so also in monarchy there may be a councel aristocratical of men , chosen by the monarch , or democratical of men chosen by the consent ( the monarch permitting ) of all the particular men of the common wealth . and this mixture is it that imposeth , as if it were the mixture of soveraignty . as if a man should think , because the great councel of venice doth nothing ordinarily but choose magistrats , ministers of state , captains , and governours of towns , ambassadors , councellors , and the like , that therefore their part of the soveraigt , is only chusing of magistrates : & that the making of war , and peace , and laws were not theirs , but the part of such counsellors as they appointed thereto ; wheras it is the part of these to do it but subordinately , the supream authority therof being in the great councel that chuse them . 18. and as reason teacheth us , that a man considered out of subjection to lawes , and out of all covenants obligatory to others , is free to do and undo , and deliberate as long as he listeth ; every member being obedient to the will of the whole man , that liberty being nothing else but his naturall power , without which he is no better then an inanimate creature , not able to help himself ; so also it teacheth us , that a body politick , of what kind soever , nor subiect to another , nor obliged by covenants , ought to be free , and in all actions to be assisted by the members , every one in their place , or at least not resisted by them . for otherwise , the power of a body politick ( the essence whereof , is the not resistance of the members ) is none , nor a body politick of any benefit . and the same is confirmed by the use of all nations and common-wealths , wherein that man or councel which is virtually the whole , hath any absolute power over every particular member ; or what nation or common-wealth is there , that hath not power and right to constitute a general in their wars ? but the power of a general is absolute ; and consequently there was absolute power in the common wealth , from whom it was derived . for no person , natural or civill , can transfer unto another more power then himself hath . 19. in every common vvealth , where particular men are deprived of their right to protect themselves there resideth an absolute soveraignty ; as i have already shewed . but in what man , or in what assembly of men the same is placed , is not so manifest , as not to need some marks , whereby it may be discerned . and first , it is an infallible mark of absolute soveraignty in a man or in an assembly of men , if there be no right in any other person , naturall or civil , to punish that man , or to dissolve that assembly . for he that cannot of right be punished , cannot of right be resisted ; and he that cannot of right be resisted , hath coercive power ove● all the rest , and thereby can frame and govern their actions at his pleasure , which is absolute soveraignty . contrariwise , he that in a common-wealth is punishable by any , or that assembly that is dissolvable , is not soveraign . for a greater power is alwaies required to punish and dissolve , then theirs who are punished or dissolved ; and that power cannot be called soveraign , then which there is a greater . secondly , that man or assembly , that by their own right not derived from the present right of any other , may make laws , or abrogate them at his or their pleasure , have the soveraignty absolute . for seeing the laws they make , are supposed to be made by right , the members of the common wealth to whom they are made , are obliged to obey them , and consequently not resist the execution of them , which not resistance , maketh the power absolute of him that ordaineth them . it is likewise a mark of this soveraignty , to have the right originall of appointing magistrates , judges , councellors , and ministers of state . for without that power , no act of soveraignty or government can be performed . lastly , and generally , whosoever by his own authority independent , can do any act , which another of the same common wealth may not , must needs be understood to have the soveraign power . for by nature men have equal right . this inequality therefore must proceed from the power of the common-wealth . he therefore that doth any act lawfully by his owne authorit● , which another may not , doth it by the power of the common-wealth in himself , which is absolute soveraignty . chap. ii. 1. democracy precedeth all other , &c. 2. the soveraign people covenanteth not with the subiects . 3. the soveraign , &c. cannot , &c. do iniury , &c. 4. the faults of the soveraigne people , &c. 5 democracy , &c. an aristocracy of orators . 6. aristocracy how made . 7. the body of the optimates not properly said to iniure the subiects . 8. the election of the optimates , &c. 9. an elective king , &c. 10. a conditional king , &c. 11. the word people equivocal . 12. obedience discharged by release . 13. how such releases are to be understood . 14. obedience discharged by exile . 15. by conquest . 16. by ignorance of the right of succession . having spoken in generall concerning instituted policy in the former chapter , i come in this , to speak of the sorts thereof in special , how every of them is instituted . the first in order of time of these three sorts , is democracy ; and it must be so of necessity , because an aristocracy and a monarchy , require nomination of persons agreed upon , which agreement in a great multitude of men must consist in the consent of the major part ; and where the votes of the maior part involve the votes of the rest , there is actually a democracie . 2. in the making of a democracie , there passeth no covenant between the soveraign and any subiect . for while the democracy is a making , there is no soveraign with whom to contract . for it cannot be imagined , that the multitude should contract with it seif , or with any one man , or number of men parcell of it self , to make it self soveraign nor that a mulritude considered as one aggregate , can give it self any thing which before it had not . seeing then that soveraignty democraticall is nat conferred by the covenant of any multitude , which supposeth union and soveraignty already made ; it resteth that the same be conferred by the particular covenants of evry several man , that is to say , every man with every man , for and in consideration of the benefit of his own peace and defence , covenanteth to stand to and obey whatsoever the maior part of their whole number , or the maior part of such a number of them , as shall be pleased to assemble at a certain time and place , shall determine and command . and this is that which giveth being to a democracy , wherein the soveraign assembly was called of the greeks , by the name of demus , ( that is , the people ) from whence cometh democracy . so that , where to the supreame and independent court , every man may come that will and give his vote , there the soveraign is called the people . 3. out of this that hath been sayd , may readily be drawn , that whatsoever the people doth to any one particular member or subject of the common wealth , the same by him ought not to be stiled iniury . for first iniury ( by the definition , part 1. chap. 3. sect. 2. ) is breach of covenant ; but covenants ( as hath been said in the precedent section ) there passed none from the people to any private man ; and consequently ( to wit the people ) can do him no iniury . secondly , how uniust soever the action be , that this soveraigne d●mus shall do , is done by the will of every particular man subiect to him , who are therefore guilty of the same . if therefore they stile it iniury , they but accuse themselves . and it is against reason for the same man , both to do and complain , implying this contradiction , that wheras he first ratified the peoples acts in general , he now disalloweth the same of them in particular . it is therefore said truly , volenti non fit injuria . nevertheless nothing doth hinder but that divers actions done by the people may be uniust before god almighty , as breaches of the law of nature . 4. and when it hapneth , that the people by plurality of voices , that decree or command any thing contrary to the law of god or nature , though the decree and command be the act of every man , not only present in the assembly , but also absent from it , yet is not the iniustice of the decree , the iniustice of every particular man , but only of those men , by whose express-sufferag●s the decree or command was passed . for a body politick , as it is a fictious body , so are the faculties and will thereof fictious also . but to make a particular man uniust which consisteth of a body and soul natural , there is required a naturall and very will . 5. in all democracies , though the right of soveraignty be in the assembly which is virtually the whole body , yet the use therof is alwaies in one , or a few particular men . for in such great assemblies , as those must be , whereinto every man may enter at his pleasure , there is no means any waies to deliberate and give councel what to do but by long and set orations , whereby to every man there is more or less hope given to incline & sway the assembly to their own ends . in a multitude of speakers therefore where alwaies either one is eminent alone , or a few being equal amongst themselvs are eminent above the rest , that one or few must of necessity sway the whole . insomuch that a democracy , in effect is no more then an aristocracy of orators , interrupted sometimes with the temporary monarchy of one orator 6. and seeing a democracy is by institution , the beginning both of aristocracy and monarchy , we are to consider next , how aristocracy is derived from it . when the particular members of the common wealth growing weary of attendance at publick courts , as dwelling far off , or being attentive to their private businesses , and withall , displeased with the government of the people , assemble themselves to make an aristocracy , there is no more required to the making thereof , but putting to the question one by one , the names of such men as it shall consist of , and assenting to their election ; and by plurality of vote to transfer that power , which before the people had , to the number of men so named and chosen . 7. and from this manner of erecting an aristocracy , it is manifest , that the few , or optimates , have entred into no covenant with any of the particular members of the common vvealth , wherof they are soveraign ; and consequently cannot do any thing to any private man , that can be called injury to him , howsoever their act be wicked before almighty god , according to that which hath been sayd before sect ● . farther it is impossible , that the people , as one body politick , should covenant with the aristocracy or optimates , on whom they intend to transfer their soveraignty . for no sooner is the aristocracy erected , but the democracy is annihilated , and the covenants made unto them void . 8. in all aristocracies the admission of such as are from time to time to have vote in the soveraign assembly , dependeth on the will and decree of the present optimates . for they being the soveraign , have the nomination ( by the 11. section of the former chapter ) of all magistrates , ministers , and counsellors of state whatsoever , and may therefore chuse either to make them elective , or hereditary , at their pleasure . 9. out of the same democracy , the institution of a political monarch proceedeth in the same manner , as did the institutio● of the aristocracy , to wit , by a decree of the soveraign people , to passe the soveraignty to one man named and approved by plurality of suffrage . and if this soveraignty be truly and indeed transferred , the estate or common-wealth is an absolute monarchy wherein the monarch is at liberty , to dispos● as well of the succession , as of the possession and not an elective kingdome . for suppos● a decree be made first in this manner , tha● such a one shal have the soveraignty for hi● life , and that afterward they will chuse a new ▪ in this case , the power of the people is dissolved , or not ; if dissolved , then after the death of him that is chosen , there is no man bound to stand to the decrees of them that shall , as private men , run together to make a new election ; and consequently , if there be any man , who by the advantage of the raign of him that is dead , have strength enough to hold the multitude in peace and obedience , he may lawfully , or rather is by the law of nature obliged so to do ; if this power of the people were not dissolved at the chusing of their king for life , then is the people soveraign still , and the king a minister thereof only , but so , as to put the whole soveraignty in execution , a great minister , but no otherwise for his time , then a dictator was in rome . in this case at the death of him that was chosen , they that meet for a new election , have no new , but their old authority for the same . for they were the soveraign all the time , as appeareth by the acts of those elective kings , that have procured from the people , that their children might succeed them . for it is to be understood , when a man receiveth any thing from the authority of the people , he receiveth it not from the people his subiects , but from the people his soveraign . and farther though in the election of a king for his life , the people grant him the exercise of their soveraignty for that time ; yet if they see cause , they may recall the same before the time . as a prince that conferreth an office for life , may nevertheless upon suspition of abuse thereof , recall it at his pleasure ; in as much as offices that require lobour and care , are understood to passe from him that giveth them , as onera , burthens , to them that have them ; the recalling whereof are therefore not injury , but favour . nevertheless if in making an elective king , with intention to reserve the soveraignty , they reserve not a power at certaine known and determined times and places to assemble themselves , the reservation of their soveraignty is of no effect , in as much as no man is bound to stand to the decrees and determinations of those that assemble themselves without the soveraign authortiy . 10. in the former section is shewed , that elective kings that exercise their soveraignty for a time , which determines with their life , either are subjects , or not soveraigns ; and that it is , when the people in election of them , reserve unto themselves the right of assembling at certaine times and places limited and made known ; or else absolute soveraigns to dispose of the succession at their pleasure , and that is , when the people in their election have declared no time nor place of their meeting , or have left it to the power of the elected king , to assemble and dissolve them at such times as he himselfe shall think good . there is another kind of limitation of time to him that shal be elected to use the soveraign power , ( which whether it hath been practised anywhere , or not i know not , but it may be imagined , and hath been obiected against the rigor of soveraign power ) and it is this , that the people transfer their soveraignty upon conditions . as for example , for so long as he shall observe such and such lawes , as they then prescribe him . and here as before in elected kings , the question is to be made , whether in the electing of such a soveraign , they reserved to themselves a right of assembling at times and places limited and known , or not ; if not , then is the soveraignty of the people dissolved , and have neither power to iudge of the breach of the conditions given him , nor to command any forces for the deposing of him , whom on that condition they had set up , but are in the estate of war amongst themselves , as they were before they made themselves a democracy ; and consequently , if he that is elected by the advantage of the possession he hath of the publick meanes , be able to compel them to unity and obedience , he hath not only of the right of nature to warrant him , but of the law of nature to oblige him thereunto . but if in electing him , they reserved to themselves a right of assembling , and appointed certain times and places to that purpose , then are they soveraign still , and may call their conditional king to account at their pleasure , and deprive him of his government , if they judge he deserve it , either by breach of the condition set him , or otherwise . for the soveraign power can by no covenant with a subiect be bound to continue him in the charge he undergoeth by their command , as a burden imposed not particularly for his good , but for the good of the soveraign people . 11. the controversies that arise concerning the right of the people , proceed from the equivocation of the word . for the word people hath a double signification . in one sense it signifieth onely a number of men , distinguished by the place of their habitation ; as the people of england , or the people of france , which is no more , but the multitude of those particular persons that inhabit those regions , without consideration of any contracts or covenants amongst them , by which any one of them is obliged to the rest . in another sense , it signifieth a person civill , that is to say , either one man or one councel , in the will whereof is included and involved , the will of every one in particular . as for example ; in this later sence , the lower house of parliament is all the commons as long as they sit there with authority and right thereto ; but after they be dissolved , though they remain , they be no more the people nor the commons , but only the aggregate , or multitude of the particular men there sitting , how well soever they agree , or concur , in opinions amongst themselves ; whereupon they that do not distinguish between these two significations , do usually attribute such rights to a dissolved multitude , as belong only to the people virtually contained in the body of the common wealth or soveraignty . and when a great number of their own authority flock together in any nation , they usually give them the name of the whole nation . in which sense they say the people rebelleth , or the people demandeth , when it is no more then a dissolved multitude , of which though any one man may be said to demand or have right to something , yet the heap , or multitude , cannot be said to demand or have right to any thing . for where every man hath his right distinct , there is nothing left for the multitude to have right unto : and when the particulars say , this is mine , this is thine , and this is his , and have shared all amongst them , there can be nothing whereof the multitude can say , this is mine ; nor are they one body as behoveth them to be , that demand any thing under the name o mine , or his : and when they say ours every man is understood to pretend in severall , and not the multitude : on the other , side , when the multitude is united into a body politick , and thereby are a people in the other signification , and their wills virtually in the soveraign , there the rights and demands of the particulars do cease ; and he or they that have the soveraign power , doth for them all demand and vindicate under the name of his , that which before they called in the plural , theirs . 12. vve have seen how particular men enter into subiection by transferring their rights ; it followeth to consider , how such subiection may be discharged . and first , if he or they that have the soveraign power , shall relinquish the same voluntarily , there is no doubt , but every man is again at liberty to obey or not . likewise , if he or they retaining the soveraignty over the rest , do neverthless exempt some one or more , from their subiection , every man so exempted , is discharged , for he or they to whom any man is obliged , hath the power to release him . 13. and here it is to be understood , that when he or they that have the soveraign power , give such exemption , or priviledge , to a subiect , as is not seperable from the soveraignty , and nevertheless directly retaineth the soveraign power , not knowing the consequence of the priviledg they grant , the person or persons exempted or priviledged , are not thereby released . for in contradictory significations of the will , part 1. chap. 13. sect. 9. that which is directly signified , is to be understood for the will , before that which is drawn from it by consequence . 14. also exile perpetual , is a release of subiection , forasmuch , as being out of the protection , of the soveraignty that expelled him , he hath no meanes of subsisting but from himself . now every man may lawfully defend himself , that hath no other defence ; else there had been no necessity , that any man should enter into voluntary subiection , as they do in common wealths . 15. likewise a man is released of his subiection by conquest . for when it cometh to pass , that the power of a common wealth is overthrown , and any particular man thereby lying under the sword of his enemy , yeildeth himself captive , he is thereby bound to serve him that taketh him , and consequently discharged of his obligation to the former . for no man can serve two masters . 16. lastly , ignorance of the succession dischargeth obedience . for no man can be understood to be obliged to obey he knoweth not whom . chap. iii. 1.2 . titles to dominion ; master and servant , &c. 3. chaines and other , &c. bonds &c. slave defined . 4. servants have no property against their lord , &c. 5. the master hath right to alienate his servant . 6. the servant of the servant , &c. 7. how servitude is discharged . 8. the middle lord . &c. 9. the title of man , &c. over beasts . having set forth in the two preceding chapters , the nature of a common wealth institutive by the consent of many men together , i come now to speak of dominion , or a body politick by acquisition , which is commonly called a patrimonial kingdome . but before i enter thereinto , it is necessary to make known upon what title one man may acquire right , that is to say , property or dominion over the person of another . for when one man hath dominion over another , there is a little kingdome . and to be a king by acquisition , is nothing else but to have acquired a right or dominion over many . 2. considering men therefore again in the estate of nature , without covenants or subjection one to another , as if they were but even now all at once created male and female , there be three titles only , by which one man may have right and dominion over another ; whereof two may take place presently , and those are , voluntary offer of subjection , and yeilding by compulsion : the third is to take place upon the supposition of children begotten amongst them . concerning the first of these three titles , it is handled before in the two last chapters . for from thence cometh the right of soveraigns over their subjects in a common wealth institutive . concerning the second title , ( which is when a man submitteth to an assailant for fear of death ) thereby accrueth a right of dominion . for where every man ( as it happeneth in this case ) hath right to all things , there needs no more for the making of the said right effectual but a covenant from him that is overcome , not to resist him that overcometh . and thus cometh the victor to have right of absolute dominion over the conquered . by which there is presently constituted a little body politick , which consisteth of two persons , the one soveraign , which is called the master or lord ; the other subiect , which is called the servant . and when a man hath acquired right over a number of servants so considerable , as they cannot by their neighbours be securely invaded , this body politick is a kingdome despotical . 3. and it is to be understood that when a servant taken in the vvars , is kept bound in natural bonds , and chaines and the like , or in prison , there hath passed no covenant from the servant to his master . for those natural bonds have no need of strengthening by the verbal bonds of covenant , and they shew , that the servant is not trusted . but covenant , ( part 1. chap. 15. sect. 9. ) supposeth trust . there remaineth therefore in the servant thus kept bound , or in prison , a right of delivering himself , if he can , by what means soever . this kind of servant is that which ordinarily , and without passion , is called a slave . the romanes had no such distinct name , but comprehended all under the name of servus ; whereof such as they loved and durst trust , were suffered to go at liberty , and admitted to places of office , both neer to their persons , & in their affaires abroad ; the rest were kept chained , or otherwise restrained with natural impediments to their resistance . and as it was amongst the romanes , so it was amongst other nations , the former sort having no other bond but a supposed covenant , without which the master had no reason to trust them ; the later being without covenant , and no otherwise tyed to obedience , but by chains , or other like forcible custody . 4. a master therefore is to be supposed to have no less right over those , whose bodies he leaveth at liberty , then over those he keepeth in bonds and imprisonment , and hath absolute dominion over both , and may say of his servant , that he is his , as he may of any other thing : and whatsoever the servant had , and might call his is now the master's ; for he that disposeth of the person , disposeth of all the person could dispose of : insomuch , as though there be meum & tuum among servants distinct from one another by the dispensation and for the benefit of their master , yet there is no meum & tuum belonging to any of them against the master himselfe , whom they are not to resist , but to obey all his commands as law . 5. and seeing both the servant and all that is committed to him , is the property of the master , and every man may dispose of his own , and transfer the same at his pleasure , the master may therefore alienate his dominion over them , or give the same by his last will to whom he list . 6. and if it happen , that the master himself by captivity or voluntary subjection , become servant to another , then is that other master paramount ; & those servants of him that becometh servant , are no farther obliged , then their master paramount shall think good ; forasmuch as he disposing of the master subordinate , disposeth of all he hath , and consequently of his servants . so that the restriction of absolute power in masters , proceedeth not from the law of nature , but from the political law of him , that is their master supream or soveraign . 7. servants immediate to the supream master , are discharged of their servitude , or subiection in the same manner that subiects are released of their allegiance in a common wealth institutive . as first , by release . for he that captiveth , ( which is done by accepting what the captive transferreth to him ) setteth again at l●berty , by transferring back the same . and this kinde of release is called manumission . secondly , by exile . for that is no more but manumission given to a servant , not in the way benefit , but punishment . thirdly , by a new captivity , where the servant having done his endeavour to defend himself , hath thereby performed his covenant to his former master , and for the safety of his life , entring into new covenant with the conquerour , is bound to doe his best endeavour to keep that likewise . fourthly , ignorance of who is successor to his diceased master , dischargeth him of obedience : for no covenant holdeth longer then a man knoweth to whom he is to perform it . and lastly , that servant that is no longer trusted , but committed to his chains and custody , is thereby discharged of the obligation in foro interno , and therefore if he can get loose , may lawfully goe his way . 8. but servants subordinate , though manumitted by their immediate lord , are not thereby discharged of their subiection to their lord paramount , for the immediate master hath no propertie in them , having transferred his right before to another , namely , to his own and supream master . nor if the chief lord should manumit his immediate servant , doth he thereby release his servants of their obligation to him that is so manumitted . for by this manumission , he recovereth again the absolute dominion he had over them before . for after a release , ( which is the discharge of a covenant ) the right standeth as it did before the covenant was made . 9. this right of conquest , as it maketh one man master over another , so also maketh it a man to be master of the irrational creatures . for if a man in the state of nature be in hostility with men , and thereby have lawful title to subdue or kill , according as his owne conscience and discretion shall suggest , unto him for his safety and benefit , much more may he doe the same to beasts ; that is to say , save and preserve for his own service , according to his discretion , such as are of nature apt to obey , and commodious for use ; and to kill and destroy with perpetual war , all other , as fierce and noysome to him . and this dominion is therefore of the law of nature , and not of the divine law positive . for if there had been no such right , before the revealing of gods will in the scripture , then should no man to whom the scripture hath not come , have right to make use of those his creatures , either for his food or sustenance . and it were a hard condition of mankind , that a fierce and salvage beast , should with more right kill a man , then a man a beast . chap. iv. 1. the dominion over the child , &c. 2. preheminence of sex giveth not the child to the father , rather then to the mother . 3. the title of the father or mother , &c. 4. the child of a woman-servant , &c. 5. the right to the child given from the mother , &c. 6. the child of the concubine , &c. 7. the child of the husband and the wife , &c. 8. the father , or he or she that bringeth up the child , have absolute power over him . 9. freedome in subiects what it is . 10. a great family is a patrimonial kingdome . 11. succession of the soveraign power , &c. 12. though the successor be not declared , yet there is alwayes one to be presumed . 13. the children preferred to the succession , &c. 14. the males before females . 15. the eldest before the rest of the brothers . 16. the brother next to the children . 17. the succession of the possessor , &c. of three wayes by which a man becometh subiect to another , mentioned sect. 2. chap. the last , namely , voluntary offer , captivity and birth , the former two have been spoken of , under the name of subiects and servants . in the next place , we are to set down the third way of subiection , under the name of children , and by what title one-man commeth to have propriety in a child , that proceedeth from the common generation of two , ( to wit ) of male and female . and considering men again dissolved from all covenants one with another , and that ( part 1. chap. 4. sect. 2. ) every man by the law of nature , hath right or propriety to his own body , the child ought rather to be the proprietie of the mother , ( of whose body it is part , till the time of separation ) then of the father . for the understanding therefore of the right that a man or woman hath to his or their child , two things are to be considered ; first , what title the mother , or any other originally hath , to a child new born : secondly , how the father , or any other man , pretendeth by the mother . 2. for the first , they that have written of this subiect have made generation to be a title of dominion over persons , as well as the consent of the persons themselves . and because generation giveth title to two , namely , father , and mother , whereas dominion is indivisible , they therefore ascribe dominion over the child to the father only , ob praestantiam sexus ; but they shew not , neither can i find out by what coherence , either generation inferreth dominion , or advantage of so much strength , which , for the most part , a man hath more then a woman , should generally and universally entitle the father to a propriety in the child and take it away from the mother . 3. the title to dominion over a child , proceedeth not from the generation , but from the preservation of it ; and therefore in the estate of nature , the mother , in whose power it is to save or destroy it , hath right thereto by that power , according to that which hath been sayd , part 1. chap. 1. sect. 13. and if the mother shall think fit to abandon , or expose her c●ild to death , whatsoever man or woman shall finde the child so exposed shall have the same right which the mother had before ; and for this same reason , namely , for the power not of generating , but preserving . and though the child thus preservd , do in time acquire strength , whereby he might pretend equality with him or her that hath preserved him , yet shall that pretence be thought unreasonable , both because his strength was the gift of him , against whom be pretendeth , and also because it is to be presumed that he which giveth sustenance to another , whereby to strengthen him , hath received a promise of obedience in consideration thereof . for else it would be wisdome in men , rather to let their children perish , while they are infants , then to live in their danger or subiection , when they are grown . 4. for the pretences which a man may have to dominion over a child by the right of the mother , they be of divers kinds . one by the absolute subiection of the mother ; another , by some particular covenant from her , which is less then a covenant of such subiection . by absolute subiection , the master of the mother hath right to her child , according to sect. 6. chap. 3. whether he be the father thereof , or not . and thus the children of the servant are the goods of the master in perpetuum 5. of covenants that amount not to subiection between man and woman , there be some which are made for a time ; they are covenants of cohabitation , or else of copulation only . and in this later case , the children pass by covenants particular . and thus in the copulation of the amazones with their neighbours , the fathers by covenant had the male children only , the mothers retaining the females . 6. and covenants of cohabitation are either for society of bed , or for society of all things ; if for society of bed only , then is the woman called a concubine . and here also the child shall be his or hers , as they shall agree particularly by covenant . for although for the most part , a concubine is supposed to yeild up the right of her children to the father , yet doth not concubinate enforce so much . 7. but if the covenants of cohabitation be for societie of all things ; it is necessary that but one of them govern and dispose of all that is common to them both ; without which , ( as hath been often said before ) societie cannot last . and therefore the man , to whom for the most part , the woman yeildeth the government , hath for the most part also , the sole right and dominion over the children . and the man is called the husband , and the woman the vvife . but because sometimes the government may belong to the vvife only , sometimes also the dominion over the children shall be in her only . as in the case of a soveraign queen , there is no reason that her marriage should take from her the dominion over her children . 8. children therefore , whether they be brought up and preserved by the father , or by the mother , or by whomsoever are in most absolute subjection to him or her , that so bringeth them up , or preserveth them . and they may alienate them , that is , assign his or her dominion , by selling , or giving them , in adoption or servitude , to others ; or may pawn them for hostages , kill them for rebellion , or sacrifice them for peace , by the law of nature , when he or she , in his or her conscience , think it to be necessary . 9. the subiection of them who institute a common wealth amongst themselves , is no less absolute then the subiection of servants . and therein they are in equal estate . but the hope of those is greater then the hope of these . for he that subiecteth himself uncompelled , thinketh there is no reason he should be better used then he that doth it upon compulsion ; and coming in freely calleth himself , though in subiection , a freeman ; whereby it appeareth that liberty is not any exemption from subiection and obedience to the soveraign power , but a state of better hope then theirs , that have been subiected by force and conquest . and this was the reason , that the name which signifieth children in the latine tongue , is liberi , which also signifieth free men . and yet in rome nothing at that time was so obnoxious to the power of others , as children in the family of their fathers . for both the state had power over their life without consent of their fathers , and the father might kil his son by his own authority , without any warrant from the state . freedome therefore in common-wealths , is nothing but the honour of equality of favour with other subiects , and servitude the estate of the rest . a free-man therefore may expect employments of honour , rather then a servant . and this is al that can be understood by the liberty of the subiect . for in all other senses , liberty is the state of him that is not subiect . 10. now when a father that hath children hath servants also , the children ( not by the right of the child , but by the natural indulgence of the parents ) are such fremen . and the whole consisting of the father or mother , or both , & of the children , & of the servants , is called a family , wherin the father or mother of the family is soveraign of the same , and the rest ( both children and servants equally ) subiects . the same family , if it grow by multiplication of children , either by generation or adoption ; or of servants , either by generation , gonquest , or voluntary submission , to be so great and numerous , as in probability it may protect it self , then is that family called a patrimoniall kingdome , or monarchy by acquisition , wherein the soveraignty is in one man , as it is in a monarch made by politicall institution . so that whatsoev●r rights be in the one , the same also be in the other . and therefore i shall no more speake of them as distinct , but of monarchy in general . 11. having shewed by what right the several sorts of common-wealths , democracy , aristocracy , and monarchy , are erected , it followeth , to shew by what right they are continued . the right by which they are continued , is called the right of succession to the soveraign power ; whereof there is nothing to be said a democracy , because the soveraign dyeth not , as long as there be subjects alive . nor in any aristocracy , because it cannot easily fall out , that the optimates should every one fail at once : and if it should so fall out , there is no question , but the common wealth is thereby dissolved . it is therefore in a monarchy only , that there can happen a question concerning the succession . and first , forasmuch as a monarch , which is absolue soveraign , hath the dominion in his own right , he may dispose thereof at his own will . if therefore by his last will , he shall name his successor , the right passeth by that will . 12. nor if the monarch dye without any will concerning the succession declared , it is not therefore to be presumed , it was his will his subiects , which are to him as his children and servants , should return again to the state of anarchy , that is to war and hostility . for that were expresly against the law of nature , which commandeth to procure peace , and to maintain the same . it is therefore to be conjectured with reason , that it was the intention to bequeath them peace , that is to say , a power coercive , whereby to keep them from sedition amongst themselves ; and rather in the form of a monarchy , then any other government ; forasmuch as he , by the exercise thereof in his own person , hath declared , that he approveth the same . 13. farther , it is to be supposed , his intention was , that his own children should be preferred in the succession ( when nothing to the contrary , is expresly declared ) before any other . for men naturally seek their own honour , and that consisteth in the honour of their children after them . 14. again , seeing every monarch is supposed to desire to continue the governmen● in his successors , as long as he may ; and that generally men are indued with greate● parts of wisdom and courage , by which al● monarchies are kept from dis●olution , then women , are it is to be presumed , where no express will is extant to the contrary , he preferreth his male children before the female . not but that women may governe and have in divers ages and places governed wisely , but are not so apt thereto in generals , as men . 15. because the soveraign power is indivisible , it cannot be supposed , that he intended the same should be divided , but that it should descend intirely upon one of them , which is do be presumed , should be the eldest , assigned thereto by the lot of nature , because he appointed no other lot for the decision thereof . besides , what difference of ability soever there may be amongst the brethren , the odds shall be adiudged to the elder , because no subiect hath authority otherwise to judge thereof . 16. and for want of issue in the possessor , the brother shall be presumed successor . for by the judgement of nature , next in blood , is next in love , and next in love , is next to preferment . 17. and as the succession followeth the first monarch , so also it followeth him or her that is in possession ; and consequently , the children of him in possession , shall be prefe●red before the children of his father , or predecessor . chap. v. 1. the utility of the common-wealth , &c. 2. the losse of liberty , &c. 3. monarchy approved , &c. 4. monarchy less subiect to passion , &c. 5.6 . subiects in monarchy , &c. 7. laws in monarchy less changeable , &c. 8. monarchies less subiect to dissolution . having set forth the nature of a person politick , and the three sotts thereof , democracy , aristocracy , and monarchy , in this chapter shall be declared , the convencies , and inconveniencies , that arise from the same , both in general ; and of the said several sorts in particular . and first , seeing a body politick is erected only for the ruling and governing of particular men , the benefit and damage thereof consieth in the benefit or damage of being ruled . the benefit is that for which a body politick was instituted , namely , the peace and preservation of every particular man , then which it is not possible there can be a greater , as hath been touched before , part 1. chap. 1. sect. 12. and this benefit extendeth equally both to the soveraign and to the subjects . for he or they that have the soveraign power , have but the defence of their persons , by the assistance of the particulars ; and every particular man hath his defence by their union in the soveraign . as for other benefits , which pertain not to their safetie and sufficiency , bu● to their well and delightfull being , such as are superfluous riches , they so belong to the soveraign , as they must also be in the subject ; and so to the subiect , as they must also be in the soveraign . for the riches and treasure of the soveraign , is the dominion he hath over the riches of his subiects . if therefore the soveraign provide not so , as that particular men may have means , both to preserve themselvs , and also to preserve the publick the common or soveraign treasure can be none . and on the other side , if it were not for a common and publick treasure belonging to the soveraign power , mens private riches would sooner serve to put them into confusion and war , then to secure and maintain them . insomuch , as the profit of the soveraiegn & subiect goeth alwayes together . that distinction therefore of government , that there is one government for the good of him that governeth , & another for the good of them that be governed ; whereof the former is despotical , ( that is lordly ) the other , a government of freemen , is not right . no more is the opinion of them that hold it to be no city , which consisteth of a master and his servants . they might as well say , it were no city that consisted in a father and his own issue , how numerous soever they were . for to a master that hath no children , the servants have in them all those respects , for which men love their children . for they are his strength , and his honour . and his power is no greater over them , then over his children . 2. the inconvenience arising from government in general , to him that governeth consisteth partly in the continual care and trouble about the businesse of other men , that are his subiects , and partly in the danger of his person . for the head alwayes is that part , not only where the care resideth , but also against which the stroke of an enemy most commonly is directed . to ballance this incommodity , the soveraignty , together with the necessity of this care and danger , comprehendeth so much honour ; riches and means , whereby to delight the mind , as no private mans wealth can attain unto . the inconveniences of government , in generall to a subiect are none at all , if well considered , but in appearance . there be two things that may trouble his mind , o● two general grievances , the one is losse of liberty ; the other , the uncertainty of meum & tuum . for the first , it consisteth in this , that a subiect may no more governe his own actions according to his own discretion and judgement , ( which is all one ) conscience , as the present occasions from time to time shall dictate to him , but must be tyed to do according to that will onely , which once for all , he had long ago laid up , and involved in the wills of the maior part of an assembly , or in the will of some one man . but this is really no inconvenience . for , as it hath been shewed before , it is the only meanes , by which we have any possibility of preserving our selves . for if every man were allowed this liberty , of following his conscience , in such difference of consciences , they would not live together in peace an hour . but it appeareth a great inconvenience to every man in particular , to be debarred of this liberty , because every one a part considereth it as in himself , and not as in the rest , by which means , l●berty appeareth in the likeness of rule and government over others . for where one man is at liberty , and the rest bound , there that one hath government ; which honour , he that understandeth not so much , demanding by the name simply of liberty , thinketh it a great grievance and iniury to be denyed it . for the second grievance concerning meum & tuum , it is also none , but in appearance only ; it consisteth in this , that the soveraign power , taketh from him that which he used to enjoy , knowing no other propriety but use and custome . but without such soveraign power , the right of men is not proprietie to any thing , but a community , no better then to have no right at all , as hath been shewed , part. 1. chap. 1. sect. 10. propriety therefore being derived from the soveraign power , is not to be pretended against the same , especially , when by it every subject hath his propriety against every other subject , which when soveraignty ceaseth , he hath not , because in that case they return to war amongst t●ems●lves . those levies therfore which are made upon mens estates , by the soveraign authority , are no more but the price of that peace and defence which the sovraignty maintaineth for them . if this were not so , no money nor forces for the wars , not any other publick occasion , could justly be levied in the world . for neither king , nor democracy , nor aristocracy , nor the estates of any land , could do it , if the soverainty could not . for in all those cases it is levied by virtue of the soveraignty . nay more , by the three estates , here the land of one man may be transferred to another , without crime of his from whom it was taken , and withomt pretence of publick benefit , as hath been done ; and this without injury , because done by the soveraign power . for the power whereby it is done , is no less then soveraign , and cannot be greater . therefore this greivance for meum & tuum is not real , unless more be exacted then is necessary ; but it seemeth a greivance , because to them that either know not the right of soveraignty , or to whom that right belongeth , it seemeth an injury , and iniury howsoever little the dammage is alwaies greivous as putting us in minde of our disability to help our selves , and into envy of the power to do us wrong . 3. having spoken of the inconveniencies of the subiect , by government in general , let us consider the same in the three several sorts thereof , namely , democracy , aristocracy and monarchy ; whereof the two former are in effect but one . for ( as i have shewed befo●e ) democracy is but the governement of a few orators . the comparison therefore will be between monarchy and aristocracy : and to omit that the world as it was created , so also it is governed by one god almighty ; and that all the ancients have have preferred monarchy before other governments , both in opinion , because they faigned a monarchial government amongst their gods , and also by their custome ; for that in the most ancient times all people were so governed ; and that paternal government which is monarchy , was instituted in the beginning from the creation , & that other governments have proceeded from the dissolution thereof , called by the rebellious nature of mankind , and be but pieces of broken monarchies cemented by humane wit , i will insist only on this comparison upon the inconvenies that may happen to the subiects , in consequence to each of these governments . 4. and first , it seemeth inconvenient there should be committed so great a power to one man , as that it might be lawful to no other man or men to resist the same ; and som think it inconvenient eo nomine , because he hath the power . but this reason we may not by any means admit . for it maketh it inconvenient to be ruled by almighty god , who without question hath more power over every man , then can be conferred upon any monarch . this inconvenience therefore must be derived , not from the power , but from the aff●ctions and passions which raign in every one , as well monarch , as subject , by which the monarch may be swayd to use that power amiss . and because an aristocracy consisteth of men , if the passions of many men be more violent when they are assembled together , then the passions of one man alone , it will follow , that the inconvenience arising from passions will be greater in an aristocracy then a monarchy . but there is no doubt , when things are debated in great assemblies , but every man delivering his opinion at large without interruption endeavour●th to make whatsoever he is to set forth for good , better ; and what he would have apprehended as evill , worse , as much as is possible , to the end his counsel may take place ; which counsel also is never without ayme at his own benefit , or honour ; every mans end ●e●ng some good to himself . now this cannot be done without working on the passions of the rest . and thus the passions of these that are singly moderate , are altogether vehement , even as a great many coals , though but warm asunder , being put together , inflame one another . 5. another inconvenience of monarchy , is this , that the monarch , besides the riches necessary for the defence of the common wealth , may take so much more from the subiects , as may enrich his children , kindred and favourites , to what degree he pleaseth ; which though it be indeed an inconvenience , if he should so do , yet is the same both greater in an aristocracy , and also more likely to come to pass . for their , not one only , but many have children , kindred , and friends to raise . and in that point they a●e as twenty monarchs for one , and likely to set forward one anothers designs mutually , to the oppression of all the rest . the same also happeneth in a democracy , if they all do agree , otherwise they bring a worse inconvenience , to wit , sedition . 6. another inconvenience of monarchy , is the power of dispencing with the execution of iustice , whereby the family and friends of the monarch may with impunity , commit outrages upon the people , or oppresse them with extortion . but in ar●stocracies , not only one , but many have power of taking men out of the hands of iustice , and no man is willing his kindred or friends should be punished according to their demerits . and therefore they understand amongst themselves without further speaking , as a tacite covenant , hodie mihi , cras tibi . 7. another inconvenience of monarchy , is the power of altring lawes . concerning which , it is necessary that such a power be , that lawes may be altered , according as mens manners charg , or as the coniuncture of all circumstances within and without the common wealth shall require ; the change of law being then inconvenient , when it proceedeth from the change , not of the occasion , but of the minds of him or them , by whose authority the laws a●e made . now it is manifest enough of it self , that the mind of one man is not so variable in that point , as are the decrees of an assembly . for not only they have all their natural changes , but the change of any one man may be enough with eloquence and reputation , or by solicitation and faction , to make that law to day , which another by the very same means shall abrogate to morrow . 8. lastly , the greatest inconvenience that can happen to a common wealth , is the aptitude to dissolve into civil war , and to this are monarchies much less subiect then any other governments . for where the union or band of a common wealth is one man , there is no distraction whereas in assemblies , those that are of different opinions , and give different counsel are apt to fall out amongst themselves , and to cross the designs of the common wealth for one anothers sake : and when they cannot have the honour of making good their owne devices , they yet seek the honour to make the counsels of the adversaries prove vain . and in this contention , when the opposite factions happen to be any thing equal in strength . they presently fal to war . wherein necessity teacheth both sides , that an absolute monarch , to wit , a general , is necessary both for their defence against one another , and also for the peace of each faction within it self . but this aptitude to dissolution , is to be understood for an inconvenience in such aristocracies onely , where the affairs of state are debated in gr●at and numerous assemblies , as they were anciently in athens , and in rome ; and not in such as doe nothing else in great assemblies , but choose magistrates and counsellours , and commit the handling of state-affaires to a few ; such as is the aristocracy of venice at this day . for these are no more apt to dissolve from this occasion , then monarchies , the counsel of state being both in the one and the other alike . chap. vi . 1. a difficulty concerning absolute subiection to man , arising from our absolute subiection to god almighty , propounded . 2. that this difficulty is onely amongst those christians , that deny the interpretation of scripture , to depend upon the soveraign authority of the common-wealth . 3. that humane lawes are not made to govern the consciences of men , but their words and a●●ions . 4. places of scripture to prove obedience due from chr●stians to their soveraign in all things . 5. a distinction propounded betwe●n a fundamentall point of faith , and a superstruction . 6. an explication of the points of faith , that be fundam●ntal . 7. the bel●ef of those fundamental points , is all that is required to salvation , as of fai●h . 8. that other points not fundamen●all , are not necessary to salvation , as matter of faith ; and that no more is required by way of faith to the salvation of one man , th●n to another . 9. that super●●ructions are not points of the faith necessary to a christian . 10. how faith and justice c●ncurre to salvation . 11. that in christian common-wealths , obedience to god and man stand wel together . 12. this tenet , whatsoever is against the conscience , is sin , interpreted 13. that all men do confess the necessity of submitting of controversies to some humane authority . 14. that christians under an infidel , are discharged of the iniustice of disobeying them , in that which concerneth the faith necessary to salvation , by not resisting . having shewed , that in all common-wealths whatsoever , the necessity of peace and government requireth , that there be existent some power , either in one man , or in one assembly of men , by the name of the power soveraign , to which it is not lawfull for any member of the same common-wealth to disobey ; there occurreth now a difficulty , which if it be not removed , maketh it unlawfull for a man to put himself under the command of such absolute soveraignty , as is required thereto . and the difficulty is this ; we have amongst us the word of god for the rule of our actions : now if wee shall subiect our selves to men also , obliging our selves to do such actions , as shall be by them commanded , when the commands of god and man shall differ , we are to obey god , rather then man ; and consequently , the covenant of general obedience to man is unlaw●ull . 2. this difficulty hath not been of very great antiquity in the world . there was no such dilemna amongst the jewes ; for their civil law , and divine law , was one and the same law of moses ; the interpreters whereof were the priests , whose power was subordinate to the power of the king ; as was the power of aaron to the power of moses . nor is it a controversie that was ever taken notice of amongst the grecians , romanes , or other genti●es : for amongst these their severall civill lawes , were the rules whereby not only righteousness and virtue , but also religion , and the external worship of god was ordered and approved ; that being esteemed the true worship of god which was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to the laws civil . also those christians that dwell under the temporal dominion of the bishop of rome , are free from this question ; for that they allow unto him ( their soveraign ) to interpret the scriptures , which are the law of god as he in his own judgement shall think right . this difficulty therefore remaineth amongst , and troubleth those christians only , to whom it is allowed , to take for the sense of the scripture , that which they make thereof , either by their own private interpretation , or by the inte●pretation of such as are not called thereunto by publick authority ; they that follow their own interpretation continually demanding liberty of conscience ; and those that follow the interpretation of others not ordained thereunto by the soveraign of the common-wealth , requiring a power in matters of religion , either above the power civil , or at least not depending on it . 3. to take away this scruple of conscience , concerning obedience to humane lawes , amongst those that interpret to themselves the word of god in the holy scriptures , i propound to their consideration , first , that no humane law is intended to oblige the conscience of a man , unlesse it break out into action , either of the tongue , or other part of the body . the law made thereupon would be of none effect , because no man is able to discern , but by word or other action , whether such law be kept or broken . nor did the apostles themselves pretend dominion over mens consciences concerning the faith they preached , but only perswasion and instruction . and therefore s. paul saith , 2 cor. 1.24 . writing to the corinthians , concerning their controversies , that he and the rest of the apostles had no dominion over their faith , but were helpers of their joy . 4. and for the actions of men which proceed from their consciences , the regulating of which actions is the only means of peace , if they might not stand with justice , it were impossible that justice towards god , and peace amongst men , should stand together in that r●ligion that teacheth us , that justice and peace should kiss each other , and in which we have so many precepts of absolute obedience to humane authority ; as mat. 23.2 , 3. we have this precept . the scribes & pharisees sit in moses seat ; all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe that observe and do . and yet were the scribes and pharisees not preists , but men of temporall authority . again , luke 11.17 . every kingdome divided against it self shall be desolate ; and is not that kingdome divided against it self , where the actions of every one shall be ruled by his private opinion or conscience , and yet those actions such as give occasion of offence and breach of peace . again , rom. 13.5 . wherefore you must be subject , not because of wrath only , but also for conscience sake , tit. 3.1 . put them in remembrance , that they be subiect to principalities and powers , 1. pet. 2.13.14 . submit your selves unto all manner of ordinance of man , for the lords sake , whether it be unto the king , as unto the superiour , or unto governours , as unto them that are sent of him for the punishment of evill doers . jude verse 8. these dreamers also that defile the flesh , and despise government , and speake evill of them that are in authority . and forasmuch as all subiects in common wealths are in the nature of children and servants , that which is a command to them is a command to all subiects . but to these s. paul saith , colos. 3.20.22 . children obey your parents in all things , servants be obedient to your masters according to the flesh in all things . and verse 23. do it heartily as to the lo●d . these places considered , it seemeth strange to me , that any man in a christian common wealth , should have any occasion to deny his obedience to publick authority , upon this ground , that it is better to obey god then man . for though s. peter and the apostles did so answer the councel of the jews , that forbade them to preach christ , there appeareth no reason that christians should alledge the same against their christian governours that command to preach christ . to reconcile this seeming co●tradiction of simple obedience to god , and simple obedience to man , we are to consider a christian subiect , as under a christian soveraign , or under an infidell . 5. and under a christian soveraign we are to consider , what actions we are forbidden by god almighty to obey them in , and what not . the actions we are forbidden to obey them in , are such only , as imply a denial of that faith which is necessary to our salvation : for otherwise there can be no pretence of disobedience ; for why should a man incur the danger of a temporal death , by displeasing of his superiour , if it were not for fear of eternal death hereafter . it must therefore be inquired , what those propositions and articles be ; the beleife whereof our saviour or his apostles have declared to be such as without beleiving them a man cannot be saved ; and then all other points that are now controverted and made distinction of sects , papists , lutheran , calvinists , arminians &c. as in old time , the like made paulists , apollonians , and cephasians , must needs be such , as man needeth not for the holding thereof , deny obedience to his superiours . and for the points of faith necessary to salvation , i shall call them fundamental , and every other point a superstruction . 6. and without all controversie , there is not any more necessary point to be believed for mans salvation then this , that jesus is the messiah , that is , the christ ; which proposition is explicated in sundry sorts , but still the same in effect ; as that he is gods annointed , for that is signified by the word christ . that he was the true and lawful king of israel , the son of david , the saviour of the world , the redeemer of israel , the salvation of god he that should come into the world , the son of god , and ( which i desire by the way to have noted , against the now sect of arrians ) the begotten son of god , act. 3.13 . heb. 55. the only begotten son of god , 1 joh. 1.14.18 . joh. 3.16 , 18. 1 joh. 4.9 . that he was god joh. 1 1 joh. 20.28 . that the fulness of the god●ead dwelt in him bodily . moreover , the holy one , the holy one of god , the forgiver ●f sins , , that he is risen from the dead . these are explications , and parts of that general article , that jesus is the christ . this point therefore , and all the explications thereof are fundamental ; as also all such , as be evidently inferred from thence : as , belief in god the father . joh. 12.44 . he that beleveth in me , believeth not in me , but in him that sent me : 1 joh. 2.23 , he that denyeth the son , hath not the father , belief in god the holy ghost , of whom christ saith , joh. 14.26 . but the comforter which is the holy ghost , whom the father will send in my name . and joh. 15.16 . but when the comforter shall come whom i will send unto you from the father , even the spirit of truth . beleife of the scriptures , by which we beleeve those points , and of the immortality of the soul , without which we cannot beleeve that he is a saviour . 7. and as these are the fundamentall points of faith necessary to salvation , so also are they only necessary as matter of faith ●nd also essential to the calling of a christian ; as may appear by many evident places of holy scripture : joh. 5.39 . search the scriptures , for in them you think to have eteral life , and they are they which testifie of me . now , forasmuch as by the scripture , is meant there the old testament ( the new being then not written ) the beleife of that which was written concerning our saviour in the old testament , was sufficient beleife for the obtaining of eternal life : but in the old testament there is nothing revealed concerning christ , but that he is the messiah , and such things as belong to the fundamentall points thereupon depending . and therefore those fundamental points are sufficient to salvation as of faith . and joh. 6.28.29 . then sayd they unto him , what shall we do , that we might work the works of god ? jesus answered and said unto them , this is the work of god , that ye beleeve in him , whom he hath sent . so that the point to be beleived is , that jesus christ came forth from god , and he which believeth it , worketh the works of god . joh. 11.26.27 . whosoever liveth and beleiveth in me , shall never dye . beleevest thou this ? she sayd unto him , yea lord , i beleeve that thou art the christ the son of god , which should come into the world . hence followeth , he that beleiveth this shall never dye . joh. 20.31 . but these things are wri●ten that ye might beleeve , that jesus is the christ , the son of god , and that in beleiving , ye might have life through his name . by which appeareth , that this fundamentall point is all that is required , as of faith to our salvation . 1 joh. 4.2 . every spirit that confesseth that jesus christ is come into the flesh is of god : 1 joh. 5.1 . whosoever beleiveth that j●s●s is the christ is born of god , and ver. 5. who is it that overcometh the world , but he that beleiveth that jesus is the son of god : and vers. 13. these things have i written unto you that beleeve in the name of the son of god , that ye may know that ye have ●ternall life . act. 8.36.37 . the eunuch said , here is water , what doth let me to be baptized ? and philip said unto him , if thou beleevest with i● thy heart , thou mayst . he answered and sayd , i beleeve that jesus christ is the son of god . this point therefore was sufficient for the reception of man into baptisme , that is to say , to christianity . and act. 16.30 . the keeper of the prison , fell down before paul and silas , and said , sirs , what shall i do to be saved ? and they sayd , beleeve in the lord jesus christ . and the sermon of s. peter upon the day of pentecost , was nothing else but an explication , that jesus was the christ . and when they had heard him , asked him , what shal we do , he said unto them , ac. 2.38 . amend your lives , and be baptized evry one of you in the name of jesus christ for the remission of sins . rom. 10.9 . if thou shalt conf●ss with thy mouth the lord jesus , and shalt beleeve in thy heart , that god raised him up from the dead , thou shalt be saved . to these places may be added , that wheresoever our savior christ doth approve the faith of any man , the proposition beleeved ( if the same to be collected out of the text ) is alway some of those fundamentall points before mentioned , or something equivalent : as the faith of the centurion , mat. 8.8 . speake the word only , and my servant shall be healed , beleiving he was omnipotent : the faith of the woman , which had an issue of blood , math , 9.21 . if i may but touch the hem of his garment , implying , he was the messiah , the faith required of the blind men , mat. 9.28 . beleeve you that i am able to do this ? the faith of the canaanitish woman , matth. 15.22 . that he was the son of david , implying the same . and so it is in every one of those places ( none excepted ) where our saviour commendeth any mans faith , which because they are too many to insert here , i omit , and refer them to his inquisition that is not otherwise satisfied . and as there is no other faith required , so there was no other preaching : for the prophets of the old testament , preached no other , and john the baptist preached only the approach of the kingdome of heaven , that is to say , of the kingdome of christ , the same was the commission of the apostles , mat. 10.7 . go preach , saying , the kingdome of heaven is at hand . and paul preaching amongst the jews , act. 18.5 . did but testifie unto the jews that , jesus was the christ . and the heathens took notice of christians no otherwise , but by this name that they beleeved jesus to be a king , crying out . act. 17.6 . these are they that have subverted the state of the world , and here they are , whom jason hath received . and these all doe against the decrees of caesar , saying , that there is another king , one jesus . and this was the sum of the predictions , the sum of the confessions of them that beleeved , as well men as devils . this was the title of his crosse , jesus of nazareth , king of the jewes ; this the occasion of the crowne of thorns , scepter of reed , and a man to carry his crosse ; this was the subiect of the hosan●a's ; and this was the title , by which our saviour commanding to take another mans goods , bad them say , the lord hath need : and by this title , he purged the temple of the profane market kept there . nor did the apostles themselves believe any more , then that jesus was the m●ssiah , nor understand so much ; for they understood the messiah to be no more then a temporall king , till after our saviours resurrection . furthermore , this point , that christ is the messiah , is particularly set forth for fundamentall by that word , or some other equivalent thereunto in divers places . upon the confession of peter , matth. 16.16 . thou art the christ , the son of the living god , our saviour ver. 18. saith , upon this rock will i build my church . this point therefore is the whole foundation of christs church . rom. 15.20 . s. paul raith , i so inforced my self to preach the gospel , not where christ was named , lest i should have built upon another mans foundation , 1 cor. 3.10 . s. paul when he had reprehended the corinthians for their sects , & curious doctrines and questions , he distinguisheth between fundamental points , and superstruction ; and saith , i have laid the foundation , and another buildeth thereupon ; but let every man take heed how he buildeth upon it , for other foundation can no man lay , then that which is laid , which is jesus christ . colos. 2.6 . as you have received christ jesus the lord , so walk in him , rooted and builded in him , and stablished in the faith . 8. having shewed this proposition , jesus is the christ , to be the only fundamentall and necessary point of faith , i shal set down a few places more , to shew , that other points , though they may be true , are not so necessary to be believed , as that a man may not be saved , though he believe them not . and first , if a man could not be saved without assent of the heart to the truth of all controversies , which are now in agitation concerning religion , i cannot see , how any man living can be saved ; so full of subtilty , and curious knowledge it is to be so great a divine . why therefore should a man think that our saviour , who , mat. 11.30 . saith , that his yoke is easie , should require a matter of that difficulty ? or how are little children said to believe . mat. 18.6 . or how could the good thief be thought sufficiently catechized upon the crosse ? or s. paul so perfect a christian presently upon his conversion ? and though there may be more obedience required in him that hath the fundamental points explicated unto him , then in him that hath received the same but implicitely ; yet there is no more faith required for salvation in one man , then in another . for if it be true , that whosoever shall confesse with his mouth the lord jesus , and believe in his heart , that god raised him from the dead , shall be saved ; as it is , rom. 10.9 . and that whosoever believeth that jesus is the christ , is born of god , the belief of that point is sufficient for the salvation of any man whosoever he be , for as much as concerneth faith . and seeing he that believeth not that jesus is the christ , whatsoever he believe else , cannot be saved , it followeth , that there is no more required to the salvation of one man , then another , in matter of faith . 9. about these points fundamental , there is little controversie amongst christians , though otherwise of different sects amongst themselves . and therefore the controversies of religion , are altogether about points unnecessary to salvation ; whereof some are doctrines raised by humane ratiocination , from the points fundamentall . as for example ; such doctrines as concern the manner of the real presence , wherein are mingled tenets of faith concerning the omnipotency & divinity of christ , with the tenets of aristotle and the peripatelicks , concerning substance and accidents , species , hypostasis , and the subsistence and migration of accidents from place to place ; words some of them without meaning , and nothing but the canting of grecian sophisters . and these doctrines are condemned expresly , col. 2.8 . where after s. paul had exhorted them to be rooted and builded in christ , he giveth them this farther caveat ; beware lest there be any man that spoil you through philosophy and vain deceits , through the traditions of men , according to the rudiments of the world . and such , are such doctrines , as are raised out of such places of the scriptures , as concern not the foundation , by mens natural reason ; as about the concatenation of causes , and the manner of gods predestination ; which are also mingled with philosophy : as if it were possible for men that know not in what manner god seeth , heareth , or speaketh , to know nevertheless the manner how he intendeth , and predestinateth . a man therefore ought not to examin by reason any point , or draw any consequence out of scripture , by reason , concerning the nature of god almighty , of which reason is not capable . and therefore s. paul , rom. 12.3 . giveth a good rule , that no man presume to understand above that which is meet to understand , but that he understand according to sobriety , which they doe not , who presume out of scripture , by their own interpretation , to raise any doctrine to the understanding , concerning those things , which are incomprehensible . and this whole controversie concerning the predestination of god , and the free wil of man , is not peculiar to christian men . for we have huge volumes of this subiect , under the name of fate & contingency , disputed between the epicurians and the stoicks , and consequently it is not matter of faith , but of philosophy : and so are also all the questions concerning any ot●er point , but the foundation before named : and god receiveth a man which part of the question soever he holdeth . it was a controversie in s. pauls time , whether a christian gentile might eate freely of any thing which the christian jews did not : and the jew condemned the gentile that he did eat , to whom s. paul saith , rom. 14.3 , let not him that eateth not , iudge him that eateth : for god hath received him . and vers. 6. in the question concerning the observing of holy dayes , wherein the gentiles the jewes differed , he saith unto them , he that observeth the day , observeth it to the lord , and he that observeth not the day , observeth it not to the lord . and they who strive concerning such questions , and divide themselves into sects , are not therefore to be accounted zealous of the faith , their strife being but carnal , which is confirmed by s. paul , 1 cor. 3.4 . when one saith , i am of paul , and another , i am of apollos , are ye not carnal ? for they are not questions of faith , but of wit , wherein carnally men are inclined to seek the mastery one of another . for nothing is truly a point of faith , but that jesus is the christ ; as s. paul testifieth , 1 cor. 2.2 . for i esteemed not the knowledge of any thing amongst you , save jesus christ , and him crucified . and 1 tim. 6.20 . o timotheus , keep that which is committed un●o thee , and avoid prophane and vain bablings , and opposition of science falsly so called , which while s●me profess , they have erred concerning the faith . 2 tim. 2.16 . stay prophane and vain bablings , &c. vers. 17. of which sort is hymeneus and philetus , which as concerning the truth , have erred , saying , that the resurrectionis past already . whereby s. paul shewed , that the raising of questions by humane ratiocination , though it be from the fundamental points themselves , is not onely not necessary , but most dangerous to the faith of a christian . out of all these places , i draw only this conclusion in general , that neither the points now in controversie amongst christians of different sects , or in any point that ever shall be in controversie , excepting only those that are contained in this article , jesus is the christ , are necessary to salvation , as of faith ; though in matter of obedience , a man may be bound not to oppose the same . 10. although to the obtaining of salvation , there be required no more , as hath been already declared out of the holy scriptures , as matter of faith , but the belief of those fundamental articles before set forth , neverthelesse , there are required other things , as matter of obedience . for as it is not enough in temporal kingdoms ( to avoid the punishment which kings may inflict ) to acknowledge the right and title of the king , without obedience also to his laws ; so also it is not enough , to acknowledge our saviour christ to be the king of heaven , in which consisteth christian faith , unless also we endeavour to obey his lawes , which are the lawes of the kingdome of heaven , in which consisteth christian obedience . and forasmuch as the laws of the kingdom of heaven , are the laws of nature , as hath been shewed , part. 1. chap. 5. not only faith , but also the observation of the law of nature , which is that for which a man is called just or righteous , ( in that sense , in which justice is taken not for the absence of guilt , but for the endeavor and constant will to do that which is just ) not only faith , but this justice , which also from the effect thereof , is called repentance , and sometimes works , is necessary to salvation . so that faith and justice do both concur thereto ; and in the several acceptation of this word justification , are properly said both of them to justifie ; and the want of either of them is properly said to condemn . for not only he that resisteth a king upon doubt of his titl● , but also he that doth it upon the inordinatenesse of his passions , deserveth punishment . and when faith and works are separated , not only the faith is called dead without works , but also works are called dead works without faith , and therefore s. james , chap. 2.17 . saith , even so the faith , if it have no works , is dead in it self , and vers. 26. for as the body without the spirit is dead , even so faith without works is dead . and s. paul , heb. 6.1 . calleth works without faith , dead works , where he saith ; not laying again the foundation of repentance from dead works . and by these dead works , is understood not the obedience and justice of the inward man , but the opus operatum , or external action , proceeding from fear of punishment , or from vain glory , and desire to be honoured of men : and these may be separated from faith , and conduce no way to a mans justification . and for that cause , s. paul , rom. 4. excludeth the righteousness of the law , from having part in the justification of a sinner . for by the law of moses , which is applyed to mens actions , and requireth the absence of guilt , all men living are liable to damnation , and therefore no man is iustified by works , but by faith only . but if workes be taken for the endeavour to doe them , that is , if the will be taken for the deed , or internal , for external righteousness , then doe works contribute to salvation . and then taketh place that of s. james , chap. 2.24 . ye see then how that of works a man is iustisted , and not of faith only . and both of these are ioyned to salvation , as in s. mark . 1.5 . repent and believe the gospel . and luk. 18.18 . when a certain ruler asked our saviour , what he ought to doe to inherit eternal life , he propounded to him the keeping of the commandements ; which when the ruler said he had kept , he propounded to him the faith , sell all that thou hast , and fellow me . and joh. 3.36 . he that beleeveth in the son , hath everlasting life . and he that obeyeth not the son , shall not see life . where he manifestly ioyneth obedience and faith together . and rom 1.17 . the just shall live by faith : not every one , but the just . for also the devils beleeve and tremble . but though both faith and justice ( meaning still by justice , not absence of guilt , but the good intentions of the mind , which is called righteousness by god , that taketh the will for the deed ) be both of them said to iustifie , yet are their parts in the act of justification to be distinguished . for justice is said to iustifie , not because it absolveth , but because it denominates him just , and setteth him in an estate , or capacity of salvation , whensoever he shal have faith . but faith is said to justifie , that is , to absolve , because by it a iust man is absolved of , and forgiven his uniust actions . and thus are reconciled the places of s. paul , and s. james , that faith only iustifieth , and a man is iustified by faith onely : and shewed how faith and repentance must concur to salvation . 11. these things considered , it will easily appear , that under the soveraign power of a christian common vvealth , there is no danger of damnation from simple obedience to humane lawes : for in that the soveraign alloweth christianity , no man is compelled to renounce that faith , which is enough for his salvation , that is to say , the fundamental points . and for other points , seeing they are not neces●ary to salvation , if we conform our actions to the lawes , we do not only what we are allowed , but also what we are commanded by the law of nature , which is the morall law taught by our saviour himself . and it is part of that obedience , which must concur to our salvation . 12. and though it be true , whatsoever a man doth against his conscience , is sin , yet the obedience in these cases is neither sin , nor against the conscience . for the conscience being nothing else but a mans setled judgement and opinion , when he hath once transferred his right of judging to another , that which shall be commanded , is no lesse his judgement , then the judgement of that other . so that in obedience to lawes , a man doth still according to his owne conscience , but not his private conscience . and whatsoever is done contrary to private conscience , is then a sin , when the lawes have left him to his own liberty , and never else . and then whatsoever a man doth , not only believing it is ill done , but doubting whether it be ill or not , is done ill , in case he may lawfully omit the doing . 13. and as it hath been proved , that a man must submit his opinions in matter of controversie to the authority of the common wealth , so also is the same confest by the practice of every one of them that otherwise deny it . for who is there differing in opinion from another , and thinking himself to be in the right , and the other in the wrong , that would not think it reasonable , if he be of the same opinion that the whole state alloweth , that the other should submit his opinion also thereunto ; or that would not be content , if not that one or a few men , yet all the divines of a whole nation , or at least an assembly of all those he liketh , should have the power to determine all the controversies of religion ? or , who is there that would not bee content , to submit his opinions either to the pope , or to a genenerall councel , or to a provincial councel , or to a presbyterie of his owne nation ? and yet in all these cases hee submitteth himselfe to no greater then humane authoritie . nor can a man bee said to submit himselfe to holy scripture , that doth not submit himselfe to some or other for the interpretation thereof . or , why should there bee any church government at all instituted , if the scripture it selfe could doe the office of a judge in controversies of faith , ? but the truth is apparent , by continuall experience , that men seeke not onely liberty of conscience , but of their actions , nor that onely , but a farther liberty of perswading others to their opinions ; nor that onely , for every man desireth that the soveraign authoritie , should admit no other opinions to bee maintained , but such as hee himselfe holdeth . 14. the difficulty therefore of obeying both god and man in a christian common wealth is none : all the difficulty resteth in this point , whether hee that hath received the faith of christ , having before subiected himselfe to the authoritie of an infidell , bee discharged of his obedience thereby , or not , in matters of religion . in which case it seemeth reasonable to thinke , that since all covenants of obedience are entred into for the preservation preservation of a mans life , if a man be content without resistance to lay down his life , rather then obey the commands of an infidel , in so hard a case he hath sufficiently discharged himself thereof . for no covenant bindeth farther then to endeavour ; and if a man cannot assure himself to perform a iust duty , when thereby he is assured of present death , much less it can be expected , that a man should perform that , for which he believeth in his heart he shall be damned eternally . and thus much concerning the scruple of conscience , that may arise concerning obedience to humane lawes , in them that interpret the law of god to themselves . it remaineth , to remove the same scruple from them , that submit their controversies to others not ordained thereunto by the soveraign authority . and this i refer to the chapter following . chap. vii . 1. the questions propounded , who are the magistrates in the kingdome of christ . 2. the questions exemplified , in the controversies between moses and aaron , and between moses and corah . 3. amongst the jews , the power temporal and spiritual in the same hand . 4. parallel of the twelve princes of israel , and the twelve apostles . 5. parallel of seventy elders , and seventy disciples . 6. the hierarchy of the church in our saviours time , consisted in the twelve , and in the seventy . 7. why christ ordained not priests for sacrifices , as moses did . 8. the hierarchy of the church in the apostles time , apostles , bishops , and priests . 9. the preaching of the gospel , was not commanding , but perswading . 10. excommunication . soveraignes immediate rulers ecclesiasticall under christ . 11. that no man hath any just pretence of religion against obedience to common-vvealth . god speaketh to man by his vicegerents . in the former chapter have been removed those difficulties opposing our obedience to humane authority ; which arise from misunderstanding of our saviours title and lawes : in the former whereof , namely , his title , consisteth our faith ; and in the latter , our justice . now they who differ not amongst themselves concerning his title , and lawes , may neverthelesse have different opinions concerning his magistrates , and the au●hority he hath given them . and this is the cause , why many christians have denyed obedience to their princes , pretending that our saviour christ hath not given this magistracy to them but to others . as for example , some say , to the pope universally ; some to a synod aristocratical ; some , to a synod democraticall in every several common vvealth ; and the magistrates of christ being they by whom he speaketh , the question is , whether he ●peak unto us by the pope , or by convocations of bishops and ministers , or by them that have the soveraign power in every common-wealth . 2. this controversie was the cause of those two mutinies , that happened against moses in the wilderness . the first by aaron and his sister miriam , who took upon them to censure moses for marrying an ethiopian woman . and the state of the question between them and moses , they set forth , numb. 12.2 . in these words , vvhat hath the lord spoken but only by moses ? hath be not spoken also by us ? and the lord heard this , &c. and punished the same in miriam , forgiving aaron upon his repentance . and this is the case of all them that set up the priest-hood against the soveraignty . the other was of corah , dathan , and abiram , who with two hundred and fifty captains gathered themselves together against moses , and against aaron . the state of their controversie was this , whether god were not with the multitude , as well as with moses , and every man as holy as he . for numb. 16.3 . thus they say , you take too much upon you , seeing all the congregation is holy , every one of them , and the lord is amongst them : wherefore then lift ye your selves above the congregation of the lord ? and this is the case of them that set up their private consciences , and unite themselves to take the government of religion out of the hands of him or them , that have the soveraign power of the common wealth : which how well it pleaseth god , may appear by the hideous punishment of corah and his complices . 3. in the government therefore of moses , there was no power neither civil , nor spiritual , that was not derived from him . nor in the state of israel under kings , was there any earthly power by which those kings were compellable to any thing , or any subiect allowed to resist them in any case whatsoever . for though the prophets by extraordinary calling , did often admonish and threaten them , yet they had no authority over them . and therefore amongst the jews , the power spirituall and temporall , was alwayes in the same hand , 4. our saviour christ , as he was the rightful king of the jewes in particular , as well as king of the kingdome of heaven , in the ordaining of magistrates , received that form of policy , which was used by moses . according to the number of the children of jacob , moses tooke unto him by the appointment of god , numb. 1.4 . twelve men , every one of the chief of their tribe , which were to assist him in the muster of israel . and these twelve , vers. 24. are called the princes of israel , twelve men , every one for the house of their fathers , which are said also , numb. 7.2 . to be heads over the houses ●f their fathers and princes of the tribes , and ●ver them that were numbred . and these were every one equall amongst themselves , in like manner our saviour tooke unto him twelve apostles to be next unto him in authority , of whom he saith , matth. 19.28 . when the son of man shall sit in the throne of his maiesty , ye shall follow me in the regeneration , shall sit also upon twelve thrones , and iudge the twelve tribes of israel . and concerning the equality of the twelve apostles amongst themselves , our saviour saith , matth. 20.25 . ye know that the lords of the gentiles have domination over them , &c. vers. 26. but it shall not be so amongst you ; but whosoever will be greatest among you , let him be your servant . and matth. 23.11 . he that is greatest among you , let him be your servant , and a little before , vers. 8. be not called rabbi , for one is your doctor , christ , and all ye are brethren . and act. 1. in the chusing of matthias to be an apostle , though s. peter used the part of a prolocutor , yet did no man take upon him the authority of election , but referred the same to lot . 5. again moses had the command of god , num. 11.16 . gather to me seventy men of the elders of israel , whom thou knowest that they are the elders of the people , and governors over them , and bring them unto the tabernacle , &c. and moses did accordingly , vers . 24. and these were chosen to help moses in bearing the burthen of the government , as appeareth vers. 17. of the same chapter . and as the twelve princes of the tribes were according to the number of jacobs children ; so were the seventy elders according to the number of the persons that went down with jacob into egypt . in like manner our saviour in his kingdome of heaven , the church , out of the whole number of those that believed in him , ordained seventy persons , which peculiarly were called the seventy disciples , to whom he gave power to preach the gospel and baptize . 6. in our saviours time therefore , the hierarchy of the church consisted ( besides himself that was the head ) of twelve apostles , who were equal amongst themselves , but ordained over others , as were the twelve heads of the tribes , or seventy disciples , who had every one of them power to baptize and teach , and help to govern the whole flock . 7. and whereas in the common wealth instituted by moses , there was not only an high priest for the present , but also a succession and order of priest ; it may be demanded why our saviour christ did not ordain the like ? to which may be answered , that the high priesthood , for as much as concerneth the authority thereof , was in the person of christ , as he was christ , that is , king . so also was it in moses , aaron having the ministerial part only . for notwithstanding that aaron was the high priest , yet the consecration of him belonged to moses exod. 29.1 . all the utensils of sacrifice , and other holy things , were ordered by moses , and in sum , the whole levitical law was delivered by god , by the hand of moses , who was to aaron a god ; and aaron to him a mouth . and for the ministerial part , there could no high priest be ordained but himself : for seeing our saviour was himself the sacrifice , who but himself could offer him up ? and for the celebration of that sacrifice for ever after , our saviour annexed the priest-hood to those whom he had appointed to govern in the church . 8. after the ascension of our saviour , the apostles dispersed themselves for the spreading of the gospel , and continually as they converted any number of men , in any city , or region , to the faith ; they chose out such as they thought fittest to direct them in matter of conversation and life , according to christs law , and to explicate unto them , that mysterie of christ come in the flesh , that is to say , to unfold unto them at large the office of the messiah . and of those elders some were subordinate to others , according as the apostles who ordained them , thought meet : so s. paul gave power unto titus , to ordain elders in crete , & to redress things that were amiss . so that titus was an elder & ordained elders . tit. 1.5 . for this cause i left thee in creet , that thou shouldest continue to redress the things that remain , & ordain elders in every city , where the word is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that is constitute ; whereby it appeareth , that in the apostles times , one elder had authority over another , to ordain and rule them . for , 1 tim. 5.16 . timothy an elder , is made iudg of accusations against other elders . and act. 14.23 . the disciples are said to ordain elders , for all the congregations of the cities , they had preached in . and though the word there be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , yet it signifieth not election , by holding up of hands , but simply and absolutely ordination . for the ordinary chusing of magistrates amongst the grecians , which were all either popularly governed , or else by oligarehy , being performed by holding up of hands , made that word be taken simply , for an election , or ordination , howsoever made . and thus in the primitive church , the hierarchy of the church was apostles , elders that governed other elders , and elders that ruled not , but their office was to preach , to administer the sacraments , to offer up prayers and thanksgiving in the name of the people . but at that time there appeared no distinction between the names of bishop and elder . but immediatly after the apostles time , the word bishop was taken to signifie such an elder as had the government of elders ; and other elders , were called by the name of priests , which signifieth the same that elder doth . and thus the government of bishops hath a divine pattern in the twelve rulers , and seventy elders of israel , in the twelve apostles , and seventy disciples of our saviour , in the ruling elders , and not ruling-elders in the time of the apostles . 9. and thus much of the magistrates over christs flock in the primitive church . for the office of a minister , or ministress was to be subiect to the flock , and to serve them in those things which appertained to their temporal business . the next thing to be considered is the authority which our saviour gave to them , either over those whom they had converted , or those whom they were about to convert . and for these latter , which as yet were without the church , the authority which our saviour gave to his apostles was no more but this , to preach unto them that jesus was the christ , and to explicate the same in all points , that concern the kingdome of heaven , and to perswade men to embrace our saviours doctrine , but by no meanes to compel any man to be subiect to them : for seeing the lawes of the kingdom of heaven , as hath been shewed , par. 1. chap. 5. sect. 10. are dictated to the conscience onely , which is not subiect to compulsion and constraint , it was not congruent to the style of the king of heaven to constrain men to submit their actions to him , but to advise them only ; nor for him that professeth the sum of his law to be love , to extort any duty from us with feare of temporall punishment . and therefore as the mighty men in the world , that hold others in subiection , by force , are called in scripture by the name of hunters , so our saviour calleth those whom he appointed to draw the world unto him , by subduing their affections , fishers . and therefore he saith to peter and andrew , math 4.19 . follow me and i will make yee fishers of men . and luke 10.3 . behol● ( saith christ ) i send yee forth as lambs amongst wolves . and it were to no end to give them the right of compelling without strengthing the same with greater power then of lambs amongst wolves . moreover , math 10. where our saviour giveth a commission to his twelve apostles . to go forth and convert the nations to the faith , he giveth them no authority of coercion and punishment , but only saith , vers. 14. whosoever shall not receive you , nor hear your words , when ye depart out of that house or that city , shake off the dust of your fee . it shall be easier for the land of sodome and gomorrah in the day of judgmemt then for that city . whereby it is manifest , that all that the apostles could do by their authority , was no more than to renounce communion with them , and leave their punishment to god almighty , in the day of judgement . likewise the comparisons of the kingdom of heaven , to the seed math 13.3 . and to the leven , math 13.33 . doth intimate unto us , that the increase thereof ought to proceed from internall operation of gods word preached , and not from any law or compulsion of them that preach it . moreover our saviour himselfe saith joh. 18.36 . that his kingdome is not of this world , and consequently his magistrates derive not from him any authority of punishing men in this world . and therefore also math 26.52 . after s. peter had drawn his sword in his defence , our saviour saith , put up thy sword into his place . for all that take the sword , shall perish by the sword . and vers. 54. how then shal the scriptures be fullfilled , which say , that it must be so ? shewing out of the scriptures , that the kingdome of christ was not to be defended by the sword . 10. but concerning the authority of the apostles or bishops over those who were all-ready converted and within the church , ●here be that think it greater then over them ●ithout . for some have said . though the law of christ deprive no prince of his dominion , and paul did rightly appeal unto cesar , whilst kings were ●nfidells and out of the church , yet when they became christians , and of their own accord under went the lawes of the gospel , presently as sheep to a shepherd , and as members to the head , they became subiect to the prelate of the ecclesiastical hierarchy . bell. lib. de rom. pont. chap. 29. which whether it be true or not , is to be considered by that light which we have from the holy scripture , concerning the power of our saviour and his apostles ▪ over such as they had converted . but our saviour , as he imitated the common-wealth of the jewes in his magistrates , the twelve and the seventy , so did he also in the censure of the church , which was excommunication ; but amongst the jews , the church did put the excommunicated persons from the congregation , which they might do by their power temporall ; but our saviour and his apostles , who took upon them no such power , could not forbid the excommunicated person to enter into any place and congregation , into which he was permitted to enter , by the prince , or soveraign of the place . for that had been to deprive the soveraign of his authority . and therefore the excommunication of a person subject to an earthly power , was but a declaration of the church , which did excommunicate , that the person so excommunicated was to be reputed still as an infidell , but not to be driven by their authority out of any company , he might otherwise lawfully come into . and this is it our saviour saith , math. 18.17 . if he refuse to hear the church , let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican . so that the whol effect of excommunicating a christan prince , is no more then he or they that so excommunicate him depart and banish themselves out of his dominion . nor can they thereupon discharge any of his subjects of their obedience to him ; for that were to deprive him of his dominion ; which they may not do , for being out of the church . it is confessed by them that make this objection , and proved in the former section , that our saviour gave no authority to his apostles to be judges over them . and therefore in no case can the soveraign power of a common-wealth be subject to any authority ecclesiasticall , besides that of christ himselfe . and though he be informed concerning the kingdome of heaven and subiect himselfe thereto , at the perswasions of persons ecclesiasticall , yet is he not thereby subiect to their goverment and rule . for if it were by their authority he took that yoke upon him , and not by their perswasion , then by the same authority he might cast it off . but this is unlawfull . for i● all the churches in the world should renounce the christian faith , yet is not this sufficient authority for any of the members to do the same . it is manifest therefore , that they who have soveraign power , are immediate rulers of the church under christ , and all other but subordinate to them . if that were not , but kings should command one thing upon pain of death , and priests another , upon pain of damnation , it would be impossible that peace and religion should stand together . 11. and therefore there is no iust cause for any man to withdraw his obedience from the soveraign state , upon pretence , that christ had ordained any state ecclesiasticall above it . and though kings take not upon them the ministeriall priesthood , yet are they not so meerly laick , as not to have sacerdotall jurisdiction . to conclude this chapter ; since god speaketh not in these dayes to any man by his private interpretation of the scriptures , nor by the interpretation of any power above or not depending on the soveraign power of every common wealth , it remaineth , that he speaketh by his vice-gods , or lievtenants here on earth , that is to say , by soveraign kings , or such as have soveraign authority as well as they . chap. viii 1. the things that dispose to rebellion , discontent , pretence , and hope of successe . 2. discontent that disposeth to sedition , consisteth partly in fear of want , or punishment . 3. partly in ambition . 4. six heads of pretences to rebellion 5. the first of them , that men ought to do nothing against conscience , confuted . 6. the second , that soveraigns are subiect to their own lawes , confuted . 7. the third , that the soveraignty is divisible , confuted . 8. the fourth , that subiects have a propertye distinct from the dominion of the soveraign confuted . 9. the fift . that the people is a person distinct from the soveraign , confuted . 10. the sixt , that tirannicide is lawfull confuted . 11. foure heads of hope of successe in rebellion . 12. two things necessary to an author of rebellion , much eloquence , and little wisdome . 13. that the authors of rebellion necessarily are to be men of little wisdome . 14. that the same are necessarily eloquent . 15. in what manner they concur to their common effects . hitherto of the causes why , and the manner how , men have made common wealths . in this chapter i shall shew breifly by what causes , and in what manner they be again destroyed ; not meaning to say any thing concerning the dissolution of a common wealth , from forreign invasions , which is as it were the violent death thereof . i shall speak only of sedition , which is also the death of the common-wealth , but like to that which happeneth to a man from sicknesse and distemper . to dispose men to sedition , three things concur . the first is discontent ; for as long as a man thinketh himself wel , and that the present government standeth not in his way to hinder his proceeding from well to better , it is impossible for him to desire the change thereof . the second is pretence of right ; for though a man be discontent , yet if in his own opinion there be no iust cause of stirring against , or resisting the government established , nor any pretence to justify his resistance , and to procure aid , he will never shew it . the third is hope of success : for it were madness to attempt without hope , when to fail , is to dye the death of a traytor . without these three , discontent , pretence , and hope , there can be no rebellion : and when the same are all together , there wanteth nothing thereto , but a man of credit to set up the standard , and to blow the trumpet . 2. and as for discontent , it is of two sorts : for it consisteth either in bodily pain present or expected , or else in trouble of the mind ; ( which is the general division of pleasure and pain , part 1. cha. 7 sect. 9. ) the presence of bodily pain disposeth not to sedition ; the feare of it doth . as for example ; when a great multitude or heap of people , have concurred to a crime worthy of death , they joyn together , and take armes to defend themselves for feare thereof . so also the feare of want , or in present want , the feare of arrests and imprisonment dispose to sedition . and therefore great exactions , though the right thereof be acknowledged , have caused great seditions . as in the time of hen 7. the seditions of the cornish men that refused to pay a subsidy , and under the conduct of the lord audley , gave the king battel upon black heath ; and that of the northern people , who in the some kings time , for demanding a subsidy granted in parliament , murthered the ea●l of northumberland in his house . 3. thirdly , the other sort of discontent , which troubleth the mind of them who otherwise live at ease , without fear of want , or danger of violence , ariseth only from a sense of their want of that power , and that honour and testimony thereof , which they think is due unto them . for all joy and grief of mind consisting ( as hath been said part 1. chap. 9. sect. 21. ) in a contention for precedence to them with whom they compare themselves , such men must needs take it ill , and be greived with the state , as finde themselves postposed to those in honour , whom they think they excell in virtue and ability to govern . and this is it for which they think themselves regarded but as slaves . now seeing freedom cannot stand together with subiection , liberty in a common wealth is nothing but government and rule , which because it cannot be divided , men must expect in common ; and that can be no where but in the popular state or democracy . and aristotle saith well , lib. 6. c. 2. of his politicks , the ground or intention of a democracy , is liberty . vvhich he confirmeth in these words ; for men ordinarily say this , that no man can partake of liberty , but only in a popular common wealth : whosoever● therefore in a monarchicall estate ▪ where the soveraign power is absolutely in one man , claimeth liberty , claimeth ( if the hardest construction should be made thereof ) either to have the soveraignty in his turn , or to be collegue with him that hath it ; or to have the monarchy changed into a democracy . but if the same be construed ( with pardon of that unskilful expression ) according to the intention of him that claimeth , then doth he thereby claim no more but this , that the soveraign should take notice of his ability and deserving , and put him into imployment and place of subordinate government , rather then others that deserve lesse . and as one claimeth , so doth another , every man esteeming his own desert greatest . amongst all those that pretend to , or are ambitious of such honour , a few only can be served , unlesse it be in a democracy ; the rest therefore must be discontent . and so much of the first thing that disposeth to rebellion , namely , discontent consisting in fear , and ambition . 4. the second thing that disposeth to rebellion , is pretence of right . and that is when men have an opinion , or pretend to have an opinion , that in certain cases they may lawfully resist him or them that have the soveraign power , or deprive him or them of the means to execute the same . of which pretences , there be six special cases . one is , when the command is against their conscience , and they believe , it is unlawful for a subiect at the command of the soveraign power , to doe any action , which he thinketh in his own conscience not lawfull for him to do , or to omit any action , which he thinketh not lawful for him to omit . another is , when the command is against the lawes , and they think the soveraign power in such sort obliged to his own lawes , as the subiect is ; and that when he performeth not his duty , they may resist his power . a third is , when they receive commands from some man or men , and a supersedeas to the same from others , and think the authority is equal , as if the soveraign power were divided . a fourth is , when they are commanded to contribute their persons or money to the publick service , and think they have a propriety in the same distinct from the dominion of the soveraign power ; and that therefore they are not bound to contribute their goods and persons , no more then every man shall of himself think fit . a fifth , when the commands seem hurtfull to the people ; and they think every one of them , that the opinion and sense of the people , is the same with the opinion of himselfe , and those that consent with him , calling by the name of people , any multitude of his own faction . the sixth is , when the commands are grievous ; and they account him that commandeth grievous things , a tyrant ; and a tyrannicide , that is the killing of a tyrant , not onely lawful , but also laudable . 5. all these opinions are maintained in the books of the dogmaticks , and divers of them taught in publick chaires , and neverthelesse are most incompatible with peace and government , and contradictory to the necessary and demonstrable rules of the same . and for the first , namely , that a man may lawfully doe or omit any thing against his conscience , and from whence arise all seditions concerning religion and ecclesiasticall government , it hath been plainly declared in the two last chapters , that such opinion is erroneous . for those two chapters have been wholly spent , to prove , that christian religion not onely forbiddeth not , but also commandeth , that in every common wealth , every subiect should in all things to the uttermost of his power , obey the commands of him or them that is the soveraign thereof , and that a man in so obeying , doth according to his conscience and judgement , as having deposited his judgement in all controversies in the hands of the soveraign power ; and that this errour proceedeth from the ignorance of what and by whom god almighty speaketh . 6. as for the second opinion , which is this , that the soveraign is in such sort obliged to his own laws , as the subiect is ; the contrary thereof hath been shewed , part 2. chap. 1. sect. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. by which it appeareth , that the soveraign power is not to be resisted ; that it carryeth the sword both of war and justice ; that it hath right of deciding all controversies , both judicial , and deliberative ; that it hath the the making of all the lawes civill , that it appointeth magistrates and publick ministers , and that it implyeth an universall impunity . how can he or they be said to be subiect to the lawes which they may abrogate at their pleasure , or breake without feare of punishment ? and this error seemeth to proceed from this , that men ordinarily understand not aright , what is meant by this word law , confounding law and covenant , as if they signifie the same thing . but law implyeth a command ; covenant is but a promise . and not every command is a law , but only ( part 1. chap. 13. sect. 6. ) when the command is the reason we have of doing the action commanded . and then only is the reason of our actions in the command , when the omitting is therefore hurtful , because the action was commanded , not because it was hurtful of it self ; and doing contrary to a command , were not at all hurtful , if there were not a right in him that commandeth to punish him that so doth . he or they that have all punishments in their own disposing , cannot be so commanded , as to receive hurt for disobeying , and consequently no command can be a law unto them . it is an errour therefore to think , that the power which is virtually the whole power of the common wealth , and which in whomsoever it resideth , is usually called supream , ●r soveraign , can be subiect to any law but that of god almighty . 7. the third opinion , that the soveraign power may be divided , is no less an errour then the former , as hath been proved , part 2. chap. 1. sect. 15. and if there were a common wealth wherein the rights of soveraignty were divided , we must confess with bod●n , lib. 2. chap. 1. de repub. that they are not rightly to be called common wealths but the corruption of common wealths . for if one part should have power to make the laws for all , they would by their laws at their pleasure , forbid others , to make peace or war , to levy taxes , or to yeild fealty and homage without their leave ; and they that had the right to make peace and war , and command the militia , would forbid the making of other lawes , then what themselves liked . and though monarchies stand long , wherein the right of soveraignty hath seemed so divided , because monarchy of it self is a durable kind of government , yet monarchs have been thereby diverse times thrust out of their possession . but the truth is , that the right of soveraignty is such , as he or they that have it , cannot ( though they would ) give away any part thereof , and retaine the rest. as for example ; if we should suppose the people of rome to have had the absolute soveraignty of the romane state , and to have chosen them a councel by the name of the senate , and that to this senate they had given the supream power of making lawes , reserving nevertheless to themselves in direct and express terms , the whole right and title of the soveraignty ; ( which may easily happen amongst them that see not the inseparable connexion between the soveraign power , and the power of making lawes ) i say , this grant of the people to the senate , is of no effect , and the power of making lawes is in the peopl● still . for the senate understanding it to be the will , in intention of the people to r●tain the soveraignty , ought not to take that for granted , which was contradictory thereto , and passed by error . for part 1. chap. 13. sect. 9. in contradictory promises , that which is directly promised , is preferrd before that which is oppositp thereunto by consequence , because the consequence of a thing is not alwaies obscured , as is the thing it self . the error concerning mixt government hath proceeded from want of understanding of what is ment by this word , body politick , and how it signifieth not the concord , but the union of many men . and though in the chapters of subordinate corporations , a corporation being declared to be one person in law , yet the same hath not been taken notice of in the body of a common wealth or city , nor have any of those inumerable writers of politicks , observed and such union . 8. the fourth opinion , to wit , that subiects have their meum , tuum , & suum , in property , not only by virtue of the soveraign power over them all , distinct from one another , but also against the soveraign himself , by which they would pretend to contribute nothing to the publick , but what they please , hath been already confuted , by proving the absoluteness of the soveraignty and more perticularly , part 2. chap. 5. sect. 2. and ariseth from this , that they understand not ordinarily that before the institution of soveraign power , meum & tuum implyed no propriety , but a community , where every man had right to every thing , and was in state of war with every man . 9. the fifth opinion , that the people is a distinct body from him or them that have the soveraignty over them , is an error already confuted part 2. chap. 2. sect. 11. where is shewed , that when men say , the people rebelleth , it is to be understood of those particular persons onely and not of the whole nation . and when the people claimeth any thing otherwise then by the voice of the soveraign power , it is not the claim of the people , but only of those particular men , that claim in their own persons . and this error ariseth from the equivocation of the word people . 10 lastly , for the opinion , that tyrannicide is lawfull , meaning by a tyrant , any man in whom resideth the right of soveraignty , is no lesse false and pernicious to humane society , then frequent in the writings of those moral philosophers , seneca and others , so greatly esteemed amongst us . for when a man hath the right of soveraignty , he cannot iustly be punished , as hath been often shewed already , and therefore much lesse deposed , or put to death . and howsoever he might deserve punishment , yet punishment is uniust without judgment preceding , and judgment uniust without power of judicature , which a subiect hath not over a soveraign . but this doctrine proceedeth from the schools of greece , and from those that writ in the romane state , in which not onely the name of a tyrant , but of a king was hatefull . 11. beside discontent to the disposing of a man to rebellion , and pretence there is required in the third place , hope of successe , which consisteth in foure points : 1. that the discontented have mutual intelligence . 2. that they have sufficient number . 3. that they have armes . 4. that they agree upon an head . for these four must concur to the making of one body of rebellion , in which intelligence is the life , number the limbs , arms the strength , and an head the unity , by which they are directed to one and the same action . 12. the authors of rebellion , that is , the men that breed these dispositions to rebel in others , of necessity must have in them these three qual●ties . 1. to be discontented themselves . 2. to be men of mean judgment and capacity . and thirdly , to be eloquent men , or good orators . and as for their discontent , from whence it may proceed , hath been already declared and for the second and third , i am to shew now , first , how they may stand together ; for it seemeth a contradiction , to place small judgement , & great eloquence , or ( as they call it ) powerful speaking in the same man . and then in what manner they concur , to dispose other men to sedition . 13. it was noted by salust , that in catiline ( who was author of the greatest sedition that ever was in rome ) there was eloquentiae satis , sapientiae parum , eloquence sufficient but little wisdome . and perhaps this was said of catiline , as he was catiline . but it was true of him , as an author of sedition . for , the coniunction of these two qualities made him not catiline , but seditious . and that it may be understood , how want of wisdome , and store of eloquence , may stand together , we are to consider , what it is we call wisdome , and what eloquence . and therefore i shall here again remember some things , that have been said already , part 1. chap. 5.6 . it is manifest that wisdome consisteth in knowledge . now of knowledge there are two kinds ; whereof the one is the remembrance of such things , as we have conceived by our sences , and of the order , in which they follow one another . and this knowledge is called experience ; and the wisdom that proceedeth from it , is that ability to coniecture by the present , of what is past , and to come , which men call prudence . this being so , it is manifest presently , that the author of sedition , whosoever he be , must not be prudent . for if he consider and take his experience aright , concerning the success which they have had , who have been the movers and authors of sedition , either in this or any other state , he shall find , that for one man that hath thereby advanced himself to honour , twenty have come to a reproachful end . the other kind of knowledge , is the remembrance of the names or appellations of things , and how every thing is called , which is in matters of common conversation , a remembrance of pacts and covenants of men made amongst themselves , concerning how to be understood of one another . and this kind of knowledge is generally called science , and the conclusions thereof truth . but when men remember not how things are named , by general agreement , but either mistake & mis-name things , or name them aright by chance , they are not said to have science , but opinion , and the conclusions thence proceeding , are uncertain , and for the most part erroneous . now that scie●ce in particular , from which proceed the true and evident conclusions of what is right and wrong , and what is good and hurtful to the beeing , and well-being of mankind , the latines call sapientia , and wee by the generall name of wisdome . for generally , not he that hath skill in geometry , or any other science speculative , but only he that understandeth what conduceth to the good and government of the people , is called a wise man . now that no author of sedition can be wise in this acceptation of the word , is sufficiently proved , in that it hath been already demonstrated , that no pretence of sedition can be right or just . and therefore the authors of sedition must be ignorant of the right of state , that is to say , unwise . it remaineth therefore , that they be such , as name things , not according to their true and generally agreed upon names , but call right and wrong , good and bad , according to their passions , or according to the authorities of such , as they admire , as aristotle , cicero , seneca , and others of like authority , who have given the names of right and wrong , as their passions have dictated ; or have followed the authotity of other men , as we do theirs . it is required therefore in an author of sedition , that he think right , that which is wrong ; and profitable , that which is pernicious ; and consequently that there be in him sapientiae parum , little wisdome . 14. eloquence is nothing else but the power of winning belief of what we say . and to that end we must have ayd from the passions of the hearer . now to demonstration and teaching of the truth , there are required long deductions , and great attention , which is unpleasant to the hearer . therefore they which seek not truth , but belief , must take another way , and not only derive what they would have to be believed from somewhat believed already , but also by aggravations and extenuations , make good and bad , right & vvrong , appear great or lesse , according as shall serve their turnes . and such is the power of eloquence , as many times a man is made to believe thereby , that hee sensibly feeleth smart and damage , when he feeleth none , and to enter into rage and indignation , without any other cause , then what is in the words and passion of the speaker . this considered , together with the businesse that he hath to do , who is the author of rebellion , namely , to make men believe , that their rebellion is just , their discontents grounded upon great iniuries , and their hopes great ; there needeth no more to prove , there can be no author of rebellion , that is not an eloquent and powerfull speaker , and withall ( as hath been said before ) a man of little wisdome . for the faculty of speaking powerfully , consisteth in an habit gotten of putting together passionate words , and applying them to the present passions of the hearer . 15. seeing then eloquence and want of discretion concur to the stirring of rebellion , it may be demanded , what part each of these acteth therein . the daughters of pelias king of thessaly , desiring to restore their old decrepit father to the vigour of his youth , by the counsell of medea , chopped him in pieces , and set him a boyling with i know not what herbs in a cauldron , but could not revive him again . so when eloquence and want of judgement go together , ●ant of judgment like the daughters of pelias consenteth through eloquence , which is as the witchcraft of medea , to cut the common wealth in peices , upon pretence , or hope of reformation , which when things are in combustion , they are not able to effect . chap. ix . 1. the law over soveraigns , salus populi . 2. that soveraigns ought to establish the religion they hold , for best . 3. that to forbid unnatural copulation , promiscuous use of women &c. is the law of nature . 4. that to leave man as much liberty as may be , &c is the duty of a soveraign by the law of nature . 5. meum & tuum to be set out to the subjects distinct from one another , &c. a duty of soveraigns by the law of nature . 6. an extraordinary power for judging the abuses of magistrates necessary , &c. 7. the suppressing of popularity , &c. necessary , &c. 8. the institution of youth , &c. necessary , &c. 9. avoiding of unnecessary war , a necessary duty of the soveraign , ctc. having hitherto set forth how a body politick is made , and how it may be destroyed , this place requireth to say something concerning the preservation of the same , not purposing to enter into the particulars of the art of government , but to sum up the general heads , wherein such art is to be imployed , and in which consisteth the duty of him or them that have the soveraign power . for the duty of a soveraign consisteth in the good government of the people . and although the acts of soveraign power be no injuries to the subiects who have consented to the same by their implicite wills , yet when they tend to the hurt of the people in general , they be breaches of the law of nature , and of the divine law ; and consequently the contrary acts are the duties of soveraigns , and required at their hands to the utmost of their endeavour by god almighty , under the pain of eternall death . and as the art and duty of soveraigns consist in the same acts , so also doth their profit . for the end of art is profit , and governing to the profit of the subiects , is governing to the profit of the soveraign , as hath been shewed part 2. chap. 5. sect. 1. and these three : 1. the law over them that have soveraign power 2. their duty ; 3. their profit , are one and the same thing contained in this sentence , salus populi suprema lex . by which must be understood , not the meer preservation of their lives , but generally their benifit and good . so that this is the generall law for soveraigns , that they procure to the uttermost of their endeavour , the good of the people . 2. and for as much as eternal , is better ●●en temporal good , it is evident , that they ●ho are in soveraign authority , are by the ●aw of nature obliged to further the esta●lishing of al such doctrines and rules , and the commanding of all such actions , as in ●heir conscience they beleive to be the true ●ay thereunto . for unless they do so , it ●annot be said truly , that they have done the ●ttermost of their endeavour . 3. for the tempo●al good of the people , ●●consisteth in four points : 1. multitude 〈◊〉 commodity of living . 3. peace amongst themselves . 4. defence against forraign ●ower . concerning multitude . it is the ●uty of them that are in soveraign autho●●ty , to increase the people ; in as much as ●●ey are governours of mankind under god ●lmighty , who having created but one ●an , and one woman , declared , that it ●as his will they should be multiplyed and ●ncreased afterwards . and seeing this is to ●e done by ordinances concerning copu●ation , they are by the law of nature bound ●o make such ordinances concerning the ●ame , as may tend to the increase of man●ind . and hence it cometh , that in them ●ho have soveraign authority , not to for●id such copulations as are against the use 〈◊〉 nature ; not to forbid the promiscuous use ●f vvomen , not to forbid one vvomen to ●ave many husbands , not to forbid marriages within certain degrees of kindred and affinity , are against the law of nature . for though it be not evident , that a private man living under the law of natural reason only , doth break the same , by doing any of the things aforesaid , yet it is manifestly apparent , that being so prejudicial as they are to the improvement of mankind , that not to forbid the same , is against the law of natural reason , in him that hath taken into his hands any portion of mankind to improve . 4. the comodity of living consisteth in liberty and vvealth . by liberty i mean , that there be no prohibition without necessity of any thing to any man , which was lawful to him in the law of nature , that is to say , that there be no restraint of naturall liberty , but what is necessary for the good of the common vvealth , and that well-meaning men may not fall into the danger of lawes , as into snares , before they be aware . it appertaineth also to this liberty , that a man may have commodious passage from place to place , and not be imprisoned or confined with the difficulty of wayes , and want of means for transportation of things necessary . and for the wealth of people it consisteth in three things , the well ordering of trade , procuring of labour , and forbiding the superfluous consuming of food and apparel . all those therefore that are in soveraign authority , and have taken upon them the government of people , are bound by the law of nature to make ordinances consisting in the points afore named , as being contrary to the law of nature , unnecessarily either for ones own fancy , to inthrall , or ty men so , as they cannot move without danger , or to suffer them whose maintenance is our benefit , to want any thing necessary for them , by our negligence . 5. for maintaiinng of peace at home , there be so many things necessary to be considered , and taken order in , as there be several causes concurring to sedition . and first , it is necessary to set out to every subiect , his propriety and distinct lands and goods , upon which he may exercise , and have the benefit of his own industry , and without which , men would fall out amongst themselves , as did the heardsmen of abraham and lot , every man enchroaching and usurping as much of the common benefit as he can , which tendeth to quarel and sedition . secondly , to divide the burthens and charges of the common wealth proportionably . now there is a proportionably to every mans abilily , and there is a proportionably to his benefit by common weath . and this latter is it , which is according to the law of nature . for the burdens of the common wealth being the price that we pay for the benefit thereof , they ought to be measured thereby . and there is no reason , when two men equally enioying by the benefit of the common wealth , their peace and liberty , to use their industry to get their livings , where of one spareth , and laieth up somewhat , the other spendeth all he gets , why they should not equally contribute to the common charge . that seemeth therefore to be the most equall way of dividing the burden of publick charge , when every man shall contribute according to what he spendeth , and not according to what he gets . and this is then done , when men pay the common wealths part in the payments they make for their own provision . and this seemeth not only most equal , but also least sensible , and least to trouble the mind of them that pay it . for there is nothing so aggravateth the grief of parting with money to the publick , as to think they are over-rated , and that their neighbours whom they envy , do thereupon insult over them , and this disposeth them to resistance , and ( after that such resistance hath produced a mischief ) to rebellion . 6. an other thing necessary for the maintaining of peace , is the due execution of iustice ▪ which consisteth principally in the right performance of their duties , which are the magistrates , ordained for the same by and under the authority of the soveraign power , which being private men in respect of the soveraign , and consequently such as may have private ends , whereby they may be corrupted with gifts , or intercession of friends , ought to be kept in awe by an higher power , lest people ( greived by their injustice ) should take upon them to make their own revenges , to the disturbance of the common peace ; which can by no way be avoided in the prineipal and immediate magistrates , without the judicature of the soveraign himself , or some extraordinary power delegated by him . it is therefore necessary , that there be a power extraordinary , as there shall be occasion from time to time , for the syndication of judges and other magistates , that shall abuse their authority , to the wrong and discontent of the people , and a free and open way for the presenting of grievances to him or them that have the soueraign authority . 7. besides these considerations , by which are prevented the discontents that arise from oppression , there ought to be some meanes for the keeping under of those , that are disposed to rebellion by ambition ; which consist principally in the constancy of him that hath the soveraign power , who ought therefore constantly to grace and encourage such , as being able to serve the common wealth , do nevertheless contain themselves within the bounds of modesty , without repining at the authority of such as are imployed , and without aggravating the errours which ( as men ) they may commit , especially when they suffer not in their own particular ; and constantly to shew displeasure , & dislike of the contrary . and not only so , but also to ordain severe punishments for such , as shall by reprehension of publick actions , affect popularity and applause amongst the multitude , by which they may be enabled to have a faction in the common wealth at their devotion . 8. another thing necessary , is the rooting out of the consciences of men all those opinions which seem to iustifie and give pretence of right to rebellious actions ; such as are the opinions , that a man can do nothing lawfully against his private conscience ; that they who have the soveraignty , are subiect to the civil laws : that there is an authority of subiects , whose negative may hinder the affirmative of the soveraign power ; that any subiect hath a propriety distinct from the dominion of the common wealth ; that there is a body of the people without him or them that have the soveraign power ; & that any lawful soveraign may be resisted under the name of a tyrant ; which opinions are they , which part 2. chap. 8. sect. 5.6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. have been declared , to dispose men to rebellion and because opinions which are gotten by education , and in length of time , are made habitual , cannot be taken away by force , and ●pon the sudden ; they must therefore be ●aken away also by time and education . and ●eeing the said opinions have proceeded ●rom private and publick teaching , and ●hose teachers have received them from grounds and principalls , which they have ●earned in the universities , from the doctrine of aristotle , and others , who have dilivered nothing concerning morality and policy demonstratively , but being passionately addicted to popular government , have insinuated their opinions by eloquent sophistry . there is no doubt , if the true doctrine concerning the law of nature , and the properties of a body politick , and the nature of law in general , were prespicuously set down and taught in the universities , but that young men , who come thither void of preiudice and whose minds are as white paper , capable of any instruction , would more easily receive the same , and afterwards teach it to the people , both in books and otherwise , then now they do the contrary . 9. the last thing contained in that supream law , salus populi , is their defence , and consisteth partly in the obedience and unity of the subiects , of which hath been already spoken , and in which consisteth the means of levying souldiers , and of having money , arms , ships , and fortified places in readiness for defence ; and partly , in the avoiding of unnecessary wars . for such common wealths , or such monarchs , as affect war for it self , that is to say , out of ambition , or of vain glory , or that make account to revenge every little iniury , or disgrace done by their neighbours , if they ruine not themselves , their fortune must be better then they have reason to expect . chap. x. 1. all expressions , &c. concerning future actions , are either covenant , councel or command . 2. the difference between a law and a covenant , 3. the command of him whose command is law in one thing , is law in every thing . 4. the difference between law and counsell . 5. the difference between jus and lex . 6. the division of laws , ctc. 7. that the divine morall law , and the law of nature , is the same . 8. that the civil lawes are the common measure of right and wrong , &c. 9. martiall law is civil law . 10. written laws , &c. unwritten , &c. customes and opinions , &c. thus far concerning the nature of man , and the constitution and properties of a body politick . there remaineth only for the last chapter , to speak of the nature and sorts of law . and first , it is manifest , that all laws are declarations of the mind , con●erning some action future to be done , or omitted . and all declarations and expres●ions of the mind concerning future actions and omissions , are either promissive , as i will do , or not do , or provisive . as for example , if this be done or not done , this will follow ; or imperative , as do this , or do it not . in the first sort of these expressions , consisteth the nature of a covenant , in the second , consisteth counsel , in the third , command 2. it is evident when a man doth , or forbeareth to do any action , if he be moved thereto by this only consideration , that the same is good or evil in it self ; and that there be no reason why the will or pleasure of another , should be of any weight in his deliberation , that then neither to do nor omit the action deliberated is any breach of law-and consequently , whatsoever is a law to a man , respecteth the will of another , and the declaration thereof . but a covenant is a declaration of a mans own will . and therefore a law and a covenant differ : and though they be both obligatory , and a law obligeth no otherwise then by vertue of some covenant made by him who is subiect thereunto , yet they oblige by severall sorts of promises . for a covenant obligeth by promise of an action , or omission especially named and limited ; but a law bindeth by a promise of obedience in general , whereby the action to be done , or left undone , is referred to the determination of him , to whom the covenant is made . so that the difference between a covenant and a law , standeth thus : in simple covenant , the action to be done , or not done , is first limited and made known , and then followeth the promise to do or not to do ; but in a law , the obligation to do or not to do , precedeth , and the declaration what is to be done , or not done , followeth after . 3. and from this may be deduced , that which to some may seem a paradox , that the command of him , whose command is a law in one thing , is a law in every thing . for seeing a man is obliged to obedience before what he is to do be known , he is obliged to obey in general , that is to say , in every thing . 4. that the counsel of a man is no law to him that is counselled , and that he who alloweth another to give him counsell , doth not thereby oblige himself to follow the same , is manifest enough . and yet men usually call counselling , by the name of governing , not that they are not able to distinguish between them , but because they envy many times those men that are called to counsel , & are therefore angry with them that they are counselled ▪ but if to counsellours there should be given a right to have their counsell followed , then are they no more counsellours , but masters of them whom they counsel ; and their counsels no more counsels , but lawes . for the difference between a law and a counsel being no mor but this , that in counsel the expression is do , because it is best ; in a law do , because i have a right to compel you ; or do , because i say do ; when counsel should give the reason of the action it adviseth to , because the reason thereof it self is no more counsel , but a law . 5. the names lex & jus , that is to say , law and right , are often confounded , and yet scarce are there any two words of more contrary signification . for right is that liberty which law leaveth us , and laws those restraints by which we agree mutually to abridge on anothers liberty . law and right therefore are no less different then restraint and liberty , which are contrary , and whatsoever a man doth , that liveth in a common wealth jure , he doth it jure civili , jure naturae , and jure divino . for whatsoever is against any of these laws , cannot be said to be jure . for the civill law cannot make that to be done jure , which is against the law divine , or of nature . and therefore whatsoever any subiect doth , if it be not conrary to the civil law , and whatsoever a soveraign doth , if it be not against the law of nature , he doth it jure divino , by divin right . but to say lege divina , by divine law , is another thing . for the laws of god and nature allowing greater liberty then is allowed by the law civil ; ( for subordinate laws do still bind mo●e then superior laws , the essence of law being not to loose , but to bind ) a man may be commanded that by a law civil , which is not commanded by the law of nature , nor by the law divine . so that of things done leg● , that is to say , by command of the law , there is some place for a distinction between lege divina & lege civili . as when a man giveth an alms , or helpeth him that is in need , he doth it not lege civili but lege divina , by the divine law , the precept whereof is charity . but for things that are done jure , nothing can be said done jure divino , that is not also jure civili , unless it be done by them that having soveraign power , are not subiect to the civil law . 6. the differences of law , are according to the differences either of the authors and lawmakers , or of the promulgation , or of those that are subiect to them . from the difference of the authors , or law makers , cometh the division of law into divine , natural , and civil . from the difference of promulgation , proceedeth the division of laws , into written and unwritten . and from the difference of the persons to whom the law appertaineth , it proceedeth , that some laws are called simply laws , and some penal . as for example , thou shall not steal is simply a law ; but this , he that stealeth an ox , shall restore four-fold , is a penal or as other ●all it a judicial law . now in those laws which are simply laws , the commandement is addressed to every man ; but in penal laws the commandement is addressed to the magistrate , who is only guilty of the breach of it when the penalties ordained , are not i●flicted : to the rest appertaineth nothing but to take notice of their danger . 7. as for the first division of law into divine , natural , and civil , the first two brea●hes are one and the same law . for the law of nature , which is also the moral law , is the law of the author of nature , god almighty ; and the law of god taught by our saviour christ , is the morall law . for the sum of gods law is ; thou shalt love god above all and thy neighbour as thy self ; and the same is the sum of the law of nature , as hath b●en shewed , part 1. chap. 5. and although the doctrin of our saviour be of three parts , moral , theological and ecclesiasticall , the former part only , which is the moral , is of the nature of a law universal ; the latter part is a branch of the law civil ; and the theological which containeth those articles concerning the divinity and kingdome of our saviour , without which there is no salvation , is not dilivered in the nature of laws , but of counsel and direction , how to avoid the punishment , which by the violation of the moral law , men are subiect to . for it is not infidelity that condemneth , ( though it be faith that saveth ) but the breach of the law and commandements of god , written fi●st in mans heart , and afterwards in tables , and delivered to the jews by the hands of moses . 8. in the state of nature where every man is his own judge , and differeth from other concerning the names and appellations of things , and from those differences arise quarels and breach of peace , it was necessary there should be a common measure of all things , that might fall in controversie . as for example ; of what is to be called right , what good , what virtue , what much , what little , what meum & tuum , what a pound , what a quarter , &c. for in these things private judgements may differ , and beget controversie . this common measure , some say is right reason , with whom i should consent , if there were any such thing to be found or known in rerum natura . but commonly they that call for right reason to decide any controversy , do mean , their own . but this is certain , seeing right reason is not existent , the reason of some man or men must supply the place thereof , and that man or men is he or they , that have the soveraign power , as hath been already proved ; and consequently the civil laws are to all subiects the measures of their actions whereby to determine whether they have right or wrong , profitable , or unprofitable , virtuous or vitious , and by them the use and definition of all names not agreed upon , and tending to controversie , shall be established . as for example , when upon the occasions of some strang and deformed birth it shall not be decided by aristotle , or the philosophers , whether the same be a man , or no , but by the laws , the civil law containing in it the ecclesiastical , as a part thereof , proceeding from the power of ecclesiastical government , given by our saviour to all christian soveraigns , as his immediate vicars , as hath been said part 2. chap. 7. sect. 10. 9. but seeing it hath been said , that all laws are either natural , or civil , it may be demanded , to which of these shall be referred that law , which is called martial law , and by the romans , disciplina militaris ? and it may seem to be the same with the law of nature ; because the laws by which a multitude of souldiers are governed in an army are not constant , but continually changing with the occasion ; and that is still a law , which is reason for the present , and reason is the law of nature . it is nevertheless true , that martial law is civil law , because an army is a body politick , the whole power whereof is in the general , and the laws thereof made by him ; and though they still follow and change as reason requireth , yet it is not as the reason of every private man but as the reason of the general requireth . 10. when he or they in whom is the soveraign power of a common wealth , are to ordain law for the government and good order of the people , it is not possible they should comprehend all cases of controversie that may fall out , or perhaps any considerable diversitie of them ; but as time shall instruct them by the rising of new ocasions , so are also laws from time to time to be ordained : and in such cases where no special law is made , the law of nature keepeth its place , and the magistrates ought to give sentence according thereunto , that is to say , according to natural reason . the constitutions therefore of the soveraign power , by which the liberty of nature is abridged , are written , because there is no other way to take notice of them , whereas the laws of nature are supposed to be written in mens hearts , written laws therefore are the constitutions of a common wealth expressed ; and unwritten , are the laws of natural reason . custome of it self maketh no laws . nevertheless when a sentence hath been once given by them that judge by their natural reason , whether the same be right or wrong , it may attain to the vigour of a law ; not because the like sentence hath of custome been given in the like case , but because the soveraign power is supposed tacitely to have approved such sentence for right , and thereby it commeth to be a law , and numbred amongst the written laws of the common wealth . for if custom were sufficient to introduce a law , then it would be in the power of every one that is deputed to hear a cause , to make his erours laws . in the like manner , those that goe under the title of respons a prudentum , that is to say , the opinions of lawyers , are not therefore laws , because responsa prudentum , but because they are admitted by the soveraign ; and from this may be collected , that when there is a case of private contract between the soveraign and the subiect , a president against reason shall not preiudice the cause of the soveraign ; no president being made a law , but upon supposition that the same was reasonable from the beginning . and thus much concerning the elements and general grounds of laws natural and politick . as for the law of nations , it is the same with the law of nature . for that which is the law of nature between man and man , before the constitution of common wealth , is the law of nations between soveraign and soveraign after . finis . six lessons to the professors of the mathematiques one of geometry the other of astronomy, in the chaires set up by the noble and learned sir henry savile in the university of oxford. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1656 approx. 291 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44014 wing h2260 estc r22309 09838741 ocm 09838741 44227 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44014) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44227) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1360:1) six lessons to the professors of the mathematiques one of geometry the other of astronomy, in the chaires set up by the noble and learned sir henry savile in the university of oxford. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [5], 64 p., [1] leaf of plates : ill. printed by j.m. for andrew crook, london : [1656] this item is the second part of wing h2232, which may be found at reel 634:8. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng geometry -early works to 1800. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion six lessons to the professors of the mathematiques , one of geometry , the other of astronomy : in the chaires set up by the noble and learned sir henry savile , in the university of oxford . london . printed by j. m. for andrew crook , at the green-dragon , in pauls church-yard . to the right honourable , henry lord pierrepont , viscount newarke , earle of kingstone , and marquis of dorchester . my most noble lord , not knowing on my own part any cause of the favour your lordship has been pleased to express towards me , unless it be the principles , method , and manners you have observed and approved in my writings ; and seeing these have all been very much reprehended by men to whom the name of publique professors hath procured reputation in the university of oxford ; i thought it would be a forfeiture of your lordships good opinion , not to justifie my self in publique also against them . which , whether i have sufficiently performed or not in the six following lessons addressed to the same professors , i humbly pray your lordship to consider . the volume it self is too small to be offered to you as a present ; but to be brought before you as a controversie it is perhaps the better for being short . of arts , some are demonstrable , others indemonstrable ; and demonstrable are those the construction of the subject whereof is in the power of the artist himself ; who in his demonstration does no more but deduce the consequences of his own operation . the reason whereof is this , that the science of every subject is derived from a praecognition of the causes , generation , and construction of the same ; and consequently where the causes are known , there is place for demonstration ; but not where the causes are to seek for . geometry therefore is demonstrable ; for the lines and figures from which we reason are drawn and described by our selves ; and civill philosophy is 〈…〉 , we make the common-wealth our selves . but because of naturall bodies we know not the construction , but seek it from the effects , there lyes no demonstration of what the causes be we seek for , but onely of what they may be . and where there is place for demonstration , if the first principles , that is to say , the definitions contain not the generation of the subject ; there can be nothing demonstrated as it ought to be . and this in the three first definitions of euclide sufficiently appeareth . for seeing he maketh not , nor could make any use of them in his demonstrations , they ought not to be numbered among the principles of geometry . and sextus empiricis maketh use of them ( misunderstood , yet so understood as the said professors understand them ) to the overthrow of that so much renouned evidence of geometry . in that part therefore of my book where i treat of geometry , i thought it necessary in my definitions to express those motions by which lines , superficies , solids and figures were drawn and described ; little expecting that any professor of geometry should finde fault therewith ; but on the contrary supposing i might thereby not only avoid the cavils of the scepticks , but also demonstrate divers propositions which on other principles are indemonstrable . and truly , if you shall finde those my principles of motion made good , you shall find also that i have added something to that which was formerly extant in geometry . for first from the seventh chapter of my book de corpere to the thirteenth , i have rectified and explained the principles of the science , id est , i have done that business for which doctor wallis receives the wages . in the seventh , i have exhibited and demonstrated the proportion of the parabola and parabolasters to the parallelograms of the same height and base ; which ( though some of the propositions were extant without their demonstration ) were never before demonstrated , nor are by any other then this method demonstrable . in the eighteenth , ( as it is now in english ) i have demonstrated the ( for any thing i yet perceive ) equation between the crooked line of a parabola or any parabolaster and a straight line . in the twenty-third , i have exhibited the center of gravity of any sector of a sphere . lastly , the twenty-fourth , ( which is of the nature of refractiand reflexion ) is almost all new . but your lordship will ask me what i have done in the twentieth , about the quadrature of the circle . truely , my lord , not much more then before . i have let stand there that which i did before condemn , not that i think it exact , but partly because the division of angles may be more exactly performed by it then by any organicall way whatsoever ; and i have attempted the same by another method , which seemeth to me very naturall , but of calculation difficult and slippery . i call them only aggressions , retaining nevertheless the formall manner of assertion used in demonstration . for i dare not use such a doubtfull word as videtur , because the professors are presently ready to oppose me with a videtur quod non . nor am i willing to leave those aggressions out , but rather to try if it may be made pass for lawfull ( in spight of them that seek honour not from their own performances but from other mens failings ) amongst many difficult undertakings carryed through at once ) to leave one and the greatest for a time behind ; and partly because the method is such as may hereafter give further light to the finding out of the exact truth . but the principles of the professors that reprehend these of mine , are some of them so void of sense , that a man at the first hearing , whether geometrician or not geometrician must abhor them . as for example ; 1. that two equall proportions are not double to one of the same proportions . 2. that a proportion is double , triple , &c. of a number , but not of a proportion . 3. that the same body , without adding to it , or taking from it , is sometimes greater , and sometimes less . 4. that a quantity may grow less and less eternally , so as at last to be equall to another quantity ; or ( which is all one ) that there is a last in eternity . 5. that the nature of an angle consisteth in that which lyes between the lines that comprehend the angle in the very point of their concourse ; that is to say , an angle is the superficies which lyes between the two points which touch , or ( as they understand a point ) the superficies that lyes between the two nothings which touch . 6. that the quo●ient is the proportion of the division to the dividend . upon these and some such other principles is grounded all that doctor wallis has said not onely in his elenchus of my geometry , but also in his treatises of the angle of contact , and in his arithmetica infinitorum ; which two last i have fere in two or three leaves wholly and cleerly confuted . and i verily believe that since the beginning of the world there has not been , nor ever shall be so much absurdity written in geometry , as is to be found in those books of his ; with which there is so much presumption joyned , that an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the like conjunction cannot be expected in less then a platonick year . the cause whereof i imagine to be this , that he mistook the study of symboles for the study of geometry , and thought symbolicall writing to be a new kinde of method , and other mens demonstrations set down in symboles new demonstrations . the way of analysis by squares , cubes , &c. is very antient , and usefull for the finding out whatsoever is contained in the nature and generation of rectangled plains ( which also may be found without it ) and was at the highest in vieta ; but i never saw any thing added thereby to the science of geometry , as being a way wherein men go round from the equality of rectangled plains to the equality of proportion , and thence again to the equality of rectangled plains ; wherein the symboles serve only to make men go faster about , as greater winde to a winde-mill . it is in sciences as in plants ; growth and branching is but the generation of the root continued ; nor is the invention of theoremes any thing else but the knowledge of the construction of the subject prosecuted . the unsoundness of the branches are no prejudice to the roots ; nor the faults of theoremes to the principles . and active principles will correct false theoremes if the reasoning be good ; but no logique in the world is good enough to draw evidence out of false or unactive principles . but i detain your lordship too long . for all this will be much more manifest in the following discourses : wherein i have not onely explained and rectified many of the most important principles of geometry : but also by the examples of those errors which have been committed by my reprehenders , made manifest the evil consequence of the principles they now proceed on . so that it is not only my own defence that i here bring before you , but also a positive doctrine concerning the true grounds , or rather atomes of geometry : which i dare only say are very singular : but whether they be very good or not , i submit to your lordships judgement . and seeing you have been pleased to bestow so much time ( with great success ) in the reading of what has been written by other men in all kindes of learning . i humbly pray your lordship to bestow also a little time upon the reading of these few and short lessons ; and if your lordship finde them agreeable to your reason and judgement , let me ( notwithstanding the clamour of my adversaries ) be continued in your good opinion , and still retain the honour of being my most noble lord , london , iune 10. 1656. your lordships most humble and obliged servant . thomas hobbes . errata . page 2. l. 11. for art , 〈◊〉 . act , l. 12. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 6. 〈◊〉 . 23. for mr. 〈◊〉 . sir , p. 21. l. 22. for pr●position , r. proportion , p. 55. l. 20. for senctoribus , r. senat●ribus , p. 56. l. 8. for serberius , r. sorberius . lessons of the principles of geometry , &c. to the egregious professors of the mathematicks , one of geometry , the other of astronomy , in the cha●rs set up by the noble and learned sir henry savile , in the university of oxford . lesson i. i suppose ( most egregious professors ) you know already that by geomerry ( though the word import no more but the measuring of land ) is understood no less the measuring of all other quantity , then that of bodies . and though the definition of geometry serve not for proof , nor enter into any geometricall demonst●ation , yet for understanding of the principles of the science , and for a rule to judge by , who is a geometrician , and who is not , i hold it necessary to begin therewith . geometry is the science of determining the quantity of any thing , not measured , by comparing it with some other quantity , or quantities measured . which science therefore whosoever shall go about to teach , must first be able to tell his disciple what measuring or dimension is ; by what each several kind of quantity is measured ; what quantity is , & what are the several kinds thereof . therefore as they who handle any one part of geometry , determine by defiaition the signifie cation of every word whīch they make the subject , or praedicate of any theoreme they undertake to demonstrate ; so must he which intendeth to write a whole body of geometry , define and determine the meaning of whatsoever word belongeth to the whole science ; the design of euclid was to demonstrate the properties of the five regular bodies mentioned by plato ; in which demonstrations there was no need to alledge for argument the definition of quantity , which it may be was the cause he hath not any where defined it , but done what he undertook without it . and though having perpetually occasion to speak of measure , he hath not defined measure ; yet instead thereof he hath in the beginning of his first element , assumed an axiome which serveth his turn sufficiently , as to the measure of lines , which is the eighth axiome ; that those things which lye upon one another all the way ( called by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) are equall . which axiome is nothing else but a description of the art of measuring length , and superficies . for this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can have no place in solid bodies , unless two bodies could at the same time be in one place . but amongst the principles of geometry universall , the definitions are necessary , both of quantity and dimension . quantity is that which is signified by what we answer to him that asketh , how much any thing is , and thereby determine the magnitude thereof . for magnitude being a word indefinite , if a man ask of a thing quantum est , that is , how much it is ; we do not satisfie him by saying it is magnitude or quantity , but by saying it is tantum , so much . and they that first called it in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in latine qua●tity , might more properly have called it , in latine tantity , and in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and we , if we allowed our selves the eloquence of the greeks and latines , should call it the so-muchness . there is therefore to every thing concerning which a man may ask without absurdity how much it is , a certain quantity belonging ; determining the magnitude to be so much . also wheresoever there is more and less , there is one kinde of quantity or other . and first , there is the quantity of bodies , and that of three kindes ; length , which is by one way of measuring ; superficies made of the complication of two lengths , or the measure taken , two wayes ; and solid which is the complication of three lengths , or of the measure taken three wayes ; for breadth or thickness are but other lengths . and the science of geometry so far forth as it contemplateth bodies onely , is no more but by measuring the length of one or more lines , and by the position of others known in one and the same figure , to determine by ratiocination , how much is the superficies ; and by measuring length , breadth , and thickness , to determine the quantity of the whole body . of this kinde of magnitudes and quantities the subject is body . and because for the computing of the magnitudes of bodies , it is not necessary that the bodies themselves should be present ( the ideas and memory of them supplying their presence ) we reckon upon those imaginary bodies , which are the quantities themselves , and say the length is so great , the breadth so great , &c. which in truth is no better then to say the length is so long , or the breadth so broad , &c. but in the mind of an inteligent man it breedeth no mistake . besides the quantity of bodies , there is a quantity of time. for seeing men , without absurdity do ask how much it is ; by answering tantum , so much , they make manifest there is a a , quantity that belongeth unto time , namely , a length . and because length cannot be an accident of time , which is it self an accident , it is the accident of a body ; and consequently the length of the time , is the length of the body ; by which length or line , we determine how much the time is , supposing some body to be moved over it . also we not improperly ask with how much swiftness a body is moved ; and consequently there is a quantity of motion or swiftness , and the measure of that quantity is also a line . but then again , we must suppose another motion , which determineth the time of the former . also of force there is a question of how much , which is to be answered by so much ; that is , by quantity . if the force consist in swiftness , the determination is the same with that of swiftness , namely , by a line ; if in swiftness and quantity of body joyntly , then by a line and a solid ; or if in quantity of body onely ( as weight ) by a solid onely . so also is number quantity ; but in no other sense then as a line is quantity divided into equall parts . of an angle , which is of two lines whatsoever they be , meeting in one point the digression or openess in other points , it may be asked how great is that digression ; this question is answered also by quantity . an angle therefore hath quantity , though it be not the subject of quantity ; for the body onely can be the subiect , in which body those ●…ing line are marked . and because two lines may be made to divaricate by two causes ; one , when having one end common , and immoveable , they depart one from another at the other ends circularly , and this is called surply an angle ; and the quantity thereof is the quantity of the arch , which the two lines intercept . the other cause is the bending of a straight line into a circular or other crooked line , till it touch the place of the same line , whilst it was straight , in one onely point . and this is called an angle of contingence . and because the more it is bent , the more it digresseth from the tangent , it may be asked how much more ? and therefore the answer , must be made by quantity ; and consequently an angle of contingence hath its quantity as well as that which is called simply an angle . and in case the digression of two such crooked lines from the tangent be uniform as in circles , the quantity of their digression may be determined . for if a straight line be drawn from the point of contact , the digression of the lesser circle will be to the digression of the greater circle , as the part of the line drawn from the point of contact , and intercepted by the circumference of the greater circle is to the part of the same line intercepted by the circumference of the lesser circle , or , which is all one , as the greater radius is to the lesser radius . you may guess by this what will become of that part of your last book , where you handle the question of the quantity of an angle of contingence . also there lyeth a question of how much comparatively one magnitude is to another magnitude , as how much water is in a tun in respect of the ocean , how much in respect of a pi● ; little in the first respect , much in the latter . therefore the answer must be made by some respective quantity . this respective quantity is called ratio and proportion , and is determined by the quantity of their differences ; and if their differences be compared also with the quantities themselves that differ , it is called simply proportion , or proportion geometricall . but if the differences be not so compared , then it is called proportion arithmeticall . and where the difference is none , there is no quantity of the proportion , which in this case is but a bare comparison . also concerning heat , light , and divers other qualities , which have degrees , there lyeth a question of how much , to be answered by a so much , and consequently they have their quantities , though the same with the quantity of swiftness : because the intensions and remissions of such qualities are but the intensions and remissions of the swiftness of that motion by which the agent produceth such a quality . and as quantity may be considered in all the operations of nature , so also doth geometry run quite thorow the whole body of naturall philosophy . to the principles of geometry the definition appertaineth also of a m●asure , which is this , one quantity is the measure of another quantity , when it , or the multiple of it , is coi●cident in all points , with the other quantity . in which definition in stead of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of euclid , i put coincidence . for that superposition of quantities by which they render the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be understood of bodies , but only of lines and superficies . nevertheless many bodies may be coincident successively with one and the same place , and that place will be their measure , as we see practised continually in the measuring of liquid bodies , which art of m●asu●ing may properly be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but not superposition . also the definitions of greater , less , and equall , are necessary principles of geometry . for it cannot be imagined that any geometrician should demonstrate to us the equality , and in●quality of magnitudes , except he tell us first what those words do signifie . and it is a wonder to me ' that euclide hath not any where defined what are equals , or at least , what are equall bodies , but serveth his turn throughout with that forementioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which hath no place in solids , nor in time , nor in swiftness , nor in circular , or other crooked lines ; and therefore no wonder to me , why geometry hath not proceeded to the calculation neither of crooked lines , nor sufficiently of motion , nor of many other things , that have proportion to one another . equall bodies , superficies , and lines are those of which every one is capable of being co-incident with the place of every one of the rest . and equall times wherein with one and the same motion equall lines are described . and equally swift are those motions by which we run over equall spaces in any time determined by any other motion . and universally all quantities are equall , that are measured by the same number of the same measures . it is necessary also to the science of geometry , to define what quantities are of one and the same kind , which they call homogeneous ; the want of which definitions hath produced those wranglings ( which your book de angulo contactus will not make to cease ) about the angle of contingence . homogeneous quantities are those which may be compared by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) application of their measures to one another ; so that solids and superficies , are heterogeneous quantities , because there is no coincidence or application of those two dimensions . no more is there of line and superficies , nor of line and solid , which are therefore heterogeneous . but lines and lines , superficies and superficies , solids and solids , are homogeneous . homogeneous also are line , and the quantity of time ; because the quantity of time is measured by application of a line to a line ; for though time be no line , yet the quantity of time is a line , and the length of two times is compared by the length of two lines . weight , and solid have their quantity homogeneous , because they measure one another by application , to the beam of a balla●… . line and angle simply so called have their quantity homogeneous , because their measure is an arch or arches of a circle applicable in every point to one another . the quantity of an angle sinply so called , and the quantity of an angle of contingence are heterogeneous . for the measures by which two angles simply so called are compared , are in two coincident atches of the same circle ; but , the measure by which an angle of coatingence is measured , is a straight line intercepted between the point of contact , and the circumference of the circle ; and therefore one of them is not applicable to the other ; and consequently , of these two sorts of angles , the quantities are heterogeneous . the quantities of two angles of contingence are homogeneous ; for they may be measured by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of two lines , whereof one extream is common , namely , the point of contact , the other extreams , are in the arches of the two circles . besides this knowledge of what is quantity and measure , and their severall sorts , it behoveth a geometrician to know why , and of what they are called principles . for not every proposition that is evident , is therefore a principle . a principle is the beginning of something . and because definitions are the beginnings or first propositions of demonstration , they are therefore called principles , principles , i say , of demonstration . but there be also necessary to the teaching of geometry other principles , which are not the beginnings of demonstration , but of construction , commonly called petitions ; as that it may be granted that a man can draw a straight line , and produce it ; and with any radius ; on any center describe a circle , and the like . for that a man may be able to describe a square , he must first be able to draw a straight line ; and before he can describe an aequilaterall triangle , he must be able first to describe a circle . and these petitions are therefore properly called principles ( not of demonstration , but ) of operation . as for the commonly received third sort of principles , called common notions , they are principles , onely by permission of him that is the disciple● ; who being ●…nuous , and comming not to cavill but to learn , is content to receive them ( though demonstrable ) without their demonstrations . and though definitions be the onely principles of demonstration , yet it is not true that every definition is a principle . for a man may so precisely determine the signification of a word , as not to be mistaken , yet may his definition be such , as shall never serve for proof of any theoreme , nor ever enter into any demonstration ( such as are some of the definitions of euclide ) and consequently can be no beginnings of demonstration , that is to say , no principles . all that hitherto hath been said , is so plain and easie to be understood , that you cannot ( most egregious professors ) without discovering your ignorance to all men of reason , though no geometricians , deny it . and the same ( saving that the words are all to be found in dictionaties ) new ; also to him that means to learn , not onely the practice , but also the science of geometry necessary , and ( though it grieve you ) mine . and now i come to the definitions of euclide . the first is of a point . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. signum est , eujus est pars nulla , that is to say , a. marke is that of which there is no part . which definition , not onely to a candid , but also to a rigid construer is sound and usefull . but to one that neither will interpret candidly , nor can interpret accurately , is neither usefull nor true . theologers say the soul hath no part , and that an angel hath no part , yet do not think that soul or angel is a point . a mark , or as some put instead of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a mark with a hot iron , is visible ; if visible then it hath quantity , and consequently may be divided into parts innumerable . that which is indivisible is no quantity ; and if a point be not quantity , seeing it is neither substance nor quality , it is nothing . and if euclide had meant it so in his definition , ( as you pretend he did ) he might have defined it more briefly , ( but ridiculously ) thus , a point is nothing . sir henry savile was better pleased with the candid interpretation of proclus , that would have it understood respectively to the matter of geometry . but what meaneth this respectively to the matter of geometry ? it meaneth this , that no argument in any geometricall demonstration should be taken from the division , quantity , or any part of a point ; which is as much as to say , a point is that whose quantity is not drawn into the demonstration of any geometricall conclusion ; or ( which is all one ) whose quantity is not considered . an accurate interpreter might make good the definition thus , a point is that which is undivided ; and this is properly the same with cujus non est pars : for there is a great difference between undivided , and in ●ivisible , that is , between cujus non est pars , and cujus non potest esse pars . division is an act of the understanding ; the understanding therefore is that which maketh parts , and there is no part where there is no consideration bat of one . and consequently euclides definition of a point , is accurately true , and the same with mine , which is , that a point is that body whose quantity is not considered . and considered , is that ( as i have defined it , chap. 1. at the end of the third article ) which is not put to account in demonstration . euclide therefore seemeth not to be of your opinion , that say a point is nothing . but why then doth he never use this definition in the demonst●ation of any proposition ? whether he useth it expressly or no , i remember not ; but the 16th . proposition of the third book without the force of this definition is undemonstrated . the second definition is of a line . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . linea est longitudo latitudinis expers , a line is length which hath no breadth ; and if candidly interpreted , sound enough , though rigorously , not so . for to what purpose is it to say length not broad , when there is no such thing as a broad length . one path may be broader then another path , but not one mile then another mile ; and it is not the path but the mile which is the ways length . if therefore a man have any ingenuity he will understand it thus , that ' a line is a body whose length is considered without its breadth , else we must say absurdly a broad length ; or untruly , that there be bodies which have length and yet no breadth ; and this is the very sense which apollonius ( saith proclus ) makes of this definition ; when we measure , sayes he , the length of a way , we take not in the breadth or depth , but consider onely one dimension . see this of proclus cited by sir henry saviles where you shall finde the very word consider . the fourth definition is of a straight line , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. recta linaa est quae ex aequo sua ipstus puncta inter jacet . a straight line is that which lieth equally ( or perhaps evenly ) between its own points . this definition is inexcusable . between what points of its own can a straight line lye but between its extreams ? and how lies , it evenly between them , unless it swarve no more from some other line which hath the same extreams , one way then another ? and then why are not between the same points both the lines straight ? how bitterly , and with what insipide justs , would you have reviled euclide for this , if living now he had written a loviathan . and yet there is somewhat in this definition to help a man , not onely to conceive the nature of a straight line ( for who doth not conceive it ? ) but also to express it . for he meant perhaps to call a straight line that which is all the way from one extream to another , equally distant from any two or more such lines as being like and equall have the same extreams . so the axis of the earth is all the way equally distant from the circumference of any two or more meridians . but then before he had defined a straight line , he should have defined what lines are like , and what are equall . but it had been best of all , first to have defined crooked lines , by the possibility of a diduction or setting further asunder of their extreams ; and then straight lines , by the impossibility of the same . the seventh definition , which is that of a plain superficies , hath the same fault . the eighth is of a plain angle . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. angulus planus est duarum linearum in plano se mutuo tangentium , & non indirectum jacentium , alterius ad alteram inclinatio . a plain angle is the inclination one towards another of two lines that touch one another in the same plain , and lye not in the same straight line : besides the faults here observed by mr. henry savile , as the clause of not lying in the same straight line , and the obscurity or aequivocation of the word inclination , there is yet another , which is , that by this definition two right angles together taken , are no angle ; which is a fault which you somewhere ( asking leave to use the word angle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acknowledge , but avoid not . for in geometry , where you confesse there is required all possible accurateness , every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a fault . besides you see by this definition , that euclide is not of your , but of clavius his opinion . for it is manifest that the two lines which contain an angle of contact , incline one towards another , and come together in a point , and lye not in the same streight line , and consequently make an angle . the thirteenth definition is exact , but makes against your doctrine , that a point is nothing . examine it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . terminus est quod alicujus extremum est . a term or bound is that which is the extream of any thing we had before , the extreams of a line are points . but what is in a line the extream , but the first or last part , though you may make that part as small as you will ? a point is therefore a part , and nothing is no extream . the fourteenth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 figura est ( subaudi quantitas ) quae ab aliquo , vel aliquibus terminis undique continetur five clauditur . a figure is quantity contained within some bound or bounds . or shortly thus , a figure is quantity every way determined , is in my opinion as exact a definition of a figure as can possibly be given , though it must not be so in yours . for this determination is the same thing with circumscription ; and whatsoever is any where ( u b icunque ) definitivè is there also circumscriptivè ; and by this means , the distinction is lost , by which theologers , when they deny god to be in any place , save themselves from being accused of saying he is no where ; for that which is no where is nothing . this definition of euclide cannot therefore possibly be embraced by you that carry double , namely , mathematicks and theology . for if you reject it , you will be cast out of all mathematick schooles ; and if you maintain it , from the society of all school-divines , and lose the thanks of the favour you have shewn ( you the astronomer ) to bishop bramhall . the fifteenth is of a circle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a circle is a plain figure comprehended by one line which is called the circumference , to which circumference all the straight lines drawn from one of the points within the figure , are equall to one another . this is true . but if a man had never seen the generation of a circle by the motion of a compass or other aequivalent means , it would have been hard to perswade him , that there was any such figure possible . it had been therefore not amiss first to have let him see that such a figure might be described . therefore so much of geometry is no part of philosophy , which seeketh the proper passions of all things in the generation of the things themselves . after the fifteenth till the last or thirty fifth definition all are most accurate , but the last , which is this , parallel straight lines are those which being in the same plane , though infinitely produced both wayes shall never meet . which is lesse accurate . for how shall a man know that there be straight lines , which shall never meet , though both wayes infinitely produced ? or how is the definition of parallels , that is , of lines perpetually aequidistant good , wherein the nature of aequidistance is not signified ? or if it were signified , why should it not comprehend , as well the parallelism of circular and other crooked lines , as of streight , and as well of superficies , as of lines ? by parallels is meant aequidistant both lines and superficies , and the word is therefore not well defined without defining first equality of distance . and because the distance between two lines or superficies , is the shortest line that can joyn them , there either ought to be in the definition , the shortest distance , which is that of the perpendicular , and without inclination , or the distance in equall inclination , that is , in equall angles . therefore if parallels be defined to be those lines or superficies , where the lines drawn from one to an other in equal angles be equal , the definition , as to like lines , or like superficies , will be universall and convertible . and if we add to this definition , that the equall angles be drawn not opposite wayes , it will be absolute , and convertible in all lines and superficies ; and the definition will be this , parallels are those lines and superficies between which every line drawn , in any angle , is equall to any other line drawn in the same angle the same way . for by this definition the distance between them will perpetually be equall , and consequently they will never come nearer together , how much , or which way soever they be produced . and the converse of it will be also true , if two lines , or two superficies be paralle , and a straight line be drawn from one to the other , any other straight line , drawn from one to the other in the same angle , and the same way , will be equall to it . this is manifestly true , and ( most egregious professors ) new , at least to you . and thus much for the definitions placed before the first of euclides elements . before the third of his elements is this definition . in circulo aequaliter distare à centro rectae lineae dicuntur , cum prependiculares quae à centro in ipsas ducuntur sunt● aequales . in a circle two straight lines are said to be equally distant from the center , upon which the perpendiculars drawn from the center are equall . this is true ; but it is rather an axiome then a definition , as being demonstrable that the perpendicular is the measure of the distance between a point and a straight or crooked line . before the fifth element the first definition is of a part. pars est magnitudo magnitudinis , minor majoris , cum minor metitur majorem . a part is one magnitude of another , the ●esse of the greater , when the lesse measureth the greater . from which definition it followeth , that more then the half is not a part of the whole . but because euclide meaneth here an aliquot part , as a half , a third , or a fourth , &c. it may pass for the definition of a measure under the name of part ; as thus , a measure is a part of the whole , when multiplyed , it may be equall to the whole , though properly a measure is externall to the thing measured , and not the aliquot part it self ; but equall to an aliquot part . but the third definition is intollerable , it is the definition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in latin ratio , in english proportion , in this manner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ratio est duarum magnitudinum ejusdem generis mutua quaedam secundum quantitatem babitudo . proportion is a certain mutuall habitude in quantity , of two magnitudes of the same kinde , one to another . first , we have here ignotum per ignotīus ; for every man understandeth better what is meant by proportion then by habitude . but it was the phrase of the greeks when they named like proportions , to say , the first to the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , ita se habet , and in english , is as , the third to the fourth . as for example ( in the proportions of two to four , and three to six ) to say two to four 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , ita se habet , id est , is as , three to six . from which phrase euclide made this his definition of proportion by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the latines translate quaedam habitudo . quaedam in a definition is a most certain note of not understanding the word defined ; and in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is much worse ; for to render rightly the greek definition , we are to say in english , that proportion is a what-shall-i-call-it isaesse , or soness of two magnitudes &c. then which nothing can be more unworthy of euc●ide . it is as bad as any thing was ever said in geometry by orontius , or by dr. wallis , that proportion is quantity compared , that is to say , little or great in respect of some other quantity ( as i have above defined it ) is i think intelligible . the fourth is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . proportio verò est rationum similitudo . here we have no one word by which to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for our word proportion , is already bestowed upon the rendring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neverthelesse the greek may be translated into english thus , iterated proportion is the similitude of proportions . but iterated proportion is the same with eadem ratio . to what purpose then serveth the sixth definition , which is of eadem ratio ? for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and eadem ratio , and similitudo rationum , are the same thing , as appeareth by euclide himself ; where he defines those quantities , that are in the same proportion by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore the sixth definition is but a lemma , and assumed without demonstration . the fourteenth , compositio rationis est sunptio antecedentis cum consequente , ceu unius , ad ipsum consequentem . to compound proportion , is to take both antecedent , and consequent together , as one magnitude , and compare it to the consequent , is good ; though he might have compared it as well with the antecedent ; for both wayes it had been a composition of proportion . we are to note here , that the composition defined in this place by euclide , is not adding together of proportions , but of two quantities that have proportion . and therefore it is not the same composition which he defineth in the fourth place before the sixth element ; for there he defineth the addition of 〈◊〉 proportion to another proportion in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a proportion is said to be compounded of proportions , when their quantities multiplye● into one another make a proportion ; as when we would compound or add together , the proportions , of three to two , and of four to five , we must multiply three and four , which maketh twelve , and two and five which maketh ten . and then the proportion of twelve to ten , is the sum of the proportions , of three to two , and of four to five ; which is true ; but not a definition ; for it may and ought to be demonstrated . for to define what is addition of two proportions ( which are alwayes in four quantities , though sometimes one of them be twice named ) we are to say , that they are then added together when we make the second to another in the same proportion , which the third hath to the fourth . and thus much of the definitions ; of which , some , very few , you see are faulty ; the rest either accurate , or good enough if well interpreted . for before the rest of the elements all are accurate , notwithstanding , that you allow not for good any definition in geometry that hath in it the word motion : of which there be divers before the eleventh element . but i must here put you in minde , that geometry being a science , and all science proceeding from a precognition of causes , the definition of a sphere , and also of a circle , by the generation of it , that is to say , by motion , is better then by the equality of distance from a point within . the second sort of principles , are those of construction , usually called postulata , or petitions . for as for those notiones communes , called axiomes , they are from the definitions of their terms demonstrable , though they be s●… evident as they need not demonstration . these petitions are by euclide called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as are granted by favour , that is , simply petitions whereas by axiome is understood that which is claimed as due . so that between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is this other difference , that this later is simply a petition , the former a petition of right . of petitions simply , the first is , that from any point to any point may be drawn a straight line . the second , that a finite straight line may be produced . the third , that upon any center , at any distance may be described a circle . all which are both evident , and necessary to be granted . and by all these a man may easily perceive that euclide in the definitions of a point , a line , and a superficies , did not intend that a point should be nothing , or a line be without latitude , or a superficies without thickness , for if he did , his petitions are not onely unreasonable to be granted , but also impossible to be performed . for lines are not drawn but by motion ; and motion is of body only . and therefore his meaning was , that the quantity of a point , the breadth of a line , and the thickness of a superficies were not to be considered , that is to say , not to be reckoned in the demonstration of any theoreme concerning the quantity of bodies , either in length , superficies , or solid . of the faults that occurre in demonstration . to the same egregious professors of the mathematicks in the university of oxford . lesson ii. there be but two causes from which can spring an error in the demonstration of any conclusion in any science whatsoever . and those are ignorance or want of understanding , & negligence . for as in the adding together of many and great numbers , he cannot fail , that knoweth the rules of addition , and is also all the way so carefull , as not to mistake one number , or one place for another ; so in any other science , he that is perfect in the rules of logick , and is so watchfull over his pen , as not to put one word for another , can never fail of making a true , though not perhaps the shortest and easiest demonstration . the rules of demonstration are but of two kindes ; one , that the principles be true and evident definitions ; the other , that the inferences be necessary . and of true and evident definitions , the best are those which declare the cause or generation of that subject , whereof the proper passions are to be demonstrated . for science is that knowledge which is derived from the comprehension of the cause . but when the cause appeareth not , then may , or rather must we define some known property of the subject , and from thence derive some possible way , or wayes of the generation . and the more wai●● of generation are explicated , the more easie will be the derivation of the properties ; whereof some are more immediate to one , some to another generation . he therefore that proceedeth from untrue , or not unde●…d definitio●● , is ignorant of that he goes about ; which is an il-favoured fault , be the matter he undertaketh easie or difficult ; because he was not forced to undergo a greater charge then he could carry through . but he that from right definitions maketh a false conclusion , erreth through humane frailty , as being less awake , more troubled with other thoughts , or more in haste when he was in writing . such faults , unless they be very frequent , are not attended with shame , as being common to all men , or are at least less ugly then the former , except then , when he that committeth them reprehendeth the same in other men . for that is in every man intolerable , which he cannot tolerate in another . but to the end that the faults of both kinds may by every man be well understood , it will not be amiss to examine them by some such demonstrations , as are publikely extant . and for this purpose i will take such as are in mine and in your books , and begin with your elenchus of the geometry contained in my book de corpore ; to which i will also joyn your book lately set forth concerning the angle of contact , conique sections , and your arithm tica infinitorum ; and then examine the rest of my philosophy , and yours that oppugne it . for i will take leave to consider you both every where , as one author , because you publikely declare your approbation of one anothers doctrine . my first definition is of a line , of length , and of a point ; the way ( say i ) of a body moved , in which magnitude ( though it alwayes have some magnitude ) is not considered , is called a line ; and the space gone over by that motion , length , or one and a simple dimension . to this definition you say , first , what mathematician did ever thus define a line or length ? whether you call in others for help or testimony , it is not done like a geometrician ; for they use not to prove their conclusions by witnesses , but relye upon the strength of their own reason ; and when your witnesses appear , they will not take your part . secondly , you grant that what i say is true , but not a definition . but to tell you truly what it is which we call a line , is to define a line . why then is not this a definition ? because ( say you in the first place ) it is not a reciprocall proposition . but by your favour it is reciprocall . for not only the way of a body whose quantity is not considered , is a line ; but also every line is ( or may be conceived to be ) the way of a body so moved . and if you object that there is a difference between is and may be conceived to be , euclide whom you call to your aid , will be against you in the fourteenth definition before his eleventh element ; where he defines a sphere just as convertibly as i define a line ; except you think the globes of the sun and stars cannot be globes , unless they were made by the circumduction of a semicircle ; and again in the eighteenth definition , which is of a cone , unless you admit no figure for a cone , which is not generated by the revolution of a triangle ; and again , in the twentieth definition , which is of a cylinder , except it be generated by the circumvolution of a parallelogram . euclide saw that what proper passion soever should be derived from these his definitions , would be true of any other cylinder , sphere , or cone , though it were otherwise generated ; and the description of the generation of any one being by the imagination applicable to all ( which is equivalent to convertible ) he did not believe that any rationall man could be missed by learning logick , to be offended with it . therefore this exception proceedeth from want of understanding , that is , from ignorance of the nature , and use of a definition . again , you object and ask what need is there of motion , or ●f body moved , to make a man understand what is a line ? are not lines in a body at rest , as well as in a body moved ? and is not the distance of two resting points length , as well as the measure of the passage ? is not length one and a simple dimension , and one and a simple dimension line ? why then is not line and length all one ? see how impertinent these questions are . euclide defines a sphere to be a solid figure described by the revolution of a semicircle , about the unmoved diameter . why do you not ask what need there is to the understanding of what a sphere is , to bring in the motion of a semicircle ? is not a sphere to be understood without such motion ? is not the figure so made , a sphere without this motion ? and where he defines the axis of a sphere to be that unmoved diameter , may not you ask , whether there be no axis of a sphere , when the whole sphere , diameter and all is in motion ? but it is not my purpose to defend my definition by the example that of euclide . therefore first , i say , to me howsoever it may be to others , it was fit to define a line by motion . for the generation of a line is the motion that describes it . and having defined philosophy in the beginning , to be the knowledge of the properties from the generation , it was fit to define it by its generation . and to your question , is not distance length ? i answer , that though sometimes distance be aequivalent to length , yet certainly the distance between the two ends of a thread wound up into a clew is not the length of the thread ; for the length of the thread is equall to all the windings whereof the clew is made . but if you will needs have distance and length to be all one , tell me of what , the distance between any two points is the length . is it not the length of the way ? and how is that called way , which is not defined by some motion ? and have not severall wayes between the same places , as by land and by water , severall lengths ? but they have but one distance , because the distance is the shortest way . therefore between the length of the path , and the distance of the places , there is a reall difference in this case , and in all cases a difference of the consideration . your objection , that line is longitude , proceeds from want of understanding english. do men ever ask what is the line of a thread , or the line of a table , or of any other body ? do they not alwayes ask what is the length of it ? and why , but because they use their own judgements , nor yet corrupted by the subtilty of mistaken professors . euclide defines a line , to be length without breadth . if those terms be all one , why said he not that a line , is a line without breadth ? but what definition of a line give you ? none . be contented then with such as you receive , and with this of mine , which you shall presently see is not amiss . your next objections are to my definition of a point . which definition adhereth to the former in these words , and the body it self is called a point . here again you call for help ; quis unquum mortalium , &c. what mortall man , what sober man did ever so define a point ? 't is well , and i take it to be an honour to be the first that do so . but what objection do you bring against it ? this , that a point added to a point ( if it have magnitude ) makes it greater . i say it doth so , but then presently it loseth the name of a point , which name was given to signifie that it was not the meaning of him that us'd it in demonstration , to add , substract , multiply , divide , or any way compute it . then you come in with perhaps you will say though it have magnitude , that magditude is not considered . you need not say perhaps . you know i affirm it ; and therefore your argument might have been left out , but that it gave you occasion of a digression into scurvie language . and whereas you ask why i defined not a point thus , punctum est corpus quod non consideratur esse corpus , & magnum quod non consideratur esse magnum . i will tell you why . first , because it is not latine . secondly , because when i had defined it by corpus , there was no need to define it again by magnum . i understand very well this language , punctum est corpus , quod non consideratur ut corpus . a point is a body not considered as body . but punctum , est corpus , quod non consideratur esse corpus , vel esse magnum , is not latine , nor the version of it , a point is a body which is not considered to be a body , english. my definition was , that a point is that body whose magnitude is not considered , not reckoned , not put to account in demonstration . and i exemplified the same by the body of the earth describing the eclipcique line ; because the magnitude is not there reckoned nor chargeth the eccliptique line with any breadth . but i perceive you understand not what the word consideration signifieth , but take it for comparison or relation ; and say i ought to define a point simply , and not by relation to a greater body ; as if to reckon , and to compare were the same thing . omnia mihi ( saith cicero ) provisa & cousiderata sunt . i have provided and reckoned every thing . there is a great difference between reckoning and relation . again , you ask why corpus motum , a body moved . i le tell you ; because the 〈◊〉 was necessary for the generation of a line . and though after the generation of the line , the point should rest , yet it is not necessary from this definition that it should be no more a point ; nor when euclide defines a sphere by the circumduction of a semicircle upon an axis that resteth , doth it follow from thence when the sphere , axis , center and all ( as that of the earth ) is moved from place to place , that it is no more an axis . lastly , you object that motion is accidentary to a point , and consequently not essentiall , nor to be put into the definition . and is not the circumduction of a semicircle accidentary to a sphere ? or do you think the sphere of the sun was generated by the revolution of a semicircle ? and yet it was thought no fault in euclide to put that motion into the definition of a sphere . the conceit , you have concerning definitions , that they must explicate the essence of the thing defined , and must consist of a genus , and a difference , is not so universally true as you are made believe , or else there be very many insufficient definitions that pass for good with you in euclide . you are much deceived if you think these wofull notions of yours , and the language that doth every where accompany them , shew handsomely together . or that such grounds as these be able to sustain so many , and so haughty reproaches as you advance upon them , so as they fall not ( as you shall see immediately ) upon your own head . i say a point hath quantity , but not to be reckoned in demonstrating the properties of lines , solids , or superficies ; you say it hath no quantity at all , but is plainly nothing . the first of the petitions of euclide is , that a line may be drawn from point to point at any distance . the second , that a straight line may be produced . the third , that on any center a circle may be described at any distance . and the eighth axiome ( which sir h. savile observes to be the foundation of all geometry ) is this , quae sibi mutuo congruunt , &c. those things that are applyed one to another in all points , are equall . all or any of these principles being taken away , there is not in euclide one proposition demonstrated , or demonstrable . if a point have not quantity , a line can have no latitude ; and because a line is not drawn but by motion , by motion of a body , and body imprinteth latitude all the way , it is impossible to draw or produce a straight line , or to describe a circular line without latitude . also if a line have no latitude , one straight line cannot be applyed to another . to them therefore that deny a point to have quantity , that is , a line to have latitude , the forenamed principles are not possible , and consequently no proposition in geometry is demonstrated , or demonstrable . you therefore that deny a point to have quantity , and a line to have breadth , have nothing at all of the science of geometry . the practise you may have ; but so hath any man that hath learned the bare propositions by heart ; but they are not fit to be professors either of geometry , or of any other science that dependeth on it . some man perhaps may say that this controversie is not much worth , and that we both mean the same thing . but that man ( though in other things prudent enough ) knoweth little of science and demonstration . for definitions are not onely used to give us the notions of those things whose appellations are defined ; for many times they that have no science have the ideas of things more perfect then such as are raised by definitions . as who is there that understandeth not better what a straight line is , or what proportion is , and what many other things are without definition , then some that set down the definitions of them . but their use is , when they are truly and clearly made , to draw arguments from them for the conclusions to be proved . and therefore you that in your following censures of my geometry , take your argument so often from this , that a point is nothing , and so often revile me for the contrary , are not to be allowed such an excuse . he that is here mistaken , is not to be called negligent in his expression , but ignorant of the science . in the next place , you take exceptions to my definition of equall bodies , which is this , corpora aequalia sunt quae eundem locum possidere possunt . equall bodies are those which may have the same place . to which you object impertinently , that i may as well define a man to be he that may be prince of transilvania , wittily , as you count wit. formerly in every definition , you exacted an explication of the essence . you are therefore of opinion that the possibility of being prince of transilvania , is no less essentiall to a man , then the possibility of the being of two bodies successively in the same place , is essentiall to bodies equall . you take no notice of the twenty third article of this same chapter , where i define what it is we call essence ; namely , that accident , for which we give the thing its name . as the essence of a man is his capacity of reasoning , the essence of a white-body , whiteness , &c. because we give the name of man to such bodies as are capable of reasoning , for that their capacity ; and the name of white to such bodies as have that colour , for that colour . let us now examine why it is that men say bodies are one to another equall ; and thereby we shall be able to determine whether the possibility of having the same place , be essentiall or not to bodies equall , and consequently whether this definition be so like to the defining of a man by the possibility of being prince of transilvania , as you say it is . there is no man ( besides such egregious geometricians as your selves ) that inquireth the equality of two bodies , but by measure . and for liquid bodies , or the aggregates of innumerable small bodies , men ( men i say ) measure them by putting them one after another into the same vessell , that is to say , into the same place ( as aristotle defines place ) or into the space determined by the vessell , as i define place . and the bodies that so fill the vessell , they acknowledge , and receive for equall . but though , when hard bodies cannot be so measured , without the incommodity , or trouble of altering their figure , they then enquire ( if the bodies are both of the same kind ) their equality by weight , knowing ( without your teaching ) that equall bodies of the same nature , weigh proportionably to their magnitudes ; yet they do it not for fear of missing of the equality , but to avoid inconvenience , or trouble but you , ( you i say ) that have no definition of equalls , neither received from others , nor framed by your selves , out of your shallow meditation , and deep conceit of your own wits , contend against the common light of nature . so much is unheedy learning a hinderance to the knowledge of the truth , and changeth into elves those that were beginning to be men . again , when men inquire the equality of two bodies in length , they measure them by a common measure ; in which measure they consider neither breadth nor thickness , but how the length of it agreeth ; first , with the length of one of the bodies , then with the length of the other . and both the bodies whose lengths are measured , are successively in the same place under their common measure . place therefore in lines also , is the proper index and discoverer of equality , and inequality . and as in length , so it is in breadth and thickness , which are but lengths otherwise taken in the same solid body . but now when we come from this equality , and inequality of lengths known by measure , to determine the proportions of superficies , and of solids , by ratiocination , then it is that we enter into geometry ; for the making of definitions , in whatsoever science they are to be used , is that which we call philosophiaprima . it is not the work of a geometrician , as a geometrician , to define what is equality , or proportion , or any other word he useth , though it be the work of the same man , as a man. his geometricall part is , to draw from them , as many true and usefull theoremes as he can . you object secondly , that a pyramis may be equall to a cube , whilst it is a pyramis . true , and so also whilst it is a pyramis it hath a possibility by flexion and transposition of parts to become a cube , and to be put into the place where another cube equall to it was before . this is to argue like a child that hath not yet the perfect understanding of any language . in the third and fourth objection , you teach me to define equall bodies ( it i will needs define them by place ) by the equality of place , and to say that bodies are equall that have equall places . teach others , if you can , to measure their grain , not by the same , but equall bushels . in the fifth objection , you except against the word can , in that i say that bodies are equall , which can fill the same place . for the greater body can ( you say ) fill the place of the less , though not reciprocally the less of the greater ; it is true , that though the place of the less , can never be the place of the greate r yet it may be filled by a part of the greater . but 't is not then the greater body that filleth the place of the less , but a part of it , that is to say , a less body . howsoever to take away from simple men this straw they stumble at , i have now put the definition of equal bodies into these words , equall bodies are those whereof every one can fill the place of every other . and if my definition displease you , propound your own , either of equall bodies , or of equals simply . but you have none . take therefore this of mine . the sixth is a very admirable exception . what ( say you ) if the same body can sometimes take up a greater , sometimes a lesser place , as by rarefaction and condensation ? i understand very well that bodies may be somtimes thin and sometimes thick , as they chance to stand closer together , or further from one another . so in the mathematick-schools , when you read your learned lectures , you have a thick or thronging audience of disciples , which in a great church , would be but a very thin company . i understand how thick and thin may be attributed to bodies in the plurall , as to a company , but i understand not how any one of them is thicker in the school , then in the church ; or how any one of them taketh up a greater room in the school ( when he can get in ) then in the street . for i conceive the dimensions of the body , and of the place , whether the place be filled with gold or with air , to be coincident and the same ; and consequently both the quantity of the air , and the quantity of the gold to be severally equall to the quantity of the place ; and therefore also ( by the first axiome of euclide ) equall to one another ; insomuch , as if the same air should be by condensation contained in a part of the place it had , the dimensions of it would be the same with the dimensions of part of the place , that is , should be less then they were , and by consequence the quantity less . and then either the same body must be less also , or we must make a difference between greater bodies , and bodies of greater quantity ; which no man doth that hath not lost his wits by trusting them with absurd teachers . when you receive salary , if the steward give you for every shilling a piece of six pence , and then say , every shilling is condensed into the room of a six pence , i believe you would like this doctrine of yours much the worse . you see how by your ignorance you confound the affairs of mankind , as far forth as they give credit to your opinions , though it be but little . for nature abhorres even empty words , such as are ( in the meaning you assign them ) rarefying and condensing . and you would be as well understood if you should say ( coining words by your own power ) that the same body might take up sometimes a greater , sometimes a lesser place , by wallifaction and wardensation , as by rarefaction and condensation . you see how admirable this your objection is . in the seventh objection you bewray another kind of ignorance , which is the ignorance of what are the proper works of the severall parts of philosophy . though it were out of doubt ( say you ) that the same body cannot have several magnitudes yet seeing it is matter of natural philosophy , nor hath any thing to do with the present business , to what purpose is it to mention it in a mathematicall definition ? it seems by this , that all this while you think it is a piece of the geometry of euclide , no less to make the definitions he useth , then to infer from them the theorems he demonstrateth . which is not true . for he that telleth you in what sense you are to take the appelations of those things which he nameth in his discourse , teacheth you but his language , that afterwards he may teach you his art. but teaching of language is not mathematick , nor logick , nor physick , nor any other science ; and therefore to call a definition ( as you do ) mathematicall , or physicall , is a mark of ignorance ( in a professor ) unexcusable . all doctrine begins at the understanding of words , and proceeds by reasoning till it conclude in science . he that will learn geometry must understand the termes before he begin , which that he may do , the master demonstrateth nothing , but useth his naturall prudence onely , as all men do , when they endeavour to make their meaning clearly known . for words understood are but the seed , and no part of the harvest of philosophy . and this seed was it , which aristotle went about to sow in his twelve books of metaphysicks , and in his eight books concerning the hearing of naturall philosophy . and in these books he defineth time , place , substance or essence , quantity , relation , &c. that from thence might be taken the definitions of the most generall words for principles in the severall parts of science . so that all definitions proceed from common understanding ; of which , it any man rightly write , he may properly call his writing philosophia prima , that is , the seeds , or the grounds of philosophy . and this is the method i have used , defining place , magnitude , and the other the most generall appellations in that part which i intitle philosophia prima . but you now not understanding this , talk of mathematicall definitions . you will say perhaps that others do the same as well as you . it may be so . but the appeaching of others does not make your ignorance the less . in the eighth place you object not , but ask me why i define equall bodies apart . i will tell you . because all other things which are said to be equall , are said to be so , from the equality of bodies ; as two lines are said to be equall , when they be coincident with the length of one and the same body ; and equall times , which are measured by equall lengths of body , by the same motion . and the reason is , because there is no subject of quantity , or of equality , or of any other accident but body ; all which i thought certainly was evident enough to any uncorrupted judgement ; and therefore , that i needed first to define equality in the subject thereof , which is body , and then to declare in what sense it was attributed to time , motion , and other things that are not body . the ninth objection is an egregious cavill . having set down the definition of equall bodies , i considered that some men might not allow the attribute of equality to any things , but those which are the subjects of quantity , because there is no equality , but in respect of quantity . and to speak rigidly , magnum & magnitudo are not the same thing ; for that which is great , is properly a body , whereof greatness is an accident . in what sense therefore ( might you object ) can an accident have quantity ? for their sakes therefore that have not judgement enough to perceive in what sense men say the length is so long , or the superficies so broad , &c. i added these words , eâdem ratione ( quâ scilicet corpora dicuntur aequalia ) magnitudo magnitudini aequalis dicitur , that is , in the same manner , as bodies are said to be equal , their magnitudes also are said to be equall . which is no more then to say , when bodies are equall , their magnitudes also are called equall . when bodies are equall in length , their lengths are also called equall . and when bodies are equall in superficies , their superficies are also called equall . all which is common speech , as well amongst mathematicians , as amongst common people ; and ( though improper ) cannot be altered , nor needeth to be altered to intelligent men . nevertheless i did think fit to put in that clause , that men might know what it is we call equality , as well in magnitudes as in magnis , that is , in bodies . which you so interpret , as if it bore this sense , that when bodies are equall , their superficies also must be equall , contrary to your own knowledge , onely to take hold of a new occasion of reviling . how unhandsome , and unmanly this is , i leave to be judged by any reader that hath had the fortune to see the world , and converse with honest men . against the fourteenth article , where i prove that the same body hath alwayes the same magnitude , you object nothing but this , that though it be granted , that the same bo●y hath the same magnitude , while it resteth , yet i bring nothing to prove that when it changeth place , it may not also change its magnitude by being enlarged or co●tracted . there is no doubt , but to a body ( whether at rest or in motion ) ●o●e body may be added , or part of it taken away . but then it is not the same body , unless the whole , and the part be all one . it the schools had not set your wit awry , you could never have been so stupid as not to see the weakness of such objections . that which you add in the end of your objections to this eighth chapter , that i allow not euclide this axiom gratis , that the whole is greater then a part , you know to be untrue at my eleventh chapter , you enter into dispute with me , about the nature of proportion . upon the truth of your doctrine therein , and partly upon the truth of your opinions concerning the definitions of a point , and of a line , dependeth the question whether you have any geometry , or none ; and the truth of all the demonstrations you have in your other books , namely , of the angle of contact , and arithmetica infinitorum . here i say you e●ter , how you wil get out ( your reputation saved ) we shall se● hereafter . when a man asketh what proportion one quantity hath to another , he asketh how great or how little the one is comparatively to , or in respect of the other . when a g●ometrician prefixeth before his demonstrations a d●●inition , he doth it not as a part of his geometry , but of naturall evidence , not to be demonstrated by argument , but to be understood in understanding the language ▪ wherein it is set down ; though the matter may nevertheless ( if besides geometry he have wit ) be of some help to his disciple to make him understand it the sooner . but when there is no ●ignificant definition prefixed ( as in this case , where euclides definition of proportion , that it is a whats●i●a●t habitu●e of two quantities , &c. is in significant , and you alledge no other ) every one that will learn geometry , must gather the definition from observing how the word to be defined is most constantly used in common speech . but in common speech if a man ●hall ask how much ( for example ) is six in respect of four , and one man answer that it is greater by two , and another that it is greater by half of four , or by a third of six , he that asked the question , will be satisfied by one of them , though perhaps by one of them now , and by the other another time , as being the onely man that knoweth why he himself did ask the question . but if a man should answer , as you would do , that the proportion of six to two is of th●se numbers , a certain quotient , he would receive but little satisfaction . between the said answers to this question , how much is six in respect of four ? there is this difference . he that answereth that it is more by two , compareth not two with four , nor with six , for two is the name of a quantity absolute . but he that answereth it is more by half of four , or by a third of six , compareth the difference with one of the differing quantities . for halfs , and thirds , &c , are names of quantity compared . from hence there ariseth two species or kinds of ( ratio ) proportion , into which the generall word proportion may be divided . the one whereof ( namely , that wherein the difference is not compared with either of the differing quantities ) is called ( ratio aritbmetica ) arithmeticall proportion ; the other ( ratio geometrica ) geometricall proportion , and ( because this latter is onely taken notice of by the name of proportion ) simply proportion . having considered this , i defined proportion , chap. 11. arti. 3. in this manner , ratio est relatio antecedentis ad consequens secundum magnitudinem . proportion is the relation of the antecedent to the consequent in magnitude ; having immediately before defined relatives , antecedent , and consequen● in the same article , and by way of explication added , that such relation was nothing else but that one of the quantities was equall to the other , or exceeded it by some quantity , or was by some quantity exceeded by it . and for exemplification of the same , i added further , that the proportion of three to two , was that three exceeded two by a unity ; but said not that the unity , or the difference whatsoever it were , was their proportion , for unity , and to exceed another by unity , is not the same thing . this is cleer enough to others . let us therefore see why it is not so to you . you say i make proportion to consist in that which remaineth after the lesser quantity is substracted out of the greater ; and that you make it to consist in the quotient , when one number is divided by the other . wherein you are mistaken ; first , in that you say i make the proportion to consist in the remainder . for i make it to consist in the act of exceeding , or of being exceeded , or of being equall ; whereas the remainder is alwayes an absolute quantity , and never a proportion . to be more or less then another number by two , is not the number two ; likewise to be equall to two , where the difference is nothing , is not that nothing ? again , you mistake in saying the proportion consisteth in the quotient . for divide twenty by five , the quotient is four . is it not absurd to say that the proportion of five to twenty , or of twenty to five , is four ? you may say the proportion of five to twenty , is the proportion of one to four . and so say i. and you may therefore also say , that the proportion of one to four is a measure of the proportion of five to twenty , as being equall . and so say i. but that is onely in geometricall proportion , and not in proportion universally . for though the species obtain the denomination of the genus ; yet it is not the genus . but as the quotient giveth us a measure of the proportion of the dividend to the divisor in geometricall proportion , so also the remainder after substraction is the measure of proportion arithmeticall . you object in the next place , that if the proportion of one quantity to another be nothing but the excess or defect , then , wheresoever the excess or defect is the same , there the proportion is the same . this you say follows in your logick , and from thence , that the proportion of three to two , and five to four is the same . but is not three to two , and five to four , where the excess is the same number , the same proportion arithmeticall ? and is not arithmeticall proportion , proportion ? you take here ( ratio ) proportion ( which is the genus ) for that species of it , which is called geometricall , because usually this species has the name of proportion simply . also that the proportion of three to two , is the same with that of nine to six ; is it not because the excesses are one and three , the same portions of three and nine , that is to say , the same excesses comparatively ? i wonder you ask me not what is the g●nus of arithmeticall , and geometricall proportions ; and what the difference . the genus is ( ratio ) proportion , or comparison in magnitude , and the diff●rence is that one comparison is made by the absolute quantity , the other by the comparative quantity , of the excess or defect , if there be any . can any thing be clearer then this ? you a●ter come in with ignosce hebitudini to no purpose . i am not so inhumane as not to pardon dulness , or madness ; they are not voluntary faults . but when men adventure voluntarily , to talk of that they understand not censoriously and scornfully , i may tell them of it . this difference between the excesses or defects , as they are simply or comparatively reckoned , being thus explained , all the rest of that you say in your objections to this eleventh chapter ( saving that artt. 5. for ratio binarii ad quinarium est superar● t●rnario , as it is in other places , i have put too hastily ratio binarii ad quinarium est ternarius ) will be understood by every reader to be frivolous , and to proceed from the ignorance of what proportion is . at the twelfth chapter you onely note that i say , that the pr●portion of inequality is quantity , but the proportion of equality not quantity , and refer that which you have to say against it to the chapter following ; to which place , i shall also come in the following lesson . of the faults that occurre in demonstration . to the same egregious professors of the mathematicks in the university of oxford . lesson iii. you begin your reprehension of my thirteenth chapter with a question . whereas i divide proportion into arithmeticall , and geometricall ; you ask me what proportion it is i so divide . euclide divides an angle into right , obtuse , and acute . i may ask you as pertinently what angle it is he so divides ? or when you divice animal into homo , and br●tum , what animal that is which you so divide ? you see by this how absurd your q●estion is . but you say the definition of proportion which i make at chap. 11. art. 3. namely , that proportion is the comparison of two magnitudes , one to another , agreeth not , neither with arithmeticall , nor with geometricall proportion . i believe you thought so then , but having read what i have said in the end of the last lesson , if you think so still , your fault will be too great , to be pardoned easily . but why did you think so before ? is it not because there was no definition in euclide of proportion universall , and because he maketh no mention of proportion arithmeticall , and because you had not in your minds a sufficient notion thereof your selves to supply that defect ? and is not this the cause also , why you put in this parenthesis ( if arithmeticall proportion , ought to be called proportion ) ? which is a confession that you know not whether there be such a thing as arithmeticall proportion or not ; notwithstanding , that on all occasions , you speak of arithmetically proportionals . yes , this was it that made you think that proportion universally , and proportion geometricall is the same and yet to say you cannot tell whether they be the same or not . 't is no wonder therefore , if in such confusion of the understanding , you apprehend not that the proportions of two to five , and nine to twelve , are the same ; for you are blinded by seeing that they are not the same proportions geometricall . nor doth it help you that i say the difference is the proportion , f●● by difference you might if you would , have understood the act of differing . at the second article you note for a fault in method , that after i had used the words ant●cedent and consequent of a proportion in some of the precedent chapters , i define them afterwards .. i do not believe you say this against your knowledge , but that the eagerness of your malice made you oversee . therefore go back again to the third a●ticle of chap. 11. where having defined correlatives , i add these words , of which the first is called the antecedent , the second the consequent . this is but an oversight , though such as in me , you would not have excused . at the thirteenth article you find fault with , that i say that the proportion of inequality , whether it be of excess , or of defect , is quantity , but the proportion of equality is not quanty . whether that which you say , or that which i say be the truth , is a question worthy of a very strict examination . the first time i heard it argued , was in mersennus his chamber at paris , at such time , as the first volume of his cogitata physico-mathematica was almost printed : in which , because he had not said all he would say of proportion , he was forced to put the rest into a generall preface ; which as was his custom , he did read to his friends , before he sent it to the pr●ss . in that generall preface under the title de rationibus atque proportionibus , at the numbers twelve , thirteen , fourteen , he maintaineth against clavius , that the composition of proportions is ( as of all other things ) a composition of the parts to make a totall ; and that the proportion of equality answereth in quantity , to non-ens , or nothing ; the proportion of excess , to ens , or quantity ; and the proportion of defect , to less then nothing ; because equality ( he saies ) is a term of middle signification , between ex●ess and defect . and there also he refuteth the arguments which clavius at the end of the nineth element of euclide bringeth to the contrary . and though this were approved by divers good geometricians then present , and never gain-sayed by any since , yet do not i say it upon the credit of them , but upon sufficient grounds . for it hath been demonstrated by euto●ius that if there be three magnitudes , the proportion of the first to the third is compounded of the proportions of the first to the second , and of the second to the third ; which also i demonstrate in this article . and if there were never so many magnitudes ranked , it might be likewise demonstrated , that the proportion of the first to the last is compounded of the proportions of the first to the second , and of the second to the third , and of the third to the fourth , and so on to the last . if therefore we put in order any three numbers , whereof the two last be equall , as four , seven , seven , the proportion of four the first , to seven the last , will be compounded of the proportions of four the first , to seven the second , and of seven the second , to seven the third . wherefore the proportion of seven to seven ( which is of equality ) addeth nothing to the proportion of four the first , to seven the second ; and consequently the proportion of seven to seven hath no quantity . but that the proportion of inequality hath quantity , i prove it fro● this , that one inequality may be greater then another . but for the clearing of this doctrine ( which mersennus cals intricate ) of the composition of proportions , i observed , first , that any two quantities , being exposed to sense , their proportion was also exposed ; which is not intricate . again , i observed that if besides the two exposed quantities , there were exposed a third , so as the first were the least , and the third the greatest , or the first the greatest , and the third the least , that not onely the proportions of the first to the second , but also ( because the differences , and the quantities proceed the same way ) the proportion of the first to the last is exposed by composition , or addition of the differences ; nor is there any intricacy in this . but when the first is less then the second , and the second greater then the third , or the first greater then the second , and the second less then the third , so that to make the first and second equall , if we use addition , we must to make the second and third equall use substraction , then comes in the intricacy , which cannot be extricated , but by such as know the truth of this doctrine which i now delivered out of mersennus : namely , that the proportions of excess , equality , and defect , are as quantity , not-quantity , nothing want quantity , or as symbo lists mark them . 0. 0-1 and upon this ground i thought depended the universall truth of this proposition , that in any rank of magnitudes of the same kind , the proportion of the first to the last , was compounded of all the proportions ( in order ) of the intermediate quantities ; the want of the proof thereof sir henry s●vile ●als ( naevus ) a mole in the body of geometry . this proposition is demonstrated at the thirteenth article of this chapter . but before we come thither , i must examine the arguments you bring to confute this proposition , that the proportion of inequality is quantity , of equality not quantity . and first , you object that equality and inequality are in the same predicament . a pretty argument to flesh a young scholar in the logick school , that but now begins to learn the predicaments . but what do you mean by aequale , and inequale ? do you mean corpus aequale , and corpus inequale ? they are both in the predicament of substance , neither of them in that of quantity ; or do you mean aequalitas , and inaequalitas ? they are both in the predicament of relation , neither of them in that of quantity , and yet both corpus , and inaequalitas , though neither of them be quantity , may be quanta , that is , both of them have quantity , and when men say body is quantity , or inequality is quantity , they are no otherwise understood , then if they had said corpus est tantum , and inaequalitas tanta , not tantitas ; that is , bodies and inequalities are so much , not somuchness ; and all intelligent men are contented with that expression , and your selves use it . and the quantity of inequality is in the predicament of quantity , because the measure of it is in that line by which one quantity exceeds the other . but when neither exceedeth other , then there is no line of excess , or defect by which the equality can be measured , or said to be so much , or be called quantity . philosophy teacheth us how to range our words ; but aristotles ranging them in his predicaments , doth not teach philosophy ; and therefore no argument taken from thence , can become a doctor , and a professor of geometry . to prove that the proportion of inequality was quantity , but the proportion of equality , not quantity , my argument was this ; that because one inequality may be greater or less then another , but one equality cannot be greater nor less then another , therefore inequality hath quantity , or is tanta , and equality not . here you come in again with your predicaments , and object , that to be susceptible of magis and minus belongs not to quantity , but to quality ; but without any proof , as if you took it for an axiome . but whether true or false , you understand not in what sense it is true or false . 't is true , that one inequality is inequality , as well as another ; as one heat is heat as well as another ; but not as great ; tam , but not tantus . but so it is also in the predicament of quantity ; one line is as well a line as another , but not so great . all degrees , intensions , and remissions of quality , are greater or less quantity of force , and measured by lines , superficies , or solid quantity , which are properly in the predicament of quantity . you see how wise a thing it is to argue from the predicaments of aristotle , which you understand not . and yet you pretend to be less addicted to the authority of aristotle , now , then heretofore . in the next place you say , i may as well conclude from the not susception of greater and less , that a right angle is not quantity , but an oblique one is . very learnedly . as if to be greater or less could be attributed to a quantity once determined . number ( that is number indefinitely taken ) is susceptible of greater and less , because one number may be greater then another . and this is a good argument to prove that number is quantity . and do you think the argument the worse for this , that one six cannot be greater then another six ? after all these childish arguments which you have hitherto urged , can you perswade any man , or your selves , that you are logicians ? to the fifth and sixth article you object , first , that if i had before sufficiently defined ( ratio ) . proportion , i needed not again define what is ( eadem ratio ) the same-proportion ; and ask me whether when i have defined man , i use to define anew what is the same man ? you think when you have the definition of homo , you have also the definition of idem homo , when 't is harder to conceive what idem signifies , then what homo . besides , idem hath not the same signification alwayes , and with whatsoever it be joyned ; it doth not signifie the same with homo , that it doth with ratio . for with homo , it signifies the same individual man , but with ratio it signifies a like , or an equall proportion . and both ( ratio ) proportion , and ( idem ) the same , being defined , there will still be need of another definition for ( eadem ratio ) the same proportion . and this is enough to defend both my self and euclide , against this objection . for euclide also after he had defined ( ratio proportion , and that su●…ciently as he believed , yet he defines the same proportion again apart . i know you did not mean in this place to object any thing against euclide ; but you saw not what you were doing . there is within you some spec●all cause of intenebration , which you ●…ld do well to look to . in the nex● p●●ce you say , when i had defined a●…thmeticall proportions to be the same when the difference is the same ; it was to be expected i should define geometricall proportions to be then the same , when the antecedents are of their consequents totuple , or tantuple , that is , equimultiple ( for tantuplum signifies nothing . ) in plain words , you exp●cted , that as i defined one by substraction , i should define the other by the quotient in division . but why should you expect a definition of the same proportion by the quotient ? neither reason nor the authority of euclide could move you to expect it . or why should you say it was to be expected ? but it seems you have the vanity to place the measure of truth in your own learning . in lines incommensurable there may be the same proportion , when nevertheless there is no quotient ; for setting their symboles one above another doth not make a quotient ; for quotient there is none , but in aliquot parts . it is therefore impossible to define proportion universally , by comparing quotients . this incommensurability of magnitudes was it that confounded euclide in the framing of his definition of proportion at the fifth element . for when he came to numbers , he defined the same proportion irreprehensibly thus , numbers are then proportional , when the first of the second , and the third of the fourth are equimultiple , or the same part , or the same parts ; and yet there is in this definition no mention at all of a quotient . for though it be true that if in dividing two numbers you make the same quotient , the dividends and the divisors are proportionall , yet that is not the definition of the same proportion , but a theoreme demonstrable from it . but this definition euclide could not accommodate to proportion in generall , because of incommensurability . to supply this want , i thought it necessary to seek out some way , whereby the proportion of two lines , commensurable , or incommensurable , might be continued perpetually the same . and this i found might be done by the proportion of two lines described by some uniform motion , as by an efficient cause both of the said lines , and also of their proportions . which motions continuing , the proportions must needs be all the way the same . and therefore i defined those magnitudes to have the same geometricall proportion , when some cause producing in equall times , equall effects , ●id determine both the proportions . this you say needs an oedipus to make it understood . you are ( i see ) no oedipus ; but i do not see any diff●●ulty , neither in the definition , nor in the demonstration . that which you call perplexity in the explication , is your prejudice , arising from the symboles in your fancy . for men that pretend no less to naturall phylosophy , then to geometry , to find fault with bringing motion and time into a definition , when there is no effect in nature , which is not produced in time by motion , is a shame . but you swim upon other mens bladders in the superficies of geometry , without being able to indure diving . which is no fault of mine ; and therefore i shall ( without your leave ) be bold to say , i am the first that hath made the grounds of geometry firm and coherent . whether i have added any thing to the edifice or not , i leave to be judged by the readers . you see , you that profess with the pricking of bladders the letting out of their vapour , how much you are deceived . you make them swell more then ever . for the corollaries that follow this sixth article , you say they contain nothing new . which is not true . for the nineth is new , and the demonstrations of all the rest are new , being grounded upon a new definition of proportion , and the corollaries themselves for want of a good definition of proportion , were never before exactly demonstrated . for the truth of the sixth definition of the fifth elem●…t of euclide cannot be known but by this definition of mine , because it requires a triall in all numbers possible , that is to say , an infinite time of triall , whether the quimultiples of the first and third , and of the second and fourth in all multiplications do together exceed , together come short , and are together equall ; which triall is impossible . in objecting against the thirteenth and sixteenth article , i observe that you bewray together , both the greatest ignorance , and the greatest malice ; and 't is well , for they are sutable to one another , and fit for one and the same man. in the thirteenth article my proposition is this , if there be three magnitudes that have proportion one to another , the proportions of the first to the second , and of the second to the third taken together ( as one proposition ) are equall to the proportion of the first to the third . this demonstrated , there is taken away one of those moles which sir henry savile complaineth of in the body of geometry . let us see now what you say both against the enunciation , and against the demonstration . against the enunciation you object , that other men wo●ld say ( not the proportions of the first to the second , and of the second to the third , taken together , &c. but ) the proportion which is compounded of the proportion of the first to the second , and of the second to the third , &c. is not the compounding of any two things whatsoever the finding of the sum of them both , or the taking of them together as one totall . this is that absurdity of which mersennus in the generall preface to his cogitata physico-mathematica hath convinced clavius , who at the end of euclides nineth element denyeth the composition of proportion to be a composition of parts to make a totall ; which therefore he denyed , because he did not observe , that the addition of a proportion of defect , to a proportion of excess , was a substraction of magnitude ; and because he understood not that to say , composition is not the making a whole of parts , was contradiction ; which all , but too learned men would as soon as they heard ●bho●re . therefore in saying that other men would not speak in that manner , you say in effect they would speak absurdly . you do well to mark what other geometricians say ; but you would do better if you could by your own meditation , upon the things themselves , examine the truth of what they say . but you have no minde ( you say ) to contend about the phrase . let us therefore see what it is you contend about . the proportion ( you say ) which is compounded of double and triple proportion , is not ( as i would have it ) quintuple , but sextuple , as in these numbers , six , t●ree , one ; where the proportion of six to three is double , the proportion of three to one tripl● , and the proportion of six to one sextuple , not quintuple . tell me ( egregsous professors ) how is six to three double proportion ? is six to three the double of a number , or the double of some proportion ? all men know the number six is double to the number three , and the number three triple to an unity . but is the question here of compounding numbers , or of compounding proportions ▪ euclide at the last proposition of his nineth element sayes indeed , that these numbers , one , two , four , eight , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in double proportion , yet there is no m●n that understands it otherwise , then if he had said in proportion of the single quantity , to the double quantity ; and after the same rate , if he had said three , nine , twenty-seven , &c. had been in triple proportion , all men would have understood it , of the proportion of any quantity to its triple . your instance therefore of six , three , one , is here impertinent , there being in them no doubling , no tripling , nor sextupling of proportions , but of numbers . you may observe also that euclide never distinguisheth between double and duplicate , as you do . one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 serves him every where for either . though i confess some curious grammarians take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for duplicate in number , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for double in quantity ; which will not serve your turn . your geometry is not your own , but you case your selves with euclides ; in which , as i have shewed you , there be some few great holes ; and you by misunderstanding him , as in this place , have made them greater , though the beasts that think your railing , ●oaring , have for a time admired you ; yet now that through these holes of your case , i have shewed them your ears , they will be less affrighted . but to exemplifie the composition of proportions , take these numbers , thirty-two , eight , one , and then you shall see that the proportion of thirty-two to one is the sum of the proportions of thirty-two to eight , and of eight to one . for the proportion of thirty-two to eight is double the proportion of thirty-two to sixteen . and the proportion of eight to one , is triple the proportion of thirty-two to sixteen , and the proportion of thirty-two to one is quintiple of thirty-two to sixteen . but double and triple added together maketh quintuple . what can be here denyed ? my demonstration consisteth of three cases . the first is when both the proportions are of defect , which is then , when the first quantity is the least ; as in these three quantities , ab , ac , ad. the first case i demonstrated thus . let it be supposed that the point a were moved uniformly through the whole line ad. the proportions therefore of ab to ac , and of ac to ad , are determined by the difference of the times in which they are described . and the proportion also of ab to ad , is that which is determined by the difference of the times , in which they are described ; but the difference of the times in which ab and ac are described , together with the difference of the times , wherein ac and ad are described , is the same with the difference of the times , wherein are described ab and ad. the same cause therefore which determines both the proportions of ab to ac , and of ac to ad , determines also the proportion of ab to ad. wherefore by the definition of the same proportion , article six , the proportion of ab to ac , together with the proportion of ac to ad is the same with the proportion of ab to ad. consider now your argumentation against it . let there be taken ( say you ) between a and b the point a , and then in your own words , i argue thus . the difference of the times wherein are described ab and ac , together with the difference of the times , wherein are described ac and ad , is the same with the difference of the times , in which are described ab and ac ( namely bd , or bc † cd ) wherefore the same cause which determines the two proportions of ab to ac , and of ac to ad , determines also the proportion of ab to ad . let me ask you here whether you suppose the motion from a to b , or from a to d , to have the same switfness with the motion from a to b , or from a to d. if you do not , then you deny the supposition . if you do , then bc which is the difference of the times ab and ac , cannot be the difference of the times in which are described ab and ac , except ab and ab are equall . let any man judge now whether there be any paralogism in orontius that can equall this . and whether all that follows in the rest of this , and the next two whole pages , be not all a kind of raving upon the ignorance of what is the meaning of proportion , which you also make more ill-favoured by writing it ; not in language , but in gamboles , i mean in the symboles , which have made you call those demonstrations short , which put into words so many as a true demonstration requires , would be longer then any of those of clavius upon the twelfth element of euclide . to the sixteenth article you bring no argument , but fall into a loud oncethmus ( the special figure wherewith you grace you oratory ) offended with my unexpected crossing of the doctrine you teach , that proportion consisteth it a quotient . for that being denyed you , your comes to nothing , that is , to just as much as it is worth but are not you very simple men , to say that all mathematicians speak so , when it is not speaking ? when did you see any man but your selves publish his demonstrations by signs not generally received , except it were not with intention to demonstrate , but to t●●ch the use of signes ? had pappus no analytiques ? or wanted he the wit to ●…ten his reckoning by signes ? or has he not proceeded analytically in an hundred problems ( especially in his seventh book ) and never used symboles ? symboles are poor unhandsome ( though necessary ) sc●ffolds of demonstration ; and ought no more to appear in publique , then the most d●●●rmed necessary business which you do in your chambers . but why ( say you ) is this ●…tion to the proportion of the greater to the less ? i le tell you ; because i●erating of the proportion of the less to the greater , is a making of the proportion less , and the defect greater . and it is absurd to say that the taking of the same quantity twice should make it less . and thence it is , that in quantities , which begin with the less , as one , two , four , the proportion of one to two , is greater then that of one to four , as is demonstrated by euclide elem. 5. prop. 8. and by consequent the proportion of one to four , is a proportion of greater littleness then that of one to two . and who is there , that when he knoweth that the respective greatness of four to one , is double to that of the respective greatness of four to two , or of two to one , will not presently acknowledge that the respective greatness of one to two , or two to four is double to the respective greatness of one to four . but this was too deep for such men as take their opinions not from weighing , but from reading . lastly , you object against the corollarie of art. 28. ( which you make absurd enough by rehearsing it thus ) si quantitas aliqua divisa supponatur in partes aliquot aequales numero infinitas . &c. do you think that of partes aliquot , or of partes aliquotae , it can be said without absurdity , that they are numero infinitae ? and then you say i seem to mean , that if of the quantity ab , there be supposed a part cb , infinitely little , and that between ac and ab be taken two means , one arithmeticall ae , the other geometricall ad , the difference between ad , and ae , will be infinitely little . my meaningis , and is sufficiently expressed , that the said means taken every where ( not in one place onely ) will be the same throughout . and you that say there needed not so much pains to prove it , and think you do it shorter , prove it not at all . for why may not i pretend against your demonstration , that be the arithmeticall difference , is greater then bd the geometricall difference . you bring nothing to prove it , and if you suppose it , you suppose the thing you are to prove . hitherto you have proceeded in such manner with your elenchus , as that so many objections as you have made , so many false propositions you have advanced . which is a peculiar excellence of yours , that for so great a stipend as you receive , you will give place to no man living for the number and grossness of errors you teach your scholars . at the fourteenth chapter your first exception is to the second article ; where i define a plain in this manner . a plain superficies is that which is described by a straight line so moved , as that every point thereof describe a severall straight l●… . in which you require , first , that instead of describe , i should have said can describe . why do you not require of euclide in the definition of a cone , instead of ( continetur ) is contained , he say ( contineri potest ) can be contained ? it i tell you how one plain is generated , cannot you apply the same generation to any other plain ? but you object that the plain of a circle may be generated by the motion of the radius , whose every point describeth not a straight but a crooked line , wherein you are deceived ; for you cannot draw a circle ( though you can draw the perimeter of a circle ) but in a plain already generated . for the motion of a straight line , whose one point resting , describeth with the other points severall perimeters of circles , may as well describe a conique superficies , as a plain . the question therefore is , how you will in your definition take in the plain which must be generated before you begin to describe your circle , and before you know what point to make your center . this objection therefore is to no purpose ; and besides , that it reflecteth upon the perfect definitions of euclide before the eleventh element ; it cannot make good his definition ( which is nothing worth ) of a plain superficies , before his first element . in the next place you reprehend briefly this corollarie , that two plaines cannot inclose a solid . i should indeed have added , with the base on whose extreams they insist . but this is not a fault to be ashamed of . for any man by his own understanding might have mended my expression without departing from my meaning . but from your doctrine that a superficies has no thickness , 't is impossible to include a solid , with any number of plains whatsoever ; unless you say that solid is included which nothing at all includes . at the third article , where i say of crooked lines , some are every where crooked , and some have parts not crooked . you ask me what crooked line has parts not crooked ; and i answer , it is that line which with a straight line makes a rectilineall triangle . but this you say cannot stand with what i said before , namely , that a straight and crooked line cannot be coincident ; which is true , nor is there any contradiction ; for that part of a crooked line which is straight , may with a straight line be coincident . to the fourth article , where i define the center of a circle to be that point of the radius , which in the description of the circle is unmoved ; you object as a contradiction , that i had before defined a point to be the body which is moved in the description of a line . foolishly , as i have already shown at your objection to chap. 8. art. 12. but at the sixth article , where i say that crooked , and incongruous lines touch one another but in one point , you make a cavill from this , that a circle may touch a parabola in two points . tell me truely , did you read and understand these words that followed , a crooked line cannot be congruent with a straight line , because if it could , one and the same line should be both straight and crooked ? if you did , you could not but understand the sense of my words to be this ; when two crooked lines which are incongruous , or a crooked and a straight line touch one another , the contact is not in a line , but only in one point ; and then your instance of a circle and a parabola , was a wilfull cavill , not befitting a doctor . if you either read them not , or unstood them not , it is your own fault . in the rest that followeth upon this article , with your diagram , there is nothing against me , nor any thing of use , novelty , subtilty or learning . at the seventh article , where i define both an angle , simply so called , and an angle of contingence , by their severall generations , namely , that the former is generated when two straight lines are coincident , and one of them is moved , and distracted from the other by circular motion upon one common point resting , &c. you ask me to which of these kinds of angle , i ref●r the angle made by a straight line when it cuts a crooked line . i answer easily and truly , to that kind of angle which is called simply an angle . this you understand not . for how ( will you say ) can that angle which is generated by the divergence of two straight lines , be other then rectilineall ? o , how can that angle which is not comprehended by two straight lines , be other then curvilineall ? i see what it is that troubles you , namely , the same which made you say before , that if the body which describes a line be a point , then there is nothing which is not moved that can be called a point . so you say here , if an angle be generated by the motion of a straight line , then no angle so generated can be curvilineall . which is as well argued , as if a man should say , the house was built by the carriage and motion of stone and timber , therefore when the carriage and that motion is ended , it is no more a house . rectilineall and curvilineall hath nothing to do with the nature of an angle simply so called , though it be essentiall to an angle of contact . the measure of an angle simply so called is a circumference of a circle , and the measure is alwayes the same kind of quantity with the thing measured . the rectitude or curvity of the lines which drawn from the center intercept the arch , is accidentary to the angle , which is the same , whether it be drawn by the motion circular of a streight line or of a crooked . the diameter and the circumference of a circle make a right angle , and the same which is made by the diameter and the tangent . and because the point of contact is not ( as you think ) nothing , but a line unreckoned , and common both to the tangent , and the circumference , the same angle computed in the tangent is rectilineall , but computed in the circumference , not rectilineall , but mixt ; or , if two circles cut one another , curvilineall . for every chord maketh the same angle with the circumference which it maketh with the line that toucheth the circumference at the end of the chord . and therefore when i divide an angle simply so called into rectilineall , and curvilineall , i respect no more the generation of it , then when i divide it into right and oblique . i then respect the generation , when i divide an angle into an angle simply so called , and an angle of contact . this that i have now said , if the reader remember when he reads your objections to this , and to the nineth article , he will need no more to make him see that you are utterly ignorant of the nature of an angle , and that if ignorance be madness , not i , but you are mad ; and when an angle is comprehended between a straight and a crooked line ( if i may compute the same angle as comprehended between the same straight line and the point of contact ) that it is consonant to my definition of a point by a magnitude not considered . but when you in your treatise de angulo contactûs chap. 3. pag. 6. lin. 8. have these words , though the whole concurrent lines incline to one another , yet they form no angle any where but in the very point of concourse , you , that deny a point to be any thing , tell me how two nothings can form an angle ; or if the angle be not formed neither before the concurrent lines meet , not in the point of concourse , how can you apprehend that any angle can possibly be framed . but i wonder not at this absurdity , because this whole treatise of yours is but one absurdity continued from the beginning to the end ; as shall then appear when i come to answer your objections to that which i have briefly and fully said of that subject in my 14. chapter . at the twelfth article i confess your exception to my universall definition of parallels to be just , though insolently set down . for it is no fault of ignorance ( though it also infect the demonstration next it ) but of too much security . the definition is this : parallels are those lines or superficies , upon which two straight lines falling , and wheresoever they fall , making equall angles with them both , are equall ; which is not , as it stands , universally true . but inserting these words the same way , and making it stand thus , parallel lines or superficies are those , upon which two straight lines falling the same way , and wheresoever they fall , making equall angles , are equall , it is both true and universall ; and the following consectary with very little change , as you may see in the translation , perspicuously demonstrated . the same fault occurreth once or twice more ; and you triumph unreasonably , as if you had given therein a very great proof of your geometry . the same was observed also upon this place by one of the prime geometricians of paris , and noted in a letter to his friend in these words , chap. 14. art. 12. the definition of parallels wanteth somewhat to be supplyed . and of the consectary , he says , it concludeth not , because it is grounded on the definition of parallels . truely , and severely enough , though without any such words as savour of arrogance , or of malice , or of the clown . at the thirteenth article you recite the demonstration by which i prove the perimeters of two circles to be proportionall to their semidiameters ; and with esto , fortasse , recte , omnino , noddying to the severall parts thereof , you come at length to my last inference ; therefore by ( chap. 13. art. 6. ) the perimeters and semidiameters of circles are proportionall ; which you deny ; and therefore deny , because you say it followeth by the same ratiocination , that circles also and spheres are proportionall to their semidiameters . for the same distance ( you say ) of the perimeter from the center which determines the magnitude of the semidiameter , determines also the magnitude both of the circle , and of the sphere . you acknowledge that perimeters and semidiameters have the cause of their determination such as in equal times make equall spaces . suppose now a sphere generated by the semidiameters , whilst the semicircle is turned about . there is but one radius of an infinite number of radii , which describes a great circle , all the rest describe lesser circles parallel to it , in one and the same time of revolution . would you have men believe , that describing greater and lesser circles , is according to the supposition ( temporibus aequalibus aequalia facere ) to make equall spaces in equall times ? or when by the turning about of the semidiameter is described the plain of a circle does it ( think you ) in equall times make the plains of the interior circles equall to the plains of the exterior ? or is the radius that describes the inner circles equall to the radius that describes the exterior ? it does not therefore follow from any thing i have said in this demonstration , that either spheres , or plains of circles , are proportionall to their radii . and consequently all that you have said , triumphing in your own incapacity , is said imprudently by your selves to your own disgrace . they that have applauded you , have reason by this time to doubt of all the rest that follows , and if they can , to dissemble the opinion they had before of your geometry . but they shall see before i have done , that not only your whole elenchus , but also your other books of the angle of contact , &c. are meer ignorance and gibberish . to the fourteenth article you object , that ( in the sixth figure ) i assume gratis , that fg , de , bc , are proportionall to af , ad , ab ; and you referre it to be judged by the reader . and to the reader i referre it also . the not exact drawing of the figure ( which is now amended ) is it that deceived you . for af , fd , db , are equall by construction . also ag , ge , ec , are equall by construction . and fg , dk , bh , ke , hi , ic , are equall by parallelism . and because af , fg , are as the velocities wherewith they are described ; also 2 af ( that is ad ) and 2 fg ( that is de ) are as the same velocities . and finally 3 af ( that is ab ) and 3 fg ( that is bc ) are as the same velocities . it is not therefore assumed gratis , that fg , de , bc , are proportionall to af , ad , ab , but grounded upon the sixth article of the thirteenth chapter ; and consequently your objection is nothing worth . you might better have excepted to the placing of de , first at adventure , and then making ad , two thirds of ab ; for that was a fault , though not great enough to trouble a candid reader ; yet great enough , to be a ground , to a malicious reader , of a cavill . that which you object to the third corollarie of art. 15. was certainly a dream . there is no a●…ing of an angle cde , for an angle hde , or bde , neither in the demonstration , nor in any of the corollaries . it may be you dream't of somewhat in the twentieth article of chap. 16. but because that article though once printed , was afterwards left out , as not serving to the use i had designed it for , i cannot guess what it is . for i have no copy of that article , neither printed nor written , but am very sure , though it were not usefull , it was true . article the sixteenth . here we come to the controversie concerning the angle of contact , which ( you say ) you have handled , in a speciall treatise published ; and that you have clearly demonstrated in your publick lectures , that peletarius was in the right . but that i agree not sufficiently neither with peletarius , nor with clavius . i confess i agree not in all points with peletarius , nor in all points with clavius . it does not thence follow that i agree not with the truth . i am not ( as you ) of any faction , neither in geometry , nor in politicks . if i think that you , or peletarius , or clavius , or euclide have e●red , or been too obscure ; i see no cause , for which i ought to dissemble it . and in this same question , i am of opinion that peletarius did not well in denying the angle of contingence to be an angle . and that clavius did not well to say the angle of a semicircle was less then a right-lined right angle . and that euclide did not well to leave it so obscure what he meant by inclination in the definition of a plain angle , seeing else where he attributeth inclination onely to acute angles , and scarce any man ever acknowledged inclination in a straight line , to any other line , to which it was perpendicular . but you in this question of what is inclination , though you pretend not to depart from euclide , are nevertheless more obscure then he ; and also are contrary to him . for euclide by inclination meaneth the inclination of one line to another ; and you understand it of the inclination of one line from another , which is not inclination , but declination . for you make two straight . lines when they lye one on another , to lye 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is without any inclination ( because it serves your turn ) ; not observing that it followeth thence that inclination is a digression of one line from another . this is in your first argument in the behalf of peletarius ( pag. 10. lin. 22. ) and destroyshis opinion . for according to euclide the greatest angle is the greatest inclination , and an angle equall to two right angles by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should not be the greatest inclination , as it is , but the least that can be . but if by the inclination of two lines we understand that proceeding of them to a common point which is caused by their generation , which ( i believ● ) was euclides meaning ; then will the angle of contact be no less an angle then a rectilineall angle , but onely ( as clavius truly saies it is ) heterogeneous to it ; and the doctrine of clavius more conformable to euclide then that of peletarius . besides , if it be granted you , that there is no inclination of the circumference to the tangent , yet it does not follow that their concourse doth not form some kind of angle . for euclide defineth there but one of the kinds of a plain angle . and then you may as much in vain seek for the proportion of such an angle to the angle of contact , as seek for the focus , or parameter of the parabola of dives and lazarus . your first argument therefore is nothing worth , except you make good that which in your second argument you affirm , namely , that all plain angles , not excepting the angle of contact , are ( homogeneous ) of the same kind . you prove it well enough of other curvilineall angles ; but when you should prove the same of an angle of contact , you have nothing to say but pag. 17. lin. 15. unde autem illa quam somniet heterogenia oriatur , neque potest ille ullatenus ostendere , neque ego vel somniare ; whence should arise that diversity of kind , which he dreams of , neither can be at all shew , nor i dream ; as if you knew what he could do if he were to answer you ; or all were false which you cannot dream of . so that besides your customary vanity , here is nothing hitherto proved neither for the opinion of peletarius , nor against that of clavius . i have i think sufficiently explicated in the first lesson , that the angle of contact is quantity , namely , that it is the quantity of that crookedness or flexion , by which a straight line is bent into an arch of a circle equall to it ; and that because the crookedness of one arch may be greater then the crookedness of another arch of another circle equall to it , therefore the question quanta est curvitas , how much is the crookedness , is pertinent , and to be answered by quantity . and i have also shewn you in the same lesson , that the quantity of one angle of contact is compared with that of another angle of contact , by a line drawn from the point of contact , and intercepted by their circumferences ; and that it cannot be compared by any measure with a rectilineall angle . but let us see how you answer to that which clavius has objected already . they are heterogeneous , sayes he , because the angle of contact , how oft soever multiplyed , can never exceed a rectilineall angle . to answer which you alleadge , it is no angle at all ; and that therefore it is no angle at all because the lines have no inclination one to another . how can lines that have no inclination one to another , ever come together ? but you answer , at least they have no inclination in the point of contact . and why have two straight lines inclination before they come to touch , more then a straight line and an arch of a circle ? and in the point of contact it self , how can it be that there is less inclination of the two points of a straight line and an arch of a circle , then of the points of two straight lines ? but the straight lines you say will cut ; which is nothing to the question ; and yet this also is not so evident , but that it may receive an objection . suppose two circles agb and cfb to touch in b , and have a common tangent through b. is not the line cfbga a crooked line ? and is it not cut by the common tangent dbe ? what is the quantity of the two angles fbe and gbd , seeing you say neither dbg nor ebf is an angle ? 't is not therefore the cutting of a crooked line , and the touching of it , that distinguisheth an angle simply , from an angle of contact . that which makes them differ , and in kind , is , that the one is the quantity of a revolution , and the other the quantity of flexion . in the seventh chapter of the same treatise , you think you prove the angle of contact , if it be an angle , and a rectilineall angle to be ( homogeneous ) of the same kind ; when you prove nothing but that you understand not what you say . those quantities which can be added together , or substracted one from another , are of the same kind ; but an angle of contact may be substracted from a right angle , and the remainder will be the angle of a semicircle , &c. so you say , but prove it not , unless you think a man must grant you that the superficies contained between the tangent and the arch , which is it you substract , is the angle of contact ; and that the plain of the semicircle is the angle of the semicircle , which is absurd ; though as absurd as it is , you say it directly in your elenchus , pag. 35. lin. 14. in these words , when euclide defines a plain angle to be the inclination of two lines , he meaneth not their aggregate , but that which lyes between them . it is true , he meaneth not the aggregate of the two lines ; but that he means that which lyes between them , which is nothing else but an indeterminate superficies , is false , or euclide was as foolish a geometrician as either of you two . again , you would prove the angle of contact , if it be an angle , to be of the same kind with a rectilineall angle , out of eucl. 3. 16. where he saies , it is less then any acute angle . and it follows well , that if it be an angle , and less then any rectilineall angle ; it is also of the same kind with it . but to my understanding euclide meant no more , but that it was neither greater nor equall ; which is as truly said of heterogeneous , as of homogeneous quantities . if he meant otherwise , he confirms the opinion of clavius against you , or makes the quantity of an angle to be a superficies , and indefinite . but i wonder how you dare venter to determine whether two quantities be homogeneous or not , without some definition of homogeneous ( which is a hard word ) that men may understand what it meaneth . in your eighth chapter you have nothing but sir h. saviles authority , who had not then resolved what to hold ; but esteeming the angle of contact , first , as others falsely did , by the superficies that lyes between the tangent and the arch , makes the angle of contact , and a rectilineall angle homogeneous ; and afterwards , because no multiplication of the angle of contact can make it equall to the least rectilineall angle , with great ingenuity returneth to his former uncertainty . in your nineth and tenth chapters you prove with much ado , that the angles of like segments are equall ; as if that might not have been taken gratis by peletarius without demonstration . and yet your argument contained in the nineth chapter is not a demonstration , but a conjecturall discourse upon the word similitude . and in the eleventh chapter , wherein you answer to an objection , which might be made to your argument in the precedent page , taken from the parallelism of two concentrique circles , though the objection be of no moment , yet you have in the same treatise of yours that which is much more foolish , which is this , pag. 38. lin. 12. non enim magnitu o anguli , &c. the magnitude of an angle is not to be estimated by that stradling of the legs , which it hath without the point of concourse , but by that stradling which it hath in the point of the concourse it self . i pray you tell me what stradling there is of two coincident points , especially such points as you say are nothing . when did you ever see two nothings straddle ? the arguments in your twelfth and thirteenth chapters are grounded all on this untruth , that an angle is that which is contained between the lines that make it , that is to say , is a plain superficies . which is manifestly false ; because the measure of an angle is an arch of a circle , that is to say , a line ; which is no measure of a superficies . besides this gross igno●ance , your way of demonstration by putting n for a great number of sides of an aequilaterall polygon , is not to be admitted . for though you understand something by it , you demonstrate nothing to any body , but those who understand your symbolique tongue , which is a very narrow language . if you had demonstrated it in irish , or welsh , though i had not read it , ye● i should not have blamed you , because you had written to a considerable number of mankind , which now you do not . in your l●st chapters you defend vitellio without need ; for there is no doubt but that whatsoever crooked line be touched by a straight line , the angle of contingence will neither add any thing to , nor take any thing from a rectilineall right angle ; but that it is because the angle of contact is no angle , or no quantity , is not true . for it is therefore an angle , because an angle of contact ; and therefore quantity , because one angle of contact may be greater then another ; and therefore heterogeneall , because the measure of an angle of contact cannot ( congruere ) be applyed to the measure of a rectilineall angle , as they think it may , who affirm with you that the nature of an angle consisteth in that which is contained between the lines that comprehend it , viz. in a plain superficies . and thus you see in how few lines , and without b●achygraphie , your treatise of the angle of contingence is discovered for the greatest part to be false , and for the rest , nothing but a detection of some errors of clavivs grounded on the same false principles with your own . to return now from your treatise of the angle of contact back again to your elenchus . the fault you find at art. 18. is , that i understand not that euclide makes a plain angle to be that which is contained between the two lines that form it . 't is true , that i do not understand that euclide was so absurd , as to think the nature of an angle to consist in superficies ; but i understand that you have not had the wit to understand euclide . the nineteenth article of mine in this fourteenth chapter is this ; all respect , or variety of position of two lines , seemeth to be comprehended in four kinds . for they are either parallel ; or , ( being if need be produced ) make an angle ; or , ( if drawn out faire enough ) touch ; or lastly , they are asymptotes . in which you are first offended with the word it seems . but i allow you that never erre , to be more peremptory then i am . for to me it seemed , i say again seemed , that such a phrase , in case i should leave out something in the enumeration of the severall kinds of position , would save me from being censured for untruth . and yet your instance of two straight lines in divers plains , does not make my enumeration insufficient . for those lines though not parallels , nor cutting both the plaines , yet being moved parallelly from one plain to another , will fall into one or other of the kinds of position by me enumerated ; and consequently are as much that position , as two straight lines in the same plain not parallel , make the same angle , though not produced till they meet , which they would make if they were so produced . for you have no where proved , nor can prove , that two such lines do not make an angle . it is not the actuall concurrence of the lines , but the arch of a circle , drawn upon that point for center , in which they would meet , if they were produced , and intercepted between them , that constitutes the angle . also your objection con●ernin● asymptotes in generall , is absurd . you would have me add , that their distance shall at last be 〈◊〉 then any distance that can be assigned ; and so make the definition of the genus the same with that of the species . but because you are not professors of logick , it is not necessary for me to follow your councell . in like manner , if we understand one line to be moved towards another alwayes parallely to its self , which is , though not actually , yet potentially the same position , all the rest of your instances will come to nothing . at the two and twentieth article you object to me the use of the word figure , before i had defined it : wherein also you do absurdly ; for i have no where before made such use of the word figure , as to argue any thing from it ; and therefore your objection is just as wise as if you had round fault with putting the word figure in the titles of the chapters placed before the book . if you had known the nature of demonstration , you had not objected this . you add further , that by my definition of figure , a solid sphere , and a sphere made hollow within , is the same figure ; but you say not why , nor can you ●●●iver any such thing from my definition . that which deceived your shallowness , is , that you take those points that are in the concave superficies of a hollowed sphere , not to be contiguous to any thing without it , because that whole con●ave superficies is within the whole sphere . lastly , for the fault you find , with the definition of like figures in like positions ; i confess there wants the same word which was wanting in the definition of paralle●s , namely , ad easdem partes ( the same way ) which should have been added in the end of the definition of like figures , &c. and may easily be supplyed by any student of geometry , that is not otherwise a fool . at the fifteenth chapter art. 1. numb . 6. you object as a contradiction , that i make motion to be the measure of time , and yet in other places do usually measure motion and the affections thereof by time. if your thoughts were your own , and not taken rashly out of books , you could not but ( with all men else that see time measured by clocks , dyals , hour-glasses , and the like ) have conceived sufficiently , that there cannot be of time any other measure besides motion ; and that the most universall measure of motion , is a line described by some other motion . which line being once exposed to sense , and the motion whereby it was described sufficiently explicated , will serve to measure all other motions and their time ; for time and motion ( time being but the mentall image or remembrance of the motion ) have but one and the same dimension , which is a line . but you that would have me measure swiftness and slowness by longer and shorter motion , what do you mean by longer and shorter motion ? is longer and shorter , in the motion , or in the duration of the motion , which is time ? or is the motion , or the duration of the motion that which is exposed , or designed by a line ? geometricians say often , let the line a b , be the time ; but never say , let the line a b be the motion . there is no unlearned man that understandeth not what is time , and motion , and measure ; and yet you that undertake to teach it ( most egregious professors ) understand it not . at the second article you bring another argument ( which it seems in its proper place , you had forgotten ) to prove that a point is not quantity not considered , but absolutely nothing ; which is this , that if a point be not nothing , then the whole is greater then its two halfs . how does that follow ? is it impossible when a line is divided into two halfs that the middle point should be divided into two halfs also , being quantity ? at the seventh article , i have sufficiently demonstrated , that all motion is infinitely propagated , as far as space is filled with body . you alleadge no fault in the demonstration , but object from sense , that the skipping of a flea , is not propagated to the indies . if i ask you how you know it , you may wonder perhaps ; but answer you cannot . are you philosophers or geometricians , or logicians , more then are the simplest of rurall people ? or are you not rather less , by as much as he that standeth still in ignorance , is nearer to knowledge , then he that runneth from it by erroneous learning ? and lastly , what an absurd objection is it which you make to the eighth article , where i say that when two bodies of equall magnitude fall upon a third body , that which falls with greater velocity , imprints the greater motion ? you object , that not so much the magnitude is to be considered as the weight ; as if the weight made no difference in the velocity , when notwithstanding weight is nothing else but motion downward ? tell me , when a weighty body thrown upwards worketh on the body it meeteth with , do you not then think it worketh the more for the greatness , and the less for the weight ? of the faults that occurre in demonstration . to the same egregious professors of the mathematicks in the university of oxford . lesson iiii. of twenty articles which you say ( of nineteen which i say ) make the six teenth chapter ; you except but three , and confidently affirm the rest are false . on the contrary , except three or four faults , such as any geometrician may see proceed not from ignonorance of the subject , or from want of the art of demonstration , ( and such as any man might have mended of himself ) but from security ; i affirm that they are all true , and truly demonstrated ; and that all your objections proceed from meer ignorance of the mathematiques . the first fault you find is this , that i express not , ( art. 1. ) what impetus it is , which i would have to be multiplyed into the time. the last article of my thirteenth chapter was this , if there be a number of quantities propounded , howsoever equall or unequall to one another ; and there be another quantity which so often taken as there be quantities propounded , is equall to their whole sum ; that quantity i call the mean arithmeticall of them all . which definition i did there insert to serve me in the explication of those propositions of which the sixteenth chapter consisteth , but did not use it here as i intended . my first proposition therefore as it standeth yet in the latine , being this , the velocity of any body moved during any time , is so much as is the product of the impetus in one point of time , multiplyed into the whole time ; to a man that hath not skill enough to supply what is wanting , is not intelligible . therefore i have caused it in the english to go thus , the velocity of any body in whatsoever time moved , hath its quantity determined by the sum of all the severall ( impetus ) quicknesses , which it hath in the severall points of the time of the bodies motion , a●d ad●ed , that all the impetus together taken through the whole time is the same thing with the mean impetus ( which mean is defined chapter 13. art. 29. ) multiplyed into the whole time. to this first article , as it is uncorrected in the latine , you object , that meaning by impetus some middle impetus , and assigning none , i determine nothing . and 't is true . but if you had been geometricians ●…ficient to be professors , you would have shewed your skill much better , by making it appear that this middle impetus could be none but that , which being taken so often , as there b● points in the line of time , would be equall to the sum of all the severall impetus taken in the points of time respectively ; which you could not do . to the corollary , you ask first how impetus can be ordinately applyed to a line ; absurdly . for does not ar●himedes sometimes say , and with him many other excellent geometricians , let such a line be the time ? and do they not mean , that that line , or the motion over it , is the measure of the time ? and may not also a line serve to measure the swiftness of a motion ? you thought ( you say ) onely lines ought to be said to be ordinately applyed to lines . which i easily believe ; for i see you understand not that a line , though it be not the time it self , may be the quantity of a time. you thought also all you have , said in your elenchus , in your doctrine of the angle of contact , in your arithmetica infinitorum , and in your coniques is true ; and yet it is almost all proved false , and the rest nothing worth . secondly , you object , that i design a parallelogram by one onely side . it was indeed a great oversight , and argueth somewhat against the man , but nothing against his art. for he is not worthy to be thought a geometrician that cannot supply such a fault as that , and correct his book himself . though you could not do it , yet another from beyond sea took notice of the same fault in this manuer , he maketh a parallelogram of but one side ; it should be thus , ve● denique per parallelogr●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 latus est medium proportionale int●r impetum maximum ( five ultimò acquisitum ) & impetûs ejusdem maximi semissem ; alterum vero latus , medium proportionale , inter totum tempus , & ejus●'em totius temporis semissem . which i therefore repeat , that you may learn good manners ; and know , that they who reprehend , ought also , when they can , to add to their reprehension the correction . at the second article , you are pleased to advise me , instead of in omni motu uniformi , to put in in omnibus motibus uniformibus . you have a strange opinion of your own judgement , to think you know to what end another man useth any word , better then himself . my intention was onely to consider motions uniform , and motions from rest uniformly , or regularly accelerated , that i might thereby compute the lengths of crooked lines , such as are described by any of those motions . and therefore it was enough to prove this theoreme to be true in all uniform or uniformly accelerated motion , not motions ; though it be true also in the plurall . it seems you think a man must write all he knows , whether it conduce , or not , to his intended purpose . but that you may know that i was not , ( as you think ) ignorant how far it might be extended , you may read it demonstrated at the same article in the english universally . against the demonstration it self you run to another article , namely , the thirteenth , which is this probleme , the length being given , which is passed over in a given time by uniform motion , to findet e length which shall be passed over by motion uniformely accelerated in the same time , so as that the impetus last acquired be equall to the time. which you recite imperfectly , thereby to make it seem that such a length is not determined . whether you did this out of ignorance , or on purpose , thinking it a piece of wit , as your pretended mysterie which goes immediately before , i cannot tell , fo● in neither place can any wit be espied by any but your selves . to imagine motions with their times and wayes , is a new business , and requires a steddy brain , and a man that can constantly read his own thoughts , without being diverted by the noise of words . the want of this ability , made you stumble and fall unhandsomely in the very first place , ( that is in chap. 13. art. 13. ) where you venture to reckon both motion and time at once ; and hath made you in this chapter to stumble in the like manner at every step you go . as for example , when i say , as the product of the time , and impetus , to the product of the time and impetus , so the space to the space when the motion is vniform , you come in with nay , rather as the time to the time ; as if the parallelograms ai , and ah , were not also as the times ab , and af. thus it is , when men venture upon ways they never had been in before , without a guide . in the corollary , you are offended with the permutation of the p●…ortion of times and lines , because you think , you that have scarce one right thought of the principles of geometry , that line , and time are heterogeneous quantities . i know time and line are of divers natures ; and more , that neither of them is quantity . yet they may be both of them quanta , that is , they may have quantity ; but that their quantities are heterogeneous is false . for they are compared and measured both of them by straight lines . and to this there is nothing contrary in the place cited by you out of clavius ; or if there were , 't were not to be valued . and to your question what is the proportion of an hour to an ell ; i answer , it is the same proportion that two hours have to two ells. you see your question is not so subtile as you thought it by and by you confess that in times and lines there is quid homogeneum ( ●…s quid is an infallible sign of not fully understanding what you say ) which is false it you ●ake it of the lines themselves ; though if you take it of their quantities , it is true without a quid. lastly , you tell me how i might have expressed my self so as it might have been true . but because your expressions please me not , i have not followed your advice . to the third article , which is this , in motu uniformiter à quiete accelerato , &c. in motion uniformly acceleratrd from rest , that is , when the impetus increaseth in proportion to the times , the length run over in one time is to the length run over in another time , as the product of the impetus multiplyed by the time , to the product of the impetus multiplyed by the time ; you object , that the lengths run over , are in that proportion which the impetus hath , to the impetus ; not that which the impetus hath to the time , because impetus to time has no proportion , as being heterogeneous . first , when you say the impetus , do you mean some one impetus designed by some one of the unequall straight lines parallel to the base b● ? that is manifestly false . you mean the aggregate of all those unequall parallels . but that is the same thing with the time multiplyed into the mean impetus . and so you say the same that i do . agai● , i ask where it is that i say or dream that the lengths run over are in the proportion of the impetus to the times ? is it you or i that dream ? and for your heterogeneity of the quantities of time and of swiftness , i have already in divers places shewed you your error . again , why do you make bi represent the lengths run over , which i make to be represented by de , a line taken at pleasure ; and you also a few lines before make the same bi to design the greatest acquired impetus ? these are things which shew that you are puzzled and intangled with the unusuall speculation of time and motion , and yet are thrust on with pride and spi●e to adventure upon the examination of this chapter . secondly , you grant the demonstration to be good , supposing i meane it ( as i seeme to speak ) of one and the same motion . but why doe i not meane it of one and the same motion , when i say not in motions , but in motion uniform ? because ( say you ) in that which follows , i draw it also to different motions . you should have given at least one instance of it ; but there is no such matter . and yet the proposition , is in that case also true ; though then it must not be demonstrated by the similitude of triangles , as in the case present . and therefore the objections you make from different impetus acquired in the same time , and from other cases which you mention , are nothing worth . at the fourth article , you allow the demonstration all the way ( except the faults of the third , which i have already proved to be none ) till i come to say , that because the proportion of fk to bi is double to the proportion of af to ab , therefore the proportion of ab to af is double to the proportion of bi to fk . this you deny , and wonder at , as strange ( for it is indeed strange to you ) and in many places you exclaim against it as extream ignorance in geometry . in this place you onely say , no such matter ; for though one proportion be double to another , yet it does not follow that th● converse is the double of the converse . so that this is the issue to which the question is reduced , whether you have any or no geometry . i say , if there he three quantities in continuall proportion , and the first be the least , the proportion of the first to the second is double to the proportion of the first to the third ; and you deny it . the reason of our dissent consisteth in this , that you think the doubling o● a proportion to be the doubling of the quantity of the proportion , as well in proportions of defect , ●s in proportions of excess ; and i think that the doubling of a proportion of defect , is the doubling of the defect of the quantity of the same . as for example in these three numb●…s , 1 , 2 , 4 , which are in continuall proportion , i say the quantity of the proportion o● one to two , is double the quantity of the proportion of one to four . and the quantity of the proportion of one to four , is half the quantity of the proportion of one to two . and yet deny not but that the quantity of the defect in the proportion of one to two is doubled in the proportion of one to four . but because the doubling of defect makes greate● defect , it maketh the quantity of the proportion less . and as for the part which i hold in this question , first , there is thus much demonstrated by euclide , e● . 5. prop. 8 ; that the proportion of one to two is greater then the proportion of one to four , though how much it is greater be not there demonstrated . secondly , i have demonstrated ( chap. 13. a●t . 16. ) that it is twice as great , that is to say , ( to a man that speaks english ) double . the introducing of duplicate , triplicate , &c. instead of double , triple , &c. ( thoug● now they be words well understood by such as understand what proportion is ) proceeded at first from such as durst not for fear of absurdity , call the half of any thing double to the whole , though it be manifest that the half of any defect is a double quantity to the whole defect ; ●or want added to want maketh greater want , that is , a less positive quantity . this difference between double , and duplicate , lighting upon weak understandings , h●s put men out of the way of true reasoning in very many questions of geometry . euclide never used but one word both for double and duplicate . it is the same fault when men call half a quantity subduplicate , and a third pa●t subtriplicate of the whole , with intention ( as in this case ) to make them pass for words of signification different from the half and the third part . besides , from my definition of proportion ( which is clear , and easie to be understood by all men , but such as have read the geometry of others unluckily ) i can demonstrate the same evidently and briefly thus . my definition is this , proportion is the quantity of one mag●itude taken comparatively to another . let there be therefore three quantities , 1 , 2 , 4 , in continuall proportion . seeing therefore the quantitity of four in respect of one , is twice as great as the quantity of the same four in respect of 2 , it followeth manifestly that the quantity of 1 in respect of 4 , is twice as little as the quantity of the same 1 in respect of 2 ; and consequently the quantity of one in respect of two , is twice as great as the quantity of the same one in respect of four ; which is the thing i maintain in this question would not a man that imployes his time at bowles , choose rather to have the advantage given him of three in nine , then of one in nine ? and why , but that three is a greater quantity in respect of nine , then is one ? which is as much as to say , three to nine hath a greater proportion then one to nine ; as is demonstrated by euclide , el. 5. 〈◊〉 . is it not therefore ( you that profess mathematiques , and theology , and practise the depression of the truth in both ) well ow●'d of you , to teach the contrary ? but where you say that the point k ( in the second figure of the table belonging to this 16. chapter ) is not in the parabolicall line whose diameter is ab , and base bi , but in the parabolicall line of the complement of my semiparabola ( as i may learn from the twenty-third proposition of your arithmetica infinitorum ) whose diameter is ac , and base ic . what line is that ? is it the same line with that of my semiparabola , or not the same ? if the same , why find you fault ? if not the same , you ought to have made a semiparabola on the diameter ac , and base ic , and following my const●uction made it appear that k is not in the line wherein i say it is ; which you have not done , nor could do . then again , running on in the same blindness of passion , you pretend i make the proportion of bi to fk double to that of ab to af , and then confute it ; when you knew i made the proportion of fk to bi , double to that of fn , to bi , that is , of af to ab ; and this was it you should have confuted . that which followeth is but a triumphing in your own ignorance , wherein you also say , that all that i afterwards build upon this doctrine is false . you see whether it be like to prove so or not . as for your arithmetica infinitorum , i shall then read to you a piece of a lesson on it when i come to your objections against the next chapter . in the mean time let me tell you , it is not likely you should be great geometricians , that know not what is quantity , nor measure , nor straight , nor angle , nor homogeneous , nor heterogeneous , nor proportion , as i have already made appear in this and the former lessons . to the first corollary of this fourth article your exception i confess is just , and ( which i wonder at ) without any incivility . but this argues not ignorance , but security . for who is there that ever read any thing in the coniques , that knows not that the parts of a parabola cut off by lines parallel to the base , are in triplicate proportion to their bases ? but having hitherto designed the time by the diameter , and the impetus by the bas● ; and in the next chapter ( where i was to calculate the proportion of the parabola , to the parallelogram ) intending to design the time by the base , i mistook and put the diameter again for the time ; which any man but you might as easily have corrected as reprehended . to the second corollarie , which is this , that the lengths run over in equall times by motion so accelerated , as that the imperus increase in double proportion to their times , are as the differences of the cubick numbers beginning at unity , that is , as seven , nineteen , thirty-seven , &c. you say 't is false . but why ? because ( say you ) portions of the parabola of equall altitude taken from the beginning are not as those numbers seven , nineteen , thirty-seven , &c. does this think you , contradict any thing in this proposition of mine ? yes , because ( you think ) the lengths gone over in equall times , are the same with the parts of the diameter cut off from the vertex , and proportionall to the numbers one , two , three , &c. whereas the lengths run over , are as the aggregates of their velocities , that is , as the parts of the parabola itself , that is , as the cubes of their bases , that is , as the numbers one , eight , twenty-seven , sixty-four , &c. and consequently the lengths run over in equall times , are as the differences of those cubick numbers one , eight , twenty-seven , sixty-four , whose differences are seven , nineteen , thirty-seven , &c. the cause of your mistake was , that you cannot yet , nor perhaps ever will contempla●e time and motion ( which requi●eth a steddy b●ain ) without confusion . the third corollary , you also say is false , whether it be meant of motion uniformly accelerated ( as the words are ) or ( as perhaps , you say , i meant it ) of such motion as is accelerated in double proportion to the tim● . you need not say perhaps i meant it . the words of the proposition are enough to make t●e meaning of the corollary understood . but so also you say it is false . me thinks you should have offered some little proof to make it seem so . you think your authority will carry it . but on the contrary i believe rather that they that shall see how your other objections hitherto have sped , will the rather think it true , because you think it false . the demonstration as it is , is evident enough ; and therefore i saw no cause to change a word of it . to the fifth article you object nothing , but that it dependeth on this proposition ( chap. 13. art. 16. ) t●at when thr●e quantities are in continuall proportion , and the first is the least , as in these numbers , four , six , nine . the proportion of the first to the second is double to the proportion of the same first to the last . which is there demonstrated , and in the former lessons so amply explicated , as no man can make any further doubt of the truth of it . and you will , i doubt not as●ent unto it . but in what estate of mind will you be then ? a man of a tender forehead after so much insolence , and so much contumelious language grounded upon arrogance and ignorance , would hardly indure to out-live it . in this vanity o● yours , you ask me whether i be angry , or blush , or can endure to hear you . i have some reason to be angry ; for what man can be so patient as not to be moved with so many injuries ? and i have some reason to blush , considering the opinion men will have beyond sea , ( when they shall see this in latine ) of the geometry taught in oxford . but to read the worst you can say against me , i can indure , as easily at least , as to read any thing you have written in your treatises of the angle of co●tact , of the conique-sections , or your arithmetica infinitorum . the sixth , seventh , eighth articles , you say are sound . true. but never the more to be thought so for your app●obation , but the less ; because you are not fit , neither to reprehend , nor praise ; and because all that you have hither to condemned as fals● , hath been proved true . then you shew me how you could demonstrate the sixth and seventh articles a shorter way . but though there be your symboles , yet no man is obliged to take them for demonstration . and though they be granted to be dumb demoostrations , yet when they are taught to speak as they ●ught to do , they will be longer demonstrations then these of mine . to the nineth article , which is this , if a body be moved by two movents at once , concurring in what angle so●ver , of which , one is moved uniformly , the other , with motion uniformly accelerated from rest , till it acquire an impetus equall to that of the uniform motion , the line in which the body is carried , shall be the crooked line of a semiparabola . you lift up your voice again , and ask what latitude ? what diameter ? what inclination of the diameter to the ordinate lines ? if your founder should see this , or the like objections of yours , he would think his money ill bestowed . when i say in what angle soever , you ask , in what angle ? when i say two movents , one unif●rm , the other uniformly accelerated , make the body describe a semiparabolicall line ; you ask , which is the diameter ; as not knowing that the accelerated motion describes the diameter , and the other a parallel to the base . and when i say the two movents meet in a point , form which point both the motions begin , and one of them from rest , you ask me , what is the altitude ? as if that point where the motion begins from rest were not the vertex ; or that the vertex and base being given , you had not wit enough to see that the altitude of the parabola is determined ? when galileo's proposition , which is he same with this of mine , supposed no more but a body moved by these two motions , to prove the line described to be the crooked line of a semiparabola , i never thought of asking him what altitude , nor what diameter , nor what angle , nor what base had his parabola . and when archimedes said , let the line a b be the time , i should never have said to him , do you think time to be a line , as you ask me whether i think impetus can be the base of a parabola . and why , but because i am not so egregious a mathematician , as you are . in this giddiness of yours , caused by looking upon this intricate business of motion , and of time , and the concourse of motion uniform , and uniformly accelerated , you rave upon the numbers 1 , 4 , 9 , 16 , &c. without reference to any thing that i had said ; insomuch as any one that had seen how much you have been deceived in them before in your scurvy book of arithmetica infinitorum , would presently conclude , that this objection was nothing else but a fit of the same madness which possest you there . my tenth article is like my nineth ; and your objections to it are the same which are to the former . therefore you must take for answer just the same which i have given to your objection there . to the eleventh , you say first , you have done it better at the sixty-fourth article of your arithmetica infinitorum . but what you have done there , shall be examined when i come to the defence of my next chapter . and whereas i direct the reader for the finding of the proportions of the complements of those figures to the figures themselves , to the table of art. 3. chap. 17. you say that if the encrease of the spaces , were to the encrease of the times , as one to two , then the complement should be to the parallelogram as one to three , and say you find not ⅓ in the table . did you not see that the table is onely of those figures which are described by the concourse of a motion uniform with a motion accelerated ? you had no reason therefore to look for ⅓ in that table ; for your case is of motion uniform concurring with motion retarded , because you make not the proportions of the spaces to the proportions of the times as two to one , but the contrary ; so that your objection ariseth from want of observing what you read . but i may learn ( you say ) these , and greater matters then these , in your twenty-third and sixty-fourth propositions of your arithmetica infinitorum . this which you say here is a great absurdity ; but if you mean i shall finde greater there , i will not say against you . this ⅓ you looked for , belongs to the complements of the figures calculated in that table ; which because you are not able to find out of your selves , i will direct you to them . your case is of ⅓ for the complement of a parabola . take the denominator of the fraction which belongs to the parabola , namely three , and for numerator take the numerator of the fraction which belongs to the triangle , namely one , and you have the fraction sought . and in like manner for the complement of any other figuer . as for example , of the second parabolaster , whose fraction hath for denominator five , take the numerator of the fraction of the same triangle which is one , and you have ⅕ for the fraction sought for ; and so of the rest , taking alwayes one for the numerator . the twelfth article , which you say is miserably false , i have left standing unaltered . for not comprehending the sense of the proposition , you make a figure of your own , and fight against your own fancied motions , different from mine . other geometricians that understand the construction better , find no fault . and if you had in your own fifth figure drawn a line through n parallel to a e , and upon that line supposed your accelerated motion , you would quickly have seen that in the time ae , the body moved from rest in a , would have fallen short of the diagonall a d ; and that all your extravagant pursuing of your own mistake had been absurd . my thirteenth article you say is ridiculous . but why ? the impetus last acquired cannot ( you say ) be equall to a time. but the quantity of the impetus may be equall to the quantity of a time , seeing they are both measured by line . and when they are measured by the same described line , each of their quantities is equall to that same line , and consequently to one another . but when i meet with this kind of objection again , since i have so often already shewn it to be frivolous , and no l●ss to be objected against all the antients that ever demonstrated any thing by motion , then against me , i purpose to neglect it . secondly , you object that motion uniformly accelerated does no more determine swiftness , then motion uniform . true ; you needed not have used sixteen lines to set down that . but suppose i add ( as i do ) so as the last acquired impetus be equall to the time. but that ( you say ) is not sense ; which is the objection i am to neglect . but ( you say again ) supposing it sense , this limitation helps me nothing . why ? because ( you say ) a parabola may be described upon a base given , and yet have any altitude , or any diameter one will. who doubts it ? but how follows it from thence , that when a parabolicall line is described by two motions , one uniform , the other uniformly accelerated from rest , that the determining of the base does not also determine the whole parabola ? but fifthly ( you say ) that this equality of the impetus to the time does not determine the base . why not ? because ( you say ) it is an error proceeding from this , that i understand not what is ratio subduplicate . i look't for this . i have shewn and inculcated sufficiently before , that the error is on your side ; and therefore must tell you , that this objection , and also a great part of the rest of your errors in geometry proceedeth from this , that you know not what proportion is . but see how wisely you argue about this duplication of proportion . for thus you say verbatim . stay a little . what proportion has duplicate proportion to single proportion ? is it alwayes the same ? i think not . for example . duplicate proportion is double to the single 2 / 1. duplicate proportion is triple to its single 3 / 1. let any man , even of them that are most ready in your symboles , say in your behalf ( if he be not ashamed ) that the proportion of nine to one is triple to the proportion of three to one , as you do . in the fourteenth , fifteenth , and sixteenth article , you bid me repeat your objections to the thirteenth . i have done it ; and find that what you have objected to the thirteenth , may as well be objected to these ; and consequently , that my answer there will also serve me here . therefore ( if you can endure it ) read the same answer over again . but you have not yet done ( you say ) with these articles . therefore ( after you had for a while spoken perplextly , conjecturing not without just cause , that i could not understand you ) you say that to the end i may the better perceive your meaning , i should take the example following . let a movent ( in the first figure of this chapter ) be moved uniformly , in the time a b , with the continuall impetus a c , or b i , whose whole velocity shall therefore be the parallelogram a c i b. and another movent be uniformly accelerated , so as in the time a b it acquire the same impetus b i. now as the whole velocity , is to the whole velocity , so is the length run over , to the length run over . all this i acknowledge to be according to my sense , saving that your putting your word movens instead of my word mobile hath corrupted this article . for in the first article , i meddle not with motion by concourse , wherein only i have to do with two movents to make one motion ; but in this i do , wherein my word is not movens but mobile ; by which it is easie to perceive you understand not this proposition . then you proceed , but the length run over by that accelerated motion is greater then the length run over by that unifo●… motion . where do i say that ? you answer , in the nineth and thirteenth article , in making 〈◊〉 ( in the fifth figure ) greater then a c ; and a h ( in the eighth figure ) greater then a b ; and consequently , the triangle a b i , greater then the parallelogram a c i b. that consequently is without consequence ; for it importeth nothing at all in this demonstration , whether a b , or a c in the fifth figure be the greater . besides , i speak there of the concourse of two movents that describe the parabolicall line a g d ; where the increasing impetus , ( because it increaseth as the times ) will be designed by the ordinate lines in the parabola a g d b. and if both the motions in a b and a c were uniform , the aggregate of the impetus would be designed by the triangle a b d , which is less then the parallelogram a c d b. but you thought that the motion made by a c uniformly , is the same with the motion made uniformly in the same time by the motions in a b , and a c , concurring . so likewise in the eighth figure , there is nothing hinders a h from being greater then a b , unless i had said that a b had been described in the time a c with the whole impetus a c maintained entire ; of which there is nothing in the proposition , nor would at all have been pertinent to it . therefore all this new undertaking of the thirteenth , fourteenth , fifteenth and sixteenth articles , is to as little purpose as your former objections . but i perceive that these new and hard speculations , though they turn the edge of your wit , turn not the edge of your malice . at the seventeenth article , you shew again the same confusion . return to the eighth figure , if in a time given a body run over two lengths , one with uniform , the other with accelerated motion ; as for example , if in the same time a c a body run over the line a b with uniform motion , and the line a h with motion accelerated ; and again in a part of that time it run over a part of the length a h , with uniform motion , and another part of the same with motion accelerated ; as for example , in the time a m it run over with uniform motion the line a i , and with motion accelerated the line a b. i say the excess of the whole a h above the part a b , is to the excess of the whole a b above the part a i , as the whole a h , to the whole a b. but first you will say , that these words as the whole a h to the whole a b , are left out in the proposition . but you acknowledge that it was my meaning ; and you see it is expressed before i come to the demonstration . and therefore it was absurdly done to reprehend it . let us therefore pass to the demonstration . draw i k parallel to a c , and make up the parallelogram a i k m. and supposing first the acceleration to be uniform , divide i k in the midst at n ; and between i n , and i k , take a mean proportionall i l. and the straight line a l , drawn and produced , shall cut the line b d in f , and the line c g in g ( which lines c g , and b d , as also h g and b f , are determined ( though you could not carry it so long in memory ) by the demonstration of the thirteen article . ) for seeing a b is described by motion uniformly accelerated , and a i by motion uniform to the same time a m ; and i l is a mean proportionall between i n ( the half of i k ) and i k ; therefore by the demonstration of the thirteenth article ; a i is a mean proportionall between a b and the half of a b , namly a o. again , because a b is described by uniform motion , and a h by motion uniformly accelerated , both of them in the same time a c , b f is a mean proportionall betwen b d and half b d , namely b e ; therefore by the demonstration of the same thirteenth article , the straight line a l f produced will fall on g ; and the line a h will be to the line a b , as the line a b to the line a i. and consequently as a h to a b , so h b to b i ; which was to be demonstrated . and by the like demonstration the same may be proved , where the acceleration is in any other proportion that can be assigned in numbers , saving that whereas this demonstration dependeth on the construction of the thirteenth article , it the motion had been accelerated in double proportion to the times , it would have depended on the fourteenth , where the lines are determined . which determinations being not repeated , but declared before in the thirteenth article , to which this diagram belongeth , you take no notic● of , but go back to a figure belonging to another article where there was no use of these determinations . but because i see that the words of the proposition , are as of four motions , and not of two motions made by twice two movents , i must pardon them that have not righ●ly understood my meaning ; and i have now made the proposition according to the demonstration . which being done , all that you have said in very neer two leaves of your elenchus comes to nothing ; and the fault you find comes to no more then a too much trusting to the skill and diligence of the reader . and whereas after you had sufficiently troubled your self upon this occasion , you add , that if sir h. savile had read my geometry , he had never given that censure of joseph scaliger , in his lectures upon euclide , that he was the the worst geometrician of all mortall men , not excepting so much as orontius , but that praise should have been kept for me ; you see by this time , at least others do , how little i ought to value that opinion ; and that though i be the least of geometricians , yet my geometry is to yours as 1 to 0. i recite these words of yours , to let the world see your indiscretion in mentioning so needlesly that passage of your founder . it is well known that joseph scaliger deserved as well of the state of learning , as any man before or since him ; and that though he failed in his ratiocination concerning the quadrature of the circle , yet there appears in that very failing so much knowledge of geometry , that sir h. savile could not but see that there were mortall men very many that had less ; and consequently he knew that that censure of his in a rigid sense ( without the license of an hyperbole ) was unjust . but who is there that will approve of such hyperboles to the dishonour of any but of unworthy persons , or think joseph scaliger unworthy of honour from learned men ? besides , it was not sir h. savile that confuted that false quadrature , but clavius . what honour was it then for him to triumph in the victory of another ? when a beast is slain by a lion , is it not easie for any of the fowles of the air to settle upon , and peck him ? lastly , though it were a great error in scaliger , yet it was not so great a fault as the least sin ; and i believe that a publique contumely done to any worthy person after his death , is not the least of sins . judge therefore whether you have not done indiscreetly , in reviving the onely fault , perhaps that any man living can lay to your founders charge ; and yet this error of scaligers was no greater then one of your own of the like nature , in making the true spirals of archimedes equall to half the circumference of the circle of the first revolution ; and then thinking to cover your fault by calling it afterwards an aggregate of arches of circles ( which is no spirall at all of any kind ) you do not repair but double the absurdity . what would sir henry savile have said to this ? the eighteenth article is this , in any parallelogram , if the two sides that contain the angle be moved to their opposite sides , the one uniformly , the other uniformly accelerated ; the side that is moved uniformly , by its concourse through all its longitude , hath the same effect which it would have if the other motion were also uniform , and the line described , were a mean proportionall between the whole length , and the half of the same . to the proposition you object first , that it is all one whether the other motion be uniform or not , because the effect of each of their motions , is but to carry the body to the opposite side . but do you think that whatsoever be the motions , the body shall be carryed by their concourse alwayes to the same point of the opposite side ? if not , then the effect is not all one when a motion is made by the concourse of two motions uniform and accelerated , and when it is made by the concourse of two uniform or of two accelerated motions . secondly , you say that these words , and the line described were a mean proportionall between the whole length , and the half of the same , have no sense , or that you are deceived . true. for you are deceived ; or rather you have not understanding enough distinctly to conceive variety of motions though distinctly expressed . for when a line is gone over with motion uniformly accelerated , you cannot understand how a mean proportionall can be taken between it and its half ; or if you can , you cannot conceive that that mean can be gone over with uniform motion in the same time that the whole line was run over by motion uniformly accelerated . yet these are things conceivable , and your want of understanding must be made my fault . my demonstration is this , in the parallelogram a b c d , ( fig. 11. ) let the side a b be conceived to be moved uniformly till it lye in c d ; and let the time of that motion be a c , or b d. and in the same time let it be conceived that a c is moved with uniform acceleration , till it lye in b d. to which you object , that then the acceleration last acquired must be far greater then that wherewith a b is moved uniformly ; else it shall never come to the place you would have it in the same time. what proof bring you for this ? none here . where then ? no where that i remember . on the contrary i have proved ( art. 9. of this chapter ) that the line described by the concourse of those two motions , namely , uniform from a b to c d , and uniformly accelerated from a c to b d , is the crooked line of the s●miparabola a h d. and though i had not , yet it is well known that the same is demonstrated by galileo . and seeing it is manifest that in what proportion the motion is accelerated in the line a b , in the same proportion the impetus beginning from rest in a is encreased in the same times ( which impetus is designed all the way by the ordinate lines of the semi-parabola ) the greatest impetus acquired must needs be the base of the semiparabola , namely b d , equal to a c which designs the whole time. i cannot therefore imagine what should make you say without proof , that the greatest acquired impetus is greater then that which is designed by the base b d. next you say , you see not to what end i divide a b in the middle at e. no wonder ; for you have seen nothing all the way . others would s●● it is necessary for the demonstration ; as also that the point f is not to be taken arbitrarily ; and likewise that the thirteenth article ( which you admit not for proof ) is sufficiently demonstrated , and your objections to it answered . by the way you advise me , where i say percursam codem motu uniformi , cum impetu ubique &c. to blot out cum ; because the impetus is not a companion in the way , but the cause . pardon me in that i cannot take your learned counsell ; for the word motu uniformi is the ablative of the cause , and impetu the ablative of the manner . but to come again to your objections , you say i make a greater space run over in the same time by the slower motion then by the swifter . how does that appear ? because there is no doubt , but the swiftness is greater where the greatest impetus is alwaies maintained , then where it is attained to in the same time from rest. true , but that is when they are considered asunder without concourse , but not then when by the concourse they debilitate one another , and describe a third line different from both the lines , which they would describe singly . in this place i compare their effects as contributing to the the description of the parabolicall line a h d. what the effects of their severall motions are , when they are considered asunder , is sufficiently shewn b●fore in the first article . you should first have gotten into your mindes the perfect and distinct ideás of all the motions mentioned in this chapter , and then have ventured upon the censure of them , but not before . and then you would have seen that the body moved from a , describeth not the line a c , nor the line a b , but a third , namely the semiparabolicall line a h d. again , where i say , wherefore if the whole a b be uniformly moved to c d , in the same time wherein a c is moved uniformly to f g ; you ask me whether with the same impetus or not . how is it possible that in the same time two unequall lengths should be passed over with the same impetus ? but why ( say you ) do you not tell us with what impetus a c comes to f g ? what need is there of that , when all men know that in unifo●m motion and the same time , impetus is to impetus , as length to length ? which to have expressed had not ●een pertinent to the demonstration . that which follows in the demonstration rursus suppono quod latus a c , &c. to these words , ut ostensum est , art. 12 , you confute with saying you have proved that article to be false . but you may see now , if you please , at the same place that i have proved your objections to be frivolous . after this you run on without any argument against the rest of the demonstration , shewing nothing all the way , but that the variety and concourse of motions , the speculations whereof you have not been used to , have made you giddy . to the nineteenth article you apply the same objection which you made to the eighteenth . which having been answered , it appeares that from the very beginning of your elenchus to this place all your objections ( except such as are made to three or four mistakes of small importance in setting down my mind , ) are meer paralogisms , and such as are less pardonable then any paralogism in orontius , both because the subject as less difficult is more easily mastered , and because the same faults are more shamefully committed by a reprehender then by any other man. i had once added to these nineteen articles a twentieth , which was this , if from a point in the circumference there be drawn a chord , and a tangent equall to it , the angle which they make shall be double to the aggregate of all the angles made by the chords of all the equal arches into which the arch given canpossibly be divided . which proposition is true , and i did when i writ it think i might have use of it . but be it , or the demonstration of it true or false , seeing it was not published by me , it is somewhat barbarous to charge me with the faults thereof . no doctor of humanity but would have thought it a poor and wretched malice , publiquely to examine and censure papers of geometry never published , by what means soever they came into his hands . i must confess that in these words , in such kind of progression arithmeticall ( that is , which begins with o ) the sum of all the numbers taken together , is equall to half the number that is made by multiplying the greatest into the least , there is a great error ; for by this account these numbers , 0 , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , taken together should be equall to nothing . i should have said they are equall to that number which is made by multiplying half the greatest into the number of the terms . there was therefore , if those words were mine ( for truly i have no copy of them , nor have had since the book was printed , and i have no great reason , as any man may see , to trust your faith ) a great error in the writing , but not an erroneous opinion in the writer . the demonstration so corrected is true . and the angles that have the proportions of the numbers 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , are in the table of your elenchus , fig. 12. the angles g a d , h d e , i e f , k f b. and if the divisions were infinite , so that the first were not to be reckoned but as a cypher , the angle c a b would be double to them all together . this mistake of mine , and the finding that i had made no use of it in the whole book , was the cause why i thought fit to leave it quite out . but your professorships , could not forbear to take occasion thereby , to commend your zeal against leviathan to your doctorships of divinity , by censuring it . of the faults that occurre in demonstration . to the same egregious professors of the mathematicks in the university of oxford . lesson v. at the seventeenth chapter , your first exception is to the definition of proportionall prop●rtions , which is this , four proportions are then proportionall , when the first is to the second , as the third to the fourth . the reader will hardly believe that your exception is in earnest . you say i mean not by proportionality the quantity of the proportions . yes i do , therefore i say again , that four proportions are then proportionall , when the quantity of the first proportion , is to the quantity of the second proportion , as the quantity of the third proportion , to the quantity of the fourth proportion . is not my meaning now plainly enough expressed ? or is it not the same definition with the former ? but what do i mean ( you will say ) by the quantity of a proportion ? i mean the determined greatness of it , that is , for example , in these numbers , the quantity of the proportion of two to three , is the same with the quantity of the proportion of four to six , or six to nine ; and again , the quantity of the proportion of six to four , is the same with the quantity of the proportion of nine to six , or of three to two . but now what do you mean by the quantity of a proportion ? you mean that two and three , are the quantities of the proportion of two to three ( for so euclide calls them ) and that six and four are the quantities of the proportion of six to four , which is the same with the proportion of three to two . and by this rule , one and the same proportion shall have an infinite number of quantities ; and consequently the quantity of a proportion can never be determined . i call one proportion double to another , when one is equall to twice the other ; as the proportion of four to one , is double to the proportion of two to one . you call that proportion double where one number , line , or quantity absolute is double to the other ; so that with you the proportion of two to one is a double proportion . it is easie to understand how the number two is double to one , but to what i pray you , is double the proportion of two to one , or of one to two ? is not every double proportion double to some proportion ? see whether this geometry of yours can be taken by any man of sound mind for sense . but 't is known ( you say ) that in proportions double is one thing , and duplicate another ; so that it seems to you , that in talking of proportion men are allowed to speak senslessly . 't is known , you say . to whom ? it is indeed in use at this day to call jouble duplicate , and triple triplicate . and it is well enough ; for they are words that signifie the same thing , but that they differ ( in what subject soever ) i never heard till now . i am sure that euclide whom you have undertaken to expound , maketh no such difference . and even there where he putteth these numbers , one , two , four , eight , &c. for numbers in double proportion ( which is the last proposition of the nineth element ) he meaneth not that one to two , or two to one , is a double proportion , but that every number in that progression is double to the number next before it ; and yet lie does not call it analogia dupla , but duplicata . this distinction in proportions between double and duplicate , proceeded long after from want of knowledge that the proportion of one to two is double to the proportion of one to four ; and this from ignorance of the different nature of proportions of excess , and proportions of defect . and you that have nothing but by tradition saw not the absurdities that did hang thereon . in the second article i make e k , ( fig. 1. ) the third part of l k , which you say is false ; and consequently the proposition undemonstrated . and thus you prove it false . let a c be to g c , or g k to g l , as eight to one ( for seeing the point g is taken arbitrarily , we may place it where w● will , &c. ) and upon this placing of g arbitrarily , you prove well enough that e k is not a third part ●f l k. but you did not then observe , that i make the altitude a g , less then any qu●ntity given , and by consequence e k to differ from a third part by a less difference then any quantity that can be given . therefore as yet the demonstration proccedeth well enough . but perceiving your oversight , you thought fit ( though before , you thought this confutation sufficient ) to endeavour to confure it another way ; but with much more evidence of ignorance . for when i come to say , the proportion therefore between a c and g c is triple ( in arithmeticall proportion ) to the proportion between g k and g e , &c. you say the proportion of a c to g c , is the proportion of identity , as also that of g k to g e. but why ? does my construction make it so ? do not i make g c less then a c , though with less difference then any quantity that can be assigned ? and then where i say therefore e k is the third part of l k , you come in ( by parenthesis ) with ( or a fourth , or a fifth &c. ) upon what ground ? because you think it will pass for current , without proof , that a point is nothing . which if it do , geometry also shall pass for nothing , as having no ground nor beginning but in nothing . but i have already in a former lesson sufficiently shew'd you the consequence of that opinion . to which i may add , that it destroys the method of indivisibles , invented by bonaventura ; and upon which , not well understood , you have grounded all your scurvy book of arithmetica infinitorum ; where your indivisibles have nothing to do , but as they are supposed to have quantity , that is to say , to be divisibles . you allow , it seems , your own nothings to be somethings , and yet will not allow my somethings to be considered as nothing . the rest of your objections having no other ground then this , that a point is nothing , my whole demonstration standeth firm ; and so do the demonstrations of all such geometricians , ancient and modern , as have inferred any thing in the manner following , viz. if it be not greater nor less , then it is equall . but it is neither greater nor less . therefore , &c. if it be greater , say by how much . by so much . 't is not greater by so much . therefore it is not greater . if it be less , say by how much , &c. which being good demonstrations are together with mine overthrown by the nothingness of your point , or rather of your unstanding ; upon which you nevertheless have the vanity of advising me what to do , if i demonstrate the same again ; meaning i should come to your false , impossible , and absurd method of arithmetica infinitorum , worthy to be gilded , i do not mean with gold. and for your question , why i set the base of my figure upwards , you may be sure it was not because i was affraid to say , that the proportions of the ordinate lines beginning at the vertex were triplicate , or otherwise multiplicate of the proportions of the intercepted parts of the diameter . for i never doubted to call double duplicate , nor triple triplicate , &c. or if i had , i should have avoided it afterwards at the tenth article of the same chapter . but because when i went about t● compare the proportions of the ordinate lines with those of their contiguous diameters , the first thing i considered in them was in what manner the base grew less and less till it vanished into a point . and th●ugh the base had been placed below , it had not therefore required any change in the demonstration . but i was the more apt to place the base uppermost , because the motion began at the base , and ended at the vertex . to proceed which way i pleased was in my own choice ; and it is of grace that i give you any account of it at all . to the third article together with its table , you say , it falls in the ruine of the second ; and that the same is to be understood of the sixth , seventh , eighth and nineth . for confutation whereof i need to say no more , but that they all stand good by the confutation of your objections to the second . to the fourth article you say , the description of those curvilineall figures is easie . true , to some men ; and now that i have shewed you the way , 't is easie enough for you also . for the way you propound is wholly transcribed out of the figure of the second article , which article you had before rejected . for seeing the lines hf , ge , ab , &c. are equall to the lines cq , co , cd ; and the lines qf , oe , db , equall to the lines ch , cg , ca ; the proportion of db to oe , will be triple ( that is , triplicate ) to the proportion of co to ge ; and the proportion of db to qf , triple to the proportion of cd to cq ; and consequently , because the complement bdcfeb is made by the decrease of ac in triple proportion to that of the decrease of cd , it will be ( by the second article ) a third part of the figure abefca . so that it comes all to one pass , whether we take triple proportion in decreasing to make the complement , or triple proportion in increasing to make the figure ; for the proportion of hf to ba , is triple to the proportion of ch to ca. wherefore you have done no more but what you have seen first done , saving that from your construction you prove not the figure to be triple to the complement ; perhaps because you have proved the contrary in your arithmetica infinitorum . but your way differs from mine , in that you call the proportion subtriplicate , which i call triplicate ; as if the divers naming of the same thing made it differ from its self . you might as well have said briefly , the proposition is true , but ill proved , because i call the proportion of one to two triple , or triplicate of that of one to eight ; which you say is salse , and hath infected the fourth , fifth , nineth , tenth , eleventh , thirteenth , fourteenth , fifteenth , sixteenth , seventeenth and nineteenth articles of the sixteenth chapter . but i say , and you know now , that it is true ; and that all those articles are demonstrated . lastly you add , tu vero , in presente articulo , &c. id est , you bid find as many mean proportionals as one will , between two given lines ; as if that could not be done by the geometry of plains , &c. you might have left out tu vero to seek an ego quidem . but tell me , do you think you can find two mean proportionals ( which is less then as many as one will ) by the geometry of plaines ? we shall see anon how you go about it . i never said it was impossible , and if you look upon the places cited by you more attentively , you will find your self mistaken . but i say , the way to do it has not been yet found out , and therefore it may prove a solid probleme for any thing you know . the fifth article you reject , because it citeth the corollarie of the twenty-eighth article of the thirteenth chapter , where there is never a word to that purpose . but there is in the twenty-sixth article ; which was my own fault , though you knew not but it might have been the printers . to the tenth you object for almost three leaves together , against these words of mine , because ( in the sixth figure ) bf is to be in triplicate proportion of cd to fe , therefore inverting , fe is to cd in triplicate proportion of bf to bc. this you objected then . but now that i have taught you so much geometry , as to know that of three quantities , begining at the least , if the third be to the first in triplicate proportion of the second to the first , also by conversion the first to the second shall be in triplicate proportion of the first to the third ; if it were to do again , you would not object it . my eleventh article you would allow for demonstrated , if my second had been deccenstrated , upon which it dependeth . therefore seeing your objections to that article are sufficiently answered , this article also is to be allowed . the twelfth also is allowed upon the same reason . what falsities you shall finde in such following propositions as depend upon the same second article , we shall then see when i come to the places where you object against them . to the thirteenth article you object , that the same demonstration may be as well applyed to a portion of any conoeides parabolicall , hyporbolicall , ellipticall , or any other , as to the portion of a sphere . by the truth of this let any man judge of your and my geometry . your comparison of the sphere and conocides , so far holds good , as to prove that the superficies of the conoeides is greater then the superficies of the cone described by the subtense of the parabolicall , hyperbolicall , or ellipticall line . but when i come to say that the cause of the excess of the superficies of the portion of the sphere above the superficies of the cone , confisis in the angle-dab , and the cause of the excess of the circle made upon the tangent ad above the superficies of the same cone , consists in the magnitude of the same angle dab , how will you apply this to your con●… ? for suppose that the crocked line ab ( in the seventh figure ) were not an arch of a circle , do you think that the angles which it maketh with the subtense ab , at the points a and b must needs be equall ? or if they be not , does the excess of the superficies of the circle upon ad above the superficies of the cone , or the exceis of the superfici●s of the portion of the conoeides above the superficies of the same cone consist in the angle dab , o● rather in the ●…tude of the two unequall angles dab , and aba ? you should have drawn some other crooked line , and made tangents to it through a and b , and you would presently have seen your error . see how you can answer this ; for if this demonstration of minestand firm , i may be bold to say , though the same be well demonstrated by ar●… , that this way of mine is more naturall , as proceeding immediately from the naturall efficient causes of the effect contained in the conclusion ; and besides , more brief and more easie to be followed by the fancy of the reader . to the fourteenth article you say that i commit a circle in that i require in the fourth article the finding of two mean proportionals , and come not till now to show how it is to be done . nor now neither . but in the mean time you commit two mistakes in saying so . the place cited by you in the fourth article is ( in the latine ) pag. 149. lin 9. ( in the english ) pag. 188. lin. 3. let any reader judge whether that be a requiring it , or a supposing it to be done ; this is your first mistake . the second is , that in this place the preposition itself , which is , if those deficient figures could be described in a parallel●gram exquisitely , there might be found thereby between any two lines given , as many mean proportionals as one would , is a theoreme , upon supposition of these crooked lines exquisitely drawn ; but you take it for a probleme . and proceeding in that error , you undertake the invention of two mean proportionals , using therein my first figure , which is of the same construction with the eighth that belongeth to this fourteenth article . your construction is , let there be taken in the diameter ca ( figure 1 ) the two given lines , or two others proportionall to them , as ch , cg , and their ●●●nate lines hf , ge ( which by construction are in subtriplicate pr●p●rtion of the intercepted diameters . ) these lines will shew the proportions which those four proportionals are to 〈◊〉 . but how will you find the length of hf or ge , the ordinate lines ? will you not do it by so drawing the crooked line cfe as it may pa●s through both the points f and e ? you may make it pass through one of them , but to make it pass through the other , you must finde two mean proportionals between gk and gl , or between hi and hp ; which you cannot do , unless the crooked line be exactly drawn ; which it cannot be by the geometry of plunes . go show this demonstration of yours to orontius , and see what he will say to it . i am now come to an end of your objections to the seventeenth chapter , where you have an epiphonema not to be passed over in silence . but becaus● you p●etend to the d●…tration of some of these propositions by another method in your arithmetica infinitorum , i shall first try whether you be able to defend those demonstrations as well as i have done theie of mine by the method of motion . the first proposition of your arithmetica infinitorum is this l●mma . in a s●ries ( or row ) of quantities arith ●tically proportionall , beginning at a poi●t or cyp●●r as 0 , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. to finde the proportion of the aggregate of them all , to the aggregate of so many times the greatest , as there are terms . this is to be done by multiplying the greatest into half the number of the terms . the demonstration is easie . but how do you demonstrate the same ? the most simple way ( say you ) of finding this and some other problemes , it to do the thing it self a little way , and to observe and compare the appearing proportions , and then by induction , to conclude it universally . egregious logicians and geometricians , that think an induction without a numeration of all the particulars sufficient to infer a conclusion universall , and fit to be received for a geometricall demonstration ! but why do you limit it to the naturall consequution of the numbers , 0 , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , & c ? is it not also true in these numbers , 0 , 2 , 4 , 6 , &c. or in these , 0 , 7 , 14 , 21 , & c ? or in any numbers where the diff●rence of nothing and the first number is equall to the difference between the first and second , and between the second and third & c ? again , are not these quantities 1 , 3 , 5 , 7 , &c. in continuall proportion arithmaticall ? and if you put before them a cypher thus , 0 , 1 , 3 , 5 , 7 , do you think that the sum of them is equall to the half of five times seven ? therefore though your lemma be true , and by me ( chap. 13. art. 5. ) demonstrated ; yet you did not know why it is true ; which also appears most evidently in the first proposition of your conique-sections . where first you have this , that a parallelogram whose altitude is infinitely little , that is to say , none , is scarce any thing else but a line . is this the language of geometry ? how do you determine this word scarce ? the least altitude , is somewhat or nothing . if somewhat , then the first character of your arithmeticall progression must not be a cypher ; and consequently the first eighteen propositions of this y●ur arithmetica infinitorum are all naught . if nothing , then your whole figure is without altitude , and consequently your understanding naught . again , in the same proposition , you say thus , we will sometimes call those parallelograms rather by the name of lines then of parallelograms , at least , when there is no consideration of a determinate altitude ; but where there is a consideration of a determinate altitude ( which will happen sometimes ) there that little altitude shall be so far considered , as that being infinitely multiplyed it may be equall to the altitude of the whole figure . see here in what a confusion you are when you resist the truth . when you consider no determinate altitude ( that is , no quantity of altitude ) then you say your parallelogram shall be called a line . but when the altitude is determined ( that is , when it is quantity ) then you will call it a parallelogram . is not this the very same doctrine which you so much wonder at and reprehend in me , in your objections to my eighth chapter , and your word considered used as i used it ? 't is very ugly in one that so bitterly reprehendeth a doctrine in another , to be driven upon the same himself by the force of truth when he thinks not on 't . again , seeing you admit in any case , those infinitely little altitudes to be quantity , what need you this limitation of yours , so far forth as that by multiplication they may be made equall to the altitude of the whole figure ? may not the half , the third , the fourth , or the firth part , &c. be made equall to the whole by multiplication ? why could you not have said plainly , so far forth as that every one of those infinitely little altitudes be not only something but an aliquo●part of the whol● ? ●o you will have an infinitely little altitude , that is to say a point , to be both nothing and something and an aliquot part . and all this proceeds from not understanding the ground of your profession . well , the lemma is true . let us see the theoremes you draw from it . the first is ( pag. 3. ) that a triangle to a parallelogram of equall base and altitude is as one to two . the conclusion is true , but how know you that ? because ( say you ) the triangle consists as it were ( as is were , is no phrase of a geometrician ) of an infinite number of stra●ght parallel lines . does it so ? then by your own doctrine , which is , that lines have no breadth , the altitude of your triangle consisteth of an infinite number of no altitudes , that is of an infinite number of nothings , and consequently the area of your triangle has no quantity . if you say that by the parallels you mean infinitely little parallelograms , you are never the better ; for if infinitely little , either they are nothing , or if somewha● , yet seeing that no two sides of a triangle are parallel , those parallels cannot be parallelograms . i see they may be counted for parallelograms by not considering the quantity of their altitudes in the demonstration . but you are barred of that plea , by your spightfull arguing against it in your elenchus . therefore this third proposition , and with it the fourth is undemonstrated . your fifth proposition is , the spirall line is equall to half the circle of the first revolution . but what spirall line ? we shall understand that by your construction , which is this , the straight line ma , ( in your figure which i have placed at the end of the fifth lesson ) turned round ( the point m remaining unmoved ) is supposed to describe with its point a the circle aoa , whilst some point ( in the same ma whilst it goes about ) is supposed to be moved uniformly from m to a describing the spirall line . this therefore is the spirall line of archimedes ; and your proposition affirms it to be equall to the half of the circle aoa ; which you perceived not long after to be false . but thinking it had been true , you go about to prove it , by inscribing in the circle an infinite multitude of equall angles , and consequently an infinite number of sectors , whose arches will therefore be in arithmeticall proportion ; which is true . and the aggregate of those arches equall to half the circumference aoa ; which is true also . and thence you conclude that the spirall line is equall to half the circumference of the circle aoa ; which is false . for the aggregate of that infinite number of infinitely little arches , is not the spirall line made by your construction , seeing by your construction the line you make is manifestly the spiral of archimedes ; whereas no number ( though infinite ) of arches of circles ( how little soever ) is any kind of spirall at all ; and though you call it a spirall , that is but a patch to cover your fault , and deceiveth no man but your self . besides , you saw not how absurd it was ( for you that hold a point to be absolutely nothing ) to make an infinite number of equall angles ( the radius increasing as the number of angles increaseth ) and then to say that the arches of the sectors whose angles they are , are as 0 , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. for you make the first angle 0 , and all the rest equall to it ; and so make 0 , 0 , 0 , 0 , 0 , &c. to be the same progression with 0 , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. the influence of this absurdity reacheth to the end of the eighteenth proposition . so many are therefore false , or nothing worth . and you needed not to wonder that the doctrine contained in them was omitted by archimedes , who never was so senseless as to think a spi●●ll line was compounded of arches of circles . your nineteenth proposition is this other lemma , in a series ( or a row ) of quantities , beginning from a point , or cypher , and proceeding according to the order of the square numbers , as 0 , 1 , 4 , 9 , 16 , &c. to finde what proportion the whole series hath to so many times the greatest . and you conclude the proportion to be that of 1 to 3. which is false , as you shall presently see . first , let the series of squares with the prefixed cypher , and under every one of them , the greatest 4 be and you have for the sum of the squares 5 , and for thrice the greatest 12 , the third part whereof is 4. but 5 is greater then 4 , by 1 , that is , by one twelfth of 12 ; which quantity is somewhat , let it be called a. again , let the row of squares be lengthened one term surther , and the greatest set under every one of them as ▪ the sum of the squares is 14 , and the sum of four times the greatest is 36 , whereof the third part is 12. but 14 is greater then 12 by two unities , that is , by two twelfths of 12 , that is , by 2 a. the difference therefore between the sum of the squares , and the sum of so many times the greatest square is greater , when the cypher is followed by three squares , then when by but two . again , let the row have five terms as in these numbers with the greatest five times subscribed , and the sum of the squares will be 30 , the sum of all the greatest will be 80. the third part whereof is 26 ⅔ . but 30 is greater then 26⅓ by 3⅓ , that is , by three twelfths of twelve and ⅓ of a twelfth , that is , by 3⅓ a. likewise in the series continued to six places with the greatest six times subscribed , as the sum of the squares is 55 , and the sum of the greatest six times taken is 150 , the third part where●f is 50. but 55 is greater then 50 by 5 , that is , by five twelfths of 12 , that is , by 5. a. and so continually as the row groweth longer , the excess also of the aggregate of the squares above the third part of the aggregate of so many times the greatest square , groweth greater . and consequently if the number of the squares were infinite , their sum would be so far from being equal to the third part of the aggregate of the greatest as often taken , as that it would be greater then it by a quantity greater then any that can be given or named . that which deceived you was partly this , that you think ( as you do in your elenchus ) that these fractions &c. are proportions , as if 1 / 12 were the proportion of one to twelve , and consequently 2 / 12 double the proportion of one to twelve ; which is as unintelligible as school-divinity ; and i assure you , far from the meaning of mr. ougthred in the sixth chapter of his clavis mathematicae , where he sayes that 43 / 7 is the proportion of 31 to 7 ; for his meaning is , that the proportion of 43 / 7 to one , is the proportion of 31 to 7 ; whereas if he meant as you do , then 86 / 7 should be double the proportion of 31 to 7. partly also because you think ( as in the end of the twentieth proposition ) that if the proportion of the numerators of these fractions to their denominators decrease eternally , they shall so vanish at last as to leave the proportion of the sum of all the squares to the sum of the greatest so often taken , ( that is , an infinite number of times ) as one to three , or the sum of the greatest to the sum of the increasing squares , as three to one ; for which there is no more reason then for four to one , or five to one , or any other such proportion . for if the proportions come eternally nearer and nearer to the subtriple , they must needs also come nearer and nearer to subquadruple ; and you may as well conclude thence that the upper quantities shall be to the lower quantities as one to four , or as one to five , &c. as conclude they are as one to three . you can see without admonition , what effect this false ground of yours will produce in the whole structure of your arithmetica infinitorum ; and how it makes all that you have said unto the end of your thirty-eighth proposition , undemonstrated , and much of it false . the thirty-nineth is this other lemma , in a series of quantities beginning with a point or cypher , and proceeding according to the series of the cubique numbers , as 0. 1. 8. 27. 64 , &c. to finde the proportion of the sum of the cubes to the sum of the greatest cube , so many times taken as there be terms , and you conclude that they have the proportion of 1 to 4 ; which is false . let the first series be of three terms subscribed with the greatest ; the sum of the cubes is nine ; the sum of all the greatest is 24 ; a quarter whereof is 6. but 9 is greater then 6 by three unities . an unity is something . let it be therefore a. therefore the row of cubes is greater then a quarter of three times eight , by three a. again , let the series have four terms , as ; the sum of the cubes is 36 ; a quarter of the sum of all the greatest is twenty-seven . but thirty-six is greater then twenty-seven by nine● that is , by 9 a. the excess therefore of the sum of the cubes above the fourth part of the sum of all the greatest , is increased by the increase of the number of terms . again , let the terms be five as the sum of the cubes is one hundred ; the sum of all the greatest three hundred and twenty ; a quarter whereof is eighty . but one hundred is greater then eighty by twenty , that is , by 20 a. so you see that this lemma also is false . and yet there is grounded upon it all that which you have of comparing parabolas and paraboloeides with the parallelograms wherein they are accommodated . and therefore though it be true , that the parabola is ⅔ , and the cubicall paraboloeides ¾ of their parallelograms respectively ' yet it is more then you were certain of when you referred ( me for the learning of geometry ) to this book of yours . besides , any man may perceive that without these two lemmas ( which are mingled with all your compounded series with their excesses ) there is nothing demonstrated to the end of your book . which to prosecute particularly , were but a vain expence of time . truly were it not that i must defend my reputation , i should not have shewed the world how little there is of sound doctrine in any of your books . for when i think how dejected you will be for the future , and how the grief of so much time irrecoverably lost , together with the conscience of taking so great a stipend , for mis-teaching the young men of the university , & the consideration of how much your friends wil be ashamed of you , will accompany you for the rest of your life , i have more compassion for you then you have deserved . your treatise of the angle of contact , i have before confuted in a very few leaves . and for that of your conique sections , it is so covered over with the scab of symboles that i had not the patience to examine whether it be well or ill demonstrated . yet i observed thus much , that you find a tangent to a point given in the section , by a diameter given ; and in the next chapter after , you teach the finding of a diameter , which is not artificially done . i observe also , that you call the parameter an imaginary line , as if the place thereof were less determined then the diameter it self ; and then you take a mean proportionall between the intercepted diameter , and its contiguous ordinate line to find it . and t is true , you find it● but the parameter has a determined quantity to be found without taking a mean proportional . for the diameter and half the section being given , draw a tangent through the vertex , and dividing the angle in the midst which is made by the diameter and tangent , the line that so divideth the angle , will cut the crooked line . from 〈◊〉 intersection draw a line ( if it be a parabola ) parallel to the diameter , and that line shall cut off in the tangent from the vertex the parameter sought . but if the section be an e●lipsis , or an hyperbole , you may use the same method , saving that the line drawn from the intersection must not be parallel , but must pass through the end of the transverse diameter , and then also it shall cut off a part of the tangent , which measured from the vertex is the parameter . so that there is no more reason to call the parameter an imaginary line then the diameter . lastly , i observe that in all this your new method of coniques you shew not how to find the burning points , which writers call the foci and umbilici of the section , which are of all other things belonging to the coniques most usefull in philosophy . why therefore were they not as worthy of your pains as the rest , for the rest also have already been demonstrated by others ? you know the focus of the parabola is in the axis distant from the vertex a quarter of the parameter . know also that the focus of an hyperbole , is in the axis , distant from the vertex , as much as the hypotenusall of a rectangled triangle , whose one side is half the transverse axis , the other side half the mean proportionall between the whole transverse axis and the parameter , is greater then half the transverse axis . the cause why you have performed nothing in any of your books ( saving that in your elen●…hus you have spied a few negligences of mine , which i need not be ashamed of ) is this , that you understood not what is quantity ; line , super●…ies , angle , and proportion ; without which you cannot have the science of any one proposition in geometry . from this one and first definition of euclise , a point is th●● whereof there is no p●●t , understood by sextus empiricus , as you understand it , that is to say , mis-understood , sextus empiricus hath utterly destroyed most of the rest , and demonstrated , that in geometry there is no science , and by that means you have betrayed the most evident of the sciences to the sceptiques . but as i understand it for that whereof no part is reckoned , his arguments have no force at all , and geometry is redeemed . if a line have no latitude , how shall a cylinder rowling on a plain , which it toucheth not but in a line , describe a superficies ? how can you affirm that any of those things can be without quantity , whereof the one may be greater or less then the other ? but in the common contact of divers circles the externall circle maketh with the common tangent a less angle of contact then the internall . why then is it not quantity ? an angle is made by the concourse of two lines from severall regions , concurring ( by their generation ) in one and the same point . how then can you say the angle of contact is no angle ? one measure cannot be applicable at once to the angle of contact , and angle of conversion . how then can you infer , if they be both angles , that they must be homogeneous ? proportion is the relation of two quantities . how then can a quotient or fraction , which is quantity absolute , be a proportion ? but to come at last to your ephiphonema , wherein , though i have perfectly demonstrated all those propositions concerning the proportion of parabolasters to their parallelog●ams , and you have demonstrated none of them ( as you cannot now but plainly see ) but committed most 〈◊〉 paralogisms , how could you be so transported with pride , as insolently to compare the setting of them forth as mine , to the act of him that steals a horse , and comes to the gallows for it . you have read , i think , of the gallows set up by haman . remember therefore also who was hanged upon it . after your dejection i shall comfort you a little , a very little , with this , that whereas this 18 chapter containeth two problems , one , the finding of a straight line equall to the ●rooked line of a semiparabola , the other , the finding of straight lines equall to the crocked lines of the parabolasters in the table of the third article of the 17 chapter ; you have ●…uly demonstrated that they are both false ; and another hath also demonstrated the same another way . nevertheless the fault was not in my method , but in a mistake of one line for another , and such as was not hard to correct ; and is now so corrected in the english as you shall not be able ( if you can sufficiently imagine motions ) to reprehend . the fault was this , that in the triangles which have the same . base and altitude with the parabola and parabolaster , i take for designation of the mean uniform impetus , a mean proportionall ( in the first figure ) between the whole diameter and its half , and ( in the second figure ) a mean proportionall between the whole diameter and its third part ; which was manifestly false , and contrary to what i had shewn in the 16 chapter . whereas i ought to have taken the half of the base , as now i have done , and thereby exhibited the straight lines equall to those crocked lines , as i undertook to do . which error therefore proceeded not from want of skill , but from want of care ; and what i promised ( as bold as you say the promise was , ) i have now performed . the rest of your exceptions to this chapter , are to these words in the end , there be some that say , that though there be equality between a straight and crooked line , yet now , ( they say ) after the full of adam , it cannot be found without the especiall help of divine grace . and you say you think there be none that say so . i am not bound to tell you who they are . nevertheless , that other men may see the spirit of an ambitious part of the clergy , i will tell you where i read it . it is in the prolegomena of lalovera ( a jesuite ) to his quadrature of the circle , pag. 13 & 14 , in these wor●s , quamvis circuli tetragonismus fit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possibilis , an taman etiam sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , post adae lapsum homo ejus scientiam absque speciali di●inae gratiae auxilio , possit comparare , jure merito inquirunt theologi , pronunciantque hanc veritatem tanta esse caligine involutam ut illam videre nemo possit , nisi ignorantiae ex primi parentis praevaricatione propagatas tenebras indebitus divina lucis radius dissipet ; quod verissimum esse sentio . wherein i observed that he ( supposing he had found that quadrature ) would have us believe it was not by the ordinary and naturall help of god ( whereby one man reasoneth , judgeth and remembreth better then another ) but by a special ( which must be a superturall ) help of god , that he hath given to him of the order of jesus above others that have attempted the same in vain . insinuating thereby , as handsomely as he could , a speciall love of god towards the jesuites . but you taking no notice of the word speciall , would have men think i held , that humane sciences might be acquired without any help of god. and thereupon proceed in a great deal of ill language to the end of your objections to this chapter . but i shall take notice of your manners for altogether in my next lesson . at the nineteenth chapter you see not ( you say ) the method . like enough . in this chapter i consider not the cause of reflection , which consisteth in the resistance of bodies naturall ; but i consider the consequences , arising from the supposition of the equality of the angle of reflection , to that of incidence ; leaving the causes both of reflection , and of refraction to be handled together in the 24 chapter . which method ( think what you will ) i still think best . secondly , you say i define not here , but many chapters after , what an angle of incidence , and what an angle of reflection is . had you not been more hasty then diligent readers , you had found that those definitions of the angle of incidence , and of reflection were here set down in the first article , and not deferred to the 24. let not therefore your own oversight be any more brought in for an objection . thirdly , you say there is no great difficulty in the business of this chapter . it may be so , now 't is down ; but before it was done , i doubt not but you that are a professor would have done the same , as well as you have done that of the angle of contact , or the business of your arithmetica infinitorum . but what a novice in geometry would have done i cannot tell . to the third , fourth , and fifth article , you object a want of determination ; and shew it by instance , as to the third article . but what those determinations should be , you determine not , because you could not . the words in the third article , are first these , if there fall two straight lines parallel , &c. which is too generall . it should be , if there fall the same way two straight lines parallel , &c. next these , their reflected lines produced inwards shall make an angle , &c. this also is too generall . i should have said their reflected lines produced inwards , if they meet within , shall make an angle , &c. which done , both this article and the 4 and 5 are fully demonstrated . and without it , an intelligent reader had been satisfied , supplying the want himself by the construction . to the eight , you object onely the two great length , and labour of it , because you can do it a shorter way . perhaps so now , as being easie to shorten many of the demonstrations both of euclide , and other the best geometricians that are or have been . and this is all you had to say to my 19 chapter . before i proceed , i must put you in mind that these words of yours , adducis malleum , ut occi●as muscam , are not good latine , malleum affers , malleum adhi●es , malleo uteris , are good . when you speak of bringing bodies animate , ducere and adduc●re are good , for there to bring , is to gu●●e or lea● . and of bodies inanimate adducere is good for attra●ere , which is to draw to . but when you bring a hammer , will you say adduco malleum , i lead a hammer ? a man may lead another man , and a ninny may be said to lead another ninny , but not a hammer . neverthelese , i should not have thought fit to reprehend this fault upon this occasion in an english man , nor to take notice of it , but that i finde you in some places nibling ( but causelessly ) at my latine . concerning the twentieth chapter , before i answer to the objections against the propositions themselves , i must answer to the exception you first take to these words of mine , quae de dimensione circuli & angulorum pronuntiata sunt tanquam exacté inventa , accipiat lector ●●nquam dicta problematice . to which you say thus , we are wont in geometry to call some propositions theorem●s , other's problems , &c. of which 〈◊〉 theoreme is that wherein some assertion is propou●nded to be proved , a problem that wherein something is commanded to be done . do you mean to be done , and not proved ? by your favour , a probleme in all ancient writers signifies no more but a proposition uttered , to the end to have it by them to whom it is uttered , examined whether it be true or not true , fai●able or not faisable ; and differs not amongst geometricians from a theoreme , but in the manner of propounding . for this proposition , to make an equilaterall triangle , so propounded they call a problem . but if propounded thus , if upon the ends of a straight line given be described two circles , whose radius is the same straight line , and there be drawn from the intersection of the circles to their two centers , two straight lines , there will be made an equilateral triangle , then they call it a theoreme ; and yet the proposition is the same . therefore these words accipiat lector tanquam dicta problemati●ey , signifie plainly this , that i would have the reader , take for p●opounded to him to examine , whether from my construction the quadrature of the circle can be truly inferred or not ; and this is not to bid him ( as you inte●pret it ) to square the circle . and if you beli●ve that problematicey signifies probably , you have been very negligent in observing the sense of the an●ien● g●eek philosophers in the word probleme . therefore your solemus in geometria , &c. is nothing to the pu pose ; nor had it been though you had spoken more properly , and said sol●nt , leaving out your selves . my first article hath this title , from a false supp●sition , a false quadrature of the circle . seeing therefore you were resolved to shew where i erred , you should have proved either that the supposition was true , and the conclusion falsely inferred , or contrarily that though the supposition be false , yet the conclusion is true ; for else you object nothing to my geometry , but only to my judgement , in thinking fit to publish it ; which nevertheless you cannot justly do , seeing it was likely to give occasion to ingenuous men ( they practise of it being so accurate to sense ) to inquire wherein the fallacy did consist . and for the probleme as it was first printed , but never published , and consequently ought to have passed for a private paper stoln out of my study , your publique objecting against it , ( in the opinion of all men that have conversed so much with honest company as to know what belongs to civill conversation , ) was sufficiently barbarous in divines . and seeing you knew i had rejected that proposition , it was but a poor ambition to take wing as you thought to do , like beetles from my egestions . but let that be as it will , you will think strange now i should resume , and make good ( at least against your objection ) that very same proposition . so much of the figure as is needfull you will finde noted with the same letters , and placed at the end of this 5 lesson . wherein let b i , be an arch not greater then the radius of the circle , and divided into four equall parts , in l , n , o. draw s n , the sine of the arch b n , and produce it to t , so as s t be double to s n , that is , equall to the chord b i. draw likewise a l , the sine of the arch b l , and produce it to c , so as a c be quadruple to a l , that is , equall to the two chords b n , n i. upon the center n with the radius n i , draw the a●ch i d , cutting b u the tangent in d. then will b n produced cut the arch i d , in the midst at o. in the line b s produced take s b , equall to b s ; then draw and produce b n , and it will fall on the point d. and b d , s t , will be equall ; and d t joyned and produced will fall upon o , the midst of the arch i d. joyn i t , and produce it to the tangent b u in u. i say , that the st●aight line i t u shall pass through c. for seeing b s , s h , are equall , and the angle at s a right angle , the straight lines b n , and b n , are also equall , and the triangles b n b , d n o like and equall ; and the lines d t , t o equall . draw o i parallel to d u , cutting i u in i ; and the triangles d t v , o t i will also be like and equal . produce s t to the arch d o i in e , and produce it further to f , so that the line e f be equall to t c ; and then s f will be equall to a c. therefore f c joyned will be parallel to b s. in c f produced take f g equall to c f ; and draw g m parallel to d u , cutting i u in m , and d o in n ; and let the inte●●●ction of the two lines a c and d o be in r ; which being done , the triangles m n t , r c t will be like and equall . therefore m n and r c are equall ; and ●…sequently the st●aight line i m t u shall pass through c. dividing therefore a c in the midst at t , and s n in the midst at l , and joyning t n , l l , the lines l l , t n , and c t produced with all meet i 〈◊〉 one and the same point of b s produced ; suppose at q. therefore the point q being given by the two known points t and i , the lines drawn from q through equall parts of the sine of the arch b i , for example through the points p , q , r , of the sine m i , shall cut off equall arches , as b l , l n , n o , o i. and this is enough to make good that probleme , as to your objection . the straight line therefore b u for any thing you have said is p●oved equall to the arch b i , and the division of any angle given into any proportion given , the quadrature of any sector , and the construction of any equilaterall p●lygon is also given . and though in this also i should have erred , yet it cannot be denyed but that i have used a more natural , a more geometrical , and a more pe●spicuous method in thes search of this so difficult a probleme , then you have done in your arithmetica infinitorum for though it be true that the aggregate of all the mean proportionals between the radius together with an infinitely little part of the same , and the radius wanting an infinitely little part of the same ; and again , between the radius , together with two infinitely little parts , and the radius wanting two infinitely little parts , and so on eternally will be equall to the quadrant ( a thing which every mean geometrician knew before ) yet it was absurd to think those means could be calculated in numbers by interpoling of a symbole ; especially when you make that symbole to stand for a numbet neither true nor surd ; as if there were a number that could neither be uttered in words , nor not be uttered in words . for what else is surd , but that which cannot be spoken ? to the fifth article ( though your discourse be long ) you object but two things . one is , that whereas the spirall of a chi●edes is made of two motions , one straight , the other circular , both uniform , i taking the motion compounded of them both for one of those that are compounded , conclude falsely , that the generation of the spirall is like to the generation of the parabola . what heed you use to take in your rep●ehensions , appears most manifestly in this objection . for i say in that demonstration of mine that the velocity of the point a in describing the spirall , en●reaseth continually in proportion to the times . for seeing it goes on uniformly in the semidiameter , it is impossible it should not pass into greater and greater circles proportionally to the times ; and consequently it must have a swifter and swifter motion circular , to be compounded with the uniform motion in every point of the radius as it turneth about . this objection therefore is nothing but an effect of a will ( without cause ) to contradict . the other objection is that granting all to be true hith●rto , yet because it depends upon the finding of a straight line equall to a parabolic●ll line in the 18 chapter where i was deceived , i am also deceived here . true. but because in the 18 chapter of this english e●ition i have found a straight line equall to a parabolicall line , i have also found a straight line equall to the spirall line of archime●●s . i must here p●t you in minde that by these words in your objections to the fifth article at your number 2 , quatenus verum ●st , &c. we have demonstrated prop. 10 , 11 , 13. arithmet . infinit . you make it appear that you thought your spirall ( made of a●ches or circles ) was the true spirall of archimedes ; which is fully ●s absurd as the quadrature of joseph scaliger , whose geometry you so much d●spise . to the sixth article which is a digression concerning the analytiques of geomet●icia●s , you deny that the efficient cause of the construction ought to be contained in the demonstration . as if any probleme could be known to be truly done , otherwise then by knowing first how , that is to say , by what efficient cause , and in what manner it is to be done . whatsoever is done without that knowledge , cannot be demonstrated to be done ; as you see in your computation of the parabola , and parabolocides , in your arithmetica infinitorum . and whereas i said that the ends of all straight lines drawn from a straight line , and passing through one and the same point , if their parts be proportionall , shall be in a●…aight line ; is true and accurate ; as also if they begin in the circumference of a cir●le , they 〈◊〉 also be in the cir●umference of another circle . and so is this , if the proportion be duplicate , they shall be in a parabola . all this i say is true and accurately spoken . but this was no place for the demonstration of it . others have done it . and i perceive by that you put in by parenthesis ( intelligi● credo inter ●du●s peripheri●● concentric●s ) that you understand not what i mean. hitherto reach your objections to my geometry . for the rest of your book , it containeth nothing but a collection of lies , wherewith you do what you can , to extenuate as vulgar , and disgrace as false , that which followeth , and to which you have made no speciall objection . i shall therefore only add in this place concerning your analytica per potestates , that it is no art. for the rule , both in mr. ougthred , and in des cartes is this , when a probleme or question is propounded , suppose the thing required done , and then using a fit ratiocination , put a or some other vowell for the magnitude sought . how is a man the better for this rule without another rule , how to know when the ratiocinatión is fit ? there may therefore be in this kind of analysis more or less naturall prudence , according as the analyst is more or less wis● , or as one man in chusing of the unknown quantity with which he will begin , or in chusing the way of the consequences which he will draw from the hypothesis , may have better luck then another . but this is nothing to art. a man may sometimes spend a whole day in deriving of consequences in vain , and perhaps another time solve the same probleme in a few minutes . i shall also add , that symboles though they shorten the writing , yet they do not make the reader understand it soon●r then if it were written in words . for the conception of the lines and figures ( without which a man learneth nothing ) must proceed from words , either spoken or thought upon . so that there is a double labour of the mind , one to reduce your symboles to words ( which are also symboles ) another to attend to the ideas which they signifie . besides , if you but consider how none of the antients ever used any of them in their published demonstrations of geometry , nor in their books of arithmetique , more then for the rootes and potestates themselves ; and how bad success you have had your self in the unskilfull using of them , you will not , i think , for the future be so much in love with them as to demonstrate by them that first part you promise of your opera mathe●atica . in which if you make not amends for that which you have already published , you will much disgrace those mathematicians you address your epistles to , or otherwise have commended ; as also the universities ( as to this kinde of learning ) in the sight of learned men beyond sea. and thus having examined your panier of mathematiques , and finding in it no knowledge neither of quantity , nor of measure , nor of proportion , nor of time , nor of motion , nor of any thing , but only of certain characters , as if a hen had been scraping there ; i take out my hand again , to put it in to your other panier of theology , and good manners . in the mean time i will trust the objections made by you the astronomer ( wherein there is neither close reasoning , nor good stile , nor sharpness of wit , to impose upon any man ) to the discretion of all sorts of readers . less . v. of manners . to the same egregious professors of the mathematicks in the university of oxford . lesson vi. having in the precedent lessons maintained the truth of my geometry , and sufficiently made appear , that your objections against it are but so many errors of your own , proceeding from misunderstanding of the porpositions you have read in euclide , and other masters of geometry ; i leave it to your consideration to whom belong ( according to your own sentence ) the unhandsome attributes you so often give me upon supposition , that you your selves are in the right , and i mistaken ; and come now to purge my self of those greater accusations which concern my manners . it cannot be expected there should be much science of any kinde in a man that wanteth judgement ; nor judgement in a man that knoweth not the manners due to a publique disputation in writing ; wherein the scope of either party ought to be no other then the examination and manifestation of the truth . for whatsoever is added of contumely , ei●…er directly , or scommatically , is want of charity , and uncivil ; unless it be done by way of reddition from him that is first provoked to it . i say unless it be by way of reddition ; for so was the judgement given by the emperor vespasian in a quarrell between a senato : and a knight of rome which had given him ill language . for when the knight had proved , that the first ill language proceeded from the senator , the emperor acquitted him in these words maledici senctor ibus non oportere ; remal●dicere , fas & civtle esse . nevertheless , now a dayes uncivill words are commonly and bitterly used by all that write in matter of controversie , especially in divinity , excepting now and then such writers as have been more then ordinarily well bred , and have observed , how hainous , and ha●ardous a thing such c●ntumely is amongst some sorts of men , whether that which is said in disgrace be true or false . for evill words by all men of understanding are taken for a defiance , and a challenge to open war. but that you should have bserved so much , who are yet in your mothers belly , was not a thing to be much expected . the faults in manners you lay to my charge , are these , 1. self conceit . 2. that i will be very angry with all men that do not presently submit to my dictates . 3. that i had my doctrine concerning vision , out of papers which i had in my hands of mr. warners . 4. that i have injured the universities . 5. that i am an enemy to religion . these are great faults ; but such as i cannot yet confess . and therefore i must as well as i can , seek out the grounds upon which you build your accusation . which grounds ( seeing you are not acquainted with my conve●sation ) must be either in my published writings , or reported to you by honest men , and without suspition of interest in reporting it . as for my self-conceit and ostentation , you shall finde no such matter in my writings that which you alleadge from thence is first that in the epistle dedicatory i say of my book de corpore , though it be little , yet it is full ; and if good may go for great , great enough . when a man presenting a gift great or small to his betters , adorneth it the best he can to make it the more acceptable ; he that thinks this to be ostentation , and self-conceit , is little versed in the common actions of humane life . and in the same epistle where i say of civill philosophy , it is no antienter then my book de cive , these words are added , i say it provoked , and that my detractors may see they lose their labour . but that which is truly said , and upon provocation , is not boasting , but defence . a short sum of that book of mine , now publiquely in french , done by a gentleman i never saw , carrieth the title of ethiques demonstrated . the book it self translated into french hath not onely a great testimony from the translator serberius , but also from gassendus , and mersennus , who being both of the roman religion had no cause to praise it , or the divines of england have no cause to finde fault with it . besides , you know that the doctrine therein contained is generally received by all but those of the clergy , who think their interest concerned in being made subordinate to the civil powe● ; whose testimonies therefore are invalide . why therefore if i commend it also against them that dispraise it publiquely , do you call it boasting ? you have heard ( you say ) that i had promised the quadrature of the circle , &c. you heard then that which was not true . i have been asked sometimes , by such as saw the figure before me , what i was doing , and i was not a●…aid to say i was seeking for the solution of that probleme ; but not that i had done it . and afterwards being asked of the success , i have said , i thought it done . this is not boasting ; and yet it was enough , when told again , to make a fool believe 't was boasting . but you the astronomer in the epistle before your philosophicall essay , say you had a great expectation of my philosophicall , and mathematicall works ; before they were published . it may be so . is that my fault ? can a man raise a great expectation of himself by boasting ? if he could , neither of you would be long before you raised it of your selves ; saving that what you have already published , has made it now too late . for i verily believe there was never seen worse reasoning then in that philo●ophicall essay ; which any judicious reader would believe proceeded from a praevaricator , rather then from a man that believed himself ; nor worse principles , then those in your books of geometry . the expectation of that which should be written by me , was raised partly by the cogitata physico-mathematica of mersennus , wherein i am often named with honour ; and partly by others with whom i then conversed in paris , without any ostentation . that no man has a great expectation of any thing that shall proceed from either of you two , i am content to let it be your praise . another argument of my self-conceit , you take from my contempt of the writers of metaphysiques and school-divinity . if that be a sign of self-conceit , i must confess i am guilty ; and if your geometry had then been published , i had contemned that as much . but yet i cannot see the consequence ( unless you lend me your better logique ) from despising insignificant and absurd language to self-conceit . and again , in your vindiciae academiarum , you put for boasting , that in my leviathan pag. 180. i would have that book by entire soveraignty imposed upon the universities ; and in my review pag. 395. that i say of my leviathan , i think it m●y be profitably printed , and more profitably taught in the university . the cause of my writing that book , was the consideration of what the ministers before , and in the beginning of the civill war , by their preaching and writing did contribute thereunto . which i saw not onely to ●end to the abatement of the then civill power , but also to the gaining of as much thereof as they could ( as did ofterwards more plainly appear ) unto themselves . i saw also that those ministers , and many other gentlemen who were of their opinion , brought their doctrines against the civill power from their studies in the universities . seeing therefore that so much as could be contributed to the peace of our country , and the settlement of soveraign power without any army , must proceed from teaching ; i had reason to wish , that civill doctrine were truly taught in the universities . and if i had not thought that mine was such , i had never written it . and having written it , if i had not recommended it to such as had the power to cause it to be taught , i had written it to no purpose . to me therefore that never did write any thing in philosophy to show my wit , but ( as i thought at least ) to benefit some part or other of mankind , it was very necessary to commend my doctrine to such men as should have the power and right to regulate the universities . i say my doctrine ; i say not my leviathan . for wiser men may so digest the same doctrine as to fit it better for a publique teaching . but as it is , i beli●ve it hath framed the mines of a thousand gentlemen to a consciencious obedience to present government , which otherwise would have wave●ed in that point . this therefore was no vanting , but a necessary part of the business i took in hand . you ought also to have considered , that this was said in the close of that part of my book which concerneth policy meerly civill . which part if you the astronomer , that no● think the doctrine unworthy to be taught , were pleased once to honour with praises printed before it , you are not very constant , no● ingenuous . but whether you did so or not , i am not curtain , though it was ●old me for certain . if it were not you , it was some body else whose judgement has as much weight at least as yours . and for any thing you have to say from your own knowledge , i remember not that ever i saw eithe● of your faces . yet you the professor of geometry go about obliquely to make me believe that vindex hath discoursed with me , once at least , though i remember it not . i suppose it therefore true ; but this i am sure is false , that either he or any man living did ever hear me brag of my science , or praise my self , but when my defence required it . perhaps some of our philosophe●s that were at paris at the same time , and acquainted with the same learned men that i was acquainted with , might take for bragging the maintaining of my opinions , and the not yiel●ing to the reas●ns alieadged against them . if that be ostentation , they tell you the truth . but you that are so wise should have considered , that even such men as profess philosophy are carried away with the passions of emulation and envy ( the sole ground of this your accusation ) as well as other men , and instanced in your selves . and this is sufficient to shake off your aspersions ●f ostentation and self-conceit . for if i added , that my acquaintance know that i a● naturally of modest rather then of boasting speech , you will not believe it , becaus● you distinguish not between that which is said upon provocation , and that which is said without 〈◊〉 , from vain glory . the next accusation is , that i will be very angry with all men that do not presently submit to my dictates ; and that for advancing the reputation of my own skill , i care not what unwo●…y 〈◊〉 ●ast on others . this is in the epistle placed before the vindiciae academiarum , subscribed by n s , as the plain song for h d in the rest of the book to d●scant upon . i know well enough the auth●●s names ; and am sorry that n s has lent his name to be abused to so ill a p●●pos● . but how does this appear ? what argument , what witness is t●ere of it ? you offer no●e ; or a●… i conscious of any . i begin to suspect , since you the p●ofessor of geometry have in your objections to the 20 chapter these words concerning vindex , o●ularis ille testis de quo h●c agitur , erat , ni fallor , ille ipse ; that vindex himself , in other company , has 〈◊〉 a visit on me . seeing you will have me believe it , let it be so ; and ( as it is likely ) not long after my return into england . at which time ( for the ●●putation , it seems , i had gotten by my boasting ) divers persons that professed to love philosophy and mathematiques , came to s●e me ; and some of 〈◊〉 to let me see them , and hear and applaud what they applauded in t●●mselves . i see now it hath happened to me with vin●ex , as it happened to dr. harvey with mor●…s . m●ranus 〈◊〉 jesui●e came out of flanders hither , especially ( as he sayes ) to see what lea●ned men in . divinity , e●●i●ues , physiques , and g●ometry were here yet alive , to the end 〈◊〉 by di●coursing with th●m in these sciences , he might correct either his own , or their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was b●ought ( 〈◊〉 say●s ) to that most civill and renowned old man dr. ha●vey . 〈◊〉 very well . and in good ea●nest if he had made good use of the time which was v●●y 〈◊〉 afforded him , he might have learned of him ( or of no man living ) very 〈◊〉 k●owledge conce●ning the circulation of the blood , the generation of livin● creatures , a●d m●ny other difficult points of naturall philosophy . and if he had had any thing in him but common and childish learning , he could have shewed it no where more to his advantage , then before him that was so great a judge of such matters . but what did he ? that pretious time ( which was bat little , because he was to depart again presently for flanders ) he bestowed wholly in venting his own childish opinions , not suffering the doctor scarce to speak ; losing thereby the benefit he came for , and discovering that he came not to hear what others could say , but to show to others how learned he was himself already . why else did he take so little time , and so mispend it ? or why returned he not again ? but when he had talked away his time , and found ( though patiently and civilly heard ) he was not much admired , he took occasion ( writing against me ) to be revenged of d. harvey , by sleighting his learning publiquely ; and tels me that his learning was onely experiments , which he sayes i say have no more certainty then civil histories . which is false . my words are , ante hos nihil certi in physicâ erat praeter experimenta ●uique sua , & historias naturales , si tamen & ●ae dicendae ●ertae sint , quae civilibus historiis ce●tiores n●● sun● . where i except expressly nom uncertainty the experiments that every man maketh to himself . but you see the ●ere-cut , by which vain glory joyned with ignorance passeth quickly over to e●vy and contumely . thus it seems by your own confession i was used by uin●●x . he comes with some of my acquaintance in a visit. what he said i know not , but if he ●iscou●sed then , as in his philosophicall essay he writeth , i will be bold to say of my self , i was so far from morosity , o● ( to use his phrase ) from being tetricall , as i may very well have a good opinion of my own patience . and if there passed between us the discourse you mention in your elenchus , pag. 116. it was an incivility in him so great , that without great civility i could not have abstained from bidding him be gone . that which passed between us , you say was this . i complained that whereas i made sense , nothing but a perception of motion in the organ , nevertheless the philosophy schools through all europel●d by the text of a istotle , teach another doctrin , namely , that sensation is performed by species . this is a little mistaken . for i do glory , not complain , that whereas all the universities of europe hold sensation to proceede from species , i 〈◊〉 it to be a perception of motion in the organ . the answer of vindex , you say , was , that the other hypothesis , whereby sense was explicated by the principles of motion , was commonly admitted here before my book came out , as having been sufficiently delivered by des car●●s , gassendus and sir kenelme digby before i had published any thing in this kinde . this then , it seems , was it that made me angry . truly i remember not any angry word that ever i uttered in all my life to any man that came to see me , though some of them have troubled me with very impertinent discourse ; and with those that argued with me , how ●pertinently s●ever , i alwayes thought it more civility to be somewhat earnest in the defence of my opinion , then by obstinate and affected silence to let them see i contemned them , or hea●kned not to what they said . i● i were earnest in making good , that the manner of sensation by such motion as i had explicated in my leviathan , is in none o● the authors by him named , it was not anger , but a ca●e of not offending him , with any signe of the contempt ●hich his discourse deserved . but it was incivility in him to make use of a visi● , which all men take for a p●ofessi●n of friendship , to tell me that that which i had already published for my own , was found before by des cartes , gassendus , and sir kenelme digby . but let any man read des cartes , he shall finde , that he attributeth no motion at all to the object of sense , but an inclination to action , which inclination no man can imagine what it meaneth . and for gassendus , and s. kenelme digby , it is manifest by their writings , that their opinions are not different from that or epicurus , which is very different from mine . o● if these two , or any of those i conversed with at paris , had prevented me in publi●●ing my own d●●trine , yet since it was there known , and declared for mine by mersennus in the p●eface to his ballistica ( of which the three fi●st leaves are imployed wholly in the setting 〈◊〉 of my opinion concerning sense , and the rest of the faculties of the s●ul ) they ought not therefo●e to be said to have found it out before me . and consequently this answer which you say was given me by vindex was nothing else but untruth and envy ; and ( because it was done by way of visit ) incivility . but you have not alleadged , nor can alleadge any words of mine , from which can be drawn that i am so angry as you say i am with those that submit not to my dictates . though the discipline of the university be never so good ; yet certainly this behavour of yours and his are no good arguments to make it thought so . but you the professor of geometry , that out of my words spoken against vindex in my 20 chapter , argue my angry humour ; do just as well , as when ( in your arithmetica infinit●rum ) from the continuall increase of the excess of the row of squares above the third part of the aggregate of the greatest , you conclude they shall at last be equall to it . for though you knew that vindex had given me first the wo●st words that possibly can be given , yet you would have that return of mine to be a demonstration of an ang●y humou● ; not then knowing what i told you even now in the beginning of this lesson , of the sentence given by vespasian . but to this point i shail speak again hereafter . your third accusation is , that i had my doctrine of vision , which i pretend to be my own , out of papers which i had a long time in my hands of mr. warners . i never had sight of any of mr. warn . papers in all my life but that of vision by refraction ( which by his approbation i carryed with me to paris , and caused it to be printed under his own name , at the end of mersennus his cogitata physico-mathematica , which you may have there seen ) and another treatise of the proportions of alloy in gold and silver coine ; which is nothing to the present purpose . in all my conversation wi●h him , i never heard him speak of any thing he had written , or was writing de penicillo optico . and it was from me that he first heard it mentioned that light and colour were but fancy . which he imbraced presently as a truth , and told me it would remove a rub he was then come to in the discovery of the place of the image . if after my going hence he made any use of it ( though he had it from me , and not i from him ) it was well d●ne . but wheresoever you finde my principles , make use of them , if you can , to demonstrate all the symptomes of vision ; and i will do ( or rather have done and mean to publish ) the same ; and let it be judged by that , whether those principles be of mine , or other mens invention . i give you time enough , and this advantage besides , that much of my optiques hath been privately read by others . for i never refused to lend my papers to my friends , as knowing it to be a thing of no prejudice to the advancement of philosophy , though it be ( as i have found it since ) some prejudice to the advancement of my own reputation in those sciences ; which reputation i have alwayes postposed to the common benefit of the studious . you say further ( you the geometrician ) that i had the proposition of the spirall line equall to a parabolicall line from mr. robervall . true. and if i had remembred it , i would have taken also his demonstration , though if i had publisht his , i would have suppressed mine . i was comparing in my thoughts those two lines , spirall and parabolicall , by the motions wherewith they were described ; and considering those motions as uniform , and the lines from the center to the circumference , not to be little parallelograms , but little sectors , i saw that to compound the true motion of that point which described the spirall , i must have one line equall to half the perimeter , the other equall to half the diameter . but of all this i had not one word written . but being with mersennus and mr. robervall in the cloister of the convent , i drew a figu●e on the wall , and mr. robervall perceiving the deduction i made , told me that since the motions which make the parabolicall line , are one uniform , the other accelerated , the motions that make the spirall must be so also ; which i presently acknowledged ; and he the next day , from this very method brought to mersennus the demonstration of their equality . and this is the 〈◊〉 mentioned by mersennus , prop. 25. corol. 2. of his hydraulica ; which i know not who hath most magnanimously interpreted to you in my disgrace . the fourth accusation is , that i have injured the universities . wherein ? first ▪ in that i ●●oul● have the doctrine of my leviathan by entire soveraignty 〈◊〉 imposed on them . you often upb●aid me with thinking well of my own doctrine ; and gram by consequence , that i thought this doctrine g●od . i desired not therefore that any thing should b● imposed upon them , but what ( at least in my opinon ) was good both for the common-wealth and them . nay more i would have the state make use of them to uphold the civill power , as the pope did to uphold the ecclesiasticall . is it not absurdly done to call this an injury ? but to question ( you will say ) whether the civill doctrine there taught , be such as it ought to be , or not , ●…a disgrace to the unive●sities . if that be certain , it is ce●tain also that those se●mons and books , which have been preached and published , both against the former and the present government , directly or obliquely , were not made by such ministe●s and others as had their breeding in the universities ; though all men know the contrary . but the doctrine which i would have to be taught there , what is it ? it is this , that all men that live in a common-wealth , and receive protection of their lives and fortunes from the supreme governour thereof , are reciprocally ●ound as far as they are able , and shall be required , to protect that governour . is it , think you , an un●e●sonable thing to impose the teaching of such doctrine upon the universities ? o● will you say they taught it before , when you know that so many men which came from the universities to preach to the people , and so many others that were not ministers did stir the people up to resist the then supreme civill power ? and was it not truly therefore said , that the universities receiving their discipline from the authority of the pope , were the shops , and operatories of the clergy ? though the competition of the p●pall and civill power be tataken now away , yet the competition between the ecclesiasticall and the civill power hath manifestly enough appeared very lately . but neither is this an upbraiding of an university ( which is a corporation or body artificial ) but of particular men that desire to uphold the authority of a church , as of a distinct thing from the common-wealth . how would you have exclaimed , it instead of ●ecommending my lev●athan to be taught in t●e universities , i had recommen●… the errecting of a new and lay-university , whe●ein lay-men should have the reading of physiqu●s , mathematicks , morall philosophy , and politicks , as the clegy have now the sole teaching or divinity ? yet the thing would be profitable , and tend much to the polishing of ma●…s ●ature , without much publique charge . there will need but one house , and the endowment of a few professions . and to make some learn the better , it would do very well that none should come thither sent by their parents , as to a trade to get their living by , but that it should be a place for such ingenuous men , as being free to dispose of their own time , love truth for it self . in the mean time divinity may go on in oxford and cambridge to furnish the pulpit with men to cry down the civil power , if they continue to do as they did . if i had ( i say ) made such a motion in my leviathan , though it would have offended the divines , yet it had been no injury . but 't is an injury ( you will say ) to deny in generall the utility of the antient schooles , and to deny that we have received from them our geometry . true , if i had not spoken distinctly of the schools of philosophy , and said expresly , that the geometricians passed n●t then under the name of philosophers ; and that in the school of plato ( the best of the antient philosophers ) none were received that were not alrea●y in some measure geometricians . euclide taught geometry ; but i never heard of a sect of philosophers , called euclidians , or alexandrians , or ranged with any of the other sects , as peripat●tiques , stoiques , academiques , epicureans , pyrrhonians , &c. but what is this to the universities of christendome ? or why are we beholding for geometry to our universities , more then to gresham colledge , or to private men in london , paris , and other places , which never taught or learned it in a publique school ? for even those men that living in our universities have most advanced the mathematiques , attained their knowledge by other means then that of publique lectures , where few auditors , and those of unequall proficiency cannot make benefit by one and the same lesson . and the true use or publique professors , especially in the mathematiques , being to resolve the doubts , and problems ( as far as they can ) of such as come unto them with desire to be informed . that the universities now are not regulated by the pope , but by the civill power , is true , and well . but where say i the contrary ? and thus much for the first injurie . another ( you say ) is this , that in my leviathan pag. 380. i say , the principall schooles were or●a●n●d for the three professions of roman religion , roman law , and the art of medicine . thirdly , that i say . philosophy had no otherwise place there then as a hand-maid to roman religion , fourthly , since the authority of aristotle was received there , that study is not pr●perly philosophy but a●ist●telity . fifthly , that for geometry , till of late times it had no place there at all . as for the second , it is too evident to be denyed ; the fellowships having been all ordained for those professions ; and ( saving the change of religion ) being so yet . nor hath this any reflection upon the universities , either as they now are , or as they then we●e , seeing it was not in their own power to endow themselves , or to receive other laws and discipline then their founder , and the state were pleased to ordain . for the third , it is also evident . for all men know that none but of the roman religion had any stipend or pre●e●ment in any university , where that religion was established ; no , nor for a great w●ile , in their common-wea●…s ; but were every where persecuted as h●r●tiques . but you will say the words in my l●viat●an are not , philosophy ha● no place , but hath no place . are you not ashamed 〈◊〉 to ●y charge a mistake or the word hath ●o● had ? which was either a mistake of the printer , or i● it 〈◊〉 so in the copy , it could be no other then the mistake of a letter in the writing , unless you think you ca●●●ke m●n believe that after fifty years being acquainted with what was publiquely p●of●st an● practised in ox●●rd and cambridge , i knew not what religion they were of . 〈◊〉 taking 〈◊〉 advantage from the mistake 〈◊〉 a word , or of a l●t●er , i finde also in the elenchus , whe●● for praetendit s●s●ire , there is praetendit s●ire , wh●●● you the geome●●ician 〈◊〉 ●…mble , mistaking it i think for an anglicisme , not for a fault in the impression . to the ●o●●th , you p●ete●d , that men are not now so tied to arist●tle as not to enjoy a liberty of philosop●i●●●g , 〈◊〉 it were otherwise when i was conversant in magdalen hall. was it so then ? ●hen am i absolved , unless you can shew some publique a●● of the university made since that time to alte● it . for it is not enough to name some few particular ingenuous men that usu●p● 〈◊〉 liberty in their private discourses , or ( with connivence ) in their p●blike disputatio●s . and your doctrine , that even here you avow , of abstracted essences , immatertall substances , and of nunc-stans ; and your improper language in using the word ( not as mine , for i have it no where ) successive eternity ; as also your doctrine of condensation , and your a●guing from naturall reason the incomp●eh●nsible mysteries of religion , and your malicious w●iting , are very ●…wd ●●gnes , that you your selves are none of those which you say do freely philosophise , but that both your philosophy and your language are under the s●rvitude , not of the roman religion , but of the ambition of some other docto●s , that seek , as the romish clergy did , to draw all humane learning 〈◊〉 the upholding of their power ecclesiasticall . hitherto therefore there is no injury done to t●e universiti●●●or 〈◊〉 fifth , you grant it , namely , that till of late there was no allowance for the ●…ing o● g●…ry . but least you ●houl● be thought to grant me any thing , y●u say , you th● 〈◊〉 , g●ome●ry hath now s● much plac● in the universities , that when mr. ●…bs shall ●au● published his phi●●sophicall an● geometricall p●●●●s , you assur● your 〈◊〉 you shall be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g●eat ●umb●er in the university , who will un●●rst●n● as much or more of them , 〈◊〉 ●esireth 〈◊〉 ●●●ul● , &c. but though this be 〈◊〉 o● t●● now , yet it maketh nothing against my 〈◊〉 . i k●●w 〈◊〉 enough that sir he●ry s●●iles ●ectu●●s w●●e rounde● an● e●…owed 〈◊〉 di● i ●●ny th●n , th●t there were in oxford ●any 〈◊〉 geometricians ? but i ●●ny now , ●…at 〈◊〉 or you is or the number . for my philosophicall and g●… pi●●es , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and you have understood onely so muc● in them , as all 〈◊〉 will easily 〈◊〉 by your o●jectio●s to them , and by your own pub●… geometry , that neither or you understand any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in p●ilos●phy or in 〈◊〉 . and yet you woul● have 〈◊〉 books o● yours ●o 〈◊〉 an a●g●●en● , and to be an ind●x o● the philosophy and geomet●y 〈◊〉 ●e ●ound in the 〈◊〉 . w●… is a greater injury and di●g●ace to them , th●● any wo●●s o● mine though 〈◊〉 by ●o●r selves . your last and greatest accusation , or rather railing ( for an accusation should contain , whether true or false , some particular fact , or certain words , out of which it might seem at least to be inferred ) is , that i am an enemy to religion . your words are , it is said that mr hobs is no otherwise an enemy to the roman religion , saving onely as it hath the name of religion . this is said by vindex . you the geometrician in your epistle dedicatory say thus , with what pride and imperiousness be tramples on all things both humane and divine , uttering fearfull and horrible words of god , ( peace ) of sin , of the holy scripture , of all incorporeal substances in generall , of the immortall soul of man , and of the rest of the weighty points of religion ( down ) it is not so much to be doubted as lamented . and at the end of your objections to the 18 chapter , perhaps you take the whole history of the full of adam for a fable , which is no wonder , wh●… you say the rules of honouring and worshipping of god are to be taken from the laws . down i say ; you ba●ke now at the supreme legislative power . therefore it is not i , but the laws which must rate you off . but do not many other men as well as you read my leviathan , and my other books ? and yet they all finde not such enmity in them against religion . take heed of calling them all atheists that have read and approved my leviathan . do you think i can be an atheist and not know it ? or knowing it durst have offered my atheism to the press ? or do you think him an atheist , or a co●… of the holy scripture , that sayeth nothing of the deity , but what he prov●… by the scripture ? you that take so hainously that i would have the rules of gods worship● a christian common-wealth taken from the laws , tell me , from whom you would have them taken ? from yourselves ? why so , more then from me ? from the bishops ? right , if the supreme power of the common-wealth will have it so ; if not , why from them rather then from me ? from a consistory of presbyters by themselves , or joyned with lay-elders , whom they may sway as they please ? good , if the supreme governour of the common-wealth will have it so . if not , why from them , rather then from me , or from any man else ? they are wiser and learn●der then i. it may be so ; but it has not yet appeared . howsoever , let that be granted . is there any man so very a fool as to subject himself to the rules of other men in those ●…ings which so neerly concern himself , for the title they assume of being wise and learned , unless they also have the sword which must protect them . but it seems you understand the sword as comprehended . if so , do you not then receive the rules of gods worship from the civill power ? yes doubtless ; and you would expect , if your consistory had that sword , that no man should dare to exercise o● teach any rules concerning gods worship which were not by you allowed . see therefore how much you have been transported by your malice towards me , to injure the civill power by which you live . if you were not despised , you would in some places and times , where and when the laws are more severely executed , be shipt away for this your madness to america , i would say , to anticyra . what luck have i , when this , of the laws being the rules of gods publique worship , was by me said and applyed to the vindication of the church of england 〈◊〉 the power of the roman clergy , it should be followed with such a storm from the ministers presbyterian and episcopall of the church of england ? again , for those other points , namely , that i approve not of incoporeall bodies , not of other immortality of the soul , then that which the scripture calleth eternall life , i do but as the scripture leads me . to the texts whereof by me alleadged , you should either have answered , or 〈◊〉 forborne to revile me for the conclusions i derived from them . lastly , what an absurd question is it to ask me whether it he in the power of the magistrate , whether the world be eternall or not ? it were fit you knew 〈◊〉 in the power of the supreme magistrate to make a law for the punishment of them that shall pronounce publiquely of that question any thing contrary to that which the law hath once pronounced . the truth is , you are content that the papall power be cut off , and declaimed against as much as any man will ; but the ecclesiasticall power which of la●e was ai●ed at by the clergy here , being a part thereof , every violence done to the papall power is sensible to them yet ; like that which i have heard say of a man , whose leg being cut off for prevention of a gangrene that began in his toe , would nevertheless complain of a pain in his toe , when his leg was cut off . thus much in my defence ; which i believe if you had foreseen , this accusation of yours had been left out . i come now to examine ( though it be done in part already ) what manners those are which i finde every where in your writings . and first , how came it into your minds that a man can be an atheist , i mean an atheist in his conscience ? i know that david confesseth of himself , upon sight of the prosperity of the wicked , that his feet had almost slipt , that is , that he had slipt into a short doubtfulness of the divine providence . and if any thing else can cause a man to slip in the same kinde , it is the seeing such as you ( who though you write nothing , but what is dictated to each of you by a doctor of divinity ) to break the greatest of gods commandement ( which is charity ) in every line before his face . and though such forgettings of god be somewhat more then shor● doubtings , and sudden transportations incident to humane passion , yet i do not for that cause think you atheists , and enemies of religion , but onely ignorant and imprudent christians . but how , i say , could you think me an atheist , unless it were because finding your doubts of the deity more frequent then other men do , you are thereby the apter to fall upon that kinde of reproach ? wherein you are like women of poor & evil education when they scold ; amongst whom the readiest disgracefull word is whore. why not thief , or any other ill name , b●t because when they remember themselves , they think that reproach the likeliest to be true ? secondly , tell me what crime it was which the latines called by the name of scelus ? you think not ( unless you be stoiques ) that all crimes are equall . scelus was never used but for a crime of greatest mischief , as the taking away of life and honour ; and besides , basely acted , as by some clandestine way , or by such a way as might be covered with a lve . but when you insinuate in a writing publisht that i am an atheist , you make your selves authors to the multitude , and do all you can to stir them up to attempt upon my life ; and if it succeed , then to sneak out of it by leaving the fault on them that are but actors . this is to indeavour great mischief basely ; and therefore scelus . again , to deprive a man of the honour he hath merited , is no little wickedness ; and this you endeavour to do by publishing falsely that i challenge as my own the inventions of other men . this is therefore scelus publiquely to tel all the world that i will be angry with all men that do not presently submit to my dictates ; to deprive me of the friendship of 〈◊〉 the world . great dammage , and a lie , and yours . for to publish any untruth of another man to his disgrace , on hear-say from his enemy , is the same fault as if he publisht it on his own credit . i● i should say i have heard that dr. wallis was esteemed at oxford for a simple fellow , and much interiour to his fellow-professor dr. war● ( as indeed i have heard , but do not believe it ) though this be no great disgrace to dr. wallis , yet he would think i did him injury . therefore publique accusation upon hear-say is scelus . and whosoever does any of these things does seel rate . but you the professors of the mathematiques at oxford , by the advice of two doctors of divinity have dealt thus with me . therefore you have done ( i say not foolishly , though no wickedness he without folly , but scelera●● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , it is ill manners , in reprehending trut● , to send a man in a boasting way to your own errors ; as you the professor of geometry have often sent me to your two t●actates of the angle of contact , and arithmetica infinitorum . fourthly , it is ill manners , to diminish the just reputation of worthy men after they be dead , as you the professor of geometry have done in the case of joseph scaliger . fifthly , when i had in my leviathan suffered the clergy of the church of england to ●…pe , you did imprudently in bringing any of them in again . an ulysses upon so light an occasion would not have ventured to 〈◊〉 again into the cave of polyphemus . lastly , how ill does such levi●y and scurrility , which both of you have shewn so often in your writings , become the gravity and sanctity requisite to the calling o● the ministery ? they are too many to be repeated . do but consider you the geometrician how unhandsome it is to play upon my name , when both yours and mine are pl●bcian names ; though from willis by wallis , you go from yours in wallisius . the ●est of using at every word m● hobb● , is lest to them beyond sea. but this is not to ill as some of the rest . i will write out one of them as it is in the fourth page of your elenchus ; whence it appears that your empusa was of the number of those fairies which you call in english hob-goblins . the word is male of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and ●hence comes the childrens play called the play of empusa , anglicé ( hitherto in latine all but hob-goblins , then follows ) fox , fox , come out of your hole ( in english , then in latine again , ) in which the boy that is called the fox , holds up one foot , and jumps with the other , which in english is to hop . when a stranger shall read this , and hoping to finde therein some witty conceit , shall with much adoe have gotten it interpreted and explained to him , what will he think of our doctors of divinity at oxford , that will take so much pains as to go out of the language they set forth in , for so ridiculous a purpose ? you will say it is a pretty paranomafia . how you call it there i know not , but it is commonly called here a clinch ; and such a one as is too insipide for a boy of twelve years old , and very unfit for the sanctity of a minister , and gravity of a doctor of divinity . but i pray you tell me where it was you read the word empusa for the boys play you speak of , or for any other play amongst the greeks . in this ( as you have done throughout all your other writings ) you presume too much upon your first cogitations . there be a hundred other scoffing passages , and ill-favoured attributes given me in both your writings , which the reader will observe without my pointing to them , as easily as you would have him ; and which perhaps some young students , finding them full of gall , will mistake for salt. therefore to disabuse those youngmen , and to the end they may not admire such kind of wit , i have here and there been a little 〈◊〉 with you then else i would have been . if you think i did not spare you , but that i had not wit enough to give you as scornfull names as you give me , are you content i should try ? yes ( you the geometrician will say ) give me what names you please , so you call me not arithmetica infinitorum ( i will not . ) nor angle of contact , nor arch-spirall , nor quotient ( i will not . ) but i here dismiss you both together . so go your wayes , you uncivill ecclesia , ●●ques , inhumane divines , dedoctors of morality , unafinous colleagues , egregious pa●r of iss●… , most wretched vindices and indices academiarum ; and remember vespasians law , that it is uncivill to give ill language first , but civill and lawfull to return it . but much more remember the law of god , to obey your soveraigns in all things ; and not only not to dero●… from them , but also to pray for them , and as far as you can to maintain their authority , and therein your own 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ( do you hear ? ) take heed of speaking your minde so cleerly in answering m● leviathan , as i have done in writing it . you should do best not to meddle with it at all , because it is undertaken , and in part published already , and will be better performed , from term to term , by one christopher pike . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a44014-e4590 the history of the civil wars of england from the year 1640-1660 / by t.h. behemoth hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1679 approx. 461 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 146 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43991 wing h2239 estc r35438 15305385 ocm 15305385 103390 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43991) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103390) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1189:12) the history of the civil wars of england from the year 1640-1660 / by t.h. behemoth hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [2], 286, [1] p. [s.n.], [london] printed : 1679. "most editions have title: behemoth, etc. finished in 1668, work suppressed until surreptitiously published in 1679"--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to 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variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660. great britain -history -puritan revolution, 1642-1660. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the civil wars of england . from the year 1640 , to 1660. by t. h. religio p perit scelerosa atque impia facta . tantum religio potuit suadere malorum . lucret. de natur. rer. lib. i. placavi sanguine deos. hor. serm. lib. ii. satyr . 3. quicquid delirant reges , plectuntur achivi . hor. cui potior patria fuit interdicta voluptas . hor. lib. i. epist 6. sociusque fraternae necis : — sua urbs haec periret dextera . suis & ipsa roma viribus ruit . hor. epod. 16. printed in the year 1679. the history of the civil vvars of england . a. if in time , as in place there were degrees of high and low ; i verily believe that the highest of time , whould be that which passeth betwixt , 1640 , and 1660. for he that thence as from the divils mountain , should have looked upon the world , and observed the actions of men , especially in england , might have had a prospect of all kinds of injustice , and of all kinds of folly that the world could afford ; and how they were produced by then hypocrisy and self-conceit , whereof the one is double iniquity , and the other double folly. b. i should be glad to behold the prospect . you that have lived in that time and in that part of your age ; wherein men used to see best into good and evil ; i pray you set me ( that could not see so well ) upon the same mountain , by the relation of the actions you then saw , & of their causes , pretentions , justice , order , artifice and events . a. in the year , 1640. the government of england was monarchical , and the king that reigned , charles the i. of that name , holding the soveraignty by right of a discent continued above 600 years ; and from a much longer discent king of scotland ; and from the time of his ancestors henry the 2. king of ireland , a man that wanted no vertue , either of body or mind , nor endeavour'd any thing more , than to discharge his duty towards his god , in the well-governing of his subjects . b. how could he than miscarry , having in every county so many train'd-bands , as would ( put together ) have made an army of 60000 men , and divers magazenes of ammunition , in places fortified . a. if those souldiers had been ( as they and all others of his subjects ought to have been ) at his majesties command : the peace and hapiness of the three kingdoms , had continued , as it was left by k. james ; but the people were corrupted generally , and disobedient persons esteemed the best patriots b , but sure , there were men enough , besides those that were ill-affected , to have made an army sufficient for to have kept the people from uniting into a body able to oppose him . a. truely , if the king had had money , i think he might have had souldiers enough in england ; for there were very few of the common people that cared much for either of the causes , but would have taken any side for pay and plunder : but the kings treasure was very low , and his enemies that pretended the peoples ease from taxes , and other specious things , had the command of the purses of the city of london , and of most cities and corporate towns in england , and of many particular persons besides . b. but how comes the people to be so corrupted , and what kind of people were they that did so seduce them ? a. the seducers were of divers sorts . one sort were ministers ; ministers ( as they called themselves ) of christ ; and sometimes in their sermons to the people , gods embassadors , pretending to have a right from god to govern every one his parish , and their assembly , the whole nation . secondly , there were a very great number , though not comparable to the other , which notwithstanding that the popes power in england , both temporal and ecclesiastical had been by act of parliament abolished , did still retain a belief , that we ought to be governed by the pope , whom they pretended to be the vicar of christ , and in the right of christ to be the governour of all christian people , and these were known by the name of papists , as the ministers i mentioned before , were commonly called presbyterians . thirdly , there were not a few , who in the beginning of the troubles were not discovered , but shortly after declared themselves for a liberty in religion , and those of different opinions one from another : some of them ( because they would have all congregations free and independant upon one another ) were called independants ; others that held baptism to infants , and such as understood not into what they are baptized to be ineffectual , were called therefore anabaptists : others that held , that christs kingdom was at this time to begin upon the earth , were called fifth-momarchy-men ; besides divers other sects as quakers , adamites , &c. whose names and peculiar doctrines i do not very well remember , and these were the enemies , which arose against his majesty from the private interpretation of the scripture exposed to every mans scanning in his mother tongue . fourthly , there were an exceeding great number of men of the better sort , that had been so educated , as that in their youth having read the books written by famous men of the antient grecian and roman commonwealths , concerning their policy and great actions , in which book the popular government was extold by that glorious name of liberty , and monarchy disgraced by the name of tyranny : they became thereby in love with their form of government : and out of these men were chosen the greatest part of the house of commons : or if they were not the greatest part , yet by advantage of their eloquence were always able to sway the rest . fifthly , the city of london , and other great towns of trade , having in admiration the prosperity of the low countries , after they had revolted from their monarch , the king of spain , were inclined to think , that the like change of government here would to them produce the like prosperity . sixthly , there were a very great number , that had either wasted their fortunes , or thought them too mean for the good part ? they thought were i● themselves : and more there were that had able bodies , and saw no means how honestly to get their bread : these longed for a war , and hoped to maintain themselves hereafter by the lucky chusing of a party to side with , and consequently did for the most part serve under them , that had greatest plenty of money . lastly , the people in general were so ignorant of their duties , as that not one perhaps of 1000 knew what right any man had to command him , or what necessity there was of king or common-wealth , for which he was to part with his money against his will , but thought himself to be so much master of whatsoever he possest , that it could not be taken from him upon any pretence of common safety without his own consent . king , they thought was but a title of the highest honour , which gentlemen , knight , baron , earl , luke were but steps to ascend to with the help of riches , and had no rule of equity , but precedents and custom , and he was thought wisest and fittest to be chosen for a parliament , who was most averse to the granting of subsidies , or other publick payments . b. in such a constitution of people , methinks the king is already outed of his government : so as they need not have taken arms for it : for i cannot imagine , how the king should come by any means to resist them . a. there was indeed very great difficulty in the business , but of that point you will be better informed in the pursuit of this narration . b. but i desire to know first the several grounds of the pretences , both of the pope and of the presbyterians , by which they claim a right to govern us , as they do in chief , and after that , from whence , and when crept in the pretences of that long parliament for a democrasie . a. as for the papists , they challenge this right from a text in deut. 17. and other like texts , according to the old latin translation in these words , and he that out of pride shall refuse to obey the commandment of that priest , which shall at that time minister before the lord thy god , that man shall , by the sentence of the judge , be put to death : and because the jews were the people of god then , so is all christendom the people of god now , they infer from thence , that the pope , whom they pretend to be high priest of all christian people , ought also to be obeyed in all his decrees by all christians upon pain of death : again , whereas in the new testament : christ saith , all power is given unto me in heaven and in earth , go therefore and teach all nations , and baptize them in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost , and teach them to observe all those things , that i have commanded you , from thence they in●er , that the command of the apostles was to be obeyed , & by consequence the nations were bound to be governed by them , and especially by the prince of the apostles , st. peter , and by his successors the popes of rome . b. for the text in the old testament , i do not see how the commandment of god to the jews to obey their priests can be interpreted to have the like force in the case of other nations christian , more then upon nations unchristian : for all the world are gods people , unless we also grant , that a king cannot of an infidel be made christian without making himself subject to the laws of that apostle or priest , or minister , that shall convert him . the jews were a peculiar people of god , a sacerdotal kingdom , and bound to no other law , but what first moses , and afterwards every high priest did go and receive immediately from the mouth of god in mount sinai in the tabernacle of the ark , and in the sanctum sanctorum of the temple . and for the text in st. mathew : i know the words in the gospel are not , go teach , but go and make disciples ; and that there is a great difference between a subject and a disciple , and between teaching and commanding ; and if such texts as these must be so interpreted , why do not christian kings lay down their titles of majesty and soveraignty , and call themselves the popes lieutenants ? but the doctors of the romish church seem to decline that title of absolute power , in their distinction of power spiritual and temporal , but this distinction i do not very well understand . a. by spiritual power they mean the power to determine points of faith , and to be judges in the inner court of conscience of moral duties , and of a power to punish those men that obey not their precepts by ecclesiastical censure , that is by excommunication ; and this power they say the pope hath immediately from christ without dependance upon any king or soveraign assembly whose subjects they 〈◊〉 that stand excommunicate : but for the power temporal , which consists in judging and punishing those actions , that are done against the civil law , they say they do not pretend to it directly , but only indirectly ▪ that is to say so far forth as such actions tend to the hinderance or advancement of religion in ordine ad spiritualia . b. what power then is le●t to kings and other civil soveraign● which the pope may not pretend to be in ordine ad spiritualia ? a. none , or very little ; and this power the pope not only pretends to in all christendom , but some of his bishops also in their several di●cesses , jure divino 〈◊〉 that is immediately from christ , without deriving it from the pope . b. but what if a man refuse obedience to this pretended power of the pope and his bishops , what harm can excommunication do him , especially if he be a subject of an other soveraign ? a. very great harm : for by the popes or bishops signification of it to the civil power , he shall be punished sufficiently . b. he were in an ill case then that adventured to write , or speak in defence of the civil power , that must be punished by him , whose rights he des●nded ●ike uzza , that was slain , because he would needs unbidden , put forth his hand to keep the ark from falling . but , what if a whole nation should revolt from the pope at once ? what effect could excommunication have upon the nation ? a. why they should have no more mass said at least by any of the popes priests . besides the pope would have no more to do with them , but cast them off , and so they would be in the same case as if a nation should be cast off by their king , and left to be governed by themselves , or whom they would . b. this would not be taken so much for a punishment to the people as to the king , and therefore when a pope excommunicates a whole nation , methinks he rather excommunicates himself , than them . but i pray you tell me what were the rights the pope pretended to in the kingdoms of other princes . a. first an exemption of all priests , fri●rs , and monks in criminal causes , from the cognizance of civil judges . secondly , collation of benefices on whom he pleased , native or stranger ; and exaction of tenths , fruits , and other payments . thirdly ▪ appeals to r●me , in all causes where the church could pretend to be concern'd . fourthly , to be the ●upreme judge concerning the lawfullness of marriage , ( i. e. concerning the hereditar● succession of kings ) and to have the cognizance of all causes concerning adultery and fornication . b good ! a monopoly of women . a. fifthly , a power of absolving subjects of their duties , and of their oathes of fidelity to their lawful soveraigns , when the pope should think fit , for the extirpation of heresie . b. this power of absolving subjects of their obedience ; as also that other of being judges of manners and doctrine , is as absolute a soveraignty as is possible to be : and consequently there must be two kingdoms in one and the same nation , and so no man be able to know which of his masters he must obey . a. for my part i should rather obey that master that had the right of making laws , and of inflicting punishments , then him that pretendeth only to a right of making canons , that is to say , rules ; and no right of coaction , or otherwise punishing , but by excommunication . b. but the pope pretends also , that his canons are laws ; and for punishing , can there be a greater then excommunication supposing it true ( as the pope saith it is ) that he that dies excommunicate is damn'd : which supposition , it seems , you believe not , else you would rather have chosen to obey the pope , that could cast your body and soul into hell , then the king that can only kill the body . a. you say true ; for it were very uncharitable in me to believe , that all english men ( except a few papists ) that have been born and called hereticks , ever since the reformation of religion in england , should be damn'd . b. but for those that dye excommunicate in the church of england at this day , do you not think them also damn'd , and he that is excommunicate for disobedience to the kings law , either , spiritual or temporal , is excommunicate for sin , and therefore if he dye excommunicate and without desire of reconciliation ; he dies impenitent . you see , what follows . but to dye in disobedience to the precepts and doctrine of those men that have no authority or jurisdiction over us , is quite an other case , and bringeth no such danger with it . b. but what is this heresie which the church of rome so cruelly persecutes , as to depose kings that do not , when they are bidden turn all hereticks out of there dominions ? a. heresie is a word , which when it is used without passion , signifies a private opinion : so the different sect of the old philosophers , academians , peripateticks , epicureans , sto●●ks , &c. were called heresie : but in the christian church , there was in the signification of that word , comprehended a sinful opposition to him that was chief judge of doctrines in order to the salvation of mens souls ; and consequently heresie may be said to bear the same relation to the power spiritual , that rebellion doth to the power temporal , and is sutably to be persecuted by him that will preserve a power spiritual , and dominion over mens consciences . b. it would be very well ( because we are all of us permitted to read the holy scriptures , and bound to make them the rule of our actions both publick and private ) that heresie were by some law defined , and the particular opinions set forth , for which a man were to be condemned and punished as hereticks ; for else , not only men of mean capacity , but even the wisest and devoutest christian may fall into heresie , without any will to oppose the church ; for the scriptures are hard , and the interpretations different of different men . a. the meaning of the word heresy is by law declared in an act of parliament , in the first year of queen elizabeth ; wherein it is ordained , that the persons who had by the queens letters patents , the authority spiritual ( meaning the high commission ) shall not have authority to adjudge any matter or cause to be heresy , but only such as heretofore have been adjudged to be heresy , by the authority of the canonical scriptures , or by the first 4. general counsels , or by any other general council , where the same was declared heresy by the express and plain words of the said canonical scripures or such as hereafter shall be adjudged heresy , by the high court of parliament of this realm ; with the assent of the clergy in their convocation . b. it seems therefore , if there arise any new error that hath not been yet declared heresy , ( & many such may arise ) it cannot be judged heresy without a parliament ; for how foul soever the error be , it cannot have been declared heresy , neither in the scriptures nor in the councils , because it was never before heard of ; and consequently , there can be no error unless it fall within the compass of blasphemy against god , or treason against the king ) for which a man can in equity be punished : besides who can tell what is declared by the scripture , which every man is allowed to read and interpret to himself ? nay more what protestant , either of the laity or clergy ( if every general councel can be a competent judge of heresie ) is not already condemned ) for divers councels have declar'd a great many of our doctrines to be heresie ( as they pretend ) upon the authority of the scriptures . a. what are those points , that the first four general counsels have declared heresie ? b. the first general councel held at nicaea declared all to be heresie , which was contrary to the nicene creed . upon occasion of the heresie of arrius , which was the denying the divinity of christ , the second general counsel held at constantinople declar'd heresie the doctrine of m●cedonius , which was that the holy ghost was created . the third counsel assembled at ephesus condemned the doctrine of nestorius , that there were two persons in christ. the fourth held at calcodon condemned the error of emtyches , that there was but one nature in christ. i know of no other points condemned in these 4 counsels , but such as concern church-government , or the same doctrines taught by other men in other words : and these counsels were all called by the emperors , and by them their decrees confirmed , at the petition of the counsels themselves . a. i see by this , that both the calling of the counsel and the confirmation of their doctrine and church government had no obligatory force , but from the authority of the emperor ; how comes it then to pass , that they take upon them now a legislative power , and say their canons are laws ? that text , all power is given to me in heaven and earth , had the same force then as it hath now , & conferred a legislative power on the counsels not only over christian men , but over all nations in the world . b. they say no ; for the power they pretend to is derived from this , that when a king was converted from gentilism to christianity , he did by that very submission to the bishop that converted him , submit to the bishops government , and became one of his sheep , which right therefore he could not have over any nation , that was not christian. a. did silvester ( which was pope of rome in the time of constantine the great converted by him ) tell the emperor his new disciple before hand , that if he became a christian he must be the popes subject . b. i believe not , for it is likely enough , if he had told him so plainly , or but made him suspect it , he would either have been not christian at all , or but a counterfeit one . a. but if he did not tell him so , and that plainly , it was foul play , not only in a priest , but in any christian . and for this derivation of their right from the emperors consent , it proceeds only from this , that they dare not challenge a legislative power , nor call their canons , laws in any kingdom in christendom , farther than the kings make them so ▪ but in peru , when atabalipa was king , the fry●r told him , that christ being king of all the world had given the disposing of all the kingdoms therein to the pope : and that the pope had given peru to the roman emperor charles the 5. and required atabalipa to resign it , and for refusing it , seised upon his person by the spanish army there present , and murdered him : you see by this how much they claim , when they have power to make it good . b. when began the popes to take this authority upon them first ? a. after the inundation of northern people had overflowed the western parts of the empire , and possessed themselves of italy , the people of the city of rome submitted themselves , as well in temporals as spirituals to their bishop ; and then first was the pope a temporal prince , and stood no more in so great fear of the emperors , which lived far off at constantinople : in this time it was that the pope began by pretence of his power spiritual , to encroach upon the temporal rights of all other princes of the west , and so continued gaining upon them , till his power was at the highest , in that 300 years or thereabout , which passed between the time of pope leo the 3. and pope innocent the 3. for in this time pope zachary 1. deposed chilperick , then king of france , and gave the kingdom to one of his subjects pepin : and pepin took from the lombards a great part of their territory , and gave it to the church : shortly after the lombards having recovered their estate , charles the great retook it , and gave it to the church again , and pope leo the 3. made charles emperor . b. but what right did the pope there pretend for the creating of an emperor ? a. he pretended the right of being christs vicar , and what christ could give , his vicar , might give , and you know that christ was king of all the world. b. yes , as god , and so he gives all the kingdoms of the world , which nevertheless , proceed from the consent of people either for fear , or hope . a. but this gift of the empire was in a more special manner , in such a manner , as moses had the government of israel given him , or rather as joshua had it given him , to go in and out before the people , as the high priest should direct him , and so the empire was understood to be given him on condition to be directed by the pope : for when the pope inuested him with the regal ornaments , the people all cryed out deus dat , that is to say , 't is god that gives it : and from that time all , or most of the christian kings do put into their titles the words dei gratia , that is by the gift of god : and their successors use still to receive the crown and scepter ●rom a bishop . 't is certainly a very good custom for kings to be put in mind by whose gift they reign , but it cannot from that custom be infer'd , that they receive the kingdom , by mediation from the pope , or by any other clergy : for the popes themselves received the papacy from the emperor , the first that ever was elected bishop of rome , after emperors were christians , and without the emperors consent excused himself by letter to the emperor ; with this , that the people and clergy of rome forced him to take it upon him , and prayed the emperor to confirm it , which the emperour did but with reprehension of their proceedings and prohibition of the like for the time to come the emperour was lotharius , and the pope calixtus the first . a. you see by this the emperour never acknowledged this gift of god was the gift of the pope , but maintained the popedom was the gift of the emperour ; but in process of time by the negligence of the emperour ( for the greatness of kings makes them that they cannot easily descend into the obscure and narrow mines of an ambitious clergy , ) they found means to make the people believe , there was a power in the pope and clergy : which they ought to submit unto , rather than unto the commands of their own king whensoever it should come into controversy , and to that end devised and decreed many new articles of faith , to the diminution of the authority of kings , and to the disjunction of them and their subjects , and to a closer adherence of their subjects to the church of rome's articles , either not at all found in , or not well founded upon the scripture , as first ▪ that it should not be lawful for a priest to marry . what influence could that have upon the power of kings ? do you not see that by this , the king must of necessity either want the priesthood , and therewith a great part of the reverence due to him from the most religious part of his subjects , or else want lawful heirs to succeed in ? by which means being not taken for the head of the church , he was sure in any controversy between him and the pope , that his subjects would be against him . b. is not a christian king as much a bishop now , as the heathen kings were of old ? for amongst them episcopus was a name common to all kings ; is not he a bishop now , to whom god hath committed the charge of all the souls of his subjects , both of the laity and of the clergy ? and though he be in relation to our saviour who is the chief pasture of sheep , yet compared to his own subjects , they are all sheep , both laick and clergy and he only shepheard , and seeing a christian bishop is but a christian indued with power to govern the clergy , it follows that every christian king is not only a bishop but an archbishop , and his whole kingdom his diocess ; and though it were granted that imposition of hands were necessary for a priest , yet seeing kings have the power of government of the clergy that are the subjects , even before baptism , the baptism it self wherein he is received as a christian is a sufficient imposition of hands , so that whereas before , he was a bishop , now he is a christian bishop . a. for my part i agree with you , this prohibition of marriage to priests came in about the time of pope gregory the seventh , and william the first king of england , by which means the pope had in england , what with secular , and what with regular priests , a great many lusty batchelers at his service . secondly , that auricular confession to a priest was necessary to salvation . 't is true , that before that time , confession to a priest was usual , and performed for the most part ( by him that confessed ) in writing , but that use was taken away about the time of king edward the third , and priests commanded to take confessions from the mouth of the confitent ; and men did generally believe , that without confession and absolution before their departure out of the world they could not be saved , and having absolution from a priest they could not be damned . you understand by this how much every man would stand in awe of the pope and clergy , more than they would of the king , and what inconveniency it is for a state to have their subjects confess their secret thoughts to spies . b. yes , as much as eternal torture is more terrible than death , so much they would fear the clergy more than the king. a. and though perhaps the roman clergy will not maintain that a priest hath power to remit sins absolutely , but only with a condition of repentance , yet the people were never so instructed by them , but were left to believe that whensoever they had absolution their precedent sins were all discharged , when their penance , which they took for repentance , was performed ; in the same time began the article of transubstantiation , for it had been disputed a long time before , in what manner a man did eat the body of our saviour jesus christ , as being a point very difficult for a man to conceive and imagine clearly , but now it was made very clear that the bread was transubstantiated into christs body , and so was become no more bread , but flesh. b. it seems then that christ had many bodies , and was in as many places at once as there were communicants , i think the priests then were so wanton as to insist upon the dulness , not only of common people , but also of kings and their councelors . a. i am now in a narration , not in a disputation , and therefore , i would have you at this time to consider nothing else but what effect this doctrine would work upon kings and their subjects in relation to the clergy , who only were able of a piece of bread to make our saviours body , and thereby at the hour of death to save their souls . b. for my part it would have an effect on me to make me think them gods , and to stand in awe of them as of god himself , if he were visibly present . a. besides these and other articles tending to the upholding of the pope's authority , they had many fine points in their ecclesiastical policy conducing to the same end : of which i will mention only such as were established within the same time ; for then it was the order came up of preaching-friars , that wandred up and down with power to preach in what congregation they pleased , and were sure enough to instil into the people nothing that might lessen their obedience to the church of rome , but on the contrary , whatsoever might give advantage to it against the civil power , besides they privately insinuated themselves with women and men of weak judgments ; confirming their adherence to the pope , and urging them in the time of their sickness to be beneficial to it by contribution of money , or building religious houses , or works of piety , and necessary for the remission of their sins . b. i do not remember that i read of any kingdom or state in the world , where liberty was given to any private man to call the people together and make orations frequently to them , or at all , without first making the state acquainted , except only in christendom : i believe the heathen k. foresaw that a few such orators would be able to make a great sedition , moses did indeed command to read the scriptures , and expound them in the synagogues every sabbath day , but the scriptures then were nothing else , but the laws of the nation delivered unto them by moses himself , i believe it would do no hurt if the laws of england also were often read and expounded in the several congregations of english-men at times appointed , that they may know what to do ; for they know already what to believe . a. i think that neither the preaching of friers , nor monks , nor of parochial priests , tended to teach men what , but whom , to believe ; for the power of the mighty hath no foundation , but in the opinion and belief of the people , and the end which the pope had in multiplying sermons was no other , but to prop and enlarge his own authority over all christian kings and states . b. within the same time , that is , between the time of the emperour charles the great and of king edward the third of england , began their second policy , which was to bring religion into an art , and thereby to maintain all their degrees of the roman church by disputation , not only from the scriptures , but also from the phylosophy of aristotle , both moral and natural , and to that end the pope exhorted the said emperour by letter to erect schools of all kinds of literature , and from thence , began the institution of universities , for not long after the universities began in paris , and in oxford : it is true that there were schools in england before that time , in several places , for the instruction of children in the latine tongue ; that is to say , in the tongue of the church , but for an university of learning there was none erected till that time , though it be not unlikely there might be then some that taught philosophy , logick , and other arts , in divers monastries , the monks having little else to do but to study . after some colledges were built to that purpose , it was not long before many more were added to them by the devotion of princes and bishops , and other wealthy men and the dicipline therein was confirmed by the popes that then were , and abundance of scholars sent thither by their friends to study , as to a place from whence the way was open and easy to preferment both in church and commonwealth . the profit the church of rome expected from them , and in effect received , was the maintenance of the pope's doctrine , and of his authority over kings and their subjects , by school divines , who striving to make good many points of faith incomprehensible , and calling in the phylosophy of aristotle to their assistance , wrote great books of school divinity , which no man else , nor they themselves were able to understand , as any man may conceive that shall consider the writing of peter lombard , or scotus , or of him that wrote commentaries upon him , or of suarez , or of any other school divines of later times , which kind of learning nevertheless hath been much admired by two sorts of men , otherwise prudent enough ; the one of which sorts were those that were already devoted , and really affectionate to the roman church , for they believed the doctrine before , but admired the arguments , because they understood them not , and yet found the conclusions to their mind ; the other sort were negligent men , that had rather admire with others , than take the pains to examine , so that all sorts of people were fully resolved that both the doctrine was true , and the pope's authority no more then what was due to him . i see that a christian king , or state , how well soever provided he be , of money and arms , ( where the church of rome hath such authority ) will have but a hard match of it , for want of men ; for their subjects will hardly be drawn into the field , and fight with courage against their consciences . a. it is true that great rebellions have been raised by church-men in the pope's quarrel against kings , as in england against king john , and in france against king henry the fourth , wherein the kings had a more considerable part on their sides , than the pope had on his , and shall always have so , if they have money ; for there are but few , whose consciences are so tender as to refuse money when they want it , but the great mischief done to kings upon pretence of religion , is when the pope gives power to one king to invade another . b. i wonder how king henry the eighth so utterly extinguished the authority of the pope in england , and that without any rebellion at home , or any invasion from abroad ? a. first , the priests , monks , and friars , being in the heighth of their power , were now , for the most part grown insolent and licentious , and thereby the force of their arguments was now taken away by the scandal of their lives , which the gentry , and men of good education , easily perceived , and the parliament consisting of such persons , were therefore willing to take away their power , and generally the common people which for a long time had been in love with parliaments were not displeased therewith . secondly , the doctrine of luther beginning a little before , was now by a great many men of the greatest judgments so well received , as that there was no hope to restore the pope to his power by rebellion . thirdly , the revenue of the abbies and all other religious houses , falling hereby into the kings hands , and by him being disposed of to the most eminent gentlemen in every county , could not but make them do their best to confirm themselves in the possession of them . fourthly , king henry was of a nature quick , and severe in the punishing of such as should be the first to oppose his designs . lastly , as to invasion from abroad , if the pope had given the kingdom to another prince , it had been in vain , for england is another manner of kingdom than navarre , besides the french and spanish forces were imployed at that time one against another , and though they had been at leasure , they would have found perhaps no better success than the spaniard found afterwards in 1588. nevertheless , notwithstanding the insolence , avarice , and hypocrisy of the then clergy , and notwithstanding the doctrine of luther , if the pope had not provoked the king by endeavouring to cross his marriage with his second wife , his authority might have remained in england till there had risen some other quarrel . b. did not the bishops that then were , and had taken an oath , wherein was among other things that they should defend and maintain the regal rights of st. peter , the words are regalia sancti petri , which nevertheless some have said are regulas sancti petri , ( that is to say ) st. peter's rules or doctrine , and that the clergy afterwards did read it , ( being perhaps written in shorthand ) by a mistake to the pope's advantage regalia . did not ( i say ) the bishops oppose that act of parliament against the pope's , and against the taking of the oath of supremacy ? a. no , i do not find the bishops did many of them oppose the king ; for having no power without him it had been great imprudence to provoke his anger ; there was besides a controversy in those times between the pope and the bishops , most of which did maintain , that they exercised their jurisdiction episcopal in the right of god , as immediately as the pope himself did exercise the same over the whole church ; and because they saw that by this act of the king in parliament they were to hold their power no more of the pope , and never thought of holding it of the king , they were perhaps better content , to let the act of parliament pass in the reign of king edward the sixth , the doctrine of luther had taken such great root in england that they threw out a great many of the pope's new articles of faith , which queen mary succeeding him restored again , together with all that had been abolished by king henry the eighth ▪ saving ( that which could not be restored ) the religious houses , and the bishops , and clergy of king edward were partly burnt for hereticks , partly fled , and partly recanted ; and they that fled betook themselves to those places beyond sea , where the reformed religion was either protected , or not persecuted , who after the decease of queen mary returned again to favour and preferment under queen elizabeth , that restored the religion of her brother king edward , and so it had continued to this day excepting the interruption made in this late rebellion of the presbyterians and other democra●ical men : but thus the romish religion were now cast out by the law , yet there were abundance of people , and many of them of the nobility that still retained the religion of their ancestors , who as they were not much molested in points of conscience , so they were not by their own inclination very troublesom to the civil government , but by the secret practice of the jesuites and other emissaries of the roman church , they were made less quiet than they ought to have been ; and some of them to venture upon the most horrid act that ever had been heard of before , i mean upon the gunpowder treason , and upon that account the papists in england have been looked upon as men that would not be sorry for any disorders here that might possibly make way to the restoring of the pope's authority : and therefore i named them for one of the distempers of the state of england in the time of our late king charles . b. i see that monsieur du plesis and dr. morton bishop of durham writing of the progress of the pope's power and intituling their books , one of them , the mystery of iniquity , the other the grand imposture , were both in the right , for i believe there was never such another cheat in the world : and i wonder that the kings and states of christendom never perceived it . a. it is manifest they did perceive it . how else durst they make war against the pope , and some of them take him out of rome it self , and carry him away prisoner ? but if they would have freed themselves from his tyranny , they should have agreed together and made themselves every one ( as henry the eighth did ) head of the church within their own respective dominions , but not agreeing they let his power continue , every one hopeing to make use of it ( when there should be cause against his neighbour . b. now , as to the other distemper by presbyterians . how came their power to be so great being of themselves for the most part but so many poor scholars ? a. this controversie between the papist and reformed churches could not chuse but make every man , to the best of his power , examine by the scriptures which of them was in the right , and to that end they were translated into vulgar tongues : whereas be●●● the translation of them was not allowed , nor any man to read them , but such as had express licence so to do , for the pope did concerning the scriptures the same , that moses did concerning mount sinai , moses suffered no man to go up to it , to hear god speak or gaze upon him , but such as he himself took with him , and the pope suffered none to speak with god in the scriptures that had not some part of the pope's spirit in him , for which he might be trusted . b. certainly moses did therein very wisely , and according to god's own commandment . a. no doubt of it , and the event it self hath made it since appear so ; for after the bible was translated into english , every man , nay every boy and wench that could read english , thought they spoke with god almighty , and understood what he said , when by a certain number of chapters a day they had read the scriptures once or twice over , the reverence and obedience due to the reformed church here , and to the bishops and pastors therein , was cast off , and every man became a judge of religion and an interpreter of the scriptures to himself . b. did not the church of england intend it should be so : what other end could they have in recommending the bible to me , if they did not mean i should make it the rule of my actions , else they might have kept it , though open to themselves , to me sealed up in hebrew , greek and latine , and fed me out of it , in such measure as had been requisite for the salvation of my soul , and the churches peace . a. i confess this licence of interpreting the scripture was the cause of so many several sects , as have lain hid till the beginning of the late king's reign , and did then appear to the disturbance of the commonwealth , but to return to the story , those persons that fled for religion in the time of queen mary , resided , for the most part , in places where the reformed religion was professed and governed by an assembly of ministers , who also were not a little made use of ( for want of better statesmen ) in points of civil government , which pleased so much the english and scotch protestants that lived amongst them , that at their return they wished there were the same honour and reverence given to the ministry in their own countries , and in scotland ( king james being then young ) soon ( with the help of some of the powerful nobility ) they brought it to pass ; also they that returned into england in the beginning of the reign of queen elizabeth , endeavoured the same here , but could never effect it till this last rebellion , nor without the help of the scots , and it was no sooner effected but it was defeated again by the other sects , which by the preaching of the presbyterians and private interpretation of scripture , were grown numerous . b. i know indeed , that in the beginning of the late war , the power of the presbyterians was so very great , that not onely the citizens of london were , almost all of them , at their devotion ; but also the greatest part of all other cities and market towns of england : but you have not yet told me by what art and what degrees they became so strong . a. it was not their own art alone that did it , but they had the concurrence of a great many gentlemen that did no less desire a popular government in the civil state than these ministers did in the church ; and as these did in the pulpit draw the people to their opinions and to a dislike of the church government , canons , and common prayer book , so did the other make them in love with democracie by their harangues in the parliament , and by their discourse and communication with people in the country , continnually extolling of liberty , and inveighing against tyrany , leaving the people to collect of themselves , that this tyrany was the present government of the state : and as the presbyterians brought with them into their churches their divinity from the universities , so did many of the gentlemen bring their politicks from thence into the parliament , but neither of them did this very boldly in the time of q. eliz. and though it be not likely that all of them did it out of malice , but many of them out of error , yet certainly the chief leaders were ambitious ministers and ambitious gentlemen , the ministers envying the authority of bishops , whom they thought less learned . and the gentlemen envying the privy council whom they thought less wise than themselves ; for 't is a hard matter for men who do all think highly of their own wits ( when they have also acquired the learning of the university ) to be perswaded that they want any ability requisite for the government of a commonwealth , especially having read the glorious histories , and the sententious politick of the ancient popular government of the greeks and romans amongst whom kings were hated and branded with the name of tyrants ; and popular government ( though no tyrant was ever so cruel as a popular assembly ) passed by the name of liberty . the presbyterian ministers in the beginning of the reign of q. eliz. did not ( because they durst not ) publickly preach against the discipline of the church , but not long after ( by the favour perhaps of some great courtier ) they went abroad preaching in most of the market towns of england ( as the preaching fryers had formerly done ) upon working days in the morning ; in which these and others of the same tenets ; that had charge of souls both by the manner and matter of their preaching ; applied themselves wholly to the winning of the people , to a likeing of their doctrines , and good opinion of their persons . and first for the manner of their preaching , they so framed their countenance and gesture at the entrance into the pulpit , and their pronunciation , both in their prayer and sermon ; and used the scripture phrase , whether understood by the people or not , as that no tragedian in the world could have acted ▪ the part of a right godly man better then these did , insomuch that a man unacquainted with such art could never suspect any ambitious plot in them , to raise sedition against the state , as they then had designed , or doubt that the vehemence of their voice ( for the same words with the usual pronunciation had been of little force ) and forcedness of their gesture and looks could arise from any thing else but zeal to the service of god. and by this art they came into such credit , that numbers of men used to go forth of their own parishes and towns on working days , leaving their calling ; and on sunday leaving their own churches to hear them preach in other places , and to despise their own and all other preachers that acted not as well as they . and as for those ministers that did not usually preach , but instead of sermons did read to the people such homilies as the church had appointed ; they esteemed and called them dumb dogs . secondly , for the matter of their sermons , because the anger of the people in the late roman usurpation was then fresh ; they saw there could be nothing more gracious with them then to preach against such other points of the romish religion as the bishops had not yet condemned , that so receding farther from popery then they did , they might with glory to themselves leave a suspition on the bishops as men not yet well purged from idolatry . thirdly , before their sermons their prayer was ▪ or seemed to be ex tempore , which they pretended to be dictated by the spirit of god within them , and many of the people believed or seemed to believe it , or any man might see that they did not take care before hand , what they should say in their prayers : and from hence came a dislike of the common prayer-book , which is a set form praemeditated : that men might see to what they were to say , amen . fourthly , they did never in their sermons , or but lightly inveigh against the lucrative vices of men of trade or handicraft , such as are faining , lying , couzening , hypocrisie , and other uncharitableness ( except want of charity to their pastor , and to the faithful , which was a great ease to the generality of citizens , and the inhabitants of market towns , and no little profit to themselves . fifthly , by preaching up an opinion , that men were to be assured of their salvation , by the testimony of their own private spirit , meaning the holy ghost ; dwelling within them : and from this opinion , the people , that ●ound in themselves a sufficient hatred towards the papists , and an ability to repeat the sermons of these men at their coming home made no doubt , but that they had all that was necessary , how fraudulently and spitefully soever they behaved themselves to their neighbours , that were not reckoned amongst the saints , and sometimes to those also . sixthly , they did indeed with great earnestness , and severity inveigh often against two sins , carnal lust , and vain swearing , which without question was very well done , but the common people were thereby inclined to believe , that nothing else was sin , but that which was forbidden in the 3d. and 7th . commandment : for few men do understand by the name of lust any other concupiscence than that which is forbidden in the 7 commandment : for men are not ordinarily said to lust after another mans catle , or other goods or possessions , and therefore never made much scruple of the acts of fraud & malice , but endeavoured to keep themselves from uncleaness only , or at least from the scandal of it ; and whereas they did both in their sermons and writings maintain and inculcate , that the very first motions of the mind , that is to say the delight men and women took in the sight of one anothers form , though they checked the proceeding therof , so that it never grew up to be a design , was nevertheless a sin ; they brought young men into desperation and to think themselves damn'd because they could not ( which no man can , and is contrary to the constitution of nature ) behold a delightful object without delight ; and by this means they became confessors to such as were thus troubled in conscience , and were obeyed by them , as these spiritual doctors in all cases of conscience . b. yes , divers of them did preach frequently against oppression . a. t is true , i had forgot that , but it was before such as were free enough from it , ( i mean ) the common people , who would easily believe themselves oppressed , but never oppressors : and therefore you may reckon this amongst their artificers , to make their people beleive they were oppressed by the king , or perhaps by the bishops or both , and inclined the meaner sort to their party afterward when there should be occasion ; but this was but sparingly done in the time of q. eliz. whose fear and jealousie they were afraid of : nor had they as yet any great power in the parliament house , whereby to call in question her prerogative by petitions of right , and other devices as they did afterwards when democratical gentlemen had received them into their council , for the design of changing the monarchical government into popular , which they called liberty . b. who could think that such horrible designs as these could so easily and so long remain , covered with the cloak of godliness ; for that they were most impious hypocrites is manifest enough , by the war these preceedings ended in , and by the impious act in the war committed ? but when began first to appear in parliament the attempt of popular government and by whom ? a. as to the time of attempting the change of government from monarchical to democratical , we must distinguish : they did not challenge the soveraignty in plain terms , and by that name , till they had slain the king ; nor the rights thereof , altogether , by particular heads , till the king was driven from london by tumults raised in the city against him , and retired for the security of his person to york , where he had not been many days when they sent unto him nineteen propositions , whereof above a dozen were demands of several powers , essential parts of the power soveraign , but before that time they had demanded some of them ( in a petition which they called a petition of right ) which nevertheless the king had granted them in a former parliament : though he deprived himself thereby , not only of the power to levy mony without their consent , but also of his ordinary revenue by custome of tonnage and poundage , and of the liberty to put into custody such men as he thought likely to disturb the peace and ●●ise sedition in the kingdom : as for the men that did this , 't is enough to say , they were the members of the last parliament , and of some other parliaments in the beginning of the reign of king charles , and the end of the reign of king james : to name them all is not necessary , farther then the story shall require ; most of them were members of the house of commons , some few also of the lords : but all such as had a great opinion of their sufficiency in politicks which they thought was not sufficiently taken notice of by the king. b. how could the parliament , when the king had a great navy , and a great number of train'd souldiers , and all the magazines of ammunition in his power , be able to begin the war. a. the king had these things in his right , but that signifies little , when they had the custody of the navy and magazines , and with them all the trained souldiers , and in a manner all the subjects were by the preaching of presbyterian ministers and the seditious whispering of false and ignorant polititians made his enemies , and when the king could have no money but what the parliament should give him , which you may be sure should not be enough to maintain his legal power , which they intended to take from him . and yet i think they would never have adventured into the field but for that unlucky business of imposing upon the sc●ts ( who were all presbyterians ) our book of common prayer , for i believe the english would never have taken well that the parliament should make war upon the king upon any provocation , unless it were in their own defence , in case the king should first make war upon them , and therefore it behoved them to provoke the king that he might do something that might look like hostility : it hapned in the year 1637. that the king by the advice ( as it is thought ) of the arch-bishop of canterbury , sent down a book of common prayer into scotland , not differing in substance from ours , nor much in words , besides the putting of the word presbyter for that of minister , commanding it to be used ( for conformity to this kingdom ) by the ministers there , for an ordinary form of divine service ; this being read out the church at edinburgh , caused such a tumult there , that he that read it had much adoe to escape with his life , and gave occasion to the greatest part of the nobility , and others , to enter ( by their own authority ) into a covenant amongst themselves to put down episcopacy without consulting the king , which they presently did , animated thereto by their own confidence , or by assurance from some of the democratical english men , that in former parliaments had been the greatest opposers of the king's interest , that the king would not be able to raise an army to chastise them without calling a parliament , which would be sure to favour them , for the thing which those democraticals chiefly then aimed at , was to force the king to call a parliament , which he had not done of ten years before , as having found no help , but hinderance , to his designs in the parliaments he had formerly called . howsoever contrary to their expectation by the help of his better affected subjects of the nobility and gentry , he made a shift to raise a sufficient army to have reduced the scots to their former obedience , if it had proceeded to battle : and with this army he marched himself into scotland , where the scotch army was also brought into the field against him , as if they meant to fight ; but then the scotch sent to the king for leave to treat by commissioners on both sides , and the king willing to avoid the destruction of his own subjects condescended to it , the issue was peace , and the king thereupon went to edinburgh and passed an act of parliament there to their satisfaction . b. did he not then confirm episcopacy ? a. no , but yielded to the abolishing of it , but by the means the english were crossed in their hope of a parliament , but the democraticals , formerly opposers of the king's interest , ceased not to endeavour still to put the two nations into a war , to the end the king might buy the parliament's help at no less a price than soveraignty it self . b. but what was the cause that the gentry and nobility of scotland were so averse from episcopacy ? for i can hardly believe that their consciences were extraordinarily tender , nor that they were so very great divines as to know what was the true church discipline established by our saviour and his apostles , nor yet so much in love with their ministers as to be over-ruled by them in the government either ecclesiastical or civil , for in their lives they were just as other men are , pursuers of their own interests and preferments , wherein they were not more opposed by the bishops than by their presbyterian ministers . a. truly i do not know , i cannot enter into other mens thoughts farther than i am lead by the consideration of human nature in general : but upon this consideration i see . first , that men of antient wealth and nobility are not apt to brook , that poor schollars should ( as they must when they are made bishops ) be their fellows . secondly , that from the emulation of glory between the nations , they be willing to see their nation afflicted with civil war , and might hope by aiding the rebels here to acquire some power over the english ; at least so far as to establish here the presbyterian discipline , which was also one of the points they afterwards openly demanded . lastly , they might hope for in the war some great sum of money as a reward of their assistance , besides great booty which they afterwards obtained , but whatsoever was the cause of their hatred to bishops , the pulling of them down was not all they aimed at ; if it had ( now that episcopacy was abolished by act of parliament ) they would have rested satisfied , which they did not ; for after the king was returned to london the english presbyterians and democraticals , by whose favour they had put down bishops in scotland , thought it reason to have the assistance of the scotch for the pulling down of bishops in england ▪ and in order thereunto , they might perhaps deal with the scots secretly to rest unsatisfied with that pacification which they were before contented with , howsoever it was , not long after the king was returned to london they sent up to some of their friends at court a certain paper containing ( as they pretended ) the articles of the said pacification : a false and scandalous paper , which was by the king's command burnt ( as i have heard ) publickly , and so both parts returned to the same condition as they were in when the king went down with his army . b. and so there was a great deal of money cast away to no purpose ; but you have not told me who was general of that army . a. i told you the king was there in person , he that commanded under him was the earl of arundel ; a man that wanted not either valour o● judgement : but to proceed to battle , or to treaty , was not in his power but in the king 's . b. he was a man of a most noble and loyal family , and whose ancestors had formerly given a great overthrow to the scots in their own countrey , and in all likelihood he might have given them the like now , if they had fought . a. he might indeed , but it had been but a kind of superstition to have made him general upon that account , though many generals heretofore have been chosen for the good luck of their ancestors in the like occasions . in the long war between athens and sparta a general of the athenians by sea , won many victories against the spartans , for which cause after his death they chose his son for general with ill success : the romans that conquered carthage by the valor and conduct of scipio , when they were to make war again in africk against caesar , chose another scipio , a man valiant and wise enough , but he perished in the imployment . and to come home to our own nation , the earl of essex made a fortunate expedition to cadiz , but his son sent afterwards to the same place could do nothing . 't is but a foolish superstition to hope that god has entailed success in war , upon a name or family . b. after the pacification broken what succeeded next ? a. the king sent duke hamilton with commission and instructions into scotland to call a parliament there , ( but all was to no purpose ) and to use all the means he could otherwise , but the scots were resolved to raise an army , and to enter into england , to deliver ( as they pretended ) their grievances to his majesty in a petition because the king ( they said ) being in the hands of evil councellors , they could not otherwise obtain their right ; but the truth is , they were otherwise animated to it by the democratical , and presbyterian english , with a promise of reward , and hope of plunder : some have said that duke hamilton also did rather encourage them to , than deterr them from the expedition ; as hoping by h● disorder of the two kingdoms to bring to pass that which he had formerly been accused to endeavour to make himself king of scotland ; but i take this to have been a very uncharitable censure upon so little ground to judge so hardly of a man , that afterwards lost his life in seeking to procure the liberty of the king his master . this resolution of the scots to enter into england being known : the king wanting money to raise an army against them , was now , as his enemies here wished , constrained to call a parliament to meet at westminster the 13 of april 1640. b. methinks a parliament o● england , if upon any occasion should furnish the king with money now in a war against the scots out of an inveteterate disaffection to that nation that had always taken part with their enemies the french , and which alwayes esteemed the glory of england for an abatement of their own . a. 't is indeed commonly seen that neighbour nations envy one anothers honour , and that the less potent bears the greater malice ; but that hinders them not from agreeing in those things which their common ambition leads them to : and therefore the king found for the war , but the less help , from this parliament , and most of the members thereof in their ordinary discourses seemed to wonder , why the king should make a war upon scotland , and in that parliament sometime called them their brethren the scots , but instead of taking the king's business , which was the raising of money , into their consideration , they fell upon the redressing of grievances , and especially such way of levying money as in the last intermission of parliament the king had been forced to use , such as were ship money , for knighthood , and such other vails ( as one may call them ) of the regal office which lawyers had found justifiable by the antient records of the kingdom ; besides they fell upon the actions of divers ministers of state , though done by the kings own command and warrant , insomuch that before they were called the money which was necessary for this war ( if they had given money as they never meant to do ) had come too late ; it is true there was mention of a sum of money to be given the king by way of bargain , for relinquishing his right to ship-money , and some other of his prerogatives ; but so seldom , and without determining any sum , that it was in vain for the king to hope for any success ; and therefore on the fifth of may following he disolved them . b. where then had the king money to raise and pay his army ? a. he was forced the second time to make use of the nobility and gentry , who contributed some more , some less , according to the greatness of their estates , but amongst them all they made up a very sufficient army . b. it seems then that the same men that crossed his business in the parliament , now out of parliament advanced it all they could , what was the reason of that ? a. the greatest part of the lords in parliament and the gentry throughout england were more affected to monarchy than to a popular government , but so as not to endure to hear of the king 's absolute power , which made them in time of parliament easily to condescend to abridge it , and bring the government to a mixt monarchy , as they called it , wherein the absolute sovereignty should be divided between the king , the house of lords , and the house of commons . b. but how if they cannot agree ? a. i think they never thought of that , but i am sure they never meant the soveraignty should be wholly either in one or both houses ; besides they were loath to desert the king when he was invaded by forreiners ; for the scots were esteemed by them as a forrein nation . b. it is strange to me that england and scotland being but one island , and their language almost the same , & being governed by one king , should be thought forreiners to one another , the romans were masters of many nations , and to oblige them the more to obey the edicts of the law sent unto them by the city of rome , they thought fit to make them all romans ; and out of divers nations as spain , germany , italy , and france , to advance some , that they thought worthy , even to be senators of rome , and to give every one of the common people the priviledge of the city of rome , by which they were protected from the contumelies of other nations where they resided , why were not the scotch and english in like manner united unto one people ? a. king james at his first coming to the crown of england did endeavour it , but could not prevail , but for all that i believe the scotch have now as many priviledges in england as any nation had in rome of those which were so ( as you say ) made romans ; for they are all naturaliz'd , and have right to buy land in england to them and their heirs . b. 't is true of them that were born in scotland after the time that king james was in possession of the kingdom of england . a. there be very few now that were born before . but why have they a better right that were born after than they that were born before ? b. because they were born subjects to the king of england and the rest not . a. were not the rest born subjects to king james ? and was not he king of england ? b. yes , but not then . a. i understand not the subtilty of the distinction , but upon what law is that distinction grounded ? is there any statute to that purpose ? b. i cannot tell , i think not , but it is grounded upon equity . a. i see little equity in this , that those nations that are bound to equal obedience to the same king should not have equal priviledges : and now seeing there be so very few born before king james's comeing in ; what greater priviledges had those ingrafted romans by their naturalization in the state of rome , or in the state of england , the english themselves more than the scotch ? b. those romans , when any of them were in rome , had their voice in the making of laws . a. and the scotch have their parliaments wherein their assent is required to the law there made , which is as good ; have not many of the provinces of france their several parliaments , and several constitutions ? yet they are all equally natural subjects to the king of france . and therefore for my part , i think they were mistaken both english and scotch in calling one another forreiners . howsoever that be , the king had a very sufficient army wherewith he marched towards scotland , and by that time he was come to york the scotch army was drawn up to the frontiers , and ready to march into england , ( which also they presently did ) giving out all the way , that their march should be without damage to the country , and that their errand was onely to deliver a petition to the king for the redress of many pretended injuries they had received from such of the court whose counsel the king most followed so they passed through northumberland quietly till they came to a ford in the river of tine a little above newcastle ▪ where they found some little opposition from a party of the king's army sent thither to stop them , whom the scots easily mastered , and as soon as they were over , seized upon newcastle , and coming farther on , upon the city of duresme , and sent to the king to desire a treaty , which was granted , and the commissioners on both sides met at rippon , the conclusion was that all should be referred to the parliament which the king should call to meet at westminster the third of november following in the same year 1640. and thereupon the king returned to london . b. so the armies were disbanded . a. no , the scotch army was to be defrayed by the counties of northumberland and duresme , and the king was to pay his own till the disbanding of both should be agreed upon in parliament . b. so in effect both the armies were maintained at the king's charge , and the whole controversie to be desided by a parliament , almost wholly presbyterian , and as partial to the scotch as themselves could have wished . a. and yet for all this they durst not presently make war upon the king ; there was so much yet left of reverence to him in the hearts of the people as to have made them odious if they had declared what they intended , they must have some colour or other to make it be believed , that the king made war first upon the parliament . and besides they had not yet sufficiently disgraced him in sermons and pamphlets , nor removed from about him those they thought could best counsel him , therefore they resolved to proceed with him like skilfull hunters , first to single him out by men disposed in all parts to drive him into the open field , and then in case he should not seem to turn head to call that making a war against the parliament . and first , they called in question such as had either preached , or written , in defence of those rights which belonging to the crown they meant to usurp , and take from the king to themselves , whereupon some few writers and preachers were imprisoned , or forced to fly : the king not protecting these , they proceeded to call in question some of the king 's own actions in his ministers , whereof they imprisoned some , and some went beyond sea , and whereas certain persons having endeavoured by book and sermons to raise sedition , and committed other crimes of high nature , had therefore been censured by the kings council in the star-chamber and imprisoned ; the parliament by their own authority , to try ( it seems ) how the king and the people would take it ( for their persons were inconsiderable ) ordered their setting at liberty , which was accordingly done , with great applause of the people that flocked about them in london in manner of a triumph . this being done without resistance , the kings right to ship-mony — b. ship-mony ! what 's that ? a. the kings of england for the defence of the sea had power to tax all the counties of england whether they were maritine or not , for the building and furnishing of ships , which tax the king had then lately found cause to impose , and the parliament exclaimed against it as an oppression : and one of their members that had been taxed but 20 shillings , ( mark the oppression , a parliament-man of 500 lb. a year land taxed at 20 shillings ) they were forced to bring it to a trial at law , he refusing payment , and he was cast again : when all the judges of westminster were demanded their opinions concerning the legality of it ▪ of twelve , that there are , it was judged legal by ten ; for which though they were not punished , yet they were affrighted by the parliament . b. what did the parliament mean when they did exclaim against it as illegal ? did they mean it was against statute law , or against the judgments of lawyers given heretofore , which are commonly called reports ? or did they mean it was against equity , which i take to be the ●ame with the law of nature ? a. it is a hard matter , or rather impossible to know what other men mean , especially , if they be crafty , but sure i am equity was not their ground for their pretence of immunity from contributing to the king , but at their own pleasure , for when they have laid the burthen of defending the whole kingdom and governing it upon any person whatsoever ; there is little equity he should depend on others for the means of performing it , or if he do , they are his soveraign , not he theirs , and as for the common law , contained in reports , they have no force but what the king gives them , besides it were unreasonable that a corrupt or foolish judge's unjust sentence should by any time , how long soever , obtain the authority and force of a law , but amongst the statute laws there is one called magna charta , or the great charter of the liberties of english men , in which there is one article that no man shall be distrained , that is , have his goods taken from him otherwise than by the law of the land. b. is not that a sufficient ground for their purpose ? a. no , that leaves us in the same doubt which you think it clears ; for , where was the law of the land then ? did they mean another magna charta that was made by some king more antient yet ? no , that statute was made not to exempt any man from payments to the publick , but for securing of every man from such as abused the king's power by surreptitious obtaining of the king's warrants , to the oppressing of those against whom he had any suite in law : but it was conducing to the end of some rebellious spirits in this parliament , to have it interpreted in the wrong sense , and suitable enough to the understanding of the rest , or most part of them to let it pass . b. you make the members of that parliament very simple men , and yet the people chose them for the wisest of the land. a. if craft be wisedom they were wise enough , but wise as i de●ino it , is he that knows how to bring his business to pass without the assistance of knavery and ignoble shifts , by the sole strength of his good contrivance , a fool may win from a better gamester by the advantage of false dice , and packing of cards . b. according to your difinition there be few wise men now adays , such wisedome is a kind of gallantry that few are brought up to ; and most think folly , fine cloaths , great feathers , civility towards men that will not swallow injuries , and injury towards them that will is the present gallantry ; but when the parliament afterwards having gotten the power into their hands levied money to their own use , what said the people to that ? a. what else , but that it was legal , and to be paid as being imposed by consent of parliament . b. i have heard often that they ought to pay what was imposed by consent of parliament to the use of the king , but to their own use , never before ; i see by this it is easier to gull the multitude than any one man amongst them , for what one man that has his natural judgment depraved by accident , could be so easily cousened in a matter that concerns his purse , had he not been passionately carried away by the rest to change of government , or rather to a liberty of every one to govern himself . a. judge then what kind of men such a multitude of ignorant people were like to elect for the burgeses , and knights of shires . b. i can make no other judgment , but that they who were then elected , were just such as had been elected for former parliaments , and as are like to be elected for parliaments to come , for the common people have been , and always will be ignorant of their duty to the publick , as never meditating any thing , but their particular interest , in other things following their immediate leaders , which are either the preachers , or the most potent of the gentlemen that dwell amongst them as common souldiers for the most part follow their captains , if they like them ; if you think the late miseries have made them wiser , that will quickly be forgot , and then we shall be no wiser than we were ? a. why may not men be taught their duty ? that is , the science of just and unjust , as divers other sciences have been taught , from true principles and demonstrations ? and much more easily than any of those preachers and democratical gent. could , rebellion and treason . b. but who can teach what none have learned ? or if any man hath been so singular as to have studied the science of justice and equity , how can he teach it safely when it is against the interest of those that are in possession of the power to hurt him . a. the rules of the just and unjust sufficiently demonstrated , and from principles evident to the meanest capacity have not been wanting , and notwithstanding the obscurity of their author , have shined not only in this , but in forreign countries , to men of good education , but they are few in respect of the rest of men , whereof many cannot read ; many though they can have no leasure , and of them that have leasure , the greatest part have their minds wholly imployed and taken up by their private businesses or pleasures : so that it is impossible that the multitude should ever learn their duty but from the pulpit , and upon holy-dayes , but then , and from thence it is that they learned their disobedience ; and therefore the light of that doctrine has been hitherto coverred and kept under ; hereby a cloud of adversaries which no private man's reputation can break through , without the authority of the universities , but from the universities came all those preachers that taught the contrary . the universities have been to this nation as the wooden-horse was to the trojans ; b. can you tell me why , and when the universities here first began ? a. it seems , for the time , they began in the reign of the emperour charles the great , before which time i doubt not but there were many grammar schools for the latine tongue , which was the natural language of the roman church , but for universities , that is to say , schools for the science in general , and especially for divinity ; it is manifest that the institution of them was recommended by the pope's letter to the emperor charles the great , and recommended farther , by a council held in his time , i think , at chal. sur saone ; and not long after was erected an university at paris , and the colledge called university colledge at oxford , and so by degrees several bishops , noblemen , and rich men , and some kings and queens contributing thereunto , the universities at last obtained their present splendor . b. but what was the pope's designe in it ? a. what other design was he like to have , but what you heard before ? the advancement o● his own authority in the countries where the universities were erected ? there they learned to dispute for him , and with unintelligible distinctions to blind mens eyes , whilst they encroached upon the rights of kings ; and it was an evident argument of that design , that they fell in hand with the work so quickly ; for the first rector of the university of paris , as i have read some where , was peter lombard , who fi●st brought it to them the learning called school divinity , and was seconded by john scot of duns , who lived in , or near , the same time , whom any ingenious reader not knowing what was the design would judge to have been the most egregious blockhead in the world ? so obscure and senseless are their writings : and from these the school-men that succeeded learnt the trick of imposing what they list upon their readers , and declining the force of true reason by verbal forks , i mean distinctions that signify nothing , but serve only to astonish the multitude of ignorant men : as for the understanding readers they were so few , that these new sublime doctors cared not what they thought , these school men were to make good all the articles of faith which the pope from time to time should command to be believed : amongst which there were very many inconsistent with the rights of kings , and other civil soveraigns , as asserting to the pope all authority whatsoever , they should declare to be necessary in ordine ad spiritualia , ( that is to say ) in order to religion . from the universities also it was that preachers proceeded , and were poured out into city and country to terrify the people into an absolute obedience to the pope's canons and commands , which for fear of wakening kings and princes too much , they durst not yet call them laws . from the universities it was that the phylosophy of aristotle was made an ingredient to religion , as serving for a salve to a great many absurd articles concerning the nature of christs body , and the state of angels and saints in heaven : which articles they thought fit to have believ'd because they bring some of them profit , and others reverence to the clergy , even to the meanest of them ; for when they shall have made the people believe that the meanest of them can make the body of christ : who is there that will not both shew them reverence , and be liberal to them or to the church , especially in the time of their sickness , when they think they make and bring to them their saviour ? b. but what advantage to them in these impostures was the doctrine of aristotle ? a. they have made more use of his obscurity than his doctrine , for none of the ancient phylosophers writings are comparable to those of aristotle , for their aptness to puzzle and entangle men with words , and to breed disputation , which must at last be ended in the determination of the church of rome . and in the doctrine of aristotle they made use of many points . as first , the doctrine of separated essenses . b. what are separated essenses ? a. separated beings . b. separated from what ? a. from every thing that is . b. i cannot understand the being of any thing , which i understand not to be : but what can they make of that . a. very much in questions concerning the nature of god , and concerning the estate of mans soul after death in heaven , hell , and purgatory , by which you and every ▪ man knows how great obedience , and how much mony they gain from the common people : whereas aristotle holdeth the soul of man to be the first giver of motion to the body , and consequently to it self : they make use of that in the doctrine of free will , what and how they gain by that , i will not say . he holdeth forth , that there be many things that come to pass in this world , from no necessity of causes , but meer contingency , causalty and fortune . b. me thinks in this they make god stand idle , and to be a meer spectator in the games of fortune ; for what god is the cause of must needs come to pass . and in my opinion nothing else : but because there must be some ground for justice of the eternal torment of the damned ; perhaps it is this , that mens wills and propensions are not ( they think ) in the hands of god , but of themselves . and in this also i see something conducing to the authority of the church . a. this is not much , nor was aristotle of such credit with them , but that when his opinion was against theirs , they could slight him ; whatsoever he says is impossible in nature , they can prove well enough to be possible from the almighty power of god , who can make bodies to be in one and the self same place , and one ●ody to be in many places at the same time ; if the doctrine of transubstantiation require it : though aristotle deny it , i like not the design of drawing religion into an arts ▪ whereas it ought to be a law. and though not the same in all countries , yet in every country indisputable ; nor that they teach it not as arts ought to be taught , by shewing first the meaning of their terms , and then deriving from them the truth they would have us believe . nor that their terms are for the most part unt●lligible : though to make it seem rather want of learning in the reader , than want of fair dealing in themselves ; they are for the most part latin and greek words ●ryed a little the point towards the native languages of the several countries where they are used . but that which is most intollerable is , that all clerks are forced to make as if they believe them : if they mean to have any church preferment , the keys whereof are in the popes hands ; and the common people whatsoever they believe of those subtile doctrines , are never esteemed better sons of the church for their learning . there is but one way there to salvation , that is , extraordinary devotion and liberality to the church , and readiness for the churches sake , of it be required ▪ to fight against their natural and lawfull ▪ sovereigns . b. i see what use they make of aristotles logick , physick and metaphysick● . but 〈…〉 not yet how his politicks can serve their turn . a. nor i , it has ( i think ) done them no good ▪ though it ●as done us here much hurt by accident ; for m●n grown weary at last of th● insolence of the priests , and examining the 〈…〉 doctrines that were put upon them , began to search the sense of the scriptures as they are in the learned languages ; and consequently studying greek and latin , became acquainted with the democratical principles of aristotle and cicero , and from the love of their eloquence ▪ fell in ●ove with their politicks , and that more and more , till it grew into the rebellion we now talk of , without any other advantage to the roman church , but that it was awakening to us , whom since we broke out of their net in the time of henry 8. they have continually endeavoured to recover . b. what have they gotten by teaching of aristotles ethicks ? a. it is some advantage to them , that neither the morals of aristotle , nor of any other , have done them any 〈◊〉 , nor us any good . their doctrine have caused a great deal of dispute concerning vertue and vice , but no knowledge of what they are , nor any method of attaining vertue , nor of avoiding vice. the end of moral philosophy , is to teach men of all sorts their duty , both to the publick , and to one another . they estemate virtue partly by a mediocrity of the passions of men , and partly by that , that they are praised ; whereas it is not the much or little praise that makes an action ver●●ous , but the cause ; nor much or little blame that makes an action vitious , but its being unconformable to the laws , in such men as are subject to the law ; or its being unco●●ormable to equity or charity in all men whatsoever . b. it seems you make a difference between the ethicks of subjects , and the ethicks of sovereigns . a. so i do : the vertue of a subject is comprehended wholly in obedience to the laws of the commonwealth . to obey the laws is justice and equity , which is the law of nature , and consequently is civil law in all nations of the world ; and nothing is injustice or iniquity , otherwise then it is against the law : likewise to obey the law is the prudence of a subject ; for without such obedience the commonwealth ( which is every subjects safety and protection ) cannot subsist . and though it be prudence also in private men , justly and moderately to enrich themselves ; yet craftily to withhold from the publick , or defraud it of such part of the wealth as is by law required , is no sign of prudence , but of want of knowledge of what is necessary for their own defence . the vertues of soveraigns are such as tend to the maintenance of peace at home , and to the resistance of forreign enemies . fortitude is a royal vertue , and though it be necessary in such private men as shall be soldiers ; yet for other men the less they dare the better it is , both for the commonwealth , and for themselves . frugality ( though perhaps you will think it strange ) is also a royal vertue , for it increases the publick stock , which cannot be too great for the publick use , not any man too sparing of what he has in trust for the good of others . liberality also is a royal vertue , for the commonwealth cannot be well serv'd without extraordinary diligence and service of ministers , and great fidelity to their soveraign , who ought therefore to be incouraged and especially those that do him service in the wars . in summ , all actions or habits are to be esteemed good or evil , by their causes and usefulness in reference to the commonwealth , and not by their mediocrity , nor by their being commended ; for several men praise several customes , and that which is vertue with one , is blam'd by others and contrarily , what one calls vice , an other calls vertue as their present affections lead them . b. methinks you should have placed amongst the vertues , that which in my opinion is the greatest of all vertues , religion . a. so i have , though it seems you did not observe it : but whether do we digress from the way we were in ? b. i think you have not digressed at all ; for i suppose your purpose was to acquaint me with the history , not so much of those actions that past in the time of the late troubles , as of their causes , and of the counsels , and artifices by which they were brought to pass . there be divers men that have written the history , out of whom i might have learned what they did , and somewhat also of the contrivance : but i find little in them of it . i would ask therefore , since you were pleased to enter into this discourse at my request ; be pleased also to inform me after my own method . and for the danger of confusion that may arise from that , i will take care to bring you back to the place from whence i drew you ; for i well remember where it was . a : well then , to your question concerning religion , inasmuch as i told you , that vertue is comprehended in obedience to the laws of the commonwealth , whereof religion is one , i have placed religion amongst the vertues . b. is religion then the law of a common-wealth ? a. there is no nation in the world , whose religion is not established , and receives not its authority from the laws of that nation . it is true that the law of god receives no obedience from the laws of men ; but because men can never by their own wisdom come to the knowledge of what god hath spoken and commanded to be observed , nor be obliged to obey the laws , whose author they know not ; they are to acquiess in some humane authority or other : so that the question will be , whether a man ought in matter of religion , ( that is to say ) when there is question of his duty to god and the king ▪ to rely upon the preaching of their fellow-subjects , or of a stranger , or upon the voice of the law ? b. there is no great difficulty in that point , for there is none that preach here , or any where else , at least ought to preach , but such as have authority so to do , from him or them that have the sovereign power : so that if the king give us leave , you or i may as lawfully preach as them that do , and i believe we should perform that office a great deal better than they , that preached us into rebellion . a. the church morals are in many points very different from these that i have here set down for the doctrine of vertue and vice , and yet without any conformity with that of aristotle , for in the church of rome the principle vertues are to obey their doctrine , though it be treason , and that is to be religious , to be beneficial to the clergy , that is their piety and liberality , and to believe upon their word , that which a man knows in his conscience to be false , which is the faith that they require : i could name a great many more such points of their morals , but that i know you know them already , being so well versed in the cases of conscience written by their school-men , who measure the goodness and wickedness of all actions by their congruity with the doctrine of the roman clergy . b. but what is the moral phylosophy of the protestant clergy in england ? a. so much as they shew of it in their life and conversation , is for the most part very good , and of very good example , much better than their writing● . b. it happens many times that men live honestly for fear ▪ who i● 〈◊〉 had power would live according to their own opinions ; that is , if their opinions be not right , unrighteously . a. do the clergy in england pretend as the pope does , or as the presbyterians doe , to have a right from god immediately to govern the king and his subjects in all points of religion and manners ? if they do , you cannot doubt but that if they had number and strength ( which they are never like to have ) they would attempt to attain that power , as the others have done . b. i would be glad to see a system of the present morals written by some divine of good reputation and learning , and of the late king's party . a. i think i can recommend unto you the best that is extant , and such an one as ( except a few passages that i mislike ) is very well worth your reading : the title of it is , the whole duty of man , laid down in a plain and familiar way . and yet i dare say , that if the presbyterian ministers , even those of them that were the most dilligent preachers of the late sedition ; were to be tried by it they would go near to be found not guilty . he has divided the duty of man into three great branches . his duty to god , to himself , and to his neighbour . in his duty to god he puts the acknowledgment of him is his essence , and his attributes , and , in believing of his word , his attributes are omnipotence , omniscience , infiniteness , justice , truth , mercy , and all the rest that are found in scripture ; which of these did not those seditious preachers acknowledge equally with the best of christians ? the word of god are the books of holy scripture received for c●nonical in england . b. they receive the word of god , but 't is according to their own interpretation . a. according to whose interpretation was it received by the bishops and the rest of the loyal party but their own ? he puts for another duty obedience and submission to god's will. did any of them , nay , did any man living , do any thing , at any time , against god's will ? b. by god's will i suppose he means there , his revealed will ( that is to say ) his commandments , which i am sure they did most horribly break , both by their preaching and otherwise . a. as for their actions there is no doubt but all men are guilty enough ( if god deal severely with them ) to be damned : and for their preaching they will say they thought it agreeable to god's revealed will in the scriptures , if they thought it so , it was not disobedience but error , and how can any man prove they thought otherwise ? b. hypocrisy hath this great prerogative above other sins , that it cannot be accused . a. another duty he sets down is to honour him in his house , that is the church , in his possessions , in his day , in his word and sacraments . b. they perform this duty ( i think ) as well as any other ministers , i mean the loyal party ; and the presbyterians have always had an equal care to have gods house free from profanation ; to have tithes duly paid , to have the sabbath day kept holy , the word preached , and the lords supper and baptism duely administred : but is not the keeping of the feasts and of the fasts , one of those duties that belong to the honour of god , if it be , the presbyterians fail in that ? a. why so , they kept some holy days , and they had feasts among themselves , though not upon the same days that the church ordains , but when they thought fit , as when it pleased god to give the king any notable victory , and they govern'd themselves in this point by the holy scriptures , as they pretend to be ; and can prove they did not believe so . b. let us pass over all other duties , and come to that duty which we owe to the king , and consider whether the doctrine taught by these divines which adhered to the king be such , in that point , as may justifie the presbyterians that incited the people to rebellion ; for that 's the thing you call in question . a ▪ concerning our duty to our rulers , he hath these words , an obedience we must pay either active or passive , the active in the case of all lawfull commands , that is , whenever the magistrate commands something which is not contrary to some command of god we are then bound to act according to that command of the magistrate , to do the thing he requires : but when he enjoyns any thing contrary to what god hath commanded we are not then to pay him this 〈◊〉 obedience , we may , nay we must refuse thus to act ( yet here we must be very well ass●r'd that the thing is so contrary , and not pretend conscience for a cloak of stubborness ) we are in that case to obey god rather than men , but even this is a season for the passive obedience , we must patiently suffer what he inflicts on us for such refusal , and not , to secure our selves , rise up against him . b. what is there in this to give colour to the late rebellion ? a. they will say they did it in obedience to god , inasmuch as they did believe it was according to the scripture , out of which they will bring perhaps examples of david and his adherents , that resisted king saul , and of the prophets afterwards that vehemently from time to time preached against the idolatrous kings of israel and judah , saul was their lawfull king ; and yet they paid him neither active nor passive obedience ; for they did put themselves into a posture of defence against him , though david himself spared his person , and so did the presbyterians put into their commission to their general , that they should spare the kings-person ; besides , you cannot doubt but that they who in the pulpit did animate the people to take arms in defence of the then parliament , alleadged scripture , that is the word of god for it ; if it be lawful then for subjects to resist the k. when he commands any thing against the scripture , that is contrary to the command of god , and to be judge of the meaning of the scripture it is impossible , that the life of any king , or the peace of any christian kingdom can be long secure : it is this doctrine that divides a kingdom within it self , whatsoever the men be loyal or rebels , that write or preach it publickly : and thus you see , that if those seditious ministers be tryed by this doctrine they will come off well enough . b. i see it , and wonder at people , that having never spoken with god almighty , nor knowing one more than another , what he hath said , when the laws and the preacher disagree , should so keenly follow the minister , for the most part an ignorant , though a ready tongu'd scholar , rather than the laws that were made by the king , with the consent of the peers and the commons of the land. a. let us examine his words a little nearer ; first concerning passive obedience , when a thief hath broken the laws , and according to the law , is therefore executed , can any man understand , that this suffering of his is an obedience to the law ? every law is a command to do or to forbear , neither of these is fulfilled by suffering , if any suffering can be called obedience , it must be such as is voluntary ; for no involuntary action can be counted a submission to the law. he that means that his suffering should be taken for obedience , must not only not resist , but also not fly , nor hide himself to avoid his punishment . and who is there among them that discourses of passive obedience , when his life is in extream danger , that will voluntarily present himself to the officers of justice . do not we see that all men when they are led to execution , are both bound and guarded , and would break loose if they could and get away ? such is their passive obedience christ saith , the scribes and pharisees sate in moses chair , all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe , that observe and do , mat. 23. 3. which is a doing an active obedience , and yet the scribes and pharisees appear not by the scripture to have been such godly men , as never to command any thing against the revealed will of god. b. must tyrants also be obeyed in every thing actively , or is there nothing wherein a lawful kings commands may be disobeyed , what if he should command me with my own hands to execute my father , in case he should be condemned to dye by the law ? a. this is a case that need not be put , we never have read nor heard of any king or tyrant so inhumane as to command it ; if any did , we are to consider whether that command were one of his laws , for by disobeying kings , we mean disobeying his laws , those his laws that were made before they were applied to any particular person for the king though as a father of children , and a master of domestick secrets , yet commands the people in general never but by a precedent law , and as a publick not a natural person , and if such a command as you speak of were contrived into a general law ( which never was , nor never will be ) you were bound to obey it , unless you depart the kingdom after the publication of the law , and before the condemnation of your father . b. you author says farther in refusing active obedience to the king that commanded any thing contrary to god's law , we must be very well assured that the thing is so contrary , i would sain know how is it possible to be assured ? a. i think you do not believe , that any of those refusers do immediately from god's own mouth receive any command contrary to the command of the king , who is god's lieutenant , nor any other way than you and i do , that is to say , than by the scriptures , and because men do for the most part rather draw the scripture to their own sense , then follow the true sense of the scripture , there is no other way to know certainly , and in all cases , what god commands or forbids us to do , but by the sentence of him , or them , that are constituted by the king to determine the sence of the scriptures upon hearing of the particular case of conscience which is in question : and they that are so constituted are easily known in all christian commonwealths , whether they be bishops , or ministers , or assemblies that govern the church under him , or them that have the soveraign power . b. some doubts may be raised from this that you now say ; for if men be to learn their duty from the sentence which other men shall give concerning the meaning of the scriptures and not from their own interpretation , i understand not to what end they were translated into english , and every man not only permitted , but also exhorted , to read them ; for what could that produce but diversity of opinion , and consequently ( as man's nature is ) disputation , breach of charity , disobedience , and at last rebellion ? again since the scriptures were allowed to be read in english , why were not the translations such as might make all that 's read understood , even by mean capacities ? did not the jews , such as could read , understand their law in the jewish language as well as we do our statute laws in english ? and as for such places of the scripture as had nothing of the nature of a law , it was nothing to the duty of the jews , whether they were understood or not , seeing nothing is punishable but the transgression of some law ; the same question i may ask concerning the new testament , for i believe that those men to whom the original language was natural did understand sufficiently what commands and counsels were given them by our saviour and his apostles , and his immediate disciples : again how will you answer that question which was put by st. peter and st. john , acts 4. 1● . when b● ananias the high-priest , and others of the council of jerusalem they were forbidden any more to teach in the name of jesus ? whether is it right in the sight of god to hearken to you more than unto god ? a. the case is not the same , peter and john had seen and daily conversed with our saviour , and by the miracles he wrote did know he was god , and consequently knew certainly 〈◊〉 their disobedience to the high priests present command was just . can any minister now say that he hath immediately from god's own mouth received a command to disobey the king , or know otherwise than by the scripture , that any command of the king that hath the form and nature of a law is , against the law of god , which in divers places he directly and evidently commandeth to obey him in all things . the text you cite doth not tell us that a minister's authority , rather than a christian king 's shall decide the questions that arise from the different interpretations of the scripture . and therefore , where the king is head of the church , and by consequence ( to omit that the scripture it self was not receieved but by the authority of kings and states ) chief judge of the rectitude of all interpretations of the scripture , to obey the king's laws and publick edicts is not to disobey , and obey god , a minister ought not to think that his skill in the latine , greek , or hebrew tongues , if he have any , gives him a priviledge to impose upon all his fellow-subjects his own sense , or what he pretends to be his sense of every obscure place of scripture , nor ought he , as often as he hath found some fine interpretation not before thought on by others , to think he had it by inspiration as fine as he thinks it , is not false ; and then all his stubornness and contumacy towards the king and his laws is nothing but pride of heart and ambition or else imposture , and whereas you think it needless , or perhaps hurtful to have the scriptures in english , i am of another mind , there are so many places of scripture easily to be understood , that teach both true faith and good morality , and that as fully as is necessary to salvation , of which no seducer is able to dispose the mind of any ordinary readers , that the reading of them is so profitable as not to be forbidden without great damage to them and the commonwealth ? b. all that is required both in faith and manner 's for man's salvation , is , i confess , set down in scripture as plainly as can be , children obey you● parents in all things : servants obey your masters : let all men be subject to the higher powers , whether it be the king , or those that are sent by him : love god with all your soul , and your neighbour as your self , are words of the scripture , which are well enough understood ; but neither children , nor the greatest part of men do understand why it is their duty so to do ; they see not that the safety of the commonwealth , and consequently their own , depends upon the doing of it : every man by nature without discipline does in all his actions look upon , as far as he can see , the benefit that shall redound to himself by his obedience , he reads that covetousness is the root of all evil , but he thinks , and sometimes finds it is the root of his estate . and so in other cases , the scripture says one thing and they think another , weighing the commodities or incommodities of this present life only , which are in their sight , never putting into the scales the good and evil of the life to come , which they see not . a. all this is no more than happens where the scripture is sealed up in greek and latine , and the people taught the same things out of them by preachers , but they that are of a condition and age fit to examine the sence of what they read , and that take a delight in searching out the grounds of their duty , certainly cannot chuse but by reading of the scriptures come to such a sense of their duty , as not only to obey the laws themselves , but also to induce others to do the same , for commonly men of age and quality are followed by their inferiour neighbours that look more upon the example of those men whom they reverence , and whom they are unwilling to displease then upon precepts and laws . b. these men of the condition and age you speak of are in my opinion the unfittest of all others to be trusted with the reading of the scriptures ; i know you mean such as have studied the greek or latin , or both tongues , and that are withal such as love knowledge , and consequently take delight in finding out the meaning of the most hard texts , or in thinking they have found it in case it be new and not found out by others ; these are therefore they that pretermitting the easiy places , that teach them their duty , fall to scanning only the mysteries of religion : such as are , how it may be made out with wit , that there be three that bear rule in heaven , and those three but one , how the deity could be made flesh , how that flesh could be really present in many places at once ? where 's the place , and what the torments of hell and other metaphysical doctrines ? whether the will of man be free , or govern'd by the will of god , whether sanctity comes by inspiration or education : by whom christ now speaks to us , whether by the king , or by the bible to every man that reads it , and interprets it to himself , or by a private spirit , to every private man : these and the like points are the study of the curious and the cause of all our late mischief ; and the cause that makes the plainer sort of men whom the scriptures had taught belief in christ , love towards god , obedience towards the king , and sobriety of behaviour ; forget it all and place their religion in the disputable doctrines , of these your wise men. a. i do not think these men fit to interpret the scriptures to the rest : nor do i say that the rest ought to take their interpretation for the word of god. whatsoever is necessary for them to know more , does them no good ; but in case any of these unnecessary doctrines shall be authorized by the laws of the king or other state : i say it is the duty of every subject not to speak against them in asmuch as 't is every mans duty to obey him , or them that have the sovereign power , and the wisdom of all such powers , to punish such as shall publish or teach their private interpretations when they are contrary to the law : and likely to incline men to sedition or disputing against the law. b. they must punish then the most of those that have had there breeding in the universities , for such curious questions in divinity are first started in the universities ; and so are all those politick questions concerning the rights of civil and ecclesiastical government , and there they are furnished with arguments for liberty , out of the works of aristotle , plato , c●cero , se●ica , and 〈◊〉 of the histories of 〈…〉 for their disputation against the 〈…〉 power of their 〈…〉 therefore i dispare of any 〈…〉 our selves till the 〈…〉 their studies to the 〈…〉 obedience to the laws of the 〈…〉 to his publick edicts under the great seal of england : for i make no doubt but that solid reason backt with the authority of so many learned men , will more prevail for the keeping of us in peace within our selves than any victory can do over the rebells , but i am afraid 't is unpossible to bring the universities to such a compliance with the actions of state as is necessary for the business ; seeing the universities have heretofore from time to time maintain'd the authority of the pope , contrary to all laws ; divine , civil , and natural : against the right of our kings : why can they not as well when they have all manner of laws and equity on their side , maintain the rights of him that is both sovereign of the kingdom and head of the church . b. why then were they not in all points for the kings power presently after that king henry the 8. was in parliament declared head of the church , as much as they were before for the authority of the pope . a. because the clergy in the universities by whom all things there are govern'd , and the clergy without the universities as well bishops as inferiour clerks did think that the pulling down of the pope , was the setting up of them , ( as to england ) in his place , and made no question the greatest part of them , but that their spiritual power did depend not upon the authority of the king but of christ himself derived to them by successible imposition of hands from bishop to bishop ? notwithstanding they knew that this derivation passed through the hands of popes & bishops whose authority they had cast off , for though they were content that the divine right which the pope pretended to in england should be denied him , yet they thought it not so fit to be taken from the church of england , whom they now supposed themselves , to represent . it seems they did not think it reasonable , that a woman , or a child , or a man , that could not construe the hebrew , greek , or latin bible , nor know perhaps the declensions and conjugations of greek or latin , nounes and verbs , should take upon him to govern so many learned doctors in matters of religion , meaning matters of divinity for religion has been for a long time , and is now by most people taken for the same thing with divinity , to the great advantage of the clergie . b. and especially now amongst the presbyterians for i see few that are esteemed by them very good christians besides such as can repeat their sermons and wrangle for them about the interpretation of the scripture , and fight for them also with their bodies or purses when they shal be required to believe in christ is nothing with them , unless you believe as they bid you , charity is nothing with them unless it be charity and liberality to them , and partaking with them in faction how we can have peace while this is our religion , i cannot tell haeret laterilethalis arundo . the seditious doctrine of the presbyterians hath been stuck so hard in the peoples heads and memories , ( i cannot say into their hearts for they understood nothing in it , but that they may lawfully rebel ) that i fear the common-wealth will never be cured . a. the 2 great vertues that were severally in henry the 7. henry the 8. when they shall be joyntly in one king , will easily cure it , that of henry the 7 was without much noise of the people to ●ill his coffers that of henry the 8 was an early severity but this without the former cannot be exercised . b. this that you say looks ( me thinks ) like an advice to the king to let them alone till he have gotten ready money enough to levy and maintain a sufficient army , and then to fall on them and destroy them . a. god forbid that so horrible unchirstian and unhuman design should ever enter into the kings heart , i would have him have money enough , readily to raise an army , able to suppress any rebellion and to take from the enemies all hope of success , that they may not dare to trouble him in the reformation of the universities , but to put none to death , without the a●tual committing such crimes as are already made capital by the laws , the core of rebellion as you have seen by this , and read of other rebellions , are the universities , which nevertheless are not to be cast away but to be better disciplin'd that is to say , that the politicks there taught be made to be ( as true poli●icks should be ) such as are fit to make men know that it is their duty to obey a● laws whatsoever that shall be by the authority of the king enacted ▪ till by the same authority they shall be repeal'd su●● as are fit to make men understand that the civil laws are gods laws , as they that make them , & to make men know that the people and the church are one thing , and have but one head , the ●ing ; and that no man has title to govern under him that has it not from him ; that the king owes his crown to god onl● and to no man ecclesiastick ▪ or other , and that the religion they teach there be a quiet waiting ●or the coming again of our blessed saviour , and in the mean time a resolution to obey the kings laws , which are also gods laws , to injure no man , to be in charity with all men , to cherish the poor and sick , and to live soberly , and free from scanal , without mingling our religion with points of natural phylosophy , as freedom of will , incorporeal substance ; everlasting news , ubiquities , hypostases . which the people understand not , nor will ever care for , when the universities shall be thus disciplined , there will come out of them from time to time , well principled preachers , and they that are ill principled from time to time fall away . b. i think it a very good course , and perhaps the only one that can make our peace amongst our selves constant : for if men know not their duty , what is there that can force them to obey the laws ? an army you l say ; but what shall force the army , were not the train'd bands an army ? were they not the janisaries that not very long ago slew osman in his own palace at constantinople ! i am therefore of your opinion , both that men may be brought to a love of obedience by preachers and gentlemen that imbibe good principles in their youth at the universities ; and also that we never shall have a lasting peace , till the universities themselves be in such manner ( as you have said ) reformed , and the ministers know they have no authority but what the supream civil power gives them : and the nobility and gentry know , that the liberty of a state is not an exemption from the laws of their own countrey , whether made by an assembly , or by a monarchy , but an exemption from the constraint and insolence of their neighbours . and now i am satisfied in this point i will bring you back to the place from whence my curiosity drew you to this long digression ; we were upon the point of ship-money ; one of those grievances , which the parliament exclaimed against , as tyranny and arbitrary government , thereby to single out ( as you called it ) the king from his subjects , and to make a party aginst him , when they should need it : and now you may proceed if it please you , to such other artifices as they used to the same purpose . a. i think it were better to give over here our discourse of this business , and refer it to some other day that you shall think fit . b. content that day , i believe is not far off : a. you are welcome , yet if you had stayed somewhat longer : my money would have been so much the better provided for you . b. nay ! i pray you give me now what you have about you , for the rest i am content to take what time you please . a. after the parliament had made the people believe that the extorting of ship-money was unlawful , and the people thereby inclind to think it tyrannical ; in the next place to increase there disaffection to his majesty : they accused him of a purpose to introduce , and authorize the roman religion in this kingdom : than which nothing was more hateful to the people , not because it was erroneous ( which they had neither learning nor judgment enough to examine ) but because they had been used to hear it inveyed against , in the sermons and discourses of the preachers whom they trusted to , and this was indeed the most effectual callumny to alienate the peoples affections from him that could possibly be invented ; the colour they had for this stand was ; first , that there was one rosseti resident , ( at and a little before the time ) from the pope with the queen . and one mr. george consecretary to the cardinal francisco barbarini , nephew to pope urban the eighth sent over under favour , and protection of the queen ( as was conceived ) to draw as many persons of quality about the court , as he should be able , to reconcile themselves to the church of rome , with what success i cannot tell , but 〈◊〉 likely he gained some , especially of the weaker sex , if i may say they were gained by him , when not his arguments but hope of favour from the queen in all probability prevailed upon them . b. in such a conjuncture as that was , it had perhaps been better they had not been sent . a. there was exception also taken at a covent of fryers , capucines in summerset-house ; though allowed by the articles of marriage ; and it was reported that the jesuits also were shortly after to be allowed a covent in clarkenwel , and in the mean time the principal secretary sir francis windebank was accused for having by his warrant set at liberty some english jesuits that had been taken and imprisoned for returning into england after banishment contrary to the statute , which had made it capital , also the resort of english catholicks to the queens-chappel gave them colour to blame the queen herself , not only for that but also for all the favours that had been shown to the catholicks ; insomuch that some of them did not stick to say openly that the king was governed by her . b. strange injustice ! the queen was a cath●lick by profession , and therefore could not but endeavour to do the catholicks all the good she could , she had not else been truely that which she professed to be , but it seems they meant to force her to hypocrisy , being hypocrites themselves : can any man think it a crime in a devout lady ( of what sect soever ) to seek favour and benediction of that church whereof she is a member . a. to give the parliament another colour for their accusation on foot for the king , as to introducing of popery , there was a great controversy between the episcopal and presbyterian clergy about free-will . the dispute began first in the low-countries , between gomar and arminius , in the time of king james , who foreseeing it might trouble the church of england , did what he could to compose the difference , an assembly of divines was thereupon got together at dort , to which also king james sent a divine or two , but it came to nothing , the question was left undecided , and became a subject to be disputed of in the universities ; here all the presbyterians were of the same mind with gomar , but a very great many others not , and those were called here arminians , who because the doctrine of free-will had been exploded as papistical , and because the presbyterians were far the greater number , and already in favour with the people , they were generally hated ; it was easy therefore for the parliament to make that calumny pass currently with the people ; when the arch bishop of canterbury , dr. laud , was for arminius , and had a little before , by his power ecclesiastical , forbidden all ministers to preach to the people of predestination and when all ministers that were gracious with him , and hoped for any church-preferment fell to preaching and writing for free-will to the uttermost of their power , as a proof of their abillity and merit . besides they gave out , some of them , that the arch-bishop was in heart a papist , and in case he could effect here a tolleration of the roman religion to have a cardinal's hat , which was not only false , but also without any ground at all for a suspicion . b. it is a strange thing that scholars obscure men , that could receive no charity , but from the flame of the state should be suffered to bring their unnecessary disputes , and together with them their quarrels out of the universities into the commonwealth , and more strange that the state should engage in their parties , and not rather put them both to silence : a state can constrain obedience , but convince no error , nor alter the mind of them that believe they have the better reason ; suppression of doctrines does but unite and exasperate , that is , increase both the malice and power of them that have already believed them ; but what are the points they disagree in ? is there any controversy between bishop and presbyterian concerning the divinity o● humanity of christ ? do either of them deny the trinity , or any article of the creed ? does either party preach openly , or write directly against justice , charity , sobriety , , or any other duty , necessary to salvation , except only the duty to the king , and not that neither , but when they had a mind either to rule or destroy the king ? lord have mercy upon us . can no body be saved that understands not their disputations ? or is there more requisite either of faith , or honesty for the salvation of one man than another ? what needs so much preaching of faith to us that are no heathens , and that believe already all that christ and his apostles have told us is necessary to salvation , and more too ? why is there so little preaching of justice ? i have indeed heard righteousness often recommended to the people , but i have seldom heard the word justice in their sermons : nay , though in the the latine and greek bible the word justice occurr exceeding often , yet in the english ( though it be a word that every man understands ( the word righteousness ) which few understand to signify the same , but take it rather for righteousness of opinion , than of action or intention ) is put in the place of it . a. i confess i know very few controversies amongst christians of points necessary to salvation ; they are the questions of authority and power over the church , or of profit , or honour to church-men that for the most part raise all the controversies : for , what man is he that will trouble himself , and fall out with his neighbours for the saving of my soul , or the soul of any other than himself ? when the presbyterian ministers , and others , did so furiously preach sedition , and animate men to rebellion in these late wars . who was there that had not a benefit , or having one , feared not to loose it , or some other part of his maintenance by the alteration of the government , that did voluntarily , without any eye to reward , preach so earnestly against sedition , as the other party preached for it ? i confess that for ought i have observed in history and other writings of the heathens , greek and latine , that those heathens were not at all short of us in point of vertue and moral duties , notwithstanding that we have had much preaching , and they none at all ; i confess also that considering what harm might proceed form a liberty that men have upon every sunday , and oftner , to harangue all the people of a nation at one time , whilst the state is ignorant what they will say , and that there is no such thing permitted in all the world out of christendom , nor therefore any civil wars about religion ; i have thought much preaching an inconvenience , nevertheless i cannot think that preaching to the people the points of their duty both to god and man can be too frequent , so it be done by grave , discreet , and antient men that are reverenced by the people , and not by light quibling young men whom no congregation is so simple as to look to be taught by , ( as being a thing contrary to nature ) or to pay them any reverence , or to care what they say , except some few that may he delighted with their jingling : i wish with all my heart there were enough of such discreet and antient men as might suffice for all the parishes of england , and that they would undertake it ; but this is but a wish , i leave it to the wisdom of the state , to do what it pleaseth , b. what did they next ? a. whereas the king had sent prisoners into places remote from london three persons , that had been condemned for publishing seditious doctrine , some in writing , some in publick sermons ; that parliament ( whether with his majesties consent or no i have forgotten ) caused them to be released , and to return to london , meaning , i think , to try how the people would be pleased therewith , and by consequence , how their endeavours to draw the peoples affections from the king had already prospered , when these three came through london , it was a kind of triumph , the people flocking together to behold them , and receiving them with such acclamations , and almost adoration , as if they had been let down from heaven : insomuch that the parliament was now sufficiently assured of a great and tumultuous party whensoever they should have occasion to use it , on confidence whereof , they proceeded to their next plot , which was to deprive the king of such ministers , as by their courage , wisdom and authority they thought most able to prevent , or oppose their further designs against the king : and first the house of commons resolv'd to impeach the earl of strafford ; lord lieutenant of ireland of high-treason . b what was that earl of strafford before he had that place : and how had he offended the parliament , or given them cause to think he would be their enemy ? for i have heard , that in former parliaments , he had been as parliamentary as any other . a. his name was sr. thomas wentworth , a gentleman both for birth and estate very considerable in his own country , which was yorkshire ; but more considerable for his judgment in the publick affairs , not only of that country , but generally of the kingdom ; either as burgess for some borrough , or knight of the shire : for his principles of politicks , they were the same that were generally proceeded upon by all men else , that are thought fit to be chosen for the parliament : which are commonly these , to take for the rule of justice and the government , the judgments and acts of former parliaments , which are commonly called precedents ; to endeavour to keep the people from being subject to extra-parliamentary taxes of money ; and from being with parliamentary taxes too much oppressed ; to preserve to the people their liberty of body from their arbitrary power of the king out of parliament : to seek redress of grievances . b. what grievances ? a. the grievances were commonly such as these ; the kings too much liberality to some favorite : the too much power of any minister of state or officer , the misdemeanours of judges civil or spiritual , but especially all unparliamentary raising of mony upon the subjects . and commonly of late till such grievances be redressed , they refuse , or at least make great difficulty to furnish the king with mony necessary for the most urgent occasions of the commonwealth . b. how then can a king discharge his duty , as he ought to do ; or the subject know which of his masters he is to obey ? for here are manifestly two powers , which when they chance to differ , cannot both be obeyed . a. 't is true , but they have not often differed so much to the danger of the common-wealth as they have done in this parliament of 1640. in all the parliaments of the late king charles before the year 1640. my lord of strafford did appear in opposition to the kings demands , as much as any man , and was for that cause very much esteemed and cried up by the people as a good patriot , and one that couragiously stood up in defence of their liberties , and for the same cause was so much the more hated , when afterwards he endeavoured to maintain the royal and just a●thority of his majesty . b. how came he to change his mind so much as it seems he did . a. after the dissolution of that parliament holden in the year 1627 and 1628 , the king finding no mony to be gotten from parliaments , which he was not to buy with the blood of such servants and ministers as he loved best , abstained a long time from calling any more , and had abstained longer , if the rebellion of the scotch had not forced him to it . during that parliament the king made sir thomas wentworth a baron , recommended to him for his great ability , which was generally taken notice of by the disservice he had done the king in former parliaments , but which might be usefull also for him in the times that came on , and not long after that he made him of the counsel , and again lieutenant of ireland , which place he discharged with great satisfaction and benefit to his majesty , and continued in that office till by the envy and violence of the lords and commons of that unlucky parliament of 1640. he died , in which year he was made general of the kings forces against the scotch that then entred into england , and the year before earl of strafford . the pacification being made , and the forces on both sides disbanded , and the parliament at westminster now sitting : it was not long before the house of commons accused him to the house of lords of high treason . b. there was no great probability of his being a traitor to the king , from whose favour he had received his greatness , and from whose protection he 〈◊〉 to expect his safety : what was the treason they laid to his charge ? a. many articles were drawn up against him , but the summ of them was contained in these two , first , that he had traiterously endeavour'd to subvert the fundamental laws and government of the realm , and instead thereof to introduce an arbitrary and tyranical government against law. secondly , that he had laboured to subvert the rights of parliaments , and the antient course of parliamentary proceedings . b. was this done by him without the knowledge of the king ? a. no. b. why then if it were treason , did not the king himself call him in question by his attorney ? what had the house of commons to do without his command to accuse him to the house of lords ? they might have complain'd to the king , if he had not known it before , i understand not this law. a. nor i. b. had this been by any former statutes made treason ? a. not that i ever heard of ; nor do i understand that any thing can be treason against the king , that the king hearing and knowing does not think treason : but it was a piece of that parliaments artifice to put the word traiterously to any article exhibited against a man whose life they meant to take away . b. was there no particular instance of action or words out of which they argued , that endeavour of his , to subvert the fundamental laws of parliament whereof they accused him . a. yes , they said he gave the king counsel to reduce the parliament to their duty by the irish army , which not long before my lord of strafford himself had caused to be leavied there for the kings service ; but it was never proved against him , that he advised the king to make use of it against the parliament . b. what are those laws that are called fundamental ? for i understand not how one law can be more fundamental than another , except only that law of nature that binds us all to obey him whosoever he be , whom lawfully and for our own safety wee have promised to obey ▪ nor any other fundamental law to a king but salus populi , the safety and well being of his people . a. this parliament in the use of these words when they accused any man never regarded the signification of them , but the weight they had to aggravate their accusation to the ignorant multitudes which think all faults heinous that are exprest in heinous termes : if they hate the reason accused as they did this man not only for being of the kings party , but also for deserting the parliaments party as an apostate . b. i pray you tell me also what they meant by arbitrary government , which they seemed so much to hate : is there any governour of a people in the world that is forced to govern them , or forced to make this and that law whether he will or no! i think , or if any be that forces him , does certainly make laws and govern arbitrarily . a. that is true , and the true meaning of the parliament was , that not the king but they themselves should have the arbitrary government ; not only of england but of ireland , and ( as it appeared by the event ) of scotland also . b. how the king came by the government of scotland and ireland by descent of his ancesters , every body can tell ; but if the king of england and his heirs should chance ( which god-forbid ) to fail i cannot imagine what title the parliament of england , can acquire thereby to either of those nations . a. yet they say they have been conquered antiently by the english subjects money b. like enough , and suitable to the rest of their impudence . a. impudence in democratical assemblies does almost all that is done 't is the goddess of rhetorick and carries on proof with it for ought ordinary man will not from so great boldness of affirmation conclude , there is great boldness of affirmation , conclude there is great probability in the king affirmed upon this accusation ; he was brought to his tryal at westminster hall before the house of lords , and found guilty ; and presently after declared a traytor by a bill of attainder , that is by act of parliament . b. it is a strange thing that the lords should be induced upon so light grounds , to give ● sentence , or give their assent to a bill so prejudicial to themselves , and their posterity . a. 't was not well done , and yet ( as it seems ) not ignorantly , for there is a clause in the bill , that it should not be taken hereafter for an example , that is for a prejudice in the like case hereafter . b. that is worse then the bill it self , and is a plain con●ession that their sentence was unjust , for what harm is there in the example of just sentences ; besides if hereafter the like case should happen the sentence is not at all made weaker by such a provision . a. indeed i believe that the lords most of them were not willing to condemn him of treason , they were awed to it by the clamor of the common people that came to westminster , crying out justice , justice against the earl of strafford , the which were caused to flock thither by some of the house of commons that were well assured after the triumphant welcom of prinne , burton , and bastwick , to put the people into tumult upon any occasion they desired , they were awed unto it partly also , by the house of commons , it self , which if it desired to undo a lord had no more to do but to vote him a delinquent . b. a delinquent ! what 's that ? a sinner , is 't not ? did they mean to undoe all sinners ? a by delinquent they meant only a man to whom they would do all the hurt they could , but the lords did not yet , i think , suspect they meant to cashier their whole house . b. it 's a strange thing the whole house of lords should not perceive the ruine of the king's power , or weakening of themselves ; for they could not think it likely that the people ever meant to take the soveraignty from the king to give it to them who were few in number and less in power than so many commoners , because less beloved by the people . a. but it seemes not so strange to me for the lords , ●or their personal abilities , as they were no less , so also were they no more skilfull in the publick affairs than the knights and burgesses , for there is no reason to think that if one that is to day a knight of the shire in the lower house , be to morrow made a lord , and a member of the higher house , is therefore wiser than he was before ; they are all of both houses prudent and able men as any in the land , in the business of their private estates , which requires nothing but dilligence and natural wit to govern them , but for the government of a commonwealth , neither wit nor prudence , nor dilligince is enough without infallible rules , and the true science of equity and justice . b. if this be true it is impossible any commonwealth in the world , whether monarchy , aristocracy , or democracy should continue long without change , or sedition tending to change either of the government or of the governours . a. 't is true , nor have any the greatest commonwealths in the world been long from sedition , the greeks had it , first their petty kings and then by sedition came to be petty commonwealths , and then growing to be greater commonwealths , by sedition again became monarchies , , and all for want of rules of justice for the common people to take notice of , which if the people had known in the beginning of every of these seditions , the ambitious persons could never have had the hope to disturb their government after it had been once settled , for ambition can do little without hands , and few hands it could have if the common people were as dilligently instructed in the true principles of their duty , as they are terrified and amazed by preachers with fruitless and dangerous doctrines , concerning 〈◊〉 nature of man's will , and many other phylosophical points that tend not at all to the salvation of the soul in the world to come , nor to their ease in this life , but only to the discretion towards the clergy , of that duty which they ought to perform to the king. b. for ought i see all the states of christendom will be subject to those fits of rebellion as long as the world lasteth . a. like enough , and yet the fault ( as i have said ) may be easily mended by mending the universities . b. how long had the parliament now sitten ? a. it began novemb. 3. 1640. my lord of strafford was impeached of treason before the lords , november 12. sent to the tower nov. 22. his trial began march 22. and ended april 13. after his trial he was voted guilty of high treason in the house of commons , and after that in the house of lords may 6. and on the 12 of may beheaded . b. great expedition ! but could not the king for all that have saved him by a pardon ? a. the king had heard all that passed at his trial , and had declared he was unsatisfied concerning the justice of their sentence , and ( i think ) notwithstanding the danger of his own person from the sury of the people , and that he was counselled to give way to his execution , not only by such as he most relied on , but also by the earl of strafford himself , he would have pardoned him , if that could have preserved him from the tumult raised and countenanced by the parliament it self , for the terrifying o● those they thought might favour him , and yet the king himself did not stick to confess afterwards that he had done amiss in that he did not rescue him . b. 't was an argument of a good disposition in the king , but i never read that augustus caesar acknowledged that he had a fault in abandoning cicero to the fury of his enemy antonius , perhaps because cicero having been of the contrary faction to his father had done augustus no service at all , out of favour to him , but only out of enmity to antonius and of love to the senate , that is indeed out of love to himself that swayed the senate , as it is very likely the earl of strafford came over to the king's party for his own ends , having been so much against the king in former parliaments . a. we cannot safely judge of men's intentions , but i have observed often that such as feek preferment by their stubbornness have missed of their aim , and on the other side , that those princes , that with preferment are forced to buy the obedience of their subjects , are already , or must be soon after in a very weak condition , for in a market where honour is to to be bought with stubborness , there will be a great many as able to buy as my lord strafford was . b. you have read that when hercules fighting with the hydra , had cut of any one of his many heads , there still arose two other heads in it's place , and yet at last he cut them off all . a. the story is told false for hercules at first did not cut off those heads but bought them off , and afterwards when he saw that did him no good , then he cut them off and g●t the victory . b. what did they next . b. after the first impeachment of the earl of strafford , the house of commons upon december 18. accused the arch-bishop of canterbury also of high treason , that is , of a design to introduce arbitrary government , &c. for which he was ( february 18. ) sent to the tower , but his trial and execution were deferred a long time , till january 10. 1643. for the entertainment of the scots that were come into england to aid the parliament . b. why did the scots think there was so much danger in the arch-bishop of canterbury ? he was not a man of war , nor a man able to bring an army into the field ; but he was perhaps a very great politician . a. that did not appear by any remarkable events of his councils , i never heard but he was a very honest man for his morals ; and a very zealous promoter of the church government by bishops , and that he desired to have the service of god performed , and the house of god adorned as suitably as was possible , to the honour we ought to do to the divine majesty . but to bring , as he did , into the state his former controversies , i mean his squablings in the university about free will , and his standing upon punctilio's concerning the service-book and its rubricks was not ( in my opinion ) an argument of his sufficiency in affairs of state. about the same time they passed an act ( which the king consented to ) for a triennial parliament , wherein was enacted , that after the present parliament , there should be a parliament call'd by the king within the space of three years , and so from three years to three years to meet at westminster upon a certain day named in the act. b. but what if the king did not call it ; finding it perhaps inconvenient or hurtfull to to the safety or peace of his people which god hath put into his charge ; for i do not well comprehend how any soveraign can well keep a people in order when his hands are ti●d , or when he hath any other obligation upon him , than the benefit of those he governs . and at this time for any thing you told me they acknowledged the king for their sovereign . a. i know not , but such was the act : and it was farther enacted , that if the king did it not by his own command , then the lord chancellour or the lord keeper for the time being should send out the writs of summons : and if the chancellour refused , then the sheriffs of the several counties of themselves at the next county courts before the day set down for the parliaments meeting , should proceed to the election of the members for the said parliament . b. but what if the sheriffs refused ? a. i think they were to be sworn to it , but for that and other particulars i refer you to the act. b. to whom should they be sworn when there is no parliament ? a. no doubt , but to the king whether there be a parliament sitting or no. b. then the k. may release them of their oath . a. besides , they obtained of the king the putting down the star chamber and the high commission courts . b. besides , if the king upon the refusal , should fall upon them in anger , who shall ( the parliament not sitting ) protect either the chancellor or the sheriffs in their disobedience ? a. i pray you do not ask me any reason of such things , i understand no better than you ; i tell you only an act passed to that purpose and was s●gned by the king in the middle of february , a little before the arch bishop was sent to the tower. besides this bill , the two houses of parliament agreed upon another , wherein it was enacted , that the present parliament would continue till both the houses did consent to the dissolution of it ; which bill also the king signed the same day he signed the warrant for the execution of the earl of strafford . b. what a great progress made the parliament towards the ends of the most seditious members of both houses in so little time . they sat down in november , and now it was may ; in this space of time , which is but half a year , they won from the king the adhearance which was due to him from his people : they drove his faithfullest servants from him , beheaded the earl of strafford ▪ imprisoned the arch bishop of canterbury , obtained a triennial parliament after their own dissolution , and a continuance of their own sitting as long as they listed ; which last a mounted to a total extinction of the kings right in case that such a grant were vaild , which i think it is not : unless the soveraignty it self be in plain termes renounced ; which it was not , but what money by way of subsidue or otherwise did they grant the king in recompence of all these his large concessions . a. none at all , but often promised they would make him the most glorious king that ever was in england ; which were words that passed well enough for wel meaning with the common people . b. but the parliament was contented now : for i cannot imagine what they should desire more from the king , than he had now granted them . a ▪ yes they desired the whole and absolute soveraignty ; and to change the monarchical government into an oligarchie , that is , to say to make the parliament consisting of a few lords , and about 400 commoners , absolute in the soveraignty for the present , and shortly after to lay the house of lords aside , for this was the design of the presbyterian ministers , who taking themselves to be , by divine right , the onely lawful governers of the church , endeavoured to bring the same form of government into the civil state , and as the spiritual laws were to be made by their synods so their civil laws should be made by the house of commons ; who as they thought would no less be ruled by them afterwards , than formerly they had been : wherein they were deceived , and found themselves out gon by their own disciples , though not in malice yet in wit. b. what followed after this . a. in august , following the king supposing he had now sufficiently obliged the parliament , to proceed no farther against him ; took a journey into scotland , to satisfy his subjects there , as he had done here ; intending perhaps so to gain their good wills , that in case the parliament here should levy armes against him ; they should not be aided by the scots , wherein he also was deceived , for though they seemed satisfied with what he did ( whereof one thing was his giveing away to the a●olction of episcopacy ) yet afterwards they made a league with the parliament , and for money ( when the king began to have the better of the parliament ) invaded england , in the parliaments quarrel , but this was a year or two after . b. before you go any farther , i desire to know the ground and original of that right which either the house of lords , or house of commons , or both together pretend to . a. it is a question of things so long past that they are now forgotten ; nor have we any thing to conjecture by , but the records of our own nation : and some small and obscure fragments of roman histories : and for the records seeing they are of things only done sometimes justly , sometimes unjustly , you can never by them know what right they had , but only what right they pretended . b. howsoever let me know what light we have in this matter from the roman histories ▪ a. it would be too long , and an useless digression to cite all the antient authors that speake of the formes of those common-wealths , which were amongst our first ancesters , the saxons and other germans , and of other nations ; from whom we derive the titles of honour ; now in use in england ; nor will it be possible to derive from them any arguments of right , but only examples of fact , which by the ambition of potent subjects have been oftner unjust then otherwise ; and for those saxons or angels , that in antient times by several invasions made themselves masters of this nation , they were not in themselves one body of a common-wealth but only a league of divers petty german lords and states such as was the graecian army in the trojan war , without other obligations , than that which proceeded from their own fear and weakness ; nor were these lords for the most part the soveraigns at home in their own country , but chosen by the people , for the captains of the forces they brought with them ▪ and therefore it was not without equity , that when they had conquer'd any part of the land , and made some one of them king thereof , the rest should have greater priviledges than the common people and souldiers , amongst which priviledges a man may easily conjecture this to to be one ; that they should be made acquainted , and be of council with him that hath the soveraignty in matters of government , and have the greatest and most honourable offices , both in peace and war : but because there can be no government where there is more than one soveraign , it cannot be inferr'd that they had a right to oppose the kings resolutions by force , nor to enjoy those honours and places longer than they should continue good subjects : and we find that the kings of england did upon every great occasion call them together by the name of discreet and wise men of the kingdom , and hear their councils , and make them judges of all causes that during their sitting were brought before them . but as he summon'd them at his own pleasure ; so had he also ever at his pleasure power to dissolve them . the normans also that descended from the germans , as we did , had the same customs in this particular ; and by this means , this priviledge have the lords to be of your kings great council ; and when they were assembled , to be the highest of the kings court of justice , continued still after the conquest to this day . but though there be amongst the lords divers names or titles of honour , yet they have their priviledge by the only name of baron , a name receiv'd from the antient gauls , amongst whom that name signified the king's man , or rather one of his great men : by which it seems to me , that though they gave him council when he requir'd it , yet they had no right to make war upon him , if he did not follow it . b. when began first the house of commons to be part of the king 's great council ? a. i do not doubt but that before the conquest , some discreet men , and known to be so , by the king , were called by special writ to be of the same council , though they were not lords . but that is nothing to the house of commons : the knights of shires , and burgesses were never called to parliament , for ought that i know , till the beginning of edward the first , or the latter end of the reign of henry the third , immediately after the mis behaviour of the barons ; and for ought any man knows , were called on purpose to weaken that power of the lords , which they had so freshly abused . before the time of henry the third , the lords were descended most of them from such as in the invasions and conquests of the germans were peers and fellow kings , till one was made king of them all , and their tenants were their subjects , as it is at this day with the lords of france . but after the time of henry the third , the kings began to make lords in the place of them , whose issue fail'd titularly only ; without the lands belonging to their title ; and by that means their tenants being bound no longer to serve them in the wars , they grew every day less and less able to make a party against the king , though they continued still to be his great council : and as their power decreased , so the power of the house of commons increased : but i do not find that they were part of the kings council at all , nor judges over other men , though it cannot be denied but a king may ask their advice , as well as the advice of any other . but i do not find that the end of their summoning was to give advice ; but only in case they had any petitions for redress of grievances , to be ready there with them whilst the king had his great council about him . but neither they , nor the lords , could present to the king as a grievance ; that the king took upon him to make the laws , to chuse his own privy council , to raise money and souldiers , to defend the peace and honour of the kingdom , to make captains in his army , to make governours of his castle whom he pleased ; for this had been to tell the king that it was one of their grievances that he was king. b. what did the parliament do whilst the king was in scotland ? a. the king went in august ; after which the parliament september the 8th . adjourn'd till the 20th . of october , and the king return'd about the end of november following , in which time the most seditious of both houses , and which had designed the change of government , and to cast off monarchy ( but yet had not wit enough to set up another government in its place , and consequently lest it to the chance of war ) made a cabal amongst themselves , in which they projected how by seconding one another to govern the house of commons ; and invented how to put the kingdom by the power of that house into a rebellion , which they then called a posture of defence against such dangers from abroad as they themselves should feign and publish . besides , whilst the king was in scotland , the irish papists got togeter a great party , with an intention to massacre the protestants there , and had laid a design for the seizing of dublin castle october the 20th . where the king's officers of the government of the county made their residence , and had effected it , had it not been discovered the night before : the manner of the discovery , and the murders they committed in the country afterwards i need not tell you , since the whole story of it is extant . b. i wonder they did not expect & provide for a rebellion in ireland as soon as they began to quarrel with the king in england : for was there any body so ignorant as not to know that the irish papists did long for a change of religion there , as well as the presbyterians in england ? or that in general the irish nation did hate the name of subjection to england , or would longer be quiet than they feared an army out of england to chastize them ? what better time then , could they take for their rebellion than this , wherein they were encouraged , not only by our weakness caused by this division between the king and his parliament , but also by the example of the presbyterians , both of the scotch and english nation ? but what did the parliament do upon this occasion in the king's absence ? a. nothing ; but consider what use they might make of it to their own ends ; partly by imputing it to the king 's evil councillors , and partly by occasion thereof to demand of the king the power of pressing and ordering of souldiers , which power whosoever has , has also without doubt the whole soveraignty . b. when came the king back ? a. he came back the 25th . of november , and and was welcomed with the acclamations of the common people , as much as if had been the most beloved of the kings before him , but found not a reception by the parliament answerable to it : they presently began to pick new quarrels against him out of every thing he said to them . december the 2d . the king called together both houses of parliament , and then did only recommend unto them the raising of succours for ireland . b. what quarrel could they pick out of that ? a. none but in order thereto , as they may pretend , they had a bill in agitation to assert the power of levying & pressing souldiers to the two houses of the lords and commons ; which was as much as to take from the king the power of the militia , which is in effect the whole soveraign power ; for he that hath the power of levying , and commanding of the souldiers , has all other rights of soveraignty which he shall please to claim : the king hearing of it , called the houses of parliament together again on december the 14th . and then pressed again the business of ireland , ( as there was need ) for all this while the irish were murdering the english in ireland , and strengthening themselves against the forces they expected to come out of england ) and withall told them , he took notice of the bill in agitation for pressing of souldiers ; and that he was content it should pass with a salvo jure both for him and them , because the present time was unreasonable to dispute it in . b. what was there unreasonable in this ? a. nothing ; what 's unreasonable is one question ; what they quarrelled at is another : they quarrelled at this , that his majesty took notice of the bill while it was in debate in the house of lords , before it was presented to him , in the course of parliament : and also that he shewed himself displeased with those that propounded the third bill ; both which they declared to be against the priviledges of parliament , and petitioned the king to give them reparation against those by whose evil council he was induced to it , that they might receive condign punishment . b. this was cruel proceeding : do not the kings of england use to sit in the lords house when they please ? and was not this bill then in debate in the house of lords ? it is a strange thing that a man should be lawfully in the company of men , where he must needs hear and see what they say and do ; and yet must not take notice of it , so much as to the same company ; for though the king was not present at the debate it self , yet it was lawful for any of the lords to make him acquainted with it . any one of the house of commons , though not present at a proposition , or debate , in the house , nevertheless hearing of it from some of his fellow-members , may certainly , not only take notice of it , but also speak to it in the house of commons : but to make the king give up his friends and councillors to them to be put to death , banishment or imprisonment , for their good will to him , was such a tyranny over a king , no king ever exercised over any subject , but in cases of treason , or murder , and seldom then . a. presently hereupon grew a kind of war between the peers of parliament , and those of the secretaries , and other able men that were with the king. for upon the 15th . of december they sent to the king a paper called a remonstrance of the sate of the kingdom , and with it a petition , both which they caused to be published ; in the remonstrance they complained of certain mischievous designs of a malignant party then before the beginning of the parliament grown ripe , and did set forth what means had been used for the preventing of it by the wisdom of the parliament ; what rubs they had found therein , what course was fit to be taken for the restoring and establishing the antient honour , greatness and safety of the crown and nation : and of those designs the promoters and actors were , they said , 1. jesuits and papists . 2. the bishops , and part of the clergy , that cherish formality as a support of their own ecclesiastical tyranny and usurpation . 3. councillors and courtiers , that for private ends ( they said ) had engaged themselves to farther the interests of some forein princes . b. it may well be , that some of the bishops , and also some of the court may have , in pursuit of their private interest , done something indiscreetly , and perhaps wickedly ; therefore i pray to tell me particularly what their crimes were ; for methinks the king should not have conniv'd at any thing against his own supream authority . a. the parliament were not very keen against them that were against the king. they made no doubt but all they did was by the king's command , but accused thereof the bishops , councillors and courtiers , as being a more mannerly way of accusing the king himself , and and defaming him to his subjects . for the truth is , the charge they brought against them was so general , as not to be called an accusation , but railing . as first ; they said , they nourished questions of prerogatives and liberty between the king and his people , to the end , that seeming much addicted to his majesties service , they might get themselves into places of greatest trust and power in the kingdom . b. how could this be call'd an accusation , in which there is no fact for any accusers to apply their proof to , or their witnesses ? for , granting that these questions of prerogative had been moved by them , who can prove that their end was to gain to themselves and friends the places of trust and power in the kingdom ? a. a second accusation was , that they endeavour'd to suppress the purity and power of religion . b. that 's canting . it is not in mans power to suppress the power of religion . a. they meant , that they supprest the doctrine of the presbyterians ; that is to say , the very foundation of their parliaments treacherous pretensions . a third ; that they cherished arminians , papists , and libertines ( by which they meant the common protestants that meddle not with disputes ) to the end they might compose a body fit to act according to their counsels and resolutions . a fourth ; that they endeavoured to put the king upon other courses of raising money , than by the ordinary way of parliaments . judge whether these may be properly called accusations , or not rather spightful reproaches of the king's government . b. methinks this last was a very great fault ; for what good could there be in putting the king upon any odd course of getting money when the parliament was willing to supply him as far as to the security of the kingdom , or to the honour of the king should be necessary ? a. but i told you before they would give him none , but with a condition he should cut off the heads of whom they pleased , how faithfully soever they had serv'd him ; and if he would have sacrificed all his friends to their ambition , yet they would have found other excuses to deny him subsidies ; for they were resolv'd to take from him the soveraign power to themselves , which they would never do without taking great care that he should have no money at all . in the next place , they put into the remonstrance as faults of them whose council the king followed , all those things which since the beginning of the king's reign were by them mis-liked , whether faults or not , and whereof they were not able to judge for want of knowledge of the causes and motives that induced the king to do them , and were known only to the king himself , and such of his privy-council as he revealed them to . b. but what were those particular pretended faults ? a. first , the dissolution of his last parliament at oxford . secondly , the dissolution of his second parliament , being in the second year of his reign . thirdly , the dissolution of his parliament in the fourth year of his reign . fourthly , the fruitless expedition against cales . fifthly , the peace made with spain , whereby the palatine's cause was deserted and left to chargeable and hopeless treaties . sixthly , the sending of commissions to raise money by way of loan . seventhly , raising of ship-money . eighthly , enlargements of forrests contrary to magna-charta . ninthly , the designment of engrossing all the gun-powder into one hand , and keeping it in the tower of london . tenthly , a design to bring in the use of brass-money . eleventhly , the fines , imprisonments , stigmatizings , mutilations , whippings , pillories , gaggs , confinements and banishments , by sentence in the court of star-chamber . twelfthly , the displacing of judges . thirteenthly , the illegal acts of council-table . fourteenthly , the arbitrary and illegal power of the earl-marshal's court. fifteenthly , the abuses in chancery , exchequer-chamber , and court of wards . sixteenthly , the selling of titles of honour , of judges and serjeants places , and other offices . seventeenthly , the insolence of bishops , and other clarks in suspensions , excommunications , and degradations of divers painful , and learned , and pious ministers . b. were there any such ministers degraded , depraved , or excommunicated ? a. i cannot tell : but i remember i have heard threatned divers painful , unlearned and seditious ministers . eighteenthly , the excess of severity of the high commission-court . nineteenthly , the preaching before the king against the property of the subject , and for the prerogative of the king above the law , and divers other petty quarrels they had to the government ; which though they were laid upon this faction , yet they knew they would fall upon the king himself in the judgment of the people , to whom by printing it was communicated . again , after the dissolution of the parliament may the 5th . 1640. they find other faults ; as the dissolution it self ; the imprisoning some members of both houses ; a forced loan of money attempted in london ; the continuance of the convocation when the parliament was ended ; and the favour shewed to papists by secretary windebank and others . b. all this will go current with common people for mis-government ; and for faults of the king 's , though some of them were misfortunes , and both the mis-fortunes and the mis-government ( if any were ) were the faults of the parliament , who by denying to give him money , did both frustrate his attempts abroad , and put him upon those extraordinary waies ( which they call illegal ) of raising money at home . a. you see what a heap of evils they have raised to make a shew of ill government to the people , which they second with an enumeration of the many services they have done the king in overcoming a great many of them , though not all , and in divers other things , and say , that though they had contracted a debt to the scots of 22000 l. and granted six subsidies , and a bill of pole-money worth six subsidies more , yet that god had so blessed the endeavours of this parliament , that the kingdom was a gainer by it ; and then follows the catalogue of those good things they had done for the king and kingdom : for the kingdom they had done ( they said ) these things ; they had abolished ship● money , they had taken away coat and conduct-money , and other military charges , which they said amounted to little less than the ship-money ; that they supprest all monopolies , which they reckoned above a million yearly sav'd by the subject ; that they had quell'd living grievances , meaning , evil councillors and actors by the death of my lord strafford ; by the flight of the chancellor finch , and of secretary windebank , by the imprisonment of the arch-bishop of canterbury , and judges ; that they had past a bill for a triennial parliament , and another for the continuance of the present parliament , till they should think fit to dissolve themselves . b. that is to say , for ever , if they be suffered . but the summe of all those things which they had done for the kingdom , is , that they had left it without government , without strength , without money , without law , and without good council . a. they reckoned also putting down of the high commission , and the abating of the power of the council-table , and of the bishops , and their courts ; the taking away of unnecessary ceremonies in religion ; removing of ministers from their livings , that were not of their faction , and putting in such as were . b. all this was but their own , and not the kingdoms business . a. the good they had done the king was , first , ( they said ) the giving of 25000 l. a month for the relief of the northern counties . b. what need of relief had the northern more than the rest of the counties of england ? b. yes , in the northern counties were quartered the scotch army , which the parliament call'd in to oppose the king , and consequently their quarter was to be discharged . b. true , but by the parliament that call'd them in . a. but they say no ; and that this money was given the king , because he is bound to protect his subjects . b. he is no farther bound to that , than they to give him money wherewithal to do it . this is very great impudence , to raise an army against the king , and with that army to oppress their fellow-subjects , and then require that the king should relieve them ; that is to say , be at the charge of paying the army that was raised to fight against him . a. nay farther , they put to the king's accompts the 30000 l. given to the scots , without which they would not have invaded england ; besides many other things that i now remember not . b. i did not think there had been so great impudence and villany in mankind . a. you have not observ'd the world long enough to see all that 's ill : such was their remonstrance ▪ as i have told you ; with it they sent a petition containing three points . first , that his majesty would deprive the bishops of their votes in parliament , and remove such oppressions in religion , church , government , and discipline , as they had brought in . secondly , that he would remove from his council , all such as should promote the peoples grievances , and imploy in his great and publick affairs such as the parliament should confide in . thirdly , that he would not give away the lands escheated to the crown by the rebellion in ireland . b. this last point , methinks , was not wisely put in at this time ; it should have been reserv'd till they had subdued the rebels , against whom there were yet no forces sent over : 't is like selling the lions skin , before they had kill'd him . but what answer was made to the other two propositions ? a. what answer should be made but a denial ? about the same time the king himself exhibited articles against six persons of the parliament , five whereof were of the house of commons , and one of the house of lords , accusing them of high treason : and upon the fourth of january went himself to the house of commons to demand those five of them ; but private notice having been given by some treacherous person about the king , they had absented themselves , and by that means frustrated his majesties intention ; and after he was gone , the house making a hainous matter of it , and a high breach of their priviledges , adjourned themselves into london , there to sit as a general committee , pretending they were not safe at westminster ; for the king , when he went to the house to demand those persons , had somewhat more attendance with him ( but not otherwise armed than his servants used to be ) than he ordinarily had , and would not be pacified ( though the king did afterwards wave the prosecution of those persons ) unless he would also discover to them those that gave him counsel to go in that manner to the parliament-house , to the end they might receive condign punishment , which was the word they used instead of cruelty . b. this was a harsh demand : was it not enough that the king should forbear his enemies , but also that he must betray his friends ? if they thus tyrani●e over the king before they have gotten the soveraign power into their hands , how will they tyranize over their fellow-subjects when they have gotten it ? a. so as they did . b. how long staid that committee in london ? a. not above 2 or 3 days , and then were brought from london to the parliament-house by water in great triumph , guarded with a tumultuous number of armed men there to sit in security in despite of the king , and make traiterous acts against him , such and as many as they listed , and under favour of these tumults , to frighten away from the house of peers all such as were not of their own faction ; for at this time t●e rabble was so insolent , that scarce any of the bishops durst go to the house for fear of violence upon their persons : insomuch that twelve of them excused themselves of coming thither , and by way of perition to the king remonstrated that they were not permitted to go quietly to the performance of that duty , and protesting against all determinations as of none effect , that should pass in the house of lords during their forced absence which the house of commons taking hold of , sent up to the peers one of their members to accuse them of high treason ; whereupon ten of them were sent to the tower , after which time there was no more words of their high treason , but there passed a bill , by which they were deprived of their votes in parliament : and to this bill they got the kings assent , and in the beginning of sept. after they voted the bishops should have no more to do in the government of the church , but to this they had not the kings assent , the war being now begun . b. what made the parliament so averse to episcopacy , and especially the house of lords , whereof the bishops were members : for i see no reason why they should do it to gratifie a number of poor parish priests that were presbyterians , and that were never likely to serve the lords ; but , on the contrary , to do their best , to pull down their power , and subject them to their synods and classes . a. for the lords , very few of them did perceive the intention of the presbyterians ; and besides that , they durst not , i believe , oppose the lower house . b. but why were the lower-house so earnest against them ? a. because they meant to make use of their tenants ; and with pretended sanctity , to make the king and his party odious to the people , by whose help they were to set up democrasie , and depose the king ; or to let him have the title only so long as he should act for their purposes : but not only the parliament , but in a manner all the people of england , were their enemies upon the account of their behaviour , as being ( they said ) too imperious . this was all that was colourably laid to their charge ; the main of the pulling them down was the envy of the presbyterians , that incensed the people against them , and against episcopacy it self . b. how would the presbyterians have the church to be govern'd ? a. by national and provincial synods . b. is not this to make the national assembly an arch-bishop , and the provincial assemblies so many bishops ? a. yes ; but every minister shall have the delight of sharing the government , and consequently of being able to be reveng'd on them that do not admire their learning , and help to fill their purses , and win to their service them that do . b. 't is a hard case , that there should be two factions to trouble the common-wealth without any interest of their own , other than every particular man may have ; and that their quarrels should be only about opinions , that is , about who has the most learning , as if their learning ought to be the rule of governing the whole world . what is it they are learned in ? is it politicks and rules of state ? i know it is called divinity ; but i hear almost nothing preacht but matter of philosophy ; for religion in it self admits of no controversie : 't is a law of the kingdom , and ought not to be disputed . i do not think they pretend to speak with god , and know his will by any other way than reading the scriptures , which we also do . a. yes , some of them do , and give themselves out for prophets , by extraordinary inspiration ; but the rest pretend only ( for their advancement to benefices , and charge of souls ) a greater skill in the scriptures than other men have by reason of their breeding in the universities , and knowledge there gotten of the latin tongue , and some also of the greek and hebrew tongues , wherein the scrlptures was written ; besides their knowledge of natural philosophy , which is there publickly taught . b. as for the latin , greek and hebrew , it was once ( to the detection of the roman fraud , and to the ejection of the romish power ) very profitable , or rather necessary . but now that is done , and we have the scripture in english , and preaching in english , i see no great need of latin , greek and hebrew : i should think my self better qualified by understanding well the languages of our neighbours , french , dutch , and italian . i think it was never seen in the world , before the power of popes was set up , that philosophy was much conducing to power in a common-wealth . a. but philosophy , together with divinity , hath very much conduced to the advancement of the professors thereof , to places of the greatest authority , next to the authority of kings themselves , in most of the antient kingdoms of the world , as is manifestly to be seen in the history of those times . b. i pray you cite me some of the authors and places . a. first , what were the druids of old time in britany and france , what authority these had you may see in caesar , strabo , and others , and especially in diodorus siculus , the greatest antiquary perhaps that ever was , who speaking of the druids ( which he calls sarovides ) in france , says thus ; there be also amongst them certain philosophers and theologians that are exceedingly honoured , whom they also use as prophets . these men by their skill in augury , and inspection into the bowels of beasts sacrificed , foretell what is to come , and have the multitude in obedience to them , and a little after . it is a custom amongst them , that no man may sacrifice without a philosopher , because ( say they ) men ought not to present their thanks to the gods , but by them that know the divine nature , and are as it were of the same language with them ; and that all good things ought by such as these to be prayed for . b. i can hardly believe that those druids were very skilful either in natural philosophy or moral . a. nor i ; for they held and taught the transmigration of souls from one body to another , as did pythagoras , which opinion , whether they took from him , or he from them , i cannot tell . what were the magi in persia but philosophers and astrologers ? you know how they came to find our saviour by the conduct of a star , either from persia it self , or from some country more eastward than judea : were not these in great authority in their country ? and are they not in most part of christendom , thought to have been kings ? aegypt hath been thought by many the most antient kingdom and nation of the world , and their priests had the greatest power in civil affairs that any subject ever had in any nation . and what were they but philosophers and divines ? concerning whom the same diodorus siculus saies thus ; the whole country of egypt being divided into three parts , the body of the priests have one as being of most credit with the people , both for their devotion towards the gods , and also for their understanding gotten by education , and presently after : for generally those men in the greatest affairs of all the king's councillors , partly executing , and partly informing and advising ; foretelling him also ( by their skill in astrology and art in the inspection of sacrifices ) the things that are to come ; and reading to him out of their holy books such of the actions there recorded , as are profitable for him to know . 't is not there as in greece , one man , or one woman that has the priesthood , but they are many that attend the honours and sacrifices of the gods , and leave the same imployment to their posterity , which next to the king have the greatest power and authority , concerning the judicature amongst the aegyptians , he saith thus ; from out of the most eminent cities , hieropolis , thebes and memphis , they those judges , which are a council not inferiour to that of areopagus in athens , or that of the senate in lacedaemon ; when they are met , being in number thirty , they chuse one from among themselves to be chief justice ; and the city whereof he is sendeth another in his place : this chief justice wore about his neck , hung in a gold chain , a jewel of precious stones ; the name of which jewel was truth , which when the chief justice had put on , then began the pleading , &c. and when the judges had agreed on the sentence , then did the chief justice put this jewel of truth to one of the pleas. you see now what power was acquir'd in civil matters by the conjuncture of philosophy and divinity : let us come now to the common-wealth of the jews ; was not the priesthood in a family ( namely the levites ) as well as the priesthood of aegypt ? did not the high priest give judgment by the breastplate of urim and thummim ? look upon the kingdom of assyria , and the philosophers and chaldaeans ; had not they lands and cities belonging to their family , even in abraham's time , who dwelt ( you know ) in ur of the chaldaeans ; of these the same author says thus ; the chaldaeans are a sect in politicks , like to that of the aegyptian priests ; for being ordained for the service of the gods ▪ they spend the whole time of their life in philosophy , being of exceed●ng great reputation in astrology , and pretending much also to prophecy , foretelling things to come by purifications & sacrifices ; and to find out by certain incantations the preventing of harm , and the bringing to pass of good . they have also skill in augury , and in the interpretation of dreams and wonders ; nor are they unskilful in the art of foretelling by the inwards of beasts sacrificed , and have their learning not of the greeks ; for the philosophy of the chaldaeans goes to their family by tradition , and the son receives it from his father . from assyria let us pass into india , and see what esteem the philosophers had there . the whole multitude ( says diodoru ) of the indians , is divided into seven parts , whereof the first is the body of the philosophers , for number the least , but for eminency the first ; for they are free from taxes ; and as they are not masters of others , so are no others masters of them . by private men they are called to the sacrifices , and to the care of burials of the dead , as being thought most beloved of the gods , and skilful in the doctrine concerning hell ; and for this imployment receive gifts and honours very considerable . they are also of great use to the people of india , for being taken at the beginning of the year in the great assembly they foretell them of great d●ouths great rains , also of winds and of sicknesses , and of whatsoever is profitable for them to know beforehand . the same author concerning the laws of the aethiopians , saith thus , the laws of the aethiopians seem very different from those of other nations ; and especially about the election of their kings : for the priests propound some of the chief men among them named in a catalogue : and when the god ( which according to a certain custom is carried about to feastings ) does accept of him , the multitude elect for their king ▪ and presently adore and honour him , as a god put into the government by divine providence . the king being chosen , he has the manner of his life limited to him by the laws , and does all other things according to the custom of the country , neither rewarding nor punishing any man otherwise than from the begining is establisht amongst them by law ; nor use they to put any man to death though he be condemn'd to it , but to send some officer to him with a token of death , who seeing the token , goes presently to his own house , and kills himself presently after . but the strangest thing of all is that which they do concerning the death of their kings for the priests that live in meroe , and spend their time about the worship and honour of the gods , and are in greatest authority ; when they have a mind to it , send a messenger to the king , to bid him die , for that the gods have given such order , and that the commandments of the immortals are not by any means to be neglected by those that are by nature mortal , using also other speeches to him , with men of simple judgment , that have not reason enough to dispute against those unnecessary commands , as being educated under an old and indelible custom , are content to admit of ; therefore in former times the kings did obey the priests , not as mastered by force and arms , but as having their reason mastered by superstition . but in the time of ptolomy the second , ergamenes , king of the aethiopians , having had his breeding in philosophy after the manner of the greeks , being the first that durst dispute their power , took heart as befitted a king ; came with souldiers to a place called abaton , where was then the golden temple of the aethiopians ; killed all the priests , abolished the custom , and rectified the kingdom according to his will. b. though they that were kill'd were most damnable impostors , yet the act was cruel . a. it was so ; but were not the priests cruel to cause their kings , whom a little before they adored as gods , to make away themselves ? the king kill'd them for the safety of his person , they him , out of ambition , or love of change. the king's act may be coloured with the good of his people ; the priests had no pretence against their kings , who were certainly very godly , or else would never have obeyed the command of the priests by a messenger unarmed to kill themselves . our late king , the best king perhaps that ever was ( you know ) was murdered , having been first persecuted by war at the incitement of presbyterian ministers , who are therefore guilty of the death of all that fell in that war , which were , i believe , in england , scotland and ireland near one hundred thousand persons . had it not been much better that those seditious ministers which were not perhaps a thousand , had been all kill'd before that they had preached ? it had been ( i confess ) a great massacre ; but the killing of a hundred thousand is a greater . b. i am glad the bishops were out at this business ; as ambitious as some say they are , it did not appear in that business ; for they were enemies to them that were in it . a. but i intend not by these quotations to commend either the divinity , nor the philosophy of those heathen people , but to shew only what the reputation of those sciences can effect among the people : for their divinity was nothing but idolatry , and their philosophy ( excepting the knowledge of the aegyptian priests , and from them the chaldaeans had gotten by long observation and study in astronomy , geometry , and arithmetick , very little , and that in great part abused in astrology and fortune-telling ; whereas the divinity of the clergy in this nation now considered apart from the mixture that has been introduced by the church of rome , and in part retained here ) of the babling philosophy of aristotle , and other greeks , that has no affinity with religion , and serves only to breed disaffection , dissention , and finally sedition and civil war ( as we have lately found by dear experience in the differences between the presbyterians and episcopals ) is the true religion . but for these differences , both parties as they were in power , not only suppressed the tenents of one another , but also whatsoever doctrine lookt with an ill aspect upon their interest ; and consequently all true philosophy , especially civil and moral , which can never appear propitious to ambition , or to an exemption from obedience due to the soveraign power . after the king had accused the lord kimbolton , a member of the lords house , and hollis , hasl●rig , hampden , prinn , and stroud , five members of the lower house , of high treason ; and after the parliament had voted out the bishops from the house of peers , they pursued especially two things in their petitions to his majesty , the one was , that the king would declare who were the persons that advised him to go as he did to the parliament-house to apprehend them ; and that he would leave them to the parliament to receive condign punishment ; and this they did to stick upon his majesty the dishonour of deserting his friends , and betraying them to his enemies : the other was , that he would allow a guard out of the city of london to be commanded by the earl of essex ; for which they pretended they could not else sit in safety , which pretence was nothing but an upbraiding of his majesty for coming to parliament , better accompanied than ordinary to seize the said five seditious members . b. i see no reason in petitioning for a guard , they should determine it to the city of london in particular , and the command by name to the earl of essex , unless they meant the king should understand it a guard against himself . a. their meaning was , that the king should understand it so , and as ( i verily believe ) they meant he should take it as an affront ; and the king himself understanding it so , denied to grant it , though he were willing ; if they could not otherwise be satisfied , to command such a guard to wait upon them , as he would be responsible for to god almighty . besides this , the city of london petition'd the king ( put upon it , no doubt , by some members of the lower house ) to put the tower of london into the hands of persons of trust , meaning such as the parliament should approve of , and so appoint a guard for the safety of his majesty and the parliament . this method of bringing petitions in a tumultary manner by great multitudes of clamorous people , was ordinary with the house of commons , whose ambition could never have been served by way of prayer and request , without extraordinary terror . after the king had waved the prosecution of the five members , but denied to make known , who had advised him to come in person to the house of commons , they questioned the attorney general , who , by the king's command , had exhibited the articles against them , and voted him , a breaker of the priviledge of parliameut . and no doubt had made him feel their cruelty , if he had not speedily fled the land. about the end of january , they made an order of both houses of parliament , to prevent the going over of popish commanders into ireland ; not so much fearing that , as that by this the king himself choosing his commanders for that service , might aid himself out of ireland against the parliament . but this was no great matter , in respect of a petition they sent his majesty about the same time , that is to say , about the twenty seventh , or twenty eighth of january , 1641. wherein they desired , in effect , the absolute sovereignty of england , though by the name of sovereignty they challeng'd it not , whil'st the king was living ; for to the end that the fears and dangers of this kingdom might be removed , and the mischievous designs of those who are enemies to the peace of it , might be prevented , they pray that his majesty would be pleased to put forthwith , first , the tower of london . secondly , all other forts . thirdly , the whole militia of the kingdom into the hands of such persons as should be recommended to him by both the houses of parliament . and this they stile a necessary petition . b. were there really any such fears and dangers generally conceived here ? or did there appear any enemies at that time with such designs as are mentioned in the petition . a. yes , but no other fear of danger , but such as discreet and honest men might justly have of the designs of the parliament it self , who were the greatest enemies to the peace of the kingdom that could possibly be . 't is also worth observing , that this petition began with these words , most gracious sovereign ; so stupid they were , as not to know , that he that is master of the militia , is master of the kingdom , and consequently is in possession of a most absolute sovereignty . the king was now at winsor , to avoid the tumults of the common people before the gates at whitehall , together with the clamors and affronts there the ninth of february ; after he came to hampton court , and thence went to dover with the queen , and the princess of orange his daughter , where the queen , with the princess of orange , embarked for holland , but the king returned to greenwich , whence he sent for the prince of wales , and the duke of york , and so went with them towards york . b. did the lords join with the commons in this petition for the militia ? a. it appears so by the title , but i believe they durst not but do it ; the house of commons took them but for a cypher , men of title onely , without real power , but they were very much mistaken ; for the house of commons never intended they should be sharers in it . b. what answer made the king to this petition ? a. that when he shall know the extent of power which is intended to be established in those persons , whom they desire to be the commanders of the militia in the several counties , and likewise to what time it shall be limited ; that no power shall be executed by his majesty alone , without the advice of parliament , then he will declare that ( for the securing them from all dangers or jealousies of any ) then his majesty will be content to put into all the places , both forts and militia in the several counties , such persons as both the houses of parliament shall either approve , or recommend unto him , so that they declare before unto his majesty , the names of the persons whom they approve , or recommend , unless such persons shall be nam'd , against whom he shall have just and unquestionable exceptions . b. what power ? for what time ? and to whom did the parliament grant concerning the militia ? a. the same power which the king had before planted in his lieutenants , and his deputy-lieutenants in the several counties , and without other limitation of time , but their own pleasure . b. who were the men that had this power ? a. there is a catalogue of them printed , they are very many , and most of them lords ; nor is it necessary to have them nam'd , for to name them , is ( in my opinion ) to brand them with the mark of disloyalty , or of folly. when they had made a catalogue of them , they sent it to the king , with a new petition for the militia . also presently after they sent a message to his majesty , praying him to leave the prince at hampton court ; but the king granted neither . b. howsoever it was well done of them to get hostages ( if they could ) of the king , before he went from them . a. in the mean time , to raise mony , for the reducing of ireland , the parliament invited men to bring in mony by way of adventure , according to these propositions . first , that two millions , and five hundred thousand acres of land in ireland , should be assigned to the adventurers in this proportion . for an adventure of 200 l. — 1000 acres in ulster . 300 l. — 1000 acres in conaught . 450 l. — 1000 acres in munster . 600 l. — 1000 acres in leinster . all according to english measure , and consisting of meadow , arable and profitable pasture , bogs , woods , and barren mountains , being cast in over and above . secondly , a revenue was reserv'd to the crown , from 1d . to 3d. on every acre . thirdly , that commissions should be sent by the parliament , to erect mannors , settle wastes and commons , maintain preaching ministers , to create corporations , and to regulate plantations . the rest of the propositions concern only the times and manner of payment of the sums subscribed by the adventurers ▪ and to those propositions his majesty assented , but to the petition for the militia , his majesty denied his assent . b. if he had not , i should have thought it a great wonder . what did the parliament after this ? a. they sent him another petition , which was presented to him when he was at theobalds , in his way to york ; wherein they tell him plainly , that unless he be pleased to assure them by those messengers them sent , that he would speedily apply his royal assent to the satisfaction of their former desires , they shall be forc'd , for the safety of his majesty and his kingdoms , to dispose of the militia by the authority of both houses , &c. they petition'd his majesty also , to let the prince stay at st. james 's , or some other of his majesties houses near london . they tell him also , that the power of raising , ordering and disposing of the militia , cannot be granted to any corporation , without the authority and consent of parliament . and those parts of the kingdom , that have put themselves into a posture of defence , have done nothing therein , but by direction of both houses , and what is justifiable by the laws of this kingdom . b. what answer made the king to this ? a. it was a putting of themselves into arms , and under officers , such as the parliament should approve of . fourthly , they voted that his majesty should be again desir'd , that the prince might continue about london . lastly , they voted a declaration to be sent to his majesty by both the houses , wherein they accuse his majesty of a design of altering religion , though not directly him , but them that counsel'd him ; whom they also accus'd of being the inviters and fomenters of the scotch war , and framers of the rebellion in ireland . and upbraid the king again , for accusing the lord kimbolton , and the five members ; and of being privy to the purpose of bringing up his army , which was rais'd against the scots , to be employ'd against the parliament . to which his majesty replied from newmarket . whereupon it was resolv'd by both houses , that in this case of extream danger , and of his majesties refusal , the ordinance agreed upon by both houses , for the militia , doth oblige the people by the fundamental laws of this kingdom . and also that whosoever should execute any power over the militia , by colour of any commission of lieutenancy , without consent of both houses of parliament , shall be accounted a disturber of the peace of the kingdom . whereupon his majesty sent a message to both houses from huntingdon , requiring obedience to the laws established , and prohibiting all subjects , upon pretence of their ordinance , to execute any thing concerning the militia , which is not by those laws warranted . upon this the parliament vote a standing to their former votes ; as also , that when the lords and commons in parliament , which is the supreme court of judicature in the kingdom , shall declare what the law of the land is , to have this not only questioned , but contradicted , is a high breach of the priviledge of parliament . b. i thought that he that makes the law , ought to declare what the law is ; for what is it else to make a law , but to declare what it is ; so that they have taken from the king not only the militia , but also the legislative power . a. they have so . but i make account the legislative power ( and indeed all power possible ) is contain'd in the power of the militia . after this they seize such mony as was due to his majesty upon the bill of tunnage and poundage , and upon the bill of subsidies , that they might disable him every way they possibly could . they sent him also many other contumelious messages and petitions after his coming to york , amongst which one was , that whereas the lord admiral , by indisposition of body , could not command the fleet in person , he would be pleased to give authority to the earl of warwick to supply his place ; when they knew the king had put sir john pennington in it before . b. to what end did the king entertain so many petitions ; messages , declarations , and remonstrances , and vouchsafe his answers to them , when he could not choose but clearly see they were resolv'd to take from him his royal power , and consequently his life ? for it could not stand with their safety , to let either him or his issue live , after they had done him so great injuries . a. besides this , the parliament had at the same time a committee residing at york , to spie what his majesty did , and to inform the parliament thereof ; and also to hinder the king from gaining the people of that county to his party : so that when his majesty was courting the gentlemen there , the committee was instigating of the yeomanry against him● ; to which also the ministers did very much contribute , so that the king lost his opportunity at york . b. why did not the king seize the committee into his hands , or drive them out of his town ? a. i know not ; but i believe , he knew the parliament had a greater party than he , not only in yorkshire , but also in york . towards the end of april the king , upon petition of the people of yorkshire , to have the magazine of hull to remain still there , for the greater security of the northern parts , thought fit to take it into his own hands . he had a little before appointed governor of the town the earl of newcastle , but the townsmen having been already corrupted by the parliament , refused to receive him , but refus'd not to receive sir john hotham , appointed to be governor by the parliament . the king therefore coming before the town , guarded only by a few of his own servants , and a few gentlemen of the country thereabouts , was deny'd entrance by sir john hotham that stood upon the wall ; for which act , he presently caused sir john hotham to be proclaim'd traytor , and sent a message to the parliament , requiring justice to be done upon the said hotham , and that the town and magazine might be delivered into his hands . to which the parliament made no answer , but instead thereof published another declaration , in which they omitted nothing of their former slanders against his majesties government , but inserted certain propositions declarative of their own pretended right , viz. i. that whatsoever they declare to be law , ought not to be question'd by the king. ii. that no precedent can be limits , to bound their proceedings . iii. that a parliament , for the publick good , may dispose of any thing wherein the king or subject hath a right ; and that they , without the king , are this parliament , and the judge of this publick good , and that the king's consent is not necessary . iv. that no member of either house ought to be troubled for treason , felony , or any other crime , unless the cause be first brought before the parliament , that they may judge of the fact , and give leave to proceed , if they see cause . v. that the sovereign power resides in both hous●s ; and that the king ought to have no negative voice . vi. that the levying of forces against the personal commands of the king , ( though accompanied with his presence ) is not levying war against the king , but the levying of war against his politique person , viz. his laws , &c. vii . that treason cannot be committed against his person , otherwise than as he is intrusted with the kingdom , and discharges that trust ; and that they have a power to judge , whether he hath discharged his trust , or not . viii . that they may dispose of the king when they will. b. this is plain-dealing , and without hypocrisie ; could the city of london swallow this ? a. yes , and more too , if need be ; london ( you know ) has a great belly , but no palate nor taste of right and wrong . in the parliament roll of henry iv. amongst the articles of the oath the king at his coronation took , there is one runs thus : concedes justas leges & consuetudines esse tenendas , & promitos per te eas esse protegendas , & ad honorem dei corroborandas quas vulgus elegerit . which the parliament urged for their legislative authority , and therefore interpret quas vulgus el●gerit , which the people shall choose ; as if the king should swear to protect and corroborate laws before they were made , whether they be good or bad : whereas the words signifie no more , but that he shall protect and corroborate such laws , as they have chosen ; that is to say , the acts of parliament then in being . and in the records of the exchequer it is thus , will you grant to hold and keep the laws , and rightful customs , which the commonalty of this your kingdom have ? and will you defend and uphold them , & c ? and this was the answer his majesty made to that point . b. i think his answer very full and clear ; but if the words were to be interpreted in the other sense , yet i see no reason why the king should be bound to swear to them ; for henry iv. came to the crown by the votes of a parliament , not much inferior in wickedness to this long parliament , that deposed and murdered their lawful king , saving that it was not the parliament it self , but the usurper that murdered king richard ii. a. about a week after , in the beginning of may , the parliament sent the king another paper , which they stil'd , the humble petition and advice of both houses : containing nineteen propositions , which when you shall hear , you shall be able to judge what power they meant to leave to the king , more than to any of his subjects . the first of them is this : i. that the lords , and other of his majesties privy council , and all great officers of state , both at home and abroad , be put from their imployments , and from his council , save only such as should be approved of by both houses of parliament ; and none put into their places , but by approbation of the said houses . and that all privy councillors take an oath for the due execution of their places , in such form as shall be agreed upon by the said houses . ii. that the great affairs of the kingdom be debated , resolv'd and transacted only in parliament ; and such as shall presume to do any thing to the contrary , to be reserv'd to the censure o● the parliament ; and such other matters of state as are proper for his majesties privy couneil , shall be debated and concluded by such as shall from time to time be chosen for that place by both houses of parliament . and that no publick act concerning the affairs of the kingdom which are proper for his privy council , be esteemed valid , as proceeding from the royal authority , unless it be done by the advice and consent of the major part of the council , attested under their hands ; and that the council be not more than 25 , nor less than 15 ; and that when a councillors place falls , it shall not be supplied , without the assent of the major part of the council ; and that such choice also shall be void , if the next parliament after confirm it not . iii. that the lord high steward of england , lord high constable , lord chancellor , or lord keeper of the great seal , lord treasurer , lord privy seal , earl marshal , lord admiral , warden of the cinque ports , chief governor of ireland , chancellor of the exchequer , master of the wards , secretaries of state , two chief justices and chief baron , be always chosen with the approbation of both houses of parliament ; and in the intervals of parliament , by the major part of the privy council . iv. that the government of the king's children shall be committed to such as both houses shall approve of ; and in the intervals of parliament , such as the privy council shall approve of , that the servants then about them , against whom the houses have just exception , should be remov'd . v. that no marriage be concluded , or treated of , for any of the king's children , without consent of parliament . vi. that the laws in force against jesuits , priests , and popish recusants , be strictly put in execution . vii . that the votes of popish lords in the house of peers be taken away ; and that a bill be passed for the education of the children of papists in the protestant religion . viii . that the king will be pleas'd to reform the church-government and liturgy , in such manner as both houses of parliament shall advise . ix . that he would be pleased to rest satisfied with that course the lords and commons have appointed for ordering the militia , and recall his declarations and proclamations against it . x. that such members as have been put out of any place or office since this parliament began , may be restor'd , or have satisfaction . xi . that all privy councillors and judges take an oath , the form whereof shall be agreed on , and setled by act of parliament , for the maintaining the petition of right , and of certain statutes made by the parliament . xii . that all the judges and officers placed by approbation of both houses of parliament , may held their places quamdiu bene se gesserint . xiii . that the justice of parliament may pass upon all delinquents , whether they be within the kingdom , or fled out of it ; and that all persons cited by either house of parliament , may appear and abide the censure of parliament . xiv . that the general pardon offered by his majesty , be granted with such exceptions as shall be advised by both houses of parliament . b. what a spightful article was this ? all the rest proceeded from ambition , which many times well-natur'd men are subject to ; but this proceeded from an inhumane and devilish cruelty . a. xv. that the forts and castles be put under the command of such persons , as with the approbation of the parliament the king shall appoint . xvi . that the extraordinary guards about the king be discharged , and for the future none raised but according to the law , in case of actual rebellion or invasion . b. methinks these very propositions sent to the king , are an actual rebellion . a. xvii . that his majesty enter into a more strict alliance with the united provinces , and other neighbour protestant princes and states . xviii . that his majesty be pleased , by act of parliament , to clear the lord kimbolton , and the five members of the house of commons , in such manner , as that future parliaments may be secur'd from the consequence of evil precedent . xix . that his majesty be pleased to pass a bill for restraining peers , made hereafter from sitting or voting in parliament , unless they be admitted with consent of both houses of parliament . these propositions granted , they promise to apply themselves to regulate his majesties revenue to his best advantage , and to settle it to the support of his royal dignity , in honour and plenty ; and also to put the town of hull into such hands as his majesty shall appoint , with consent of parliament . b. is not that to put it into such hands as his majesty shall appoint by the consent of the petitioners , which is no more than to keep it in their hands , as it is ? did they want , or think the king wanted common sense , so as not to perceive that their promise herein was worth nothing ? a. after the sending of these propositions to the king , and his majesties refusal to grant them , they began on both sides to prepare for war , the king raising a guard for his person in yorkshire , and the parliament thereupon having voted , that the king intended to make war upon his parliament , gave order for the mustering and exercising the people in arms , and published propositions to invite and encourage them to bring in either ready money or plate , or to promise under their hands to maintain certain numbers of horse , horsemen and arms , for the defence of the king and parliament , ( meaning by king , as they had formerly declar'd , not his person , but his laws ) promising to repay their money with interest of 8 l. in the hundred , and the value of their plate with 12 d. the ounce for the fashion . on the other side the king came to nottingham , and there did set up his standard royal , and sent out commissioners of array to call those to him , which by the ancient laws of england were bound to serve him in the wars . upon this occasion there passed divers declarations between the king and parliament , concerning the legality of this array , which are too long to tell you at this time . b. nor do i desire to hear any mooting about this question , for i think that general law of salus populi , and the right of defending himself against those that had taken from him the sovereign power , are sufficient to make legal whatsoever he should do , in order to the recovery of his kingdom , or the punishing of the rebels . a. in the mean time the parliament raised an army , and made the earl of essex general thereof ; by which act they declar'd what they meant formerly , when they petition'd the king for a guard , to be commanded by the said earl of essex . and now the king sends out his proclamations , forbidding obedience to the orders of the parliament concerning the militia ; and the parliament send out orders against the executions of the commissions of array ; hitherto ( though it were a war before ) yet there was no blood shed , they shot at one another nothing but paper . b. i understand now how the parliament destroy'd the peace of the kingdom , and how easily , by the help of seditious presbyterian ministers , and of ambitious ignorant orators , they reduced the government into anarchy : but i believe it will be a harder task for them to bring in peace again , and settle the government either in themselves , or in any other governor , or form of government ; for granting that they obtain'd the victory in this war , they must be beholding for it to the valor , good conduct , or felicity of those to whom they give the command of their armies , especially to the general , whose good success will , without doubt , bring with it the love and admiration of the soldiers ; so that it will be in his power either to take the government upon himself , or to place it where himself thinks good . in which case , if he take it not to himself , he will be thought a fool ; and if he do , he shall be sure to have the envy of his subordinate commanders , who will look for a share either in the present government , or in the succession to it ; for they will say , has he obtain'd this power by his own without our danger , valor and council ? and must we be his slaves , whom we have thus rais'd ? or is not there as much justice on our side against him , as was on his side against the king ? a. they will and did insomuch that the reason why cromwel , after he had gotten into his own hands the absolute power of england , scotland , and ireland , by the name of protector , did never dare to take upon him the title of king , nor was ever able to settle it upon his children , his officers would not suffer it , as pretending after his death to succeed him ; nor would the army consent to it , because he had ever declared to them against the government of a single person . b. but to return to the king , what means had he to pay ? what provision had he to arm , nay means to levy an army , able to resist the army of the parliament , maintained by the great purse of the city of london , and contributions of almost all the towns corporate in england , and furnished with arms as fully as they could require ? a. 't is true , the king had great disadvantages , and yet by little and little he got a considerable army , with which he so prospered , as to grow stronger every day , and the parliament weaker , till they had gotten the scotch with an army of 21000 men to come into england to their assistance ; but to enter into the particular narrative of what was done in the war , i have not now time . b. well then , we will talk of that at next meeting . b. we left at the preparations on both sides for war , which when i considered by my self , i was mightily puzled to find out what possibility there was for the king to equal the parliament in such a course , and what hopes ▪ he had of money , men , arms , fortified places , shipping , council , and military offices , sufficient for such an enterprize against the parliament , that had men and money as much at command , as the city of london , and other corporation towns were able to furnish , which was more than they needed . and for the men they should set forth for soldiers , they were almost all of them spightfully bent against the king , and his whole party , whom they took to be either papists , or flatterers of the king , or that had design'd to raise their fortunes by the plunder of the city , and other corporation towns ; and though i believe not that they were more valiant than other men , nor that they had so much experience in the war , as to be accounted good soldiers ; yet they had that in them , which in time of battel is more conducing to victory than valor , and experience both together , and that was spight . and for arms , they had in their hands the chief magazines , the tower of london , and kingston upon hull , besides most of powder and shot that lay in several towns , for the use of the trained bonds . fortified places there were not many then in england , and most of them in the hands of the parliament . the king's fleet was wholly in their command , under the earl of warwick ; councillors they needed no more , than such as were of their own body , so that the king was every way inferior to them , except it were perhaps in officers . a. i cannot compare their chief officers for the parliament , the earl of essex ( after the parliament had voted the war ) was made general of all their forces , both in england and ireland , from whom , all other commanders were to receive their commissions . b. what moved them to make the earl of essex general ? and for what cause was the earl of essex so displeased with the king , as to accept that office ? a. i do not certainly know what to answer to either of those questions , but the earl of essex had been in the wars abroad , and wanted neither experience , judgment nor courage to perform such an undertaking ; and besides that , you have heard , ( i believe ) how great a darling of the people , his father had been before him ; and what honour he had gotten by the success of his enterprize upon cales , and in some other military actions . to which i may add , that this earl himself was not held by the people to be so great a favourite at court , as that they might not trust him with their army against the king , and by this you may perhaps conjecture the cause for which the parliament made choice of him for general . b. but why did they think him discontented with the court ? a. i know not that , nor indeed that he was so ; he came to court as other noblemen did , when occasion was to wait upon the king , but had no office till a little before this time , to oblige him to be there continually ; but i believe verily , that the unfortunateness of his marriage , had so discountenanced his conversation with ladies , that the court could be his proper element , unless he had had some extraordinary savour there , to balance that calamity for particular discontent from the king , or intention of revenge for any supposed disgrace , i think he had none ; nor that he was any wayes addicted to presbyterian doctrines , or other fanatick tenets in church or state , saving only that he was carried away with the stream , ( in a manner ) of the whole nation , to think that england was not an absolute , but a mixt monarchy , not considering that the supreme power must alwayes be absolute , whether it be in the king , or in the parliament . b. who was general of the kings army ? a. none yet but himself , nor indeed had he yet any army but there , coming to him at that time two nephews , the princes rupert and maurice ; he put the command of his horse into the hands of prince rupert , a man then whom no man living has a better courage , nor was more active and diligent in prosecuting his commission ; and though but a young man then , was not without experience in the conducting of soldiers , as having been an actor in part of his fathers wars in germany . b. but how would the king find money to pay such an army as was necessary for him , against the parliament ? a. neither the king nor parliament had much money at that time in their own hands , but were fain to relie upon the benevolence of those that took their parts , wherein ( i confess ) the parliament had a mighty great advantage ; those that helped the king in that kind , were only lords and gentlemen , which not approving the proceedings of the parliament , were willing to undertake the payment every one of a certain number of horse , which cannot be thought any very great assistance , the persons that payed them being so few ; for other monies that the king then had , i have not heard of any but what he borrow'd upon jewels in the low-countries ; whereas the parliament had a very plentiful contribution , not only from london , but generally from their faction in all other places of england , upon certain propositions , ( published by the lords and commons in june 1642. ) at which time they had newly voted , that the king intended to make war upon them , for bringing in of money or plate , to maintain horse and horsemen , and to buy arms for the preservation of the publick peace , and for the defence of the king , and both houses of parliament ; for the re-payment of which money and plate , they were to have the publick faith. b. what publick faith is there , when there is no publick ? what is it that can be call'd publick , in a civil war , without the king ? a. the truth is , the security was nothing worth , but serv'd well enough to gull those seditious blockheads that were more fond of change , than either of their peace or profit , having by this means gotten contributions from those that were the well-affected to their cause , they made use of it afterwards , to force the like contribution from others ; for in november following , they made an ordinance for assessing also of those that had not contributed then , or had contributed , but not proportionably to their estates . and yet this was contrary to what the parli●ment promised and declar'd in the propositions themselves ; for they declar'd in the first proposition , that no mans affection should be measured by the pr●portion of his offer , so that he expressed his good will to the service in any proportion whatsoever . besides this , in the beginning of march following , they made an ordinance to levy weekly a great sum of money upon every county , city , town , place and person of any estate almost in england ; which weekly sum ( as may appear by the ordinance it self , printed and published in march 1642 , by order of both houses ) comes to almost 33000 l. and consequently to above 1700000 l. for the year . they had , besides all this , the profits of the king's lands and woods , and whatsoever was remaining unpaid of any subsidy formerly granted him , and the tunnage and poundage usually received by the king , besides the profit of the sequestration of great persons , whom they pleas'd to vote delinquents , and the profits of the bishops lands , which they took to themselves a year , or a little more after . b. seeing then the parliament had such advantage of the king in money , arms , and multitude of men , and had in their hands the king's fleet , i cannot imagine what hope the king could have either of victory ( unless he resign'd into their hands the sovereignty , or subsisting : ) for i cannot well believe he had any advantage of them either in councillors , conducts , or in the resolution of his soldiers . a. on the contrary , i think he had also some disadvantage in that ; for though he had as good officers at least as any then serv'd the parliament , yet i doubt he had not so useful council as was necessary . and for his soldiers , though they were men as stout as theirs , yet because their valor was not sharpned so with malice , as theirs was of the other side , they sought not so keenly as their enemies did , amongst whom there was a great many london apprentices , who , for want of experience in the war , would have been fearful enough of death and wounds approaching visibly in glittering swords , but for want of judgment scarce thought of such a death as comes invisibly in a bullet , and therefore were very hardly to be driven out of the field . b. but what fault do you find in the king's councils , lords , and other persons of quality and experience ? a. only that fault which was generally in the whole nation , which was , that they thought the government of england was not an absolute , but a mixt monarchy ; and that if the king should clearly subdue this parliament , that his power would be what he pleased , and theirs as little as he pleased , which they counted tyranny . this opinion , though it did not les●en their endeavors to gain the victory for the king in a battel , when the battel could not be avoided , yet it weakned their endeavors to procure him an absolute victory in the war. and for this cause , notwithstanding that they saw that the parliament was firmly resolv'd to take all kingly power whatsoever out of his hands , yet their council to the king was upon all occasions to offer propositions to them of treaty and accommodation , and to make and publish declarations which any man might easily have foreseen would be fruitless ; and not only so , but also of great disadvantage to those actions by which the king was to recover his crown , and preserve his life ; for it took off the courage of the best and forwardest of his soldiers that lookt for great benefit out of the estates of the rebels , in case they could subdue them , but none at all if the business should be ended by a treaty . b. and they had reason , for a civil war never ends by treaty , without the sacrifice of those , who were on both sides the sharpest . you know well enough how things past the reconciliation of augustus and antonius in rome ▪ but i thought that after they once began to levy soldiers one against another , that they would not any more have return'd of either side to declarations , or other paper war , which if it could have done any good , would have done it long before this . a. but seeing the parliament continued writing , and set forth their declarations to the people against the lawfulness of the king's commission of array , and sent petitions to the king as fierce and rebellions as ever they had done before , demanding of him , that he would di●band his soldiers , and come up to the parliament , and leave those whom the parliament called delinquents , ( which were none but the king 's best subjects ) to their mercy , and pass such bills as they should advise him. would you not have the king set forth declarations and proclamations , against the illegality of their ordinances , by which they levied soldiers against him , and answer those insolent petitions of theirs ? b. no , it had done him no good before , and therefore was not likely to do him any afterwards ; for the common people , whose hands were to decide the controversie , understood not the reasons of either party ; and for those that by ambition were once set upon the enterprize of changing the government , they cared not much what was reason and justice , in the cause , but what strength they might procure , by reducing the multitude with remonstrances from the parliament-house , or by sermons in the churches ; and to their petitions , i would not have had any answer at all more than this , that if they would disband their army , and put themselves upon his mercy , they should find him more gracious than they expected . a. that had been a gallant answer indeed , if it had proceeded from him after some extraordinary great victory in battel , or some extraordinary assurance of a victory at last in the whole war. b. why , what could have hapned to him worse , than at length he suffered , notwithstanding his gentle answer , and all his reasonable declarations ? a. nothing , but , who knew that ? b. any man might see , that he was never like to be restor'd to his right without victory , and such his statutes being known to the people , would have brought to his assistance many more hands , than all the arguments of law , or force of eloquence , couched in declarations , and other writings , could have done by far ; and i wonder what kind of men they were , that hindered the king from taking this resolution . a. you may know by the declarations themselves , which are very long , and full of quotations of records , and of cases formerly reported , that the penners of them were either lawyers by profession , or such gentlemen as had the ambition to be thought so . besides , i told you before , that those which were then likeliest to have their counsel asked in this business , were averse to absolute monarchy , as also to absolute democracy , or aristocracy ; all which governments they esteemed tyranny , and were in love with monarchy , which they us'd to praise by the name of mixt monarchy , though it were indeed nothing else but pure anarchy : and those men whose pens the king most us'd in these controversies of law , and politick , were such ( if i have not been misinformed ) as having been members of this parliament , had declaim'd against ship-money , and other extra-parliamentary taxes , as much as any : but when they saw the parliament grow higher in their demands , than they thought they would have done , went over to the king's party . b. who were those ? a. it is not necessary to name any man , seeing i have undertaken only a short narration of the follies and other faults of men during this trouble , but not ( by naming of persons ) to give you or any man else occasion to esteem them the less , now that the faults on all sides have been forgiven . b. when the business was brought to this heighth , by levying of soldiers , and seizing on the navy , arms , and other provisions on both sides , that no man was so blind , as not to see they were in an estate of war one against another , why did not the king ( by proclamation or message ) according to his undoubted right , dissolve the parliament , and thereby diminish in some part the authority of their levies , and of other their unjust ordinances ? a. you have forgotten that i told you that the king himself , by a bill that he passed at the same time when he passed the bill for the execution for the earl of strafford , had given them authority to hold the parliament , till they should by consent of both houses dissolve themselves : if therefore he had by any proclamation or message to the houses dissolv'd them , they would , to their former de●amations of his majesties actions , have added this , that he was a breaker of his word , and not only in contempt of him , have continued their session , but also have made advantage of it , to the increase and strengthning of their own party . b. would not the king 's raising of an army against them , be interpreted as a purpose to dissolve them by force ? and was it not as great a breach of promise to scatter them by force , as to dissolve them by proclamation ? besides , i cannot conceive that the passing of that act was otherwise intended than conditionally , so long as they should not ordain any thing contrary to the sovereign right of the king , which condition they had already by many of their ordinances broken ; and , i think , that even by the law of equity , which is the unalterable law of nature , a man that has the sovereign power cannot , if he would , give away the right of any thing which is necessary for him to retain , for the good government of his subjects , unless he do it in express words , saying , that he will have the sovereign power no longer ; for the giving away that which by consequence only draws the sovereignty along with it , is not ( i think ) a giving away of the sovereignty , but an error , such as work nothing but an invalidity in the grant it self . and such was the king's passing this bill , for the continuing of the parliament , as long as the two houses pleas'd . but now that the war was resolv'd on , on both sides , what needed any more dispute in writings ? a. i know not what need they had , but on both sides they thought it needful to hinder one another as much as they could from levying of soldiers , and therefore the king did set forth declarations in print ; to make the people know that they ought not to obey the officers of the new militia set up by ordinance of parliament , and also to let them see the legality of his own commissions of array ; and the parliament on their part did the like , to justifie to the people the said ordinance , and to make the commission of array appear unlawful . b. when the parliament were levying of soldiers , was it not lawful for the king to levy soldiers , to defend himself and his right , though there had been no other title for it , but his own preservation , and that the name of commission of array had never been heard of ? a. for my part , i think there cannot be a better title for war , than the defence of a man 's own right , but the people at that time thought nothing lawful for the king to do , for which there was not some statute made by parliament . for the lawyers , i mean the judges of the courts of westminster , and some few others , though but advocates , yet of great reputation for their skill in the common laws , and statutes of england , had infected most of the gentry of england with their maxims and cases prejudg'd , which they call precedents , and made them think so well of their own knowledge in the law , that they were of this occasion to shew it against the king , and thereby to gain a reputation with the parliament , of being good patriots , and wise statesmen . b. what was this commission of array ? a. king william the conqueror had gotten into his hands by victory , all the lands in england , of which he disposed some part , as forests and chaces for his own recreation , and some part to lords and gentlemen , that had assisted him , or were to assist him in the wars ; upon which he laid a charge of service in his wars , some with more men , and some with less , according to the lands he had given them ; whereby , when the king sent men unto them with commission to make use of their service , they were obliged to appear with arms , and to accompany the king to the wars , for a certain time at their own charges , and such were the commissions by which this king did then make his levies . b. why then was it not legal ? a. no doubt but it was legal , but what did that amount to with men that were already resolv'd to acknowledge for law , nothing that was against their design of abolishing monarchy , and placing a sovereign and absolute arbitrary power in the house of commons . b. to destroy monarchy , and set up the house of commons , are two businesses . a. they found it so at last , but did not think it so then . b. let us come now to the military power . a. i intended only the story of their injustice , impudence and hypocrisie ; therefore for the proceeding of the war , i refer you to the history thereof , written at large in english . i shall only make use of such a thread as is necessary for the filling up of such knavery and folly also , as i shall observe in their several actions . from york the king went to hull , where was his magazine of arms for the northern parts of england , to try if they would admit him ; the parliament had made sir john hotham governor of the town , who caused the gates to be shut , and presenting himself upon the walls , flatly denied him entrance ; for which the king caused him to be proclaim'd traytor , and sent a message to the parliament , to know if they own'd the actions ? b. upon what grounds ? a. their pretence was this , that neither this , nor any other town in england was otherwise the kings , than in trust for the people of england . b. but what was that to the parliament ? a. yes , say they , for we are the representative of the people of england . b. i cannot see the force of this argument : we represent the people ; ergo , all that the people has is ours : the mayor of hull did represent the king , is therefore all the king had in hull the mayor's ? the people of england may be represented with limitations , as to deliver a petition , or the like , does it follow , that they who deliver the petition , have right to all the towns in england ? when began this parliament to be a representative of england ? was it not november 3. 1640 ? who was it the day before that had the right to keep the king out of hull , and possess it for themselves ? for there was then no parliament , whose was hull then ? a. i think it was the king's ; not only because it was called the king's town upon hull , but because the king himself did then and ever represent the person of the people of england . if he did not , who then did , the parliament having no being ? b. they might perhaps say , the people had then no representative . a. then there was no commonwealth , and consequently all the towns of england being the peoples , you and i , and any man else , might have put in for his share . you may see by this , what weak people they were , that were carried into the rebellion , by such weak reasoning as this parliament used ; and how impudent they were , that did put such fallacies upon them . b. surely they were such , as were esteem'd the wisest men in england , being upon that account chosen to be the parliament . a. and were they also esteem'd the wisest men of england , that chose them ? b. i cannot tell that ; for i know it is usual with the freeholders in the counties , and the tradesmen in the cities and burroughs to choose , as near as they can , such as are most repugnant to the giving of subsidies . a. the king in the beginning of august , after he had summon'd hull , and tryed some of the counties thereabout , what they would do for him , set up his standard at nottingham , but there came not in thither men enough to make any army sufficient to give battel to the earl of essex . from thence he went to shrewsbury , where he was quickly furnished ; and appointing the earl of lins●y to be general , he resolv'd to march towards london . the earl of essex was at worcester with the parliament army , making no offer to stop him in his passage , but as soon as he was gone by , marched close after him. the king therefore , to avoid being inclosed between the army of the earl of essex , and the city of london , turned upon him , and gave him battel at edge-hill ; where , though he got not an intire victory , yet he had the better , if either had the better ; and had certainly the fruit of a victory , which was to march on , in his intended way towards london , in which the next morning he took banbury castle , and from thence went to oxford , and thence to brentford , where he gave a great defeat to three regiments of the parliaments forces , and so return'd to oxford . b. why did not the king go on from brentford ? a. the parliament , upon the first notice of the king 's marching from shrewsbury , caused all the trained bands , and the auxiliaries of the city of london ( which were so frighted , as to shut up all their shops ) to be drawn forth ; so that there was a complete and numerous army ready for the earl of essex , that was crept into london just at that time to head it , and this was it that made the king retire to oxford . in the beginning of february , after prince ruport took cirencester from the parliament , with many prisoners , and many arms , for it was newly made a magazine . and thus stood the business between the king 's , and the parliaments forces . the parliament in the mean time , caused a line of communication to be made about london , and the suburbs , of 12 miles in compass , and constituted a committee for the assotiation , and the putting into a posture of defence the counties of essex , cambridge , suffolk , and some others ; and one of those commissioners was oliver cromwel , from which employment he came to his following greatness . b. what was done , during this time , in other parts of the countrey ? a. in the west , the earl of stamford had the employment of putting in execution the ordinance of parliament for the militia ; and sir ralph hopton , for the king , executed the commission of array . between those two was fought a battel at liscard in cornwal , where sir ralph hopton had the victory , and presently took a town called saltash , with many arms , and much ordnance , and many prisoners . sir william waller in the mean time seized winchester and chichester for the parliament . in the north , for the commission of array , my lord of newcastle ; and for the militia of the parliament , was my lord fairfax . my lord of newcastle took from the parliament tadcaster , in which were a great part of the parliaments forces for that county , and had made himself , in a manner , master of all the north , about this time , that is to say , in february ; the queen landed at barlington , and was conducted by my lord of newcastle , and the marquis of montross , to york ; and not long after , to the king. divers other little advantages , besides these , had the king's party of the parliaments in the north. there hapned also between the militia of the parliament , the commission of array in staffordshire , under my lord brook for the parliament , and my lord of northampton for the king , great contention , wherein both these commanders were slain ; for my lord brook besieging lichfield-close , was kill'd with a shot , notwithstanding which they gave not over the siege , till they were masters of the close . but presently after my lord of northampton besieged it again for the king , which to relieve , sir william brereston , and sir john gell , advanced towards lichfield , and were met at hopton-heath by the earl of northampton , and routed , the earl himself was slain , but his forces with victory return'd to the siege again ; and shortly after seconded by prince rupert , who was then abroad in that countrey , carried the place . these were the chief actions of this year 164● . wherein the king's party had not much the worse . b. but the parliament had now a better army , insomuch that if the earl of essex had immediately followed the king to oxford ( not yet well fortified ) he might , in all likelihood , have taken it ; for he could not want either men or ammunition , whereof the city of london ( which was wholly at the parliaments devotion ) had store enough . a. i cannot judge of that ; but this is manifest , considering the estate the king was in at his first marching from york , when he had neither money , nor men , nor arms enough , to put him in hope of victory , that this year ( take it altogether ) was very prosperous . b. but what great folly or wickedness do you observe in the parliaments actions for this first year ? a. all that can be said against them in that point , will be excus'd with the pretext of war , and come under one name of rebellion , saving that when they summoned any town , it was alwayes in the name of the king and parliament . the king being in the contrary army , and many times beating them from the siege , i do not see how the right of war can justifie such impudence as that . but they pretended that the king was alwayes vertually in the two houses of parliament making a distinction between his person natural and politique , which made the impudence the greater , besides the folly of it : for this was but an university quibble , such as boyes make use of , in maintaining ( in the schools ) such tenets as they cannot otherwise defend . in the end of this year , they sollicited also the scots to enter england , with an army to suppress the power of the earl of newcastle in the north , which was a plain confession , that the parliament forces were at this time inferior to the kings ; and most men thought , that if the earl of newcastle had then marched southward , and joined his forces with the kings , that most of the members of parliament would have fled out of england . in the beginning of 1643. the parliament seeing the earl of newcastle's power in the north grown formidable , sent to the scots , to hire them to an invasion of england ; and ( to compliment them in the mean time ) made a covenant among themselves , such as the scots before had made against episcopacy , and demolished crosses , and church-windows , ( such as had in them any images of saints ) throughout all england . also in the middle of the year , they made a solemn league with the nation , which was called , the solemn league and covenant . b. are not the scots as properly to be called foreigners , as the irish ? seeing then they persecuted the earl of strafford , even to death , for advising the king to make use of irish forces against the parliament ; with what face could they call in a scotch army against the king ? a. the king's party might easily here have discern'd their design , to make themselves absolute masters of the kingdom , and to dethrone the king. another great impudence , or rather a bestial incivility it was of theirs , that they voted the queen a traytor , for helping the king with some ammunition , and english forces , from holland . b. was it possible that all this could be done , and men not see that papers and declarations must be useless ? and that nothing could satisfie them , but the deposing of the king , and setting up of themselves in his place . a. yes , very possible , for who was there of them , though knowing that the king had the sovereign power , that knew the essential rights of sovereignty ? they dreamt of a mixt power of the king and the two houses , that it was a divided power , in which there could be no peace , was above their understanding , therefore they were alwayes urging the king to declarations , and treaties , ( for fear of subjecting themselves to the king in an absolute obedience ) which increased the hope and courage of the rebels , but did the king little good ; for the people either understand not , or will not trouble themselves with controversies in writing , but rather by his compliance by messages , go away with an opinion , that the parliament was likely to have the victory in the war. besides , seeing that the penners and contrivers of those papers , were formerly members of the parliament , and of another mind , and now revolted from the parliament , because they could not bear that sway in the house which they expected , men were apt to think , they believed not what they write . as for military actions ( to begin at the head-quarters ) prince rupert took brinningram , a garison of the parliaments . in july , after the king's forces had a great victory over the parliaments near devizes on roundway-down , where they took 2000 prisoners , four brass-pieces of ordnance , 28 colours , and all their baggage . and shortly after bristol was surrender'd to prince rupert for the king ; and the king himself marching into the west , took from the parliament many other considerable places . but this good fortune was not a little allay'd , by his besieging of glocester , which , after it was reduc'd to the last gasp , was reliev'd by the earl of essex , whose army was before greatly wasted , but now recruited with train'd bands , and apprentices of london . b. it seems not only by this , but also by many examples in history , that there can hardly arise a long or dangerous rebellion , that has not some such overgrown city , with an army or two in its belly , to foment it . a. nay more , those great capital cities , when rebellion is upon pretence of grievances , must needs be of the rebel party , because the grievances are but taxes to which citizens , that is merchants , whose profession in their private gain are naturally mortal enemies , their onely glory being , to grow excessively rich , by the wisdom of buying and selling . b. but they are said to be , of all callings , the most beneficial to the commonwealth , by setting the poorer sort of people on work . a. that is to say , by making poor people sell their labour to them at their own prizes , so that poor people , for the most part , might get a better living by working in bridewell , than by spinning , weaving , and other such labour as they can do , saving that by working slightly , they may help themselves a little , to the disgrace of our manufacture . and as most commonly they are the first encouragers of rebellion , presuming in their strength ; so also are they , for the most part , the first to repent , deceiv'd by them that command their strength . but to return to the war : though the king withdrew from glocester , yet it was not to flie from , but to fight with the earl of essex , which presently after he did at newbury , where the battel was bloody , and the king had not the worst , unless cirencester be put into the scale , which the earl of essex had in his way a few days before surpriz'd . but in the north and the west the king had much the better of the parliament ; for in the north , at the beginning of the year , may 29. the earls of newcastle and cumberland defeated the lord fairfax ( who commanded in those parts for the parliament ) at bramham-moor , which made the parliament to hasten the assistance of the scots . in june following , the earl of newcastle routed sir thomas fairfax ( son to the lord fairfax ) upon adderton-heath , and in pursuit of them to bradford , took and kill'd 2000 men , and the next day took the town ▪ and 2000 prisoners more , ( sir thomas himself hardly escaping ) with all their arms and ammunition ; and besides , this made the lord fairfax quit hallifax , and beverly . lastly , prince rupert reliev'd newark , besieged by sir john meldrum , for the parliament , with 7000 men , whereof 1000 were slain , the rest upon articles departed , leaving behind them their arms , bag and baggage . to balance in part this success , the earl of manchester , whose lieutenant general was oliver cromwel , got a victory over the royalists near horn-castle , of which he slew 400 , took 800 prisoners , and 1000 arms , and presently after took and plundered the city of lincoln . in the west , may 16. sir ralph hopton at stratton in devonshire , had a victory over the parliamentarians , wherein he took 1700 prisoners , 13 brass pieces of ordnance , and all their ammunition , which was 70 barrels of powder , and their magazine of their other provisions in the town . again at landsdown , between sir ralph hopton , and the parliamentarians under sir william waller , was fought a fierce battel , wherein the victory was not very clear on either side , saving that the parliamentarians might seem to have the better , because presently after sir william waller follow'd sir ralph hopton to devizes in wiltshire , though to his cost ; for there he was overthrown , as i have already told you . after this , the king in person marched into the west , and took exeter , dorcester , barnstable , and divers other places , and had he not at his return besieged glocester , and thereby giving the parliament time for new levies , 't was thought by many he might have routed the house of commons . but the end of this year was more favourable to the parliament ; from january the scots entered england , and march the first crossed the tyne ; and whil'st the earl of newcastle was marching to them , sir thomas fairfax gathered together a considerable party in yorkshire , and the earl of manchester from lyn advanced towards york ; so that the earl of newcastle having two armies of rebels behind him , and another before him , was forced to retreat to york , which those three armies joining presently besieged , and these are all the considerable military actions in the year 1643. in the same year the parliament caused to be made a new great seal , the lord keeper had carried the former seal to oxford : hereupon the king sent a messenger to the judges at westminster , to forbid them to make use of it ; this me●●enger was taken , and condemn'd at a council of war , and hang'd for a spie ? b. is that the law of war ? a. i know not : but , it seems , when a soldier comes into the enemies quarters , without address , or notice given to the chief commander , that it is presum'd he comes as a spie . the same year , when certain gentlemen at london received a commission of array from the king , to levy men for his service in that city , being discover'd , they were condemn'd , and some of them executed . this case is not unlike the former . b. was not the making of a new great seal , a sufficient proof that the war was raised , not to remove evil councillors from the king , but to remove the king himself from the government ; what hope then could there be had in messages and treaties ? a. the entrance of the scots was a thing unexpected to the king , who was made to believe by continual letters from his commissioners in scotland , and duke hamilton , that the scotch never intended any invasion . the duke being then at oxford , the king ( assur'd that the scotch were now entered ) sent him prisoner to pendennis castle in cornwal . in the beginning of this year 1644. the earl of newcastle being ( as i told you ) besieged by the joint forces of the scots , the earl of manchester , and sir thomas fairfax , the king sent prince rupert to relieve the town , and as soon as he could , to give the enemy battel ; prince rupert passing through lancashire , and by the way having storm'd the seditious town of bolton , and taken in stockford and leverpool , came to york , july 1. and relieved it , the enemy being risen thence , to a place called marston-moor , about four miles off , and there was fought that unfortunate battel , that lost the king , in a manner , all the north ; prince rupert return'd by the way he came , and the earl of newcastle to york , and thence with some of his officers over the sea to hamburgh . the honour of this victory was attributed chiefly to oliver cromwel ( the earl of manchester's lieutenant general ) the parliamentarians return'd from the field , to the siege of york , which , not long after , upon honourable articles was surrendred ; not that they were favoured , but because the parliament employed not much time , nor many men in the siege . b this was a great and sudden abatement of the king's prosperity . a. it was so , but amends was made him for it within 5 or 6 weeks after ; for sir william waller ( after the loss of his army at roundway-down ) had another raised for him by the city of london , who , for the payment thereof , impos'd a weekly tax of the value of one meals meat upon every citizen . this army , with that of the earl of essex , intended to besiege oxford , which the king understanding , sent the queen into the west , and marched himself towards worcester . this made them to divide again , and the earl to go into the west , and waller to pursue the king. by this means it so fell out , that both their armies were defeated ; for the king turn'd upon waller , routed him at copredy-bridge , took his train of artillery , and many officers , and then presently followed the earl of essex into cornwal , where he had him at such advantage , that the earl himself was fain to escape in a small boat to plymouth ; his horse broke through the king's quarters by night , but the infantry were all forc'd to lay down their arms , and upon conditions never more to bear arms against the king , were permitted to depart . in october following , was fought a second and sharp battel at newbury ; for this infantry making no conscience of the conditions made with the king , being now come towards london , as far as basing stoke , had arms put again into their hands ; to whom some of the train'd bands being added , the earl of essex had suddenly so great an army , that he attempted the king again at newbury ; and certainly had the better of the day , but the night parting them , had not a complete victory . and it was observ'd here , that no part of the earls army fought so keenly , as they who had laid down their arms in cornwal . these were the most important fights in the year 1644. and the king was yet ( as both himself and others thought ) in as good a condition as the parliament , which despair'd of victory by the commanders then us'd , therefore they voted a new modelling of the army , suspecting the earl of essex , though i think wrongfully , to be too much a royalist , for not having done so much as they look'd for in this second battel at newbury . the earls of essex and manchester perceiving what they went about , voluntarily laid down their commissions ; and the house of commons made an ordinance , that no member of either house , should enjoy any office or command military or civil . with which oblique blow they shook off those that had hitherto serv'd them too well , and yet out of this ordinance they excepted oliver cromwel , in whose conduct and valor they had very great confidence , ( which they would not have done , if they had known him as well then , as they did afterwards ) and made him lieutenant general . in the commission to the earl of essex , there was a clause for preservation of his majesties person , which in this new commission was left out , though the parliament ( as well as the general ) were as yet presbyterians . b. it seems the presbyterians also ( in order to their ends ) would fain have had the king murdered . a. for my part , i doubt it not for a rightful king living , an usurping power can never be sufficiently secur'd . in this same year the parliament put to death sir john hotham and his son , for tampering with the earl of newcastle , about the rendition of hull . and sir alexander car●w , for endeavouring to deliver up plymouth , where he was governor for the parliament . and the archbishop of canterbury , for nothing but to please the scots . for the general article of going about to subvert the fundamental laws of the land , was no accusation , but only foul words . they then also voted down the book of common-prayer , and ordered the use of a directory , which had been newly compos'd by an assembly of presbyterian ministers . they were also then with much ado prevail'd with for a treaty with the king at uxbridge , where they remitted nothing of their former demands . the king had also at this time a parliament at oxford , consisting of such discontented members as had left the houses at westminster , but few of them had changed their old principles , and therefore that parliament was not much worth . nay rather , because they endeavour'd nothing but messages and treaties ; that is to say , defeating of soldiers hope of benefit by the war , they were thought by most men to do the king more hurt than good . the year 1645. was to the king very unfortunate ; for by the loss of one great battel , he lost all he had formerly gotten , and at length his life . the new model'd army , after consultation whether they should lay siege to oxford , or march westward , to the relief of taunton ( then besieged by the lord goring , and defended by blake , famous afterward for his actions at sea ) resolv'd for taunton , leaving cromwel to attend the motions of the king , though not strong enough to hinder him. the king upon this advantage drew his forces and artillery out of oxford . this made the parliament to call back their general fairfax , and order him to besiege oxford . the king in the mean time relieved chester , which was besieged by sir william brereton , and coming back , took leicester by force , a place of great importance , and well provided of artillery and provision . upon this success it was generally thought , that the king's party was the stronger . the king himself thought so , and the parliament , in a manner , confest the same , by commanding fairfax to rise from the siege , and endeavor to give the king battel ; for the successors of the king , and the treacherous divisions growing now among themselves , had driven them to relie upon the fortune of one day , in which at naseby the king's army was utterly overthrown , and no hope left him to raise another ; therefore after the battel he went up and down , doing the parliament here and there some shrewd turns , but never much increasing his number . fairfax in the mean time first recovered leicester , and then marching into the west , subdued it all , except only a few places , forcing , with much ado , my lord hopton , ( upon honorable conditions ) to disband his army , and with the prince of wales , to pass over to scilly , whence not long after they went to paris . in april 1646. general fairfax began to march back to oxford , in the mean time rainsburrough , who besieged woodstock , had it surrender'd . the king therefore , who was now also return'd to oxford , from whence woodstock is but six miles , not doubting but that he should there by fairfax be besieg'd , and having no army to relieve him , resolv'd to get away disguised to the scotch army about newark , and thither he came the 4th of may ; and the scotch army being upon remove homewards , carried him with them to newcastle , whither he came may the 13th . b. why did the king trust himself with the scots ? they were the first that rebell'd . they were presbyterians , i. e. cruel . besides , they were indigent , and consequently might be suspected would sell him to his enemies for money . and lastly , they were too weak to defend him , or keep him in their countrey . a. what could he have done better ? for he had in the winter before sent to the parliament , to get a pass for the duke of richmond , and others , to bring them propositions of peace , it was denied ; he sent again , it was denied again . then he desir'd he might come to them in person ; this also was denied . he sent again and again to the same purpose ; but instead of granting it , they made an ordinance , that the commanders of the militia of london , in the case the king should attempt to come within the line of communication , should raise what force they thought fit to suppress tumults , to apprehend such as came with him ; and to secure ( i. e. to imprison ) his person from danger . if the king had adventur'd to come , and had been imprison'd , what would the parliament have done with him ? they had dethron'd him by their votes , and therefore could have no security while he liv'd , though in prison ; it may be they would not have put him to death by a high court of justice publickly , but secretly , some other way . b. he should have attempted to get beyond sea. a. that had been from oxford very difficult . besides , it was generally believ'd , that the scotch army had promis'd him , that not only his majesty , but also his friends that should come with him , should be in their army safe , not only for their persons , but also for their honours and consciences . 't is a pretty trick , when the army , and the particular soldiers of that army are different things , to make the soldiers promise what the army means not to perform . july 11. the parliament sent their propositions to the king at newcastle , which propositions they pretended to be the onely way to a setled and well-grounded peace . they were brought by the earl of pembroke , the earl of suffolk , sir walter earl , sir john hyppesley , mr. goodwin , and mr. robinson , whom the king asked , if they had power to treat ? and when they said no , why they might not as well have been sent by a trumpeter . the propositions were the same dethroning ones which they used to send , and therefore the king would not assent to them . nor did the scots swallow them at first , but made some exceptions against them ; only it seems , to make the parliament perceive they meant not to put the king into their hands gratis ; and so at last the bargain was made between them , and upon payment of 200000 l. the king was put into the hands of the commissioners , which the english parliament sent down to receive him. b. what a vile complexion hath this action , compounded of feigned religion , and very covetousness , cowardize , perjury , and treachery ? a. now the war that seemed so just , by many unseemly things is ended , you will see almost nothing in these rebels , but baseness and falseness , besides their folly. by this time the parliament had taken in all the rest ●f the king's garisons , whereof the last was pendennis castle , whither duke hamilton had been sent prisoner by the king. b. what was done during this time in ireland and scotland ? a. in ireland there had been a peace made , by order from his majesty , for a time , which by divisions by the irish was ill kept . the popish party ( the pope's nuncio being then there ) took this to be the time for delivering themselves from their subjection to the english ; besides , the time of the peace was now expir'd . b. how were they subject to the english , more than the english to the irish ? they were subject to the king of england , but so also were the english to the king of ireland . a. the distinction is somewhat too subtile for common understanding . in scotland the marquis of montross , for the king with a very few men had miraculously with victories over-run all scotland , where many of his forces ( out of too much security ) were permitted to be absent for a while , of which the enemy having intelligence , suddenly came upon them , and forced them to flie back into the high-lands to recruit ; where he began to recover strength , when the king commanded him ( being then in the hands of the scots at newcastle ) to disband , and he departed from scotland by sea. in the end of the same year 1646. the parliament caused the king's great seal to be broken . also the king was brought to holmeby , and there kept by the parliaments commissioners , and here was an end of that war as to england and scotland , but not to ireland . about this time also dyed the earl of essex , whom the parliament had discarded . b. now that there was peace in england , and the king in prison , in whom was the sovereign power ? a. the right was certainly in the king , but the exercise was yet in no body , but contended for , as in a game at cards , without fighting all the years 1647. and 1648. between the parliament and oliver cromwel , lieutenant general to sir thomas fairfax . you must know that when king henry viii . abolished the pope's authority here , and took upon him to be the head of the church , the bishops , as they could not resist him , so neither were they discontented with it . for whereas the pope before allowed not the bishops to claim jurisdiction in their diocesses , jure divino , that is , of right immediately from god , but by the gift and authority of the pope ; now that the pope was outed , they made no doubt but the divine right was in themselves . after this the city of geneva , and divers other places beyond sea , having revolted from the papacy , set up presbyteries for the government of thier several churches ; and divers english scholars that went beyond sea , during the persecution of queen mary , were much taken with this government ; and at their return in the time of queen elizabeth , and ever since , have endeavor'd , to the great trouble of the church and nation , to set up that government here , wherein they might domineer , and applaud their own wit and learning . and these took upon them not only a divine right , but also a divine inspiration ; and having been connived at , and countenanced sometimes in their frequent preaching , they introduced many strange and many pernicious doctrines , out-doing the reformation ( as they pretended both of luther and calvin ) receding from the former divinity , or church-philosophy , ( for religion is another thing ) as much as luther and calvin had receded from the pope , and distracted their auditors into a great number of sects , as brownists , anabaptists , independents , fifth-monarchy men , quakers , and divers others , all commonly called by the name of fanaticks , insomuch as there was no so dangerous an enemy to the presbyterians , as this brood of their own hatching● . these were cromwel's best cards , whereof he had a very great number in the army , and some in the house , whereof he himself was thought one , though he were nothing certain , but applying himself always to the faction that was strongest , was of a colour like it . there was in the army a great number ( if not the part ) that aimed only at rapine , and sharing the lands and goods of their enemies ; and these also upon the opinion they had of cromwel's valor and conduct , thought they could not any way better arrive at their ends , than by adhering to him . lastly , in the parliament it self , though not the major part , yet a considerable number were fanaticks , enough to put in doubts , and cause delay in the resolutions of the house ; and sometimes also by advantages of a thin house , to carry a vote in favour of gromwel , as they did upon the 26th of july ; for whereas on the 4th of may precedent , the parliament had voted , that the militia of london should be in the hands of a committee of citizens , whereof the lord mayor , or the time being , should be one . shortly after the independents chancing to be the major , made an ordinance , whereby it was put into hands more favourable to the army . the best cards the parliament had , were the city of london , and the person of the king. the general , sir thomas fairfax , was right presbyterian , but in the hands of the army , and the army in the hands of cromwel , but which party should prevail , depended on playing of the game . cromwel protested still obedience and fidelity to the parliament , but meaning nothing less , bethought him , and resolv'd on a way to excuse himself of all that he should do to the contrary upon the army ; therefore he and his son-in-law , commissary general ireton , as good at contriving as himself , and at speaking and writing , better contrive how to mutiny the army against the parliament . to this end they spread a whisper through the army , that the parliament , now they had the king , intended to disband them , to cheat them of their arrears , and to send them into ireland , to be destroy'd by the irish. the army being herewith inrag'd , were taught by ireton to erect a council among themselves of two soldiers out of every troop , and every company to consult for the good of the army , and to assist at the council of war , and to advise for the peace and safety of the kingdom . these were called adjutators , so that whatsoever cromwel would have to be done , he needed nothing to make them to do it , but secretly to put it into the head of these adjutators ; the effect of the first consultation , was to take the king from holmeby , and to bring him to the army . the general hereupon , by letters to the parliament , excuses himself and cromwel , and the body of the army , as ignorant of the fact ; and that the king came away willingly with those soldiers that brought him , assuring them withall , that the whole army intended nothing but peace , nor opposed presbytery , nor affected independency , nor did hold any licentious freedom in religion . b. 't is strange , that sir thomas fairfax could be so abused by cromwel , as to believe this which he himself here writes . a. i cannot believe that cornet joyce could go out of the army with 1000 soldiers to fetch the king , and neither the general , nor the lieutenant-general , nor the body of the army take notice of it ; and that the king went willingly , appears to be false , by a message sent on purpose from his majesty to the parliament . b. here is perfidy upon perfidy ; first the perfidy of the parliament against the king , and then the perfidy of the army against the parliament . a. this was the first trick cromwel play'd , whereby he thought himself to have gotten so great an advantage , that he said openly , that he had the parliament in his pocket , ( as indeed he had ) and the city too . for upon the news of it , they were both the one and the other in very great disorder ; and the more , because there came with it a rumor , that the army was marching up to london . the king in the mean time , till his residence was setled at hampton court , was carried from place to place , not without some ostentation ; but with much more liberty , and with more respect shewn him by far , than when he was in the hands of the parliaments commissioners ; for his own chaplains were allow'd him , and his children , and some friends , permitted to see him : besides , that he was much complimented by cromwel , who promised him in a serious and seeming passionate manner , to restore him to his right against the parliament . b. how was he sure he could do that ? a. he was not sure , but he was resolv'd to march up to the city and parliament , to set up the king again , and be the second man ; unless in the attempt he found better hopes than yet he had , to make himself the first man , by dispossessing the king. b. what assistance against the parliament and the city , could cromwel expect from the king ? a. by declaring directly for him , he might have had all the king's party , which were many more now since his misfortune , than ever they were before ; for in the parliament it self , there were many that had discover'd the hypocrisie and private aims of their fellows . many were converted to their duty , by their own natural reason ; and their compassion for the king's sufferings , had begot generally an indignation against the parliament ; so that if they had been by the protection of the present army brought together , and embodied , cromwel might have done what he pleas'd in the first place for the king , and in the second for himself ; but it seems he meant first to try what he could do without the king , and if that prov'd enough to rid his hands of him . b. what did the parliament and city do , to oppose the army ? a. first the parliament sent to the general , to have the king re-deliver'd to their commissioners . instead of an answer to this , the army sent articles to the parliament , and with them a charge against eleven of their members , all of them active presbyterians ; of which articles these are some : i. that the house may be purged of those , who , by the self-denying ordinance , ought not to be there . ii. that such as abused , and endeavoured the kingdom might be disabled , to do the like hereafter . iii. that a day might be appointed to determine this parliament . iv. that they would make an accompt to the kingdom of the vast sums of money they had received . v. that the eleven members might presently be suspended sitting in the house . these were the articles that put them to their trumps , and they answered none of them , but that of the suspension of the eleven members , which they said they could not do by law , till the particulars of the charge were produced . but this was soon answer'd , with their own proceedings against the archbishop of canterbury , and the earl of strafford . the parliament being thus somewhat aw'd , and the king made somewhat confident , he undertakes the city , requiring the parliament to put the militia into other hands . b. what other hands ? i do not well understand you . a. i told you that the militia of london was on the 4th of may , put into the hands of the lord mayor , and other citizens , and soon after put into the hands of other men more favourable unto the army . and now i am to tell you , that on july 26. the violence of certain apprentices , and disbanded soldiers , forced the parliament to resettle it as it was in the citizens ; and hereupon the two speakers , and divers of the members , ran away to the army where they were invited , and contented to sit and vote in the council of war , in the nature of a parliament ; and out of these citizens hands they would have the militia taken away , and put again into those hands out of which it was taken the 26th of july . b. what said the city to this ? a. the londoners mann'd their works , viz. the line of communication , rais'd an army of valiant men within the line , chose good officers , all being desirous to go out and fight , whensoever the city should give them order ; and in that posture stood , expecting the enemy . the soldiers in the mean time enter into an engagement to live and dye with sir thomas fairfax ; the parliament , and the army . b. that 's very fine ; they imitate that which the parliament did , when they first took up arms against the king , stiling themselves , the king and parliament ; maintaining , that the king was alwayes vertually in his parliament : so the army now making war against the parliament , called themselves , the parliament and the army ; but they might with more reason say , that the parliament ( since it was in cromwel's pocket ) was virtually in the army . a. withall they send out a declaration of the grounds of their march towards london , wherein they take upon them to be judges of the parliament , and of who are fit to be trusted with the business of the kingdom , giving them the name , not of the parliament , but of the gentlemen at westminster ; for since the violence they were under july 26. the army denied them to be a lawful parliament . at the same time they sent a letter to the mayor and aldermen of london , reproaching them with those late tumults , telling them , they were enemies to the peace , treacherous to the parliament , vnable to defend either the parliament or themselves , and demanded to have the city delivered into their hands , to which purpose ( they said ) they were now coming to them . the general also sent out his warrants to the counties adjacent , summoning their train'd soldiers to join with them . b. were the train'd soldiers part of the generals army ? a. no , nor at all in pay , nor could be , without an order of parliament . but what might not an army do , that had master'd all the laws of the land ? the army being come to hounsloe-heath , distant from london but 10 miles , the court of aldermen was called , to consider what to do ; the captains and soldiers of the city were willing , and well-provided to go forth , and give them battel ; but a treacherous officer , that had charge of a work on southwark side , had let in within the line a small party of the enemies , who marched as far as to the gate of london-bridge , and then the court of aldermen ( their hearts failing them ) submitted on these conditions : to relinquish their militia . to desert the eleven members . to deliver up the forts and line of communication , together with the tower of london , and all magazines and arms therein to the army . to disband their forces , and turn out all the reformadoes , i. e. all essex's old soldiers . to draw off their guards from the parliament . all which was done , and the army marched triumphantly through the principal streets of the c●ty . b. 't is strange that the mayor and aldermen having such an army , should so quickly yield . might they not have resisted the party of the enemies at the bridge , with a party of their own , and the rest of the enemies , with the rest of their own ? a. i cannot judge of that : but to me it would have been strange if they had done otherwise ; for i consider the most part of rich subjects , that have made themselves so by craft and trade , as men that never look upon any thing but their present profit , and who to every thing not lying in that way are in a manner blind , being amaz'd at the very thought of plundering : if they had understood what vertue there is to preserve their wealth in obedience to their lawful soveraign , they would never have sided with the parliament ; and so we had had no need of arming : the mayor and aldermen therefore assur'd by this submission to save their goods , and not sure of the same by resisting , seem to me to have taken the wisest course : nor was the parliament less tame than the city , for presently , august 6. the general brought the fugitive speakers and members to the house with a strong guard of souldiers , and re-placed the speakers in their chairs ; and for this they gave the general thanks , not only there in the house , but appointed also a day for a holy thanksgiving ; and not long after made him generalissim● of all the forces of england , and constable of the tower : but in effect , all this was the advancement of cromwel , for he was the usufructuary , though the property were in sir tho. fairfax ; for the independents immediately cast down the whole line of communication , divide the militia of london , westminster , and southwark , which were before united , displaced such governours of towns and forts as were not for their turn , though placed thereby ordinance of parliament , instead of whom they put in men of their own party : they also made the parliament to declare null all that had passed in the houses , from july the 26th to aug. the 6th , and clapt in prison some of the lords , and some of the most eminent citizens , whereof the lord mayor was one . b. cromwel had power enough now to restore the king , why did he not ? a. his main end was to set himself in his place ; the restoring of the king was but a reserve against the parliament , which being in his pocket , he had no more need of the king , who was now an impediment to him : to keep him in the army was a trouble , to let him fall into the hands of the presbyterians had been a stop to his hopes , to murder him privately ( besides the horrour of the act ) now whilst he was no more than lieutenant general , would have made him odious , without farthering his design ; there was nothing better for his purpose , than to let him escape from hampton-court ( where he was too near the parliament ) whither he pleased beyond sea : for though cromwel had a great party in the parliament houses , whilst they saw not his ambition to be their master , yet they would have been his enemies as soon as that had appear'd . to make the king attempt an escape , some of those that had him in custody , by cromwel's direction told him , that the adjutators meant to murder him ; and withal , caused a rumour of the same to be generally spread ; to the end it might that way also come to the kings ear , as it did . the king therefore in a dark and rainy night ( his guards being retir'd , as it was thought on purpose ) left hampton-court , and went to the sea-side , about southampton , where a vessel had been bespoken to transport him , but fail'd ; so that the king was forced to trust himself with colonel hammond , then governour of the isle of wight , expecting perhaps some kindness from him for doctor hammonds sake , brother to the colonel , and his majesties much-favour'd chaplain ; but it prov'd otherwise , for the colonel sent to his masters of the parliament , to receive their orders concerning him . this going into the isle of wight was not likely to be any part of cromwel's design , who neither knew whither , nor which way he would go , nor had hammond known any more than other men , if the ship had come to the appointed place in due time . b. if the king had escaped into france , might not the french have assisted him with forces to recover his kingdom , and so frustrated the designs , both of cromwel , and all other the kings enemies ? a. yes much , just as they assisted his son , our present most gracious soveraign , who two years before fled thither out of cornwal . b. 't is methinks no great policy in neighbouring princes , to favour , so often as they do , one anothers rebels , especially when they rebel against monarchy it self ; they should rather first make a league against rebellion , and afterwards ( if there be no remedy ) fight one against another : nor will that serve the turn among christian soveraigns , till preaching be better lookt to ; whereby the interpretation of a verse in the hebrew , greek , or latine bible , is oftentimes the cause of civil war , and the deposing and assassinating of gods anointed ; and yet converse with those divinity disputers as long as you will , you will hardly find one in a hundred discreet enough to be imployed in any great affairs , either of war or peace : it is not the right of the soveraign , though granted to him by every mans consent expresly , that can inable a subject to do his office , it is the obedience of the subject ; and then by and by to cry out ( as some ministers did in the pulpit ) to your tents , o israel ! common people know nothing of right or wrong by their own meditation ; they must therefore be taught the grounds of their duty , and the reasons why calamities ever follow disobedience to their lawful soveraigns : but to the contrary , our rebels were publickly taught rebellion in the pulpits , and that there was no sin , but the doing of what the preachers forbad , or the omitting of what they advis'd : but now the king was the parliaments prisoner , why did not the presbyterians advance their own interest , by restoring him ? a. the parliament , in which there were more presbyterians yet than independents , might have gotten what they would of the king , during his life , if they had not by an unconscionable and sottish ambition obstructed the way to their ends : they sent him four propositions to be signed , and past by him as acts of parliament , telling him , when these were granted , they would send commissioners to treat with him of any other articles . first , the propositions are these : that the parliament should have the militia , and power of levying money to maintain it for twenty years ; and after that term , the exercise thereof to return to the king , in case the parliament think the safety of the kingdom concern'd in it . b. this first article takes from the king the militia , and consequently the whole soveraignty for ever . a. the second was , that the king should justifie the proceedings of the parliament against himself , and declare void all oaths and declarations made by him against the parliament . b. this was to make him guilty of the war , and of all the blood spilt therein . a. the third was , to take away all titles of honour conferred by the king , since the great seal was carried to him in may 1642. the fourth was , that the parliament should adjourn themselves , when , and to what place , and for what time they pleas'd . these propositions the king refus'd to grant , as he had reason , but sent others of his own , not much less advantagious to the parliament , and desir'd a personal treaty with the parliament , for the settling of the peace of the kingdom ; but the parliament denying them to be sufficient for that purpose , voted , that there should be no more addresses made to him , nor messages receiv'd from him , but they would settle the kingdom without him : and this they voted , partly upon the speeches and menaces of the army-faction then present in the house of commons , whereof one advised these three points . 1. to secure the king in some in-land castle with guards . 2. to draw up articles of impeachment against him . 3. to lay him by , and settle the kingdom without him . another said , that his denying the four bills , was the denying protection to his subjects ; and that therefore they might deny him subjection ; and added , that till the parliament forsook the army , the army would never forsake the parliament : this was threatning . last of all , cromwel himself told them , it was now expected that the parliament should govern and defend the kingdom , and not any longer let the people expect their safety from a man whose heart god had hardned ; nor let those that had so well defended the parliament , be left afterward to the rage of an irreconcileable enemy , lest they seek their safety some other way . this again was threatning ; as also laying his hand upon his sword when he spake it . and hereupon the vote of non-addresses was made an ordinance , which the house would afterward have recalled , but were forc'd by cromwel to keep their word . the scotch were displeas'd with it , partly because their brethren the presbyterians had lost a great deal of their power in england , and partly also , because they had sold the king into their hands . the king now published a passionate complaint to his people of this hard dealing with him , which made them pity him , but not yet rise in his behalf . b. was not this , think you , the true time for cromwel to take possession ? a. by no means , there were yet many obstacles to be removed ; he was not general of the army ; the army was still for a parliament ; the city of london discontented about their militia ; the scots expected with an army to rescue the king ; his adjutators were levellers , and against monarchy , who though they had helped him to bring under the parliament , yet like dogs that are easily taught to fetch , and not easily taught to render , would not make him king ; so that cromwel had these businesses following to overcome . 1. to be generalissimo . 2. to remove the king. 3. to suppress all insurrections . 4. to oppose the scots ! and lastly , to dissolve the present parliament : mighty businesses , which he could never promise himself to overcome ; therefore i cannot believe he then thought to be king , but only by serving the strongest party ( which was always his main policy ) to proceed as far as fortune , and that would carry him . b. the parliament were certainly no less foolish than wicked , in deserting thus the king , before they had the army at a better command than they had . a. in the beginning of 1648. the parliament gave commission to philip earl of pembroke ( then made chancellour of oxford , together with some of the doctors there , as good divines as he ) to purge the university ; by vertue whereof they turn'd out all such as were not of their faction , and all such as had approved the use of the common-prayer-book ; as also divers scandalous ministers and scholars ( that is , such as customarily and without need took the name of god into their mouths , or used to speak wantonly , or use the company of lewd women ) and for this last i cannot but commend them . b. so shall not i ; for it is just such another piece of piety , as to turn men out of an hospital because they are lame : where can a man probably learn godliness , and how to correct his vices better , than in the universities erected for that purpose ? a. it may be the parliament thought otherwise ; for i have often heard the complaint of parents , that their children were debauched there to drunkenness , wantonness , gaming , and other vices , consequent to these : nor is it a wonder among so many youths , if they did not corrupt one another in despite of their tutors , who oftentimes were little elder than themselves : and therefore ( i think ) the parliament did not much reverence the institution of universities , as to the bringing up of young men to vertue , though many of them learn'd there to preach , and became thereby capable of preferment and maintenance ; and some others were sent thither by their parents , to save themselves the trouble of governing them at home , during that time wherein children are least governable . nor do i think the parliament car'd more for the clergy than other men did : but certainly an university is an excellent servant to the clergy , and the clergy if it be not carefully lookt to , ( by their dissentious doctrines , and by the advantage to publish their dissentions ) is no extraordinary means to divide a kingdom into faction . b. but seeing there is no place in this part of the world , where philosophy and other humane sciences are not highly valued , where can they be learned better , than in the universities ? a. what other sciences ? do not divines comprehend all civil and moral philosophy within their divinity ? and as for natural philosophy , is it not remov'd from oxford and cambridge , to gresham-college in london , and to be learn'd out of their gazets ? but we are gone from our subject . b. no , we are indeed gone from the great business of the kingdom , to which , if you please , let us return . a. the first insurrection , or rather tumult , was of the apprentices , on the ninth of april ; but this was not upon the kings account , but arose from a customary assembly of them for recreation in moor-fields , whence some zealous officers of the train'd-bands would needs drive them away by force , but were themselves routed with stones , and had their ensign taken away by the apprentices , which they carried about in the streets , and frighted the lord mayor into his house , where they took a gun , called a drake , and then they set guards at some of the gates , and all the rest of the day childishly swagger'd up and down : but the next day the general himself marching into the city , quickly dispersed them . this was but a small business , but enough to let them see that the parliament was ill belov'd of the people . next , the welch took arms against them ; there were three colonels in wales , langhorn , poyer , and powel , who had formerly done the parliament good services , but now were commanded to disband , which they refus'd to do ; and the better to strengthen themselves , declar'd for the king , and were about eight thousand . about the same time in wales also was another insurrection , headed by sir nocholas keymish , and another under sir john owen ; so that now all wales was in rebellion against the parliament : and yet all these were overcome in a months time by cromwel , and his officers , but not without store of blood-shed on both sides . b. i do not much pity the loss of those men , that impute to the king that which they do upon their own quarrel . a. presently after this , some of the people of surrey sent a petition to the parliament for a personal treaty between the king and parliament , but their messengers were beaten home again by the souldiers that quartered about westminster ; and then the kentish men having a like petition to deliver , and seeing how it was like to be receiv'd , threw it away , and took up arms ; they had many gallant officers , and for general , the earl of norwich , and increas'd daily by apprentices , and old disbanded souldiers , insomuch as the parliament was glad to restore to the city their militia , and to keep guards upon the thames side ; and then fairfax marched towards the enemy . b. and then the londoners , i think , might easily and suddenly have master'd , first the parliament , and next fairfax his eight thousand , and lastly cromwels army , or at least have given the scotch army opportunity to march unfought to london . a. 't is true , but the city was never good at venturing ; nor were they , or the scots , principled to have a king over them , but under them . fairfax marching with eight thousand against the royalists , routed a part of them at maidstone ; another part were taking in of places in kent farther off , and the earl of norwich , with the rest , came to black-heath , and thence sent to the city to get passage through it , to joyn with those which were risen in essex , under sir charles lucas , and sir george lisle ; which being denied , the greatest part of his kentish men deserted him ; with the rest , not above five hundred , he crossed the thames unto the isle of dogs , and so to bow , and thence to colchester : fairfax having notice of this , crossed the thames at graves-end , and overtaking them , besieg'd them in colchester : the town had no defence but a bulwark , and yet held out , upon hope of the scotch army to relieve them , the space of two months . upon the news of the defeat of the scots , they were forced to yield ; the earl of norwich was sent prisoner to london , sir charles lucas and sir george lisle , two loyal and gallant persons , were shot to death . there was also another little insurrection headed by the earl of holland about kingston , but quickly supprest , and he himself taken prisoner . b. how came the scots to be so soon dispatcht ? a. meerly , as it is said , for want of conduct : the army was led by duke hamilton , who was then set at liberty , when pendennis castle , where he was prisoner , was taken by the parliament : he entred england with horse and foot 10000 , to which came above 3000 english royalists . against these cromwel marched out of wales , with horse and foot 11000 , and near to preston in lancashire , in less then two hours , defeated them ; and the cause of it is said to be , that the scotch army was so ordered , as they could not all come to the fight , nor relieve their fellows : after the defeat they had no way to fly but farther into england , so that in the pursuit they were almost all taken , and lost all that an army could lose , for the few that got home , did not all bring home their swords , duke hamilton was taken , and not long after sent to london , but cromwel marched to edenburrough , and there , by the help of the faction which was contrary to hamilton's , he made sure not to be hindred in his designs , the first whereof was to take away the kings life by the hand of the parliament : whilst these things passed in the north , the parliament ( cromwel being away ) came to it self , and recalling their vote of non-addresses , sent to the king new propositions , somewhat , but not much easier than the former , and upon the king's answer to them , they sent commissioners to treat with him at newport in the isle of wight , where they so long dodged with him about trifles , that cromwel was come to london before they had done , to the kings destruction , for the army was now wholly at the devotion of cromwel , who set the adjutators on work to make a remonstrance to the house of commons ; wherein they require : 1. that the king be brought to justice . 2. that the prince , and duke of york , be summon'd to appear at a day appointed , and proceeded with , according as they should give satisfaction . 3. that the parliament settle the future government , and set a reasonable period to their own sitting , and make certain future parliaments annual , or biennial . 4. that a competent number of the kings chief instruments be executed ; and this to be done both by the house of commons , and by a general agreement of the people , testified by their subscriptions : nor did they stay for an answer , but presently set a guard of souldiers at the parliament-house door , and other souldiers in westminster-hall , suffering none to go into the house , but such as would serve their turns ; all others were frighted away , or made prisoners , and some upon divers quarrels suspended . about ninety of them , because they had refus'd to vote against the scots ; and others , because they had voted against the vote of non-addresses ; and the rest were a house for cromwel . the phanaticks also in the city being countenanced by the army , pack a new common council , whereof any forty was to be above the mayor , and their first work was to frame a petition for justice against the king ; which tichbourn the mayor ( involving the city in the regicide ) deliver'd to the parliament . at the same time , with like violence they took the king from newport , in the isle of wight , to hurst castle , till things were ready for his tryal ; the parliament , in the mean time , to avoid perjury , by an ordinance declar'd void the oaths of supremacy and allegiance ; and presently after made another to bring the king to his tryal . b. this is a piece of law that i understood not before , that when many men swear fingly ; they may when they are assembled ( if they please ) absolve themselves . a. the ordinance being drawn up , was brought into the house , where after three several readings , it was voted , that the lords and commons of england assembled in parliament , do declare , that by the fundamental laws of the realm , it is treason in the king of england to levy war against the parliament : and this vote was sent up to the lords , and they denying their consent , the commons in anger made another vote , that all members of committees should proceed and act in any ordinance , whether the lords concurr'd or no ; and that the people , under god , are the original of all just power ; and that the house of commons have the supreme power of the nation ; and that whatsoever the house of commons enacted , is law. all this passed nemine contradicente . b. these propositions fight not only against a king of england , but against all the kings of the world : it were good they thought on 't ; but yet i believe , that , under god , the original of all laws was in the people . a. but the people , for them and their heirs , by consent and oaths , have long ago put the supreme power of the nation into the hands of their kings , for them and their heirs ; and consequently into the hands of this king , their known and lawful heir . b. but does not the parliament represent the people ? a. yes , to some purposes ; as to put up petitions to the king when they have leave , and are griev'd ; but not to make a grievance of the kings power : besides , the parliament never represents the people , but when the king calls them : is it to be imagin'd , that he calls a parliament to depose himself ? put the case every county and burrough should have given for a benevolence a sum of money , and that every county meeting in their county court , or elsewhere , and that every burrough in their town-hall , should have chosen certain men to carry their several sums respectively to the parliament , had not these men represented the whole nation ? b. yes , no doubt . a. do you think the parliament would have thought it reasonable to be called to account by this representative ? b. no , sure ; and yet , i must confess , the case is the same . a. this ordinance contained ; first , a summary of the charge against the king ; in substance this , that not content with the incroachments of his predecessors upon the freedom of the people , he had design'd to set up a tyrannical power ; and to that end , had rais'd and maintain'd in the land a civil war against the parliament , whereby the country hath been miserably wasted , the publick treasure exhausted , thousands of people murdered , and infinite other mischiefs committed . secondly , a constitution passed of a high court of justice ; that is , of a certain number of commissioners , of whom any twenty had power to try the king , and proceed to sentence , according to the merit of the cause , and see it speedily executed . the commissioners met on saturday , january 20. in westminster-hall , and the king was brought before them , sitting in a chair : he heard the charge read , but denied to plead to it , either guilty , or not guilty , till he should know by what lawful authority he was brought thither : the president told him , that the parliament affirm'd their own authority ; and the king persevered in his refusal to plead ; though many words passed between him and the president , yet this is the sum of all : on monday , january 22. the court met again , and the sollicitor moved , that if the king persisted in denying the authority of the court , the charge might be taken pro confesso ; but the king still denied their authority . they met again , january 23. and then the sollicitor moved the court for judgment ; whereupon the king was requir'd to give his final answer , which was again a denial of their authority . lastly , they met again , january 27. where the king then desir'd to be heard before the lords and commons in the painted chamber ; and promising after that to abide the judgment of the court ; the commissioners retir'd for half an hour to consider of it ; and then returning , caused the king again to be brought to the bar , and told him , that what he propos'd , was but another denial of the courts jurisdiction ; and that if he had no more to say , they would proceed to judgment : then the king answering , that he had no more to say , the president began a long speech , in justification of the parliaments proceedings , producing the examples of many kings kill'd or depos'd by wicked parliaments , ancient and modern , in england , scotland , and other parts of the world : all which he endeavour'd to justifie from this only principle , that the people have the supreme power , and the parliament is the people . this speech ended , the sentence of death was read , and the same upon tuesday after , january the 30. executed at the gate of his own palace of white-hall . he that can delight in reading how villanously he was used by the souldiers , between the sentence and execution , may go to the chronicle it self , in which he shall see what courage , patience , wisdom , and goodness was in this prince , whom in their charge the members of that wicked parliament stil'd traytor , tyrant , and murderer . the king being dead , the same day they made an act of parliament , that whereas several pretences might be made to the crown , &c. it is enacted by this present parliament , and authority of the same , that no person shall presume to declare , proclaim , or publish , or any way promote charles stuart , son of charles late king of england , commonly called prince of wales , or any other person , to be king of england and ireland , &c. b. seeing the king was dead , and his successors barr'd , by what declar'd authority was the peace maintained ? a. they had in their anger against the lords formerly declar'd the supreme power of the nation to be in the house of commons ; and now , on february the fifth , they vote the house of lords to be useless , and dangerous . and thus the kingdom was turn'd into a democracy , or rather an oligarchy ; for presently they made an act , that none of those members who were secluded for opposing the vote of non-addresses , should ever be re-admitted : and these were commonly called the secluded members , and the rest were by some stiled a parliament , and by others a rump . i think you need not now have a catalogue either of the vices , or of the crimes , or of the follies of the greatest part of them that composed the long-parliament , than which greater cannot be in the world : what greater vices than irreligion , hypocrisie , avarice , and cruelty , which have appear'd so eminently in the actions of presbyterian members , and presbyterian ministers ? what greater crimes than blasphemy , and killing gods anointed , which was done by the hands of the independents , but by the folly and first treason of the presbyterians , who betrayed and sold him to his murderers ? nor was it a little folly in the lords , not to see that by the taking away of the kings power , they lost withall their own priviledges ; or to think themselves either for number or judgment any way a considerable assistance to the house of commons : and for those men who had skill in the laws , it was no great sign of understanding , not to perceive that the laws of the land were made by the king , to oblige his subjects to peace and justice , and not to oblige himself that made them : lastly , and generally , all men are fools which pull down any thing which does them good , before they have set up something better in its place : he that would set up democracy with an army , should have an army to maintain it ; but these men did it , when those men had the army that were resolv'd to pull it down . to these follies , i might add the follies of those five men , which out of their reading of tully , seneca , and other antimonarchicks , think themselves sufficient politicks , and shew their discontents when they are not called to the management of the state , and turn from one side to the other upon every neglect they fancy from the king , or his enemies . a. you have seen the rump in possession ( as they believ'd ) of the supreme power over the two nations of england and ireland , and the army their servant , though cromwel thought otherwise , serving them diligently for the advancement of his own purpose ; i am now therefore to shew you their proceedings . b. tell me first , how this kind of government , under the rump or relick of a house of commons , is to be call'd . a. 't is doubtless an oligarchy ; for the supreme authority must needs be in one man , or in in more ; if in one , it is monarchy ; the rump therefore was no monarchy ; if the authority were in more than one , it was in all , or in fewer than all ; when in all , it is democracy ; for every man may enter into the assembly which makes the soveraign court , which they could not do here : it is therefore manifest , the authority was in a few , and consequently the state was an oligarchy . b. it is not impossible for a people to be well govern'd , that are to obey more masters than one . a. both the rump , and all other soveraign assemblies , if they have but one voice , though they be many men , yet are they but one person ; for contrary commands cannot consist in one and the same voice , which is the voice of the greatest part ; and therefore they might govern well enough , if they had honesty and wit enough . the first act of the rump , was the exclusion of those members of the house of commons which had been formerly kept out by violence , for the procuring of an ordinance for the kings tryal ; for these men had appear'd against the ordinance of non-addresses , and therefore to be excluded , because they might else be an impediment to their future designs . b. was it not rather , because in the authority of few , they thought the fewer the better , both in regard of their shares , and also of a nearer approach in every one of them to the dignity of a king ? a. yes certainly , that was their principal end . b. when these were put out , why did not the counties and burroughs chuse others in their places ? a. they could not do that without order from the house : after this , they constituted a council of forty persons , which they termed a council of state , whose office was to execute what the rump should command . b. when there was neither king , nor house of lords , they could not call themselves a parliament ; for a parliament is a meeting of the king , lords , and commons , to confer together about the businesses of the common-wealth : with whom did the rump confer ? a. men may give to their assembly what name they please , what signification soever such name might formerly have had , and the rump took the name of parliament , as most suitable to their purpose ; and such a name , as being venerable among the people for many hundred years , had countenanced and sweetned subsidies , and other levies of money , otherwise very unpleasant to the subject : they took also afterwards another name , which was , custodes libertatis angliae , which title they used only in their writs issuing out of the courts of justice . b. i do not see how a subject that is tyed to the laws , can have more liberty in one form of government than another . a. howsoever , to the people that understand by liberty , nothing but leave to do what they list , it was a title not ingrateful . their next work was to set forth a publick declaration , that they were fully resolv'd to maintain the fundamental laws of the nation , as to the preservation of the lives , liberties , and proprieties of the people . b. what did they mean by the fundamental laws of the nation ? a. nothing but to abuse the people ; for the only fundamental law in every commonwealth , is to obey the laws from time to time , which he shall make , to whom the people have given the supreme power : how likely then are they to uphold the fundamental laws , that had murdered him , who was by themselves so often acknowledged their lawful soveraign : besides , at the same time that this declaration came forth , they were erecting the high court of justice , which took away the lives of duke hamilton , the earl of holland , and the lord capel ; whatsoever they meant by a fundamentall law , the erecting of this court was a breach of it , as being warranted by no former law , or example in england . at the same time also they levied taxes by souldiers , and permitted free quarter to them ; and did many other actions , which if the king had done , they would have said had been done against the liberty and propriety of the subject . b. what silly things are the common sort of people , to be cozen'd as they were so grosly ? a. what sort of people , as to this matter , are not of the common sort ; the craftiest knaves of all the rump were no wiser than the rest whom they cozen'd ; for the most of them did believe , that the same things which they impos'd upon the generality , were just and reasonable ; and especially the great haranguers , and such as pretended to learning : for who can be a good subject in a monarchy , whose principles are taken from the enemies of monarchy ? such as were cicero , seneca , cato , and other polititians of rome , and aristotle of athens , who spake of kings but as wolves , and other ravenous beasts ? you may perhaps think a man has need of nothing else , to know the duty he owes to his governour , and what right he has to order him , but a good natural wit : but it is otherwise ; for it is a science , and built upon sure and clear principles , and to be learn'd by deep and careful study , or from masters that have deeply studied it : and who was there in the parliament , or in the nation , that could find out those evident principles , and derive from thence the necessary rules of justice , and the necessary connexion of justice and peace ? the people have one day in seven the leisure to hear instructions , and there are ministers appointed to teach them their duty : but how have these ministers perform'd their office ? a great part of them , namely , the presbyterian ministers , throughout the whole war , instigated the people against the king ; so did also independent , and other fanatick ministers : the rest contented with their livings , preached in their parishes points of controversie , to religion importinent , but to the breach of charity , among themselves , very effectual ; or else eloquent things , which the people either understood not , or thought themselves not concern'd in : but this sort of preachers , as they did little good , so they did little hurt ; the mischief proceeded wholly from the presbyterian preachers , who by a long practis'd histrionick faculty , preached up the rebellion powerfully . b. to what end ? a. to the end , that the state becoming popular , the church might be so too , and govern'd by an assembly ; and consequently ( as they thought ) seeing politicks are subservient to religion , they might govern , and thereby satisfie their covetous humour with riches , and also their malice with power to undo all men that admir'd not their wisdom . your calling the people silly things , oblig'd me by this digression to shew you , that it is not want of wit , but want of the science of justice that brought them into these troubles . perswade , if you can , that man that has made his fortune , or made it greater , or an eloquent orator , or a ravishing poet , or a subtil lawyer , or but a good hunter , or a cunning gamester , that he has not a good wit ; and yet there were of all these a great many so silly as to be deceived by the rump . they wanted not wit , but the knowledge of the causes , and grounds upon which one person has a right to govern , and the rest an obligation to obey ; which grounds are necessary to be taught the people , who without them cannot live long in peace among themselves . b. let us return , if you please , to the proceedings of the rump . a. in the rest of the year , they voted a new stamp for the coyn of this nation : they considered also of agents to be sent into foreign parts ; and having lately receiv'd applause from the army for their work done by the high court of justice , and encouragement to extend the same farther , they perfected the said high court of justice , in which were tryed duke hamilton , the earl of holland , the lord capel , the earl of norwich , and sir john owen ; whereof ( as i mention'd before ) the first three were beheaded . this affrighted divers of the kings party out of the land , for not only they , but all that had born arms for the king , were at that time in very great danger of their lives : for it was put to the question by the army at a council of war , whether they should be all massacred or no ; where the no's carried it but by two voices . lastly , march 24. they put the mayor of london out of his office , fined him two thousand pound , disfranchised him , and condemn'd him to two months imprisonment in the tower , for refusing to proclaim the act for abolishing of the kingly power . and thus ended the year 1648. and the monthly fast , god having granted that which they fasted for , the death of the king , and the possession of his inheritance . by these their proceedings , they had already lost the hearts of the generality of the people , and had nothing to trust to but the army , which was not in their power , but in cromwel's , who never fail'd , when there was occasion , to put them upon all exploits that might make them odious to the people , in order to his future dissolving them , whensoever it should conduce to his ends . in the beginning of 1649. the scots discontented with the proceedings of the rump against the late king , began to levy souldiers , in order to a new invasion of england . the irish rebels , for want of timely resistance from england , were grown terrible ; and the english army at home , infected by the adjutators , began to cast about , how to share the land among the godly , meaning themselves , and such others as they pleas'd , who were therefore called levellers : also the rump , for the present , were not very well provided of money ; and therefore the first thing they did , was the laying of a tax upon the people , of ninety thousand pound a month , for the maintenance of the army . b. was it not one of their quarrels with the king , that he had levied money without the consent of the people in parliament ? a. you may see by this what reason the rump had to call it self a parliament ; for the taxes imposed by parliament , were always understood to be by the peoples consent , and consequently legal . to appease the scots , they sent messengers with flattering letters , to keep them from ingaging for the present king ; but in vain , for they would hear nothing from a house of commons ( as they call'd it ) at westminster , without a king , and lords : but they sent commissioners to the king , to let him know what they were doing for him , for they were resolv'd to raise an army of seventeen thousand foot , and six thousand horse for themselves . to relieve ireland , the rump had resolv'd to send eleven regiments thither out of the army in england . this happened well for cromwel , for the levelling souldiers , which were in every regiment many , and in some the major part , finding that instead of dividing the land at home , they were to venture their lives in ireland , flatly denied to go ; and one regiment having cashier'd their colonel about salisbury , was marching to joyn with three regiments more of the same resolution : but both the general , and cromwel , falling upon them at burford , utterly defeated them , and soon after reduced the whole army to their obedience : and thus another of the impediments to cromwel's advancement was soon remov'd . thus done , they came to oxford , and thence to london ; and at oxford , both the general , and cromwel , were made doctors of the civil law ; and at london feasted and presented by the city . b. were they not first made masters , then doctors ? a. they had made themselves masters already , both of the laws , and parliament . the army being now obedient , the rump sent over those eleven regiments into ireland , under the command of doctor cromwel , entituled , governour of that kingdom , the lord fairfax being still general of all the forces , both here , and there . the marquess , now duke of ormond , was the kings lieutenant of ireland ; and the rebels had made a confederacy among themselves , and those confederates had made a kind of league with the lieutenant , wherein they agreed upon liberty given them in the exercise of their religion , to be faithful to , and assist the king. to these also were joyned some forces raised by the earls of castlehaven , and clanriccard , and my lord inchequin , so that they were the greatest united strength in the island ; but there were among them a great many other papists that would by no means subject themselves to protestants , and these were called the nuncio's party , as the other were called the confederate party . these parties not agreeing , and the confederate party having broken their articles , the lord lieutenant seeing them ready to besiege him in dublin , and not able to defend it ; to preserve the place for the protestants , surrenders it to the parliament of england , and came over to the king , at this time when he was carried from place to place by the army . from england he went over to the prince , now king , residing then at paris : but the confederates affrighted with the news that the rump was sending over an army thither , desir'd the prince , by letters , to send back my lord of ormond , ingaging themselves to submit absolutely to the kings authority , and to obey my lord of ormond as his lieutenant : and thereupon he was sent back . this was about a year before the going over of cromwel ; in which time , by the dissentions in ireland between the confederate party , and the nuncio's party , and discontents about command , this otherwise sufficient power effected nothing , and was at last defeated , august the second , by a salley out of dublin , which they were besieging . within a few days after arriv'd cromwel , who with extraordinary diligence , and horrid executions , in less than a twelvemonth that he staid there , subdued , in a manner , the whole nation , having kill'd or exterminated a great part of them , and leaving his son-in-law ireton to subdue the rest : but ireton died there ( before the business was quite done ) of the plague . this was one step more towards cromwel's exaltation to the throne . b. what a miserable condition was ireland reduced to by the learning of the roman , as well as england was by the learning of the presbyterian clergy ? a. in the latter end of the preceding year , the king was come from paris to the hague , and shortly after came thither from the rump , their agent dorislaus , doctor of the civil law , who had been imployed in the drawing of the charge against the late king : but the first night he came , as he was at supper , a company of cavaliers , near a dozen , entred his chamber , kill'd him , and got away . not long after also , their agent at madrid , one ascham , that had written in defence of his masters , was kill'd in the same manner . about this time came out two books ; one written by salmasius , a presbyterian , against the murder of the king ; another written by milton , an independent in england , in answer to it . b. i have seen them both ; they are very good latine both , and hardly to be judged which is better ; and both very ill reasoning , and hardly to be judged which is worst : like two declamations pro and con , for exercise only in a rhetorick school , by one and the same man : so like is a presbyterian to an independent . a. in this year the rump did not much at home , save that in the beginning they made england a free state , by an act which runs thus , be it enacted and declared by this present parliament , and by to authority thereof , that the people of england , and all the dominions and territories thereunto belonging , are and shall be , and are hereby constituted , made , and declared a common-wealth , and free state , &c. b. what did they mean by a free state and common-wealth ? were the people no longer to be subject to laws ? they could not mean that : for the parliament meant to govern them by their own laws , and punish such as broke them . did they mean that england should not be subject to any foreign kingdom or common-wealth ? that needed not be enacted , seeing there was no king nor people pretended to be their masters . what did they mean then ? a. they meant that neither this king , nor any king , nor any single person , but only that they themselves would be the peoples masters ; and would have set it down in those plain words , if the people could have been cozen'd with words intelligible as easily as with words not intelligible . after this they gave one another money and estates out of the lands and goods of the loyal party . they enacted also an engagement to be taken by every man , in these words , you shall promise to be true and faithful to the common-wealth of england , as it is now established , without king or house of lords . they banished also from within 20 miles of london all the loyal party , forbidding every one of them to depart more than five miles from his dwelling-house . b. they meant perhaps to have them ready , if need were , for a massacre : but what did the scots in this time ? a. they were considering of the officers of the army which they were levying for the king , how they might exclude from command all such as had loyally serv'd his now majesty's father , and all independents , and all such as commanded in duke hamilton's army : and these were the main things that passed this year . the marquess of montross , that had in the year 1645. with a few men , and in a little time , done things almost incredible against the late king's enemies in scotland , landed now again in the beginning of the year 1650. in the north of scotland , with commission from the present king , hoping to do him as good service as he had formerly done his father ; but the case was alter'd , for the scotch forces were then in england , in the service of the parliament ; whereas now they were in scotland , and many more ( for their intended invasion ) newly rais'd : besides , the souldiers which the marquess brought over were few , and forreigners ; nor did the high-landers come in to him , as he expected , insomuch as he was soon defeated , and shortly after taken ; and ( with more spiteful usage than revenge requir'd ) executed by the covenanters at edinborough , may the 2d . b. what good could the king expect from joyning with these men , who , during the treaty , discover'd so much malice to him in one of his best subjects ? a. no doubt ( their church-men being then prevalent ) they would have done as much to this king , as the english parliament had done to his father , if they could have gotten by it that which they foolishly aspir'd to , the government of the nation : i do not believe that the independents were worse than the presbyterians ; both the one and the other were resolv'd to destroy whatsoever should stand in the way to their ambition : but necessity made the king pass over both this and many other indignities from them , rather than suffer the pursuit of his right in england to cool , and be little better than extinguished . b. indeed , i believe the kingdom , if suffered to become an old debt , will hardly ever be recover'd : besides , the king was sure , where ever the victory lighted , he could lose nothing in the war but enemies . a. about the time of montrosses death , which was in may , cromwel was yet in ireland , and his work unfinished ; but finding , or by his friends advertis'd , that his presence in the expedition now preparing against the scots , would be necessary to his design , sent to the rump , to know their pleasure , concerning his return : but for all that , he knew , or thought it was not necessary to stay for their answer , but came away , and arriv'd at london the sixth of june following , and was welcom'd by the rump . now had general fairfax ( who was truly what he pretended to be , a presbyterian ) been so catechis'd by the presbyterian ministers here , that he refus'd to fight against the brethren in scotland ; nor did the rump , nor cromwel , go about to rectifie his conscience in that point . and thus fairfax laying down his commission , cromwel was now made general of all the forces in england and ireland , which was another step to the soveraign power . b. where was the king ? a. in scotland , newly come over , he landed in the north , and was honourably conducted to edinborough , though all things was not yet well agreed upon between the scots and him : for he had yielded to as hard conditions , as the late king had yielded to in the isle of wight ; yet they had still somewhat to add , till the king enduring no more , departed from them towards the north again : but they sent messengers after him , to pray him to return ; but they furnished these messengers with strength enough to bring him back ▪ if he should have refus'd . in fine , they agreed , but would not suffer the king , or any royalist , to have command in the army . b. the sum of all is , the king was their prisoner . a. cromwel from berwick sends a declaration to the scots , telling them , he had no quarrel against the people of scotland , but against the malignant party that had brought in the king , to the disturbance of the peace between the two nations ; and that he was willing by conference to give and receive satisfaction , or to decide the justice of the cause by battel : to which the scots answering , declare , that they will not prosecute the kings interest , before and without his acknowledgment of the sins of his house , and his former ways ; and satisfaction given to gods people in both kingdoms . judge by this , whether the present king were not in as bad a condition here , as his father was in the hands of the presbyterians of england . b. presbyterians are every where the same ; they would fain be absolute governours of all they converse with , and have nothing to plead for it ; but that where they reign , 't is god that reigns , and no where else . but i observe one strange demand , that the king should acknowledge the sins of his house ; for i thought it had been certain from all divines , that no man was bound to acknowledge any mans sins but his own . a. the king having yielded to all that the church requir'd , the scots proceeded in their intended war. cromwel marched on to edinborough , provoking them all he could to battel ; which they declining , and provisions growing scarce in the english army , cromwel retir'd to dunbar , despairing of success , and intending by sea or land to get back into england : and such was the condition which this general cromwel , so much magnified for conduct , had brought his army to , that all his glories had ended in shame and punishment , if fortune's , and the faults of his enemies , had not reliev'd him : for as he retir'd , the scots followed him close all the way , till within a mile of dunbar . there is a ridge of hills , that from beyond edinborough goes winding to the sea , and crosses the high-way between dunbar and barwick , at a village called copperspeith , where the passage is so difficult , that if the scots had sent timely thither a very few men to guard it , the english could never have passed : for the scots kept the hills , and needed not have ●ought , but upon great advantage , and were almost two to one . cromwel's army was at the foot of those hills , on the north side ; and there was a great ditch , or channel of a torrent , between the hills and it ; so that he could never have got home by land , nor without utter ruine of the army attempted to ship it , nor have stayed where he was for want of provisions . now cromwel knowing the pass was free , and commanding a good party of horse and foot to possess it , it was necessary for the scots to let them go , whom they brag'd they had impounded , or else to fight , and therefore with the best of their horse charged the english , and made them at first to shrink a little , but the english foot coming on , the scots were put to flight , and the flight of their horse hindred the foot from engaging , who therefore fled , as did also the rest of their horse . thus the folly of the scotish commanders brought all these odds to an even lay between two small and equal parties , wherein fortune gave the victory to the english , who were not many more in number than those that were killed and taken prisoners of the scots , and the church lost their cannon , bag and baggage , with 10000 arms , and almost their whole army ; the rest were got together by lesby to sterling . b. this victory hapned well for the king , for had the scots been victors , the presbyterians both there and here would have domineer'd again , and the king been in the same condition his father was in at newcastle , in the hands of the scotish army . for in pursuit of this victory , the english at last brought the scots to a pretty good habit of obedience for the king , whensoever he should recover his right . a. in pursuit of this victory the english marched to edinborrough , quitted by the scots , fortified leith , and took in all the strength and castles they thought fit on this side the frith , which now was become the bounds betwixt the two nations ; and the scotch ecclesiasticks began to know themselves better , and resolved in their new army , which they meant to raise , to admit some of the royalists into command : cromwel from edinborrough march'd towards sterling to provoke the enemy to fight , but finding danger in it returned to edinborrough , and besieged the castle : in the mean time he sent a party into the west of scotland to suppress strangham and kerr , two great presbyterians , that were there levying of forces for their new army . and in the same time the scots crowned the king at schone . the rest of this year was spent in scotland , on cromwel's part in taking of edinburrough castle , and in attempts to pass the frith , or any other ways to get over to the scotish forces ; and on the scots part , in hastening their levies for the north. b. what did the rump at home during this time ? a. they voted liberty of conscience to the sectaries ; that is , they pluckt out the sting of presbytery , which consisted in a severe imposing of odd opinions upon the people , impertinent to religion , but conducing to the advancement of the power of the presbyterian ministers . also they levyed more souldiers , and gave the command of them to harrison , now made major general , a fifth-monarchy man ; and of those souldiers , two regiments of horse and one of foot were raised by the fifth-monarchy men , and other sectaries , in thankfulness for this their liberty from the presbyterian tyranny . also they pull'd down the late kings statue in the exchange , and in the place where it stood caused to be written these words , exit tyrannus regum ultimus , &c. b. what good did that do them ? and why did they not pull down the statues of all the rest of the kings ? a. what account can be given of actions that proceed not from reason , but spight and such like passions ? besides this , they received ambassadors from portugal and spain , acknowledging their power : and in the very end of the year , they prepared an ambassador to the netherlands , to offer them friendship : all they did besides , was persecuting and executing of royalists . in the beginning of the year 1651. general dean arrived in scotland ; and on the 11th . of april the scotish parliament assembled , and made certain acts in order to a better uniting of themselves , and better obedience to the king , who was now at sterling with the scotish forces he had , expecting more now in levying . cromwel from edinborough went divers times to sterling , to provoke them to fight : there was no ford there to pass over his men : at last , boats being come from london and newcastle , colonel overton ( though it were long first , for it was now july ) transported 1400 foot of his own , besides another regiment of foot and four troops of horse , and intrencht himself at north-ferry on the other side , and before any help could come from sterling major general lambert also was got over with as many more ; by this time sir john brown was come to oppose them with 4500 men , whom the english there defeated , killing about 2000 , aud taking prisoners 1600. this done , and as much more of the army transported as was thought fit , cromwel comes before st. johnston's ( from whence the scotish parliament , upon news of his passing the frith , was removed to dundee ) and summons it ; and the same day had news brought him , that the king was marching from sterling towards england , which was true ; but notwithstanding the king was three days march before him , he resolved to have the town before he followed him , and accordingly had it the next day by surrender . b. what hopes had the king in coming into england , having before and behind him none , at least none armed , but his enemies ? a. yes there was before him the city of london , which generally hated the rump , and might easily be reckoned for 20000 well armed souldiers ; and most men believed they would have taken his part had he come near the city . b. what probability was there of that ? do you think the rump was not sure of the service of the mayor , and those that commanded the city militia ? and if they had been really the kings friends , what need had they to stay his coming up to london ? they might have seiz'd the rump if they had pleas'd , which had no possibility of defending themselves ; at least , they might have turn'd them out of the house . a. this they did not , but on the contrary permitted the recruiting of cromwel's army , and the raising of men to keep the country from coming in to the king. the king began his march from sterling the last of july , and aug. 22. came to worcester , by the way of carlisle , with a weary army , of about 13000 ; whom cromwel followed , and joining with the new levies , environ'd worcester with 40000 , and on the third of september utterly defeated the kings army : here duke hamilton , brother of him that was beheaded , was slain . b. what became of the king ? a. night coming on before the city was quite taken , he left it , being dark , and none of the enemies horse within the town to follow him ; the plundering foot having kept the gates shut , lest the horse should enter , and have a share of the booty : the king before morning got into warwickshire , 25 miles from worcester , and there lay disguised a while , and afterwards went up and down in great danger of being discovered , till at last he got over into france from brighthempstead in sussex . b. when cromwel was gone what was farther done in scotland . a. lieutenant gen. monk whom cromwel left there with 7000 took sterling , august the 14th , by surrender ; and dundee the third of september by storm , because it resisted ; this the souldiers plundered , and had good booty , because the scots for safety had sent thither their most precious goods from edinburrough and st. johnston's ; he took likewise by surrender aberdeen , and the place where the scotish ministers first learn'd to play the fools , st. andrews ; also in the highlands colonel alured took a knot of lords and gentlemen , viz. four earls , and four lords , and above twenty knights and gentlemen , whom he sent prisoners into england , so that there was nothing more to be fear'd from scotland : all the trouble of the rump was to resolve what they should do with it , at last they resolv'd to unite and incorporate it into a common-wealth with england and ireland , and to that end sent thither st. johns , vane , and other commissioners , to offer them this union by publique declaration , and to warn them to chuse their deputies of shires , and burgesses of towns , and send them to westminster . b. this was a great favour . a. i think so ; and yet it was by many of the scots , especially by the ministers and other presbyterians refused : the ministers had given way to the levying of mony for the payment of the english souldiers , but to comply with the declaration of english commissioners they absolutely forbad . b. methinks this contributing to the pay of their conquerors was some mark of servitude , where entring into the union made them free , and gave them equal priviledge with the english. a. the cause why they refused the union , rendered by the presbyterians themselves , was this , that it drew with it a subordination of the church to the civil state in the things of christ. b. this is a down-right declaration to all kings and common-wealths in general , that a presbyterian minister will be a true subject to none of them in the things of christ , which things what they are they will be judges themselves : what then have we gotten by our deliverance from the popes tyranny , if these pretty men succeed in the place of it , that have nothing in them that can be beneficial to the publique , except their silence ? for their learning , it amounts to no more than an imperfect knowledge of greek and latin , and acquired readiness in the scripture language , with a gesture and tone suitable thereunto : but of justice and charity ( the manners of religion ) they have neither knowledge nor practice , as is manifest by the stories i have already told you : nor do they distinguish between the godly and ungodly , but by conformity of design in men of judgment : or by repetition of their sermons in the common sort of people . a. but this fullenness of the scots was to no purpose , for they at westminster enacted the union of the two nations , and the abolition of monarchy in scotland , and ordained punishment for those that should transgress the act. b. what other business did the rump this year ? a. they sent st. johns and strickland ambassadors to the hague , to offer league to the united provinces , who had audience march the third : st. johns in a speech shewed those states what advantage they might have by this league , in their trade and navigations , by the use of the english ports and harbors ; the dutch , though they shewed no great forwardness in the business , yet appointed commissioners to treat with them about it , but the people were generally against it , calling the ambassadors and their followers ( as they were ) traytors and murderers , and made such tumults about their house , that their followers durst not go abroad till the states had quieted them : the rump advertis'd hereof , presently recall'd them ; the complement which st. johns gave to the commissioners , at their taking leave , is worth your hearing ; you have ( said he ) an eye upon the event of the affairs of scotland , and therefore do refuse the friendship we have offered now . i can assure you many in the parliament were of opinion that we should not have sent any ambassadors to you , till we had expected your ambassadors to us : i now perceive our error , and that those gentlemen were in the right : in a short time you shall see that business ended , when it shall perplex you that you have refus'd our proffer . b. s. johns was not sure that the scotish business would end as it did ; for though the scots were beaten at dunbar , he could not be sure of the event of their entering of england , which happened afterward . a. but he guess'd well ; for within a month after the battel at worcester , an act passed , forbidding the importing of merchandize in other than english ships : the english also molested their fishing upon our coast : they also many times searched their ships ( upon occasion of our war with france ) and made some of them prize : and then the dutch sent their ambassadours hither , to desire what they before refus'd ; but partly also to inform themselves what naval forces the english had ready , and how the people were contented with the government . b. how sped they ? a. the rump shewed now as little desire of agreement , as the dutch did then , standing upon terms never likely to be granted . first , for the fishing on the english coast , that they should not have it without paying for it . secondly , that the english should have free trade from middleburgh to antwerp , as they had before their rebellion against the king of spain . thirdly , they demanded amends for the old ( but never-to-be-forgotten ) business of amboyna ; so that the war was already certain , though the season kept them from action till the spring following . the true quarrel on the english part was , that their proffer'd friendship was scorn'd , and their ambassadours affronted : on the dutch part , was their greediness to ingross all traffick , and a false estimate of our and their own strength . whilst these things were doing , the reliques of the war , both in ireland and scotland , were not neglected , though these nations were not fully pacified till two years after : the persecution of royalists also still continued , among whom was beheaded one m. love , for holding correspondence with the king. b. i had thought presbyterian ministers , whilst they are such , could not be royalists , because they think their assembly have the supreme power in the things of christ ; and by consequence they are in england by a statute traytors . a. you may think so still ; for though i called mr. love a royalist , i meant it only for that one act for which he was condemned . it was he , who , during the treaty at uxbridge , preaching before the commissioners there , said , it was as possible for heaven and hell , as for the king and parliament to agree . both he and the rest of the presbyterians are and were enemies to the kings enemies , cromwel and his phanaticks , for their own , not for the kings sake : their loyalty was like that of sir john hotham , that kept the king out of hull , and afterwards would have betrayed the same to the marquess of newcastle . these presbyterians therefore cannot be rightly called loyal , but rather doubly perfidious ; unless you think that as two negatives make an affirmative , so two treasons make loyalty . this year also were reduced to the obedience of the rump , the islands of scilly and man , and the barbado's , and st. christophers . one thing fell out that they liked not , which was that cromwel gave them warning to determine their sitting according to the bill for triennial parliaments . b. that i think was harsh . a. in the year 1652. may 14. began the dutch war in this manner , three dutch men of war , with divers merchants from the straights , being discovered by one captain young , who commanded some english frigats , the said young sent to their admiral to bid him strike his flag ( a thing usually done in acknowledgment of the english dominion in the narrow seas ) which accordingly he did . then came up the vice-admiral , and being called so as the other was to take down his flag , he answered plainly he would not ; but after the exchange of four or five broadsides , and mischief done on either part , he took it down ; but captain young demanded also either the vice-admiral himself , or his ship , to make satisfaction for the dammage already sustained . to which the vice-admiral answered , that he had taken in his flag , but would defend himself and his ship : whereupon captain young consulting with the captains of his other ships , lest the beginning of the war in this time of treaty should be charged upon himself , and night also coming on , thought fit to proceed no farther . b. the war certainly began at this time ; but who began it ? a. the dominion of the sea belonging to the english , there can be no question but the dutch began it ; and that the said dominion belonged to the english , it was confest at first by the admiral himself peaceably , and at last by the vice-admiral , taking in their flags . about a fortnight after there happened another fight upon the like occasion , upon tromp with 42 men of war , who came back to the back of godwin-sands ( major bourn being then with a few of the parliament's ships in the downs , and blake with the rest farther westward ) and sent two captains of his to bourn to excuse his coming thither : to whom bourn returned this answer , that the message was civil , but that it might appear real , he ought to depart . so tromp departed , meaning ( now bourn was satisfied ) to sail towards blake , and he did so ; but so did also bourn , for fear of the worst : when tromp and blake were near one another , blake made a shot over tromp's ship , as a warning to him to take in his flag : this he did thrice , and then tromp gave him a broad-side , and so began the fight ( at the beginning whereof bourn came in ) and lasted from two a clock till night , the english having the better , and the flag as before making the quarrel . b. what need is there , when both nations were heartily resolved to fight , to stand so much upon this complement of who should begin ? for as to the gaining of friends and confederates thereby , i think 't is in vain ; seeing princes and states , on such occasions , look not much upon the justice of their neighbours , but upon their own concernment in the event . a. it is commonly so : but in this case the dutch knowing the dominion of the narrow seas , to be a gallant title , and envied by all the nations that reach the shore , and consequently that they were likely to oppose it , did wisely enough in making this point the state of the quarrel . after this fight the dutch ambassadors residing in england , sent a paper to the council of state , wherein they stiled this last encounter a rash action , and affirmed it was done without the knowledge , and against the will of their lords , the states general , and desired them that nothing might be done upon it in heat , which might become irreparable . the parliament hereupon voted , first , that the states general should pay the charges they were at , and for the dammages they sustained upon this occasion . secondly , that this being paid , there should be a cessation of all acts of hostility , and a mutual restitution of all ships and goods taken . thirdly , and both these agreed so , that there should be made a league between the two common-wealths . these votes were sent to the dutch ambassadors , in answer of the said paper ; but with a preamble setting forth the former kindnesses of england to the netherlands , and taking notice of their new fleet of 150 men of war , without any other apparent design than the destruction of the english fleet. b. what answer made the dutch to this ? a. none . tromp sailed presently into zealand , and blake with 70 men of war to the orkney-islands , to seize their busses , and to wait for five dutch ships from the east-indies ; and sir george ascue , newly return'd from the barbados , came into the downs with fifteen men of war , where he was commanded to stay for a recruit out of the thames . tromp , being recruited to 120 sail , made account to get in between sir george ascue and the mouth of the river , but was hindred so long by contrary winds , that the merchants calling for his convoy he could stay no longer , and so he went back into holland , and thence to orkney , where he met with the said five east-india ships , and sent them home : and then he endeavour'd to engage with blake ; but a sudden storm forced him to sea , and so dissipated his fleet , that only forty two came home in one body , the rest singly as well as they could ; blake also came home , but went first to the coast of holland , with 900 prisoners and six men of war taken , which were part of twelve which he found and took guarding their busses . this was the first bout after the war declar'd . in august following there hapned a fight between de ruiter the admiral of zeland , with fifty men of war , and sir george ascue near plimouth , with forty ; wherein sir george had the better , and might have got an entire victory , had the whole fleet ingaged . whatsoever was the matter , the rump ( though they rewarded him ) never more imployed him , after his return , in their service at sea : but voted for the year to come three generals , blake that was one already , and dean , and monk. about this time arch-duke leopold besieging dunkirk , and the french sending a fleet to relieve it , general blake lighting on the french at calais , and taking seven of their ships , was cause of the towns surrender . in september they fought again , de wit and ruiter commanding the dutch , and blake the english ; and the dutch were again worsted . again , in the end of november , van tromp with 80 men of war shewed himself at the back of godwin-sands , where blake , though he had with him but 40 , adventur'd to fight with him , and had much the worst , and ( night parting the fray ) retir'd into the river of thames ; whilst van tromp keeping the sea , took some inconsiderable vessels from the english ; and thereupon , ( as it is said ) with a childish vanity , hung out a broom from his main top-mast , signifying he meant to sweep the sea of all english shipping . after this , in frebruary , the dutch with van tromp , were encountred by the english under blake and dean , near ports-mouth , and had the worst . and these were all the encounters between them this year in the narrow seas : they fought also once at legorn , where the dutch had the better . b. i see no great odds yet on either side , if there were any the english had it . a. nor did either of them e're the more incline to peace , for the hollanders , after they had sent ambassadors into denmark , sweeden , poland , and the hans towns ( whence tar and cordage are usually had ) to signifie the declaration of the war , and to get them to their party , recalled their ambassadours from england , and the rump without delay gave them their parting audience , without abating a syllable of their former severe propositions , and presently to maintain the war for the next year , laid a tax upon the people of 120000 l. per mensem . b. what was done in the mean time at home ? a. cromwel was now quarrelling ( the last and greatest obstacle to his design ) the rump , and to that end there came out daily from the army petitions , addresses , remonstrances , and other such papers , some of them urging the rump to dissolve themselves , and make way for another parliament ; to which the rump unwilling to yield , and not daring to refuse , determin'd for the end of their sitting the 5th of november , 1654. but cromwel meant not to stay so long . in the mean time the army in ireland was taking submissions , and granting transportations of the irish , and condemning who they pleased in a high court of justice erected there for that purpose . among these that were executed was hang'd sir phelim oncale , who first began the rebellion in scotland ; the english built some citadels for the bridling that stubborn nation : and thus ended the year , 1652. b. come we then to the year , 1653. a. cromwel wanted now but one step to the end of his ambition , and that was , to set his foot upon the neck of this long-parliament , which he did april the 23th of this present year , 1653. a time very seasonable ; for though the dutch were not master'd , yet they were much weakened , and what with prizes from the enemy , and squeezing the royal party , the treasury was pretty full , and the tax of 120000 l. a month began to come in , all which was his own in right of the army : therefore without any more ado , attended by the major generals , lambert and harrison , and some other officers , and as many souldiers as he thought fit , he went to the parliament-house and dissolv'd them , turn'd them out , and lock'd up the doors ; and for this action he was more applauded by the people , than for any of his victories in the war , and the parliament men as much scorn'd and derided . b. now that there was no parliament , who had the supreme power ? a. if by power you mean the right to govern , no body had it ; if you mean the supreme strength , it was clearly in cromwel , who was obeyed as general of all the forces in england , scotland , and ireland . b. did he pretend that for title ? a. no , but presently after he intended a title , which was this , that he was necessitated for the defence of the cause , for which at first the parliament had taken up arms , ( that is to say rebell'd ) to have recourse to extraordinary actions : you know the pretence of the long-parliaments rebellion was salus populi , the safety of the nation against a dangerous conspiracy of papists , and a malignant party at home ; and that every man is bound , as far as his power extends , to procure the safety of the whole nation , ( which none but the army were able to do , and the parliament had hitherto neglected ) was it not then the general 's duty to do it ? had he not therefore right ? for that law of salus populi is directed only to those that have power enough to defend the people ; that is , to them that have the supreme power . b. yes certainly , he had as good a title as the long-parliament , but the long-parliament did represent the people , and it seems to me that the soveraign power is essentially annexed to the representative of the people . a. yes , if he that makes a representative , that is ( in the present case ) the king , do call them together to receive the soveraign power , and he divest himself thereof , otherwise not ; nor was ever the lower house of parliament the representative of the whole nation , but of the commons only ; nor had that house the power to oblige by their acts , or ordinances , any lord or any priest. b. did cromwel come in upon the only title of salus populi ? for this is a title very few understand ? a. his way was to get the supreme power conferr'd upon him by parliament ; therefore he call'd parliament , and gave it the supreme power , to the end that they should give it to him again ; was not this witty : first therefore he published a declaration of the causes why he dissolv'd the parliament ; the sum whereof was , that instead of endeavouring to promote the good of god's people , they endeavour'd ( by a bill then ready to pass ) to recruit the house , and perpetuate their own power . next he constituted a council of state of his own creatures to be the supreme authority of england , but no longer than till the next parliament should be call'd and met : thirdly he summon'd a hundred forty two persons , such as he himself or his trusty officers made choice of , the greatest part of whom were instructed what to do , obscure persons , and most of them phanaticks , though stil'd by cromwel , men of approv'd fidelity and honesty ; to these the council of state surrendred the supreme authority ; and not long after these men surrendred it to cromwel . july the fourth this parliament met , and chose for their speaker one mr. rous , and called themselves from that time forward the parliament of england . but cromwel , for the more surety , constituted also a council of state , not of such petty fellows as most of these were , but of himself and of his principal officers . these did all the business both publique and private , making ordinances , and giving audience to foreign ambassadors . but he had now more enemies than before : harrison , who was the head of the fifth-monarchy-men , laying down his commission , did nothing but animate his party against him , for which afterward he was imprisoned . this little parliament in the mean time were making of acts so ridiculous and displeasing to the people , that it was thought he chose them on purpose to bring all ruling parliaments into contempt , and monarchy again into credit . b. what acts were these ? a. one of them was , that all marriages should be made by a justice of peace , and the banes asked three several days in the next market . none were forbidden to be married by a minister , but without a justice of peace the marriage was to be void : so divers wary couples ( to be sure of one another , howsoever they might repent it afterwards ) were married both ways : also they abrogated the engagement whereby no man was admitted to sue in any court of law , that had not taken it , that is , that had not acknowledged the late rump . b. neither of these did any hurt to cromwel . a. they were also in hand with an act to cancel all the present laws , and law-books , and to make a new code more suitable to the humor of the fifth-monarchy-men , of whom there were many in this parliament ; their tenent being ; that there ought none to be soveraign but king jesus , nor any to govern under him but the saints ; but their authority ended before this act passed . b. what is this to cromwel ? a. nothing yet ; but they were likewise upon an act , now almost ready for the question ; that parliaments hence forward , one upon the end of another , should be perpetual . b. i understand not this , unless parliaments can beget one another like animals , or like the phoenix . a. why not like the phoenix ? cannot a parliament at the day of their expiration send out writs for a new one ? b. do you think they would not rather summon themselves anew , and , to save the labour of coming again to westminster , sit still where they were ? or if they summon the counties to make new elections , and then dissolve themselves , by what authority shall the people meet in their county-courts , there being no supreme authority standing ? a. all they did was absurd : though they knew not that , no nor this , whose design was upon the soveraignty ; the contrivers of this act it seems perceiv'd not , but cromwel's party in the house saw it well enough : and therefore as soon as it was laid , there stood up one of the members and made a motion , that since the common-wealth was like to receive little benefit by their sitting , they should dissolve themselves . harrison and they of his sect was troubled hereat , and made speeches against it : but cromwel's party , of whom the speaker was one , left the house , and with the mace before them went to white-hall , and surrendred their power to cromwel that had given it them ; and so he got the soveraignty by an act of parliament : and within four days after , ( viz. ) december 16th . was installed protector , and took his oath to observe certain rules of governing engrossed in parchment , and read before him , the writing was called , the instrument . b. what were the rules he sware to ? a. one was to call a parliament every third year , of which the first was to begin september the third following . b. i believe he was a little superstitious in the choice , september the third , because it was lucky in 1650 and 1651 at dunbar and worcester , but he knew not how lucky the same would be to the whole nation , in 1658. at white-hall . a. another was ; that no parliament should be dissolv'd till it had sitten five moneths , and those bills that they then presented to him should be passed within twenty days by him , or else they should pass without him . a third , that he should have a council of state of not above twenty one , nor under thirteen , and that upon the protectors death this council should meet , and before they parted chuse a new protector . there were many more besides , but not necessary to be inserted . b. how went on the war against the dutch ? a. the generals for the english were blake , and dean , and monk ; and van tromp for the dutch ; between whom was a battel fought the second of june ( which was a month before the beginning of this little parliament ) wherein the english had the victory , and drove the enemies into their harbours , but with the loss of general dean , slain by a cannon-shot . this victory was great enough to make the dutch send over ambassadors into england in order to a treaty . but in the mean time they prepared and put to sea another fleet , which likewise in the end of july was defeated by general monk , who got now a greater victory than before : and this made the dutch descend so far , as to buy their peace with the payment of the charge of the war , and with the acknowledgment , among other articles , that the english had the right of the flag . this peace was concluded in march , being the end of this year , but not proclaimed till april ; the money it seems being not paid till then . the dutch war being now ended , the protector sent his youngest son , henry , into ireland , whom also some time after he made lieutenant there ; and sent monk lieutenant general into scotland ; to keep those nations in obedience . nothing else worth remembring was done this year at home , saving the discovery of a plot of royalists ( as was said ) upon the life of the protector , who all this while had intelligence of the kings designs from a traytor in his court , who afterwards was taken in the manner , and kill'd . b. how came he into so much trust with the king ? a. he was the son of a colonel that was slain in the wars on the late king's side : besides he pretended employment from the kings loyal and loving subjects here , to convey to his majesty money , as they from time to time should send him : and to make this credible , cromwel himself caused money to be sent to him . the following year 1654. had nothing of war , but was spent in civil ordinances , in appointing of judges , preventing of plots ( for usurpers are jealous ) and in executing of the kings friends , and selling their lands . the third of september , according to the instrument , the parliament met ; in which there was no house of lords , and the house of commons was made as formerly of knights and burgesses , but not as formerly two burgesses of a burrough , and two knights for a county ; for burroughs for the most part had but one burgess , and some counties six or seven knights ; besides there were twenty members for scotland , and as many for ireland : so that now cromwell had nothing to do , but to shew his art of government upon six coach-horses newly presented him , which being as rebellious as himself , threw him out of the coach-box , and had almost kill'd him . b. this parliament which had seen how cromwel handled the two former , the long and the short one , had surely learnt the wit to behave themselves better to him than those had done . a. yes , especially now that cromwel in his speech at their first meeting , had expresly forbidden them to meddle with the government of a single person and parliament , or with the militia , or with perpetuating of parliaments , or taking away liberty of conscience . and he told them also , that every member of the house , before they sate , must take a recognition of his power in divers points ; whereupon , of above 400 there appear'd not above 200 at first ; though afterwards some relenting , there sate about 300 again : just at their sitting down , he published some ordinances of his own , bearing date before their meeting , that they might see he took his own acts to be as valid as theirs . but all this could not make them know themselves , for they proceeded to the debate of every article of the recognition . b. they should have debated that before they had taken it . a. but then they had never been suffered to sit : cromwell , being informed of their stubborn proceedings , and out of hope of any supply from them , dissolv'd them . all that passed besides in this year , was the excise of the high-court of justice upon some royalists for plots . in the year 1655. the english , to the number of near 10000 , landed in hispaniola in hope of the plunder of the gold and silver , whereof they thought there was great abundance in the town of santo domingo ; but were well beaten by a few spaniards , and with the loss of near 1000 men , went off to jamaica , and possessed it . this year also the royal party made another attempt in the west , and proclaimed there king charles the second ; but few joining with them , and some falling off , they were soon suppressed , and many of the principal persons executed . b. in these many insurrections , the royalists , tho they meant well , yet they did but dis-service to the king by their impatience . what hope had they to prevail against so great an army as the protector had ready ? what cause was there to despair of seeing the king's business better done by the dissention and ambition of the great commmanders in that army , whereof many had the favour to be esteem'd among them as well as cromwel himself ? a. that was somewhat incertain : the protector being frustrated of his hope of money at santo domingo , resolv'd to take from the royalists the 10th part yearly of their estates : and to this end chiefly , he divided england into eleven major-general-ships , with commission to every major-general to make a roll of the names of all suspected persons of the king's party , and to receive the 10th part of their estates within his precinct : as also to take caution from them not to act against the state , and to reveal all plots that should come to their knowledge , and to make them engage the like for their servants : they had commission also to forbid horse-races , and concourse of people , and to receive and account for this decimation . b. by this the usurper might easily inform himself of the value of all the estates in england , and of the behaviour and affection of every person of quality , which has heretofore been taken for very great tyranny . a. the year 1656 was a parliament-year , by the instrument ; between the beginning of this year , and the day of the parliaments sitting , these major-generals resided in several provinces , behaving themselves most tyrannically . amongst other of their tyrannies was the awing of elections , and making themselves , and whom they pleas'd , to be return'd members for the parliament , which was also thought a part of cromwel's design in their constitution ; for he had need of a giving parliament , having lately upon a peace made with the french , drawn upon himself a war with spain . this year it was that captain stainer set upon the spanish plate-fleet , being 8 in number , near cadiz , whereof he sunk two and took two , there being in one of them two millions of pieces of 8 , which amounts to 400000 l. sterling . this year also it was that james naylor appear'd at bristol , and would be taken for jesus christ ; he wore his beard forked , and his hair compos'd to the likeness of that in the volto santo ; and being questioned , would sometimes answer , thou sayest it . he had also his disciples that would go by his horse side to the mid-leg in dirt . being sent for by the parliament , he was sentenced to stand on the pillory , to have his tongue bored through , and to be marked in the fore-head with the letter b for blasphemy , and to remain in bridewell . lambert , a great favourite of the army , endeavour'd to save him , partly because he had been his souldier , and partly to carry favour with the sectaries of the army ; for he was now no more in the protector 's favour , but meditating how he might succeed him in his power . about two years before this there appear'd in cromwel's time a prophetess much fam'd for her dreams and visions , and hearkened to by many , whereof some were eminent officers , but she and some of her complices being imprison'd , we heard no more of her . b. i have heard of another , one lilly , that prophesied all the time of the long-parliament , what did they to him ? a. his prophesies were of another kind ; he was a writer of almanacks , and a pretender to a pretended art of judicial astrologie , a meer cozener to get maintenance from a multitude of ignorant people , and no doubt had been call'd in question , if his prophesies had been any wayes disadvantageous to the parliament . b. i understand not how the dreams and prognostications of mad me● ( for such i take to be all those that foretel future contingences ) can be of any great disadvantage to the common-wealth . a. yes , yes : know there is nothing that renders humane councils difficult , but the incertainty of future time , nor that so well directs men in their deliberations , as the fore-sight of the sequels of their actions ▪ prophesie , being many times the principal cause of the event foretold . if upon some prediction the people should have been made to believe confidently , that oliver cromwel and his army should be upon a day to come utterly defeated , would not every one have endeavour'd to assist , and to deserve well of the party that should give him the defeat : upon this account it was that fortune-tellers and astrologers were so often banished out of rome . the last memorable thing of this year was a motion made by a member of the house , an alderman of london , that the protector might be petitioned and advised by the house to leave the title of protector , and take upon him that of king. b. that was indeed a bold motion , and which would , if prosperous , have put an end to many mens ambition , and to the licentiousness of the whole army . i think the motion was made on purpose to ruine both the protector himself , and his ambitious officers . a. it may be so . in the year 1657 , the first thing the parliament did was the drawing up his petition to the protector , to take upon him the title or king ; as of other parliaments , so of this , the greatest part had been kept out of the house by force , or else themselves had forborn to sit , and became guilty of setting up this king oliver , but those few that sate presented their petition to the protector . april the 9th , in the banquetting house at whitehall , where sir thomas widdrington , the speaker , used the first arguments , and the protector desired some time to seek god , the business being weighty : the next day they sent a committee to him to receive his answer , which answer being not very clear , they pressed him again for a resolution , to which he made answer in a long speech that ended in a peremptory refusal , and so retaining still the title of protector , he took upon him the government according to certain articles contained in the said petition . b. what made him refuse the title of king ? a. because he durst not take it at that time , the army being addicted to their great officers , and among their great officers many hoping to succeed him , and the succession having been promised to major general lambert , would have mutinied against him , he was therefore forced to stay for a more propitious conjuncture . b. what were those articles ? a. the most important of them were , first , that he would exercise the office of chief magistrate of england , scotland , and ireland , under the title of protector , and govern the same according to the said petition and advice ; and that he would in his life time name his successor . b. i believe the scots , when they first rebell'd , never thought of being governed absolutely as they were by oliver cromwel . a. secondly , that he should call a parliament every three years at farthest . thirdly , that those persons which were legally chosen members should not be secluded without consent of the house . in allowing this clause , the protector observed not that the secluded members of this same parliament are thereby re-admitted . fourthly , the members were qualified . fifthly , the power of the other house was defin'd . sixthly , that no law should be made but by act of parliament . seventhly , that a constant yearly revenue of a million of pounds should be setled for the maintenance of the army and navy , and 300000 l. for the support of the government ; besides other temporary supplies , as the house of commons should think sit . eighthly , that all the officers of state should be chosen by the parliament . ninthly , that the protector should encourage the ministry . lastly , that he should cause a profession of religion to be agreed on and published . there are divers others of less importance . having signed the articles , he was presently with great ceremonies installed a-new . b. what needed that , seeing he was still but protector ? a. but the articles of this petition were not all the same with those of his former instrument ; for now there was to be another house ; and whereas before his council was to name his successors , he had power now to do it himself ; so that he was an absolute monarch , and might leave the succession to his son , if he would ; and so successively , or transfer it to whom he pleas'd . the ceremony being ended , the parliament adjourn'd to the 20th of january following , and then the other house also sate with their fellows . the house of commons being now full , took little notice of the other house , wherein there were not of 60 persons above nine lords , but fell a questioning all that their fellows had done during the time of their seclusion ; whence had follow'd the avoidance of the power newly placed in the protector . therefore going to the house , he made a speech to them , ending in these words , by the living god i must and do dissolve you . in this year the english gave the spaniard another great blow at santa cruz , not much less than that they had given him the year before at cadiz . about the time of the dissolution of this parliament the royalists had another design against the protector , which was to make an insurrection in england , the king being then in flanders ready to second them from thence with an army : but this also was discover'd by treachery , and came to nothing , but the ruine of those that were ingaged in it , whereof many in the beginning of the next year were by a high court of justice imprison'd , and some executed . this year also was major general lambert put out of all employment , a man second to none but oliver in the favour of the army : but because he expected by that favour , or by promise from the protector to be his successor in the supreme power , it would have been dangerous to let him have command in the army , the protector having design'd his successor his eldest son richard . in the year 1658. september the third , the protector died at white-hall , having ever since his last establishment been perplexed with fear of being kill'd by some desperate attempts of the royalists . being importun'd in his sickness by his privy council to name his successor , he nam'd his son richard ; who incouraged thereunto , not by his own ambition , but by fleetwood , desborough , thurloe , and other of his council , was content to take it upon him ; and presently addresses were made to him from the armies , in england , scotland , and ireland : his first business was , the chargeable and splendid funeral of his father . thus was richard cromwel seated in the imperial throne of england , scotland , and ireland , successor to his father , lifted up to it by the officers of the army then in town , and congratulated by all the parts of the army throughout the three nations , scarce any garrison omitting their particular flattering addresses to him . b. seeing the army approv'd of him , how came he so soon cast off ? a. the army was inconstant , he himself irresolute , and without any millitary glory ; and though the two principal officers had a near relation to him , yet neither of them , but lambert , was the great fovorite of the army , and by courting fleetwood to take upon him the protectorship , and by ●ampering with the souldiers , had gotten again to be a colonel ; he and the rest of the officers had a council at wallingfod house ( where fleetwood dwelt ) for the dispossessing of richard , though they had not yet considered how the nations should be govern'd afterwards . for from the beginning of rebellion the method of ambition was constantly this , first to destroy , and then to consider what they should set up . b. could not the protector , who kept his court at white-hall , discover what the business of the officers was at wallingford house , so near him ? a. yes : he was by divers of his friends inform'd of it , and counsell'd by some of them , who would have done it , to kill the chief of them , but he had not courage enough to give them such a commission : he took therefore the counsel of some milder persons , which was to call a parliament , whereupon writs were presently sent out to those that were in the last parliament of the other house , and other writs to the sheriffs for the election of knights and burgesses to assemble on the twenty seventh of january following . elections were made according to the antient manner , and a house of commons now of the right english temper , and about four hundred in number , including twenty for scotland , as many for ireland ; being met , they take themselves , without the protector and other house , to be a parliament ; and to have the supreme power of the three nations . for the first business they intended the power of that other house ; but because the protector had recommended to them for their first business an act ( already drawn up ) for the recognition of his protectoral power , they began with that , and voted ( after a fortnights deliberation ) that an act should be made , whereof this act of recognition should be part , and that another part should be for the bounding of the protectors power , and for the securing the priviledges of parliament and liberties of the subject , and that all should pass together . b. why did these men own the protector at first in meeting upon his only summons ; was not that as full a recognition of his power as was needful ? why , by this example , did they teach the people that he was to be obeyed , and then by putting laws upon him teach them that he was not ? was it not the protector that made the parliament ? why did they not acknowledge their maker ? a. i believe it is the desire of most men to bear rule , but few of them know what title one has to it more than another , besides the right of the sword. b. if they acknowledged the right of the sword , they were neither just nor wise to oppose the present government , set up and approved by all the forces of the three kingdoms . the principles of this house of commons were no doubt the very same with theirs , who began the rebellion , and would ( if they could have raised a sufficient army ) have done the same against the protector : and the general of their army would in like manner have reduced them to a rump ; for they that keep an army and cannot master it , must be subject to it , as much as he that keeps a lion in his house . the temper of all the parliaments since the time of queen elizabeth have been the same with the temper of this parliament , and shall always be such as long as the presbyterians , and men of democratical principles have the like influence upon elections . a. after they resolv'd concerning the other house , that during this parliament they would transact with it , but without intrenching upon the right of the peers to have writs sent to them in all future parliaments . these votes being passed they proceed to another , wherein they assume to themselves the power of the militia ; also to shew their supreme power , they deliver'd out of prison some of those that had been ( they said ) illegally committed by the former protector . other points concerning civil rights , and concerning religion , very pleasing to the people were now also under consideration ; so that in the end of this year the protector was no less jealous of the parliament than of the council of officers at wallingford house . b. thus 't is when ignorant men will undertake reformation : there are three parties , the protector , the parliament , and the army ; the protector against the parliament and army , the parliament against the army , and protector ; and the army against the protector and parliament . a. in the beginning of 1659. the parliament passed divers other acts , one was to forbid the meetings in council of the army officers , without order from the protector and both houses . another that no man shall have any command or trust in the army , who did not first under his hand engage himself never to interrupt any of the members , but that they might freely meet and debate in the house . and to please the souldiers , they voted to take presently into their consideration the means of paying them their arrears : but whilst they were considering this , the protector ( according to the first of those acts ) forbad the meeting of officers at wallingford-house . this made the government , which by the disagreement of the protector and army , was already loose , to fall in pieces . for the officers , from wallingford-house , with souldiers enough , came to white-hall , and brought with them a commission ready drawn ( giving power to desborough to dissolve the parliament ) for the protector to sign ; which also , his heart and his party fai●ing him , he signed . the parliament nevertheless continued sitting ; but at the end of the week the house adjourned , till the monday after , being april the twenty fifth . at their coming on monday morning they found the door shut up , and the passages to the house fill'd with souldiers , who plainly told them they must sit no longer . richard's authority and business in town being thus at an end , he retir'd into the country , where within a few days ( upon promise of the payment of his debts , which his fathers funeral had made great ) he signed a resignation of his protectorship . b. to whom ? a. to no body . but , after ten days cessation of the soveraignty , some of the rumpers that were in town , together with the old speaker mr. william lenthall , resolv'd among themselves , and with lambert , heslerig , and other officers , who were also rumpers , in all forty two , to go into the house , which they did , and were by the army declar'd to be the parliament . there were also in westminister-hall at that time about their private business some few of those whom the army had secluded 1648. and were called the secluded members . these knowing themselves to have been elected by the same authority , and having the same right to fit , attempted to get into the house , but were kept out by the souldiers : the first vote of the rump , reseated , was , that such persons as heretofore members of this parliament have not sitten since the year 1648. shall not sit in this house till farther order of the parliament : and thus the rump recover'd their authority may the seventh 1659. which they lost in april 1653. b. seeing there have been so many shiftings of the supreme authority , i pray you , for memories sake repeat them briefly in time and order . a. first from 1640 to 1648. when the king was murthered , the soveraignty was disputed between king charles the first , and the presbyterian parliament : secondly , from 1648. to 1653. the power was in that part of the parliament which voted the tryel of the king , and declar'd themselves , without king or house of lords , to have the supreme authority of england and ireland . for there were in the long-parliament two factions , the presbyterian and independents . the former whereof sought only subjection of the king , nor his destruction directly ; the latter sought his destruction : and this part is it which was called the rump . thirdly , from april the twentieth to july the fourth , the supreme power was in the hands of a council of state constituted by cromwel . fourthly , from july the fourth to december the twelfth of the same year it was in the hands of men called unto it by cromwel , whom he termed men of fidelity and integrity , and made them a parliament , which was called in contempt one of the members , barebone's parliament . fifthly , from december the twelfth 1653 to september the third 1658. it was in the hands of oliver cromwel , with the title of protector . sixthly , from september 1658 to april the twenty fifth 1659. richard cromwel had it as successor to his father . seventhly , from april the twenty fifth 1659 to may the seventh of the same year it was no where . eighthly , from may the seventh 1659. the rump , which was turn'd out of door 1653. recovered it again , and shall lose it again to the committee of safety , and again recover it , and again lose it to the right owner . b. by whom and by what art came the rump to be turn'd out the second time ? a. one would think them safe enough , the army in scotland , which when it was in london , had helped oliver to pull down the rump , submitted now , beg'd pardon , and promis'd obedience . the souldiers in town had their pay mended ; and the commanders every where took the old engagement , whereby they had acknowledged their authority heretofore ; they also received their commissions in the house it self from the speaker , who was generalissimo , fleetwood was made lieutenant-general , with such and so many limitations as were thought necessary by the rump , that remembred how they had been serv'd by their general oliver : also henry cromwel , lord lieutenant of ireland , having resign'd his commission by command , return'd into england . but lambert , to whom ( as was said ) oliver had promis'd the succession , and as well as the rump knew the way to the protectorship by olivers own foot-steps , was resolv'd to proceed in it upon the first opportunity , which presented it self presently after . besides some plots of royalists , whom after the old fashion they again persecuted , there was an insurrection made against them by presbyterians in cheshire , headed by sir george booth , one of the secluded members , they were in number about three thousand , and their pretence was for a free-parliament : there was a great talk of another rising or endeavour to rise in devonshire and cornwal at the same time : to suppress sir george booth , the rump sent down more then a sufficient army under lambert , which quickly defeated the cheshire party , and recover'd chester , leverpool , and all the other places they had seized ; divers of their commanders in and after the battel were taken prisoners , whereof sir george booth himself was one . this exploit done , lambert , before his return , caressed his souldiers with an entertainment , at his own house in york-shire , and got their consent to a petition to be made to the house ; that a general might be set up in the army ; as being unfit that the army should be judged by any power extrinsick to it self . b. i do not see that unfitness . a. nor i. but it was ( as i have heard ) an action of sir henry vane's : but it so much displeased the rump , that they voted ; that the having of more general 's in the army , than were already setled , was unnecessary , burthensome , and dangerous to the common-wealth . b. this was not oliver's method : for though this cheshire victory had been as glorious as that of oliver at dunbar ; yet it was not the victory that made oliver general , but the resignation of fairfax , and the proffer of it to cromwel by the parliament . a. but lambert thought so well of himself , 〈◊〉 to expect it ; therefore at his return to london , he and other officers assembling at wallingford-house , drew their petition into form , and called it a representation , wherein the chief point was to have a general ; with many other of less importance that were added ; and this they represented to the house octob. the 4th . by major general desborough : and this so far forth awed them , as to reach them so much good manners , as to promise to take it presently into debate , which they did ; and octob. the 12th having recovered their spirits , voted , that the commissions of lambert , desborough , and others of the council at wallingford-house , should be void . item , that the army should be governed by a commission to fleet-wood , monk , heslerig , walton , morley , and overton , till february the 12th following ; and to make this good against the force they expected from lambert , they ordered heslerig and morley to issue warrants to such officers as they could trust to bring their souldiers next morning into vvestminster , which was done somewhat too late , for lambert had first brought his souldiers thither , and beset the house , and turn'd back the speaker which was then coming to it ; but heslerig's forces , marching about st. james's park wall , came into st. margarets church-yard , and so both parties looked all day one upon another like enemies , but offered not to fight ; whereby the rump was put out of possession of the house , and the officers continued their meeting , as before , at wallingford-house ; there they chose from among themselves , with some few of the city , a committee , which they called , the committee of safety , whereof the chief were lambert and vane ; who , with the advice of a general council of officers , had power to call delinquents to tryal ; to suppress rebellions ; to treat with foreign states , &c. you see now the rump cut off , and the supreme power , ( which is charged with salus populi ) transferred to a council of officers , and yet lambert hopes for it in the end : but one of their limitations was , that they should within six weeks present to the army a new model of the government ; if they had done so , do you think they would have preferr'd lambert , or any other , to the supreme authority rather than themselves ? b. i think not : when the rump had put into commission ( among a few others ) for the government of the army , that is , for the government of the three nations , general monk , already commander in chief of the army in scotland , and that had done much greater things in this war than lambert , how durst they leave him out of this committee of safety ? or how could lambert think that gen. monk would forgive it and not endeavor to fasten the rump again . a. they thought not of him , his gallantry had been shown on remote stages , ireland and scotland ; his ambition had not appeared here in their contentions for the government , but he had complyed both with richard and the rump . after general monk had signified by letter his d●slike of the proceedings of lambert and his fellows , they were much surpris'd , and began to think him more considerable than they had done , but it was too late . b. why , was his army not too small for so great an enterprize ? a. the general knew very well his own and their forces , both what they were then , and how they were to be augmented , and what generally city and country wished for , which was the restitution of the king ; which to bring about , there needed no more but to come with his army ( though not very great ) to london , to the doing whereof there was no obstacle but the army with lambert . what could he do in this case ? if he had declar'd presently for the king , or for a free parliament , all the armies in england would have joyned against him , and , assuming the title of a parliament , would have furnished themselves with money . general monk , after he had thus quarrelled by his letter with the council of officers , he secur'd first those officers of his own army which were anabaptists , and therefore not to be trusted , and put others into their places ; then drawing his forces together , march'd to berwick . being there he indicted a convention of the scots , of whom he desired , that they would take order for the security of the nation in his absence , and raise some maintenance for his army in their march. the convention promised , for the security of the nation , their best endeavour , and rais'd him a sum of money , not great , but enough for his purpose , excusing themselves upon their present wants . on the other side , the committee of safety , with the greatest and best part of their army , sent lambert to oppose him ; but at the same time , by divers messages and mediators , urged him to a treaty , which he consented to , and sent three officers to london to treat with as many of theirs . these six suddenly concluded , without power from the general , upon these articles ; that the king be excluded , a free state setled , the ministry and universities incouraged , with divers which the general liked not , and imprison'd one of his commissioners for exceeding his commission ; whereupon another treaty was agreed on , of five to five : but whilst these treaties were in hand , haslerig , a member of the rump , seized on portsmouth ; and the souldiers sent by the committee of safety to reduce it , instead of that entred into the town , and joyned with haslerig . secondly , the city renewed their tumults for a free parliament . thirdly , the lord fairfax , a member also of the rump , and greatly favour'd in yorkshire , was raising forces there behind lambert ; who being now between two armies , his enemies , would gladly have fought the general . fourthly , there came news that devonshire and cornwal were listing of souldiers . lastly , lambert's army wanting money , and sure they should not be furnished from the council of officers , which had neither authority nor strength to levy money , grew discontented , and for their free-quarter were odious to the northern countries . b. i wonder why the scots were so ready to furnish general monk with money , for they were no friends to the rump . a. i know not ; but i believe the scots would have parted with a greater sum , rather than the english should not have gone together by the ears among themselves . the council of officers being now beset with so many enemies , produced speedily their model of government , which was to have a free parliament , which should meet december the fifteenth , but with such qualifications of no king , no house of lords , as made the city more angry than before . to send souldiers into the west , to suppress those that were rising there , they durst not , for fear of the city ; nor could they raise any other , for want of money ; there remain'd nothing but to break , and quitting wallingford-house , to shift for themselves . this coming to the knowledge of their army in the north , they deserted lambert ; and the rumpers the 26th of december re-possessed the house . b. seeing the rump was now re-seated , the business pretended by general monk for his marching to london was at an end . a. the rump , though seated , was not well setled ; but ( in the midst of so many tumults for a free parliament ) had as much need of the general 's coming up now , as before : he therefore sent them word , that because he thought them not yet secure enough , he would come up to london with his army ; which they not only accepted of , but entreated him so to do , and voted him for his service 1000 l. a year . the general marching towards london , the country every where petition'd him for a free parliament . the rump to make room in london for his army , dislodged their own ; the general , for all that , had not let fall a word in all this time , that could be taken for a declaration of his final design . b. how did the rump revenge themselves on lambert ? a. they never troubled him : nor do i know any cause of their so gentle dealing with him ; but certainly lambert was the ablest of any officer they had to do them service , when they should have means and need to imploy him . after the general was come to london , the rump sent to the city for their part of a tax of 100000 l. a month for six months , according to an act which the rump had made formerly before their disseism by the committee of safety : but the city , who were averse to the rump , and keen upon a free parliament , could not be brought to give their money to their enemies , and to purposes repugnant to their own ; whereupon the rump sent order to the general to break down the city gates , and their portcullices , and to imprison certain obstinate citizens : this he perform'd , and it was the last service he did them . about this time the commission by which general monk with others had the government of the army put into their hands by the rump , before the usurpation of the council of officers , came to expire , which the present rump renewed . b. he was thereby the sixth part of the general of the whole forces of the common-wealth ; if i had been as the rump , he should have been sole general . in such cases as this , there cannot be a greater vice than pinching : ambition should be liberal . a. after the pulling down of the city gates , the general sent a letter to the rump , to let them know that this service was much against his nature ; and to put them in mind , how well the city had serv'd the parliament in the whole war. b. yes ; but for the city the parliament could never have made the war , nor the rump ever have murdered the king. a. the rump considered not the merit of the city , nor the good nature of the general , they were busie , they were giving out commissions , making of acts for abjuration of the king and his line , and for the old engagement , and conferring with the city to get money . the general also desir'd to hear conference between some of the rump , and some of the secluded members , concerning the justice of their seclusion , and of the hurt that could follow upon their re-admission , and it was granted . after long conference , the general finding the rumps pretences unreasonable and ambitious , declar'd himself with the city for a free parliament , and came to westminster with the secluded members , ( whom he had appointed to meet and stay for him at white-hall ) and re-placed them in the house among the rumpers ; so that now the same cattle that were in the house of commons in 1640. ( except those that were dead , and those that went from them to the late king at oxford ) are all there again . b. but this methinks was no good service to the king , unless they had learnt better principles . a. they had learnt nothing ; the major part was now again presbyterian . 't is true , they were so grateful to general monk , as to make him general of all the forces in the three nations : they did well also to make void the engagement ; but it was because those acts were made to the prejudice of their party , but recalled none of their own rebellious ordinances , nor did any thing in order to the good of the present king ; but on the contrary , they declar'd by a vote , that the late king began the war against his two houses . b. the two houses , considered as two persons , were they not two of the kings subjects ? if a king raise an army against his subject , is it lawful for the subject to resist with force , when ( as in this case ) he might have had peace upon his submission . a. they knew they had acted vilely and sottishly ; but because they had always so greater than ordinary wisdom and godliness , they were loth to confess it : the presbyterians now saw their time to make a confession of their faith , and presented it to the house of commons , to shew they had not changed their principles ; which ( after six readings in the house ) was voted to be printed , and once a year to be read publickly in every church . b. i say again , this re-establishing of the long parliament was no good service to the king. a. have a little patience : they were re-established with two conditions ; one to determine their sitting before the end of march , another to send out writs before their rising for new elections . b. that qualifies . a. that brought in the king ; for few of the long-parliament ( the country having felt the smart of their former service ) could get themselves chosen again . this new parliament began to sit april the 25. 1660. how soon these called in the king , with what joy and triumph he was receiv'd ▪ how earnestly his majesty pressed the parliament for the act of oblivion , and how few were excepted out of it , you know as well as i. b. but i have not yet observ'd in the presbyterians any oblivion of their former principles , we are but return'd to the state we were in at the beginning of the sedition . a. not so ; for before that time , though the kings of england had the right of the militia in vertue of the soveraignty , and without dispute , and without any particular act of parliament directly to the purpose ; yet now after this bloody dispute , the next , which is the present parliament , in proper and express terms hath declar'd the same to be the right of the king only , without either of his houses of parliament ; which act is more instructive to the people , than any arguments drawn from the title of soveraignty , and consequently fitter to disarm the ambition of all seditious haranguers for the time to come . b. pray god it be so ; howsoever i must confe●● that this parliament has done all that a parliament can do for the security of our peace ; which i think also would be enough , if our preachers would take heed of instilling evil principles into their auditory . i have seen in this revolution a circular motion of the soveraign power , ●through two usurpers , from the late king , to this his son ; for ( leaving out the power of the council of officers , which was but temporary , and no otherwise owned by them , but in trust ) it moved from king charles the first to the long parliament , from thence to the rump , from the rump to oliver cromwel , and then back again from richard cromwel to the rump , thence to the long parliament , and thence to king charles the second , where long may it remain . a. amen : and may he have , as often as there shall be need , such a general . b. you have told me little of the general , till now in the end : but truly , i think , the bringing of his little army entirely out of scotland up to london , was the greatest stratagem that is extant in history . finis . the art of rhetoric, with a discourse of the laws of england by thomas hobbes of malmesbury. art of rhetoric hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. 1681 approx. 486 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 191 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43971 wing h2212 estc r7393 12144591 ocm 12144591 54911 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43971) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54911) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 106:10) the art of rhetoric, with a discourse of the laws of england by thomas hobbes of malmesbury. art of rhetoric hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [6], 168, 208 p. printed for william crooke ..., london : 1681. "a dialogue between a phylosopher and a student, of the common-laws of england" has separate collation. "the art of rhetorick plainly set forth, with pertinent examples" (p. [135]-168) has special t.p. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rhetoric -early works to 1800. oratory -early works to 1800. law -great britain -history. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the art of rhetoric , with a discourse of the laws of england . by thomas hobbes of malmesbury . dent vmbrae tenuem divi & sine pondere terram , spirantesque crocos & in urnâ perpetuum ver . london , printed for william crooke at the green dragon without temple-bar , 1681. to the reader . altho these pieces may appear fully to express their own real intrinsic value , as bearing the image and inscription of that great man mr. hobbes ; yet since common usage has rendred a preface to a book as necessary as a porch to a church , and that in all things some ceremonies cannot be avoided , mode and custom in this point is dutifully to be obeyed . that they are genuine , credible testimony might be produced ; did not the peculiar fineness of thought and expression , and a constant undaunted resolution of maintaining his own opinions sufficiently ascertain their author . besides which , they are now publish'd from his own true copies , an advantage which some of his works have wanted . the first of them , being an abridgement containing the most useful part of aristotle's rhetoric , was written some thirty years since . mr. hobbes in his book of humane nature had already describ'd man , with an exactness almost equal to the original draught of nature ; and in his elements of law , laid down the constitution of government , and shewn by what arm'd reason it is maintain'd . and having demonstrated in the state of nature , the primitive art of fighting to be the only medium whereby men procur'd their ends ; did in this design to shew what power in societies has succeeded to reign in its stead . i mean the art of speaking , which by use of common places of probability , and knowledge in the manners and passions of mankind , throu the working of belief is able to bring about whatsoever interest . how necessary this art is to that of politic , is clearly evident from that mighty force , whereby the eloquence of the ancient orators captivated the minds of the people . mr. hobbes chose to recommend by his translation the rhetoric of aristotle , as being the most accomplish'd work on that subject , which the world has yet seen , having been admir'd in all ages , and in particular highly approv'd by the father of the roman eloquence , a very competent judge . to this he thought fit to add some small matter relating to that part which concern's tropes and figures ; as also a short discovery of some little tricks of false and deceitful reasoning . the other piece is a discourse concerning the laws of england , and has been finish'd many years . herein he has endeavour'd to accommodate the general notions of his politic to the particular constitution of the english monarchy . a design of no small difficulty , wherein to have succeeded , deserves much honour ; to have perchance miscarryed , deserves easie pardon . it has had the good fortune to be much esteem'd by the greatest men of the profession of the law , and therefore may be presumed to contain somewhat excellent . however 't is not to be expected , that al men should submit to his opinions , yet 't is hoped none will be offended at the present publishing these papers , since they will not find here any new fantastic notions , but only such things as have been already asserted with strength of argument by himself , and other persons of eminent learning . to the public at least this benefit may accrue , that some able pen may undertake the controversie , being moved with the desire of that reputation , which will necessarily attend victory over so considerable an adversary . the whole art of rhetorick . book i. chap. i. that rhetorick is an art consisting not only in moving the passions of the judge ; but chiefly in proofs . and that this art is profitable . we see that all men naturally are able in some sort to accuse and excuse : some by chance ; but some by method . this method may be discovered : and to discover method is all one with teaching an art. if this art consisted in criminations only , and the skill to stir up the judges to anger , envy , fear , pity , or other affections ; a rhetorician in well ordered common-wealths and states , where it is forbidden to digress from the cause in hearing , could have nothing at all to say . for all these perversions of the judge are beside the question . and that which the pleader is to shew , and the judge to give sentence on , is this only : 't is so : or not so . the rest hath been decided already by the law-maker ; who judging of universals , and future things , could not be corrupted . besides , 't is an absurd thing , for a man to make crooked the ruler he means to use . it consisteth therefore chiefly in proofs ; which are inferences : and all inferences being syllogismes , a logician , if he would observe the difference between a plain syllogisme , and an enthymeme , ( which is a rhetoricall syllogisme , ) would make the best rhetorician . for all syllogismes and inferences belong properly to logick ; whether they infer truth or probability : and because without this art it would often come to pass , that evil men by the advantage of natural abilities , would carry an evil cause against a good ; it brings with it at least this profit , that making the pleaders even in skill , it leaves the odds only in the merit of the cause . besides , ordinarily those that are judges , are neither patient , nor capable of long scientifical proofs , drawn from the principles through many syllogisms ; and therefore had need to be instructed by the rhetoricall , and shorter way . lastly , it were ridiculous , to be ashamed of being vanquished in exercises of the body , and not to be ashamed of being inferior in the vertue of well expressing the mind . chap. ii. the definition of rhetorick . rhetorick , is that faculty , by which we understand what will serve our turn , concerning any subject to win belief in the hearer . of those things that beget belief ; some require not the help of art ; as witnesses , evidences , and the like , which we invent not , but make use of ; and some require art , and are invented by us . the belief that proceeds from our invention , comes partly from the behaviour of the speaker ; partly from the passions of the hearer : but especially from the proofs of what we alledge . proofs are , in rhetorick , either examples , or enthymemes , as in logick , inductions , or syllogisms . for an example is a short induction , and an enthymeme a short syllogisme ; out of which are left as superfluous , that which is supposed to be necessarily understood by the hearer ; to avoid prolixity , and not to consume the time of publick business needlesly . chap. iii. of the several kinds of orations : and of the principles of rhetorick . in all orations , the hearer does either hear only ; or judge also . if he hear only , that 's one kind of oration , and is called demonstrative . if he judg , he must judg either of that which is to come ; or of that which is past . if of that which is to come , ther 's another kind of oration , and is called deliberative . if of that which is past ; then 't is a third kind of oration , called judicial . so there are three kinds of orations ; demonstrative , judicial , deliberative . to which belong their proper times . to the demonstrative , the present ; to the judicial , the past ; and to the deliberative , the time to come . and their proper offices . to the deliberative , exhortation and dehortation . to the judicial , accusation and defence . and to the demonstrative , praising and dispraising . and their proper ends . to the deliberative , to prove a thing profitable , or vnprofitable . to the judicial , just , or vnjust . to the demonstrative , honourable , or dishonourable . the principles of rhetorick out of which enthymemes are to be drawn ; are the common opinions that men have concerning profitable , and vnprofitable ; just , and vnjust ; honourable , and dishonourable ; which are the points in the several kinds of orations questionable . for as in logick , where certain and infallible knowledg is the scope of our proof , the principles must be all infallible truths : so in rhetorick the principles must be common opinions , such as the judg is already possessed with : because the end of rhetorick is victory ; which consists in having gotten belief . and because nothing is profitable , vnprofitable , just , vnjust , honourable or dishonourable , but what has been done , or is to be done ; and nothing is to be done , that is not possible : and because there be degrees of profitable , vnprofitable , just , vnjust , honourable , and dishonourable ; an orator must be ready in other principles ; namely , of what is done and not done ; possible and not possible , to come and not to come , and what is greater , and what is lesser , both in general , and particularly applyed to the thing in question ; as what is more and less , generally ; and what is more profitable , and less profitable , &c. particularly . chap. iv. of the subject of deliberatives ; and the abilities that are required of him that will deliberate of business of state. in deliberatives there are to be considered the subject , wherein ; and the ends whereto the orator exhorteth , or from which he dehorteth . the subject is always something in our own power , the knowledg whereof belongs not to rhetorick , but for the most part to the politicks ; and may be referred in a manner to these five heads . 1. of levying of money . to which point he that will speak as he ought to do , ought to know before hand the revenue of the state , how much it is , and wherein it consisteth : and also how great are the necessary charges and expences of the same . this knowledge is gotten partly by a mans own experience , partly by relations , and accounts in writing . 2. of peace and war. concerning which the counsellor or deliberator , ought to know the strength of the commonwealth ; how much it both now is , and hereafter may be ; and wherein that power consisteth . which knowledge is gotten , partly by experience , and relations at home ; and partly by the sight of wars , and of their events abroad . 3. of the safeguard of the country . wherein he only is able to give counsell , that knows the forms , and number , and places of the garrisons . 4. of provision . wherein to speak well , it is necessary for a man to know what is sufficient to maintain the state ; what commodities they have at home growing ; what they must fetch in through need ; and what they may carry out through abundance . 5. of making laws . to which is necessary so much political , or civil philosophy , as to know what are the several kinds of governments ; and by what means , either from without or from within , each of those kinds is , preserved , or destroyed . and this knowledg is gotten , partly by observing the several governments in times past , by history ; and partly by observing the government of the times present in several nations , by travel . so that to him that will speak in a councell of state , there is necessary this ; history , sight of wars , travel , knowledge of the revenue , expences , forces , havens , garrisons , wares , and provisions in the state he lives in ; and what is needful for that state , either to export , or import . chap. v. of the ends which the orator in deliberatives , propoundeth , whereby to exhort , or dehort . an orator in exhorting always propoundeth felicity , or some part of felicity to be attained by the actions he exhorteth unto : and in dehortation the contrary . by felicity , is meant commonly , prosperity with vertue , or a continual content of the life with surety . and the parts of it are such things as we call good , in body , mind , or fortune ; such as these that follow . 1. nobility , which to a state or nation is , to have been antient inhabitants ; and to have had most antiently , and in most number , famous generals in the wars , or men famous for such things as fall under emulation . and to a private man , to have been descended lawfully of a family , which hath yielded most antiently , and in most number , men known to the world for vertue , riches , or any thing in general estimation . 2. many and good children . which is also publick and private . publick , when there is much youth in the state endued with vertue , ( namely , of the body , stature , beauty , strength , and dexterity : of the mind , valour , and temperance ) private , when a man hath many such children , both male and female . the vertues commonly respected in women , are of the body , beauty , and stature ; of the mind , temperance , and houswifery , without sordidness . 3. riches . which is , money , cattel , lands , houshold-stuffe ; with the power to dispose of them . 4. glory . which is , the reputation of vertue , or of the possession of such things as all , or most men , or wise men desire . 5. honour . which is the glory of benefiting , or being able to benefit others . to benefit others , is to contribute somewhat , not easily had , to another mans safety , or riches , the parts of honour are , sacrifices , monuments , rewards , dedication of places , precedence , sepulchres , statues , publick pensions , adorations , presents . 6. health . which is the being free from diseases , with strength to use the body . 7. beauty . which is to different ages different . to youth , strength of body , and sweetness of aspect . to full men , strength of body fit for the wars , and countenance sweet , with a mixture of terror . to old men , strength enough for necessary labours , with a countenance not displeasing . 8. strength . which is the ability to move any thing at pleasure of the mover . to move , is to pull , to put off , to lift , to thrust down , to press together . 9. stature . which is then just , when a man in heighth , breadth , and thickness of body doth so exceed the most , as nevertheless it be no hinderance to the quickness of his motion . 10. good old age. which is , that which comes late , and with the least trouble . 11. many and good friends . which is , to have many that will do for his sake that which they think will be for his good . 12. prosperity . which is , to have all , or the most , or the greatest of those goods which we attribute to fortune . 13. vertue . which is then to be defined , when we speak of praise . these are the grounds from whence we exhort . dehortation is from the contraries of these . chap. vi. of the colours or common opinions concerning good and evil. in deliberatives , the principles , or elements from whence we draw our proofs , are common opinions concerning good and evil. and these principles are either absolute , or comparative . and those that are absolute , are either disputable , or indisputable . the indisputable principles are such as these ; good , is that which we love for it self . and that , for which we love somewhat else . and that which all things desire . and that to every man which his reason dictates . and that , which when we have , we are well , or satisfied . and that which satisfies . and the cause or effect of any of these . and that which preserves any of these . and that which keeps off , or destroys the contrary of any of these . also to take the good , and reject the evil , is good. and to take the greater good , rather than the less ; and the lesser evil , rather than the greater . further , all vertues are good. and pleasure . and all things beautiful . and justice , valour , temperance , magnanimity , magnificence ; and other like habits . and health , beauty , strength , &c. and riches . and friends . and honour , and glory . and ability to say or do : also towardliness , will , and the like . and whatsoever art , or science . and life . and whatsoever is just. the disputable principles are such as follow . that is , good , whose contrary is evil . and whose contrary is good for our enemies . and whose contrary our enemies are glad of . and of which there cannot be too much . and upon which much labour and cost hath been bestowed . and that which many desire . and that which is praised . and that which even our enemies and evil men praise . and what good we prefer . and what we do advise . and that which is possible , is good ( to undertake . ) and that which is easie. and that which depends on our own will. and that which is proper for us to do . and what no man else can do . and whatsoever is extraordinary . and what is suitable . and that which wants a little of being at an end . and what we hope to master . and what we are fit for . and what evil men do not . and what we love to do . chap. vii . of the colours , or common opinions concerning good and evil , comparatively . the colours of good comparatively depend partly upon the following definitions of comparatives . 1. more , is so much , and somewhat besides . 2. less , is that , which and somewhat else is so much . 3. greater and more in number are said only comparatively to less , and fewer in number . 4. great and little , many and few , are taken comparatively to the most of the same kind . so that great and many , is that which exceeds ; little and few , is that which is exceeded by the most of the same kind . partly from the precedent definitions of good absolutely . common opinions concerning good. comparatively then are these . greater good is many , than fewer , or one of those many . and greater is the kind , in which the greatest is greater than the greatest of another kind . and greater is that good than another good , whose kind is greater than another's kind . and greater is that from which another good follows ; then the good which follows . and of two which exceed a third , greater is that which exceeds it most . and that which causes the greater good. and that which proceeds from a greater good. and greater is that which is chosen for it self , than that which is chosen from somwhat else . and the end greater than that which is not the end . and that which less needs other things , than that which more . and that which is independent , than that which is dependent of another . and the beginning , than not the beginning . [ seeing the beginning is a greater good , or evil , than that which is not the beginning ; and the end , than that which is not the end ; one may argue from this colour both ways : as leodamas against chabrias , would have the actor more to blame than the advisor ; and against callistratus , the advisor more than the actor . ] and the cause , than not the cause . and that which hath a greater beginning or cause . and the beginning , or cause of a greater good or evil. and that which is scarce , greater than that which is plentiful ; because harder to get . and that which is plentiful , than that which is scarce ; because oftner in use. and that which is easie , than that which is hard. and that whose contrary is greater . and that whose want is greater . and vertue than not vertue , a greater good. vice , than not vice , a greater evil. and greater good , or evil is that , the effects whereof are more honourable or more shameful . and the effects of greater vertues , or vices . and the excess whereof is more tolerable , a greater good. and those things which may with more honour be desir'd . and the desire of better things . and those things whereof the knowledg is better . and the knowledge of better things . and that which wise men prefer . and that which is in better men . and that which better men chuse . and that which is more , than that which is less delightful . and that which is more , than that which is less honourable . and that which we would have for our selves and friends , a greater good ; and the contrary a greater evil. and that which is lasting , than that which is not lasting . and that which is firm , than that which is not firm. and what many desire , than what few . and what the adversary , or judg confesseth to be greater , is greater . and common than not common . and not common than common . and what is more laudable . and that which is more honour'd , a greater good. and that which is more punish'd , a greater evil. and both good and evil divided than undivided , appear greater . and compounded than simple , appear greater . and that which is done with opportunity , age , place , time , means disadvantagious , greater than otherwise . and that which is natural , than that which is attained unto . and the same part of that which is great , than of that which is less . and that which is nearest to the end designed . and that which is good or evil to ones self , than that which is simply so . and possible , than not possible . and that which comes toward the end of our life . and that which we do really , than that which we do for shew . and that which we would be , rather than what we would seem to be . and that which is good for more purposes , is the greater good. and that which serves us in great necessity . and that which is joyned with less trouble . and that which is joyned with more delight . and of the two , that which added to a third , makes the whole the greater . and that which having , we are more sensible of . and in every thing , that which we most esteem . chap. viii . of the several kinds of governments . because hortation and dehortation concern the common-wealth , and are drawn from the elements of good and evil ; as we have spoken of them already in the abstract , so we must speak of them also in the concrete ; that is , of what is good or evil to each sort of common-wealth in special . the government of a common-wealth , is either democracy , or aristocracy , or oligarchy , or monarchy . democracy is that , wherein all men with equal right , are preferred to the highest magistracy by lot. aristocracy is that , wherein the highest magistrate is chosen out of those , that had the best education , according to what the laws prescribe for best . oligarchy is that , where the highest magistrate is chosen for wealth . monarchy is that , wherein one man hath the government of all ; which government , if he limit it by law , is called kingdom ; if by his own will , tyranny . the end of democracy , or the peoples government , is liberty . the end of oligarchy , is the riches of those that govern. the end of aristocracy , is good laws , and good ordering of the city . the end of monarchy , or kings , is the safety of the people , and conservation of his own authority . good therefore , in each sort of government is that which conduceth to these their ends . and because belief is not gotten only by proofs , but also from manners ; the manners of each sort of commonwealth ought to be well understood by him that undertaketh to perswade , or diswade in matter of state. their manners may be known by their designs ; and their designs by their ends ; and their ends by what we see them take pleasure in . but of this more accurately in the politicks . chap. ix . of the colours of honourable and dishonourable . in a demonstrative oration , the subject whereof is praise , or dispraise ; the proofs are to be drawn from the elements of honourable and dishonourable . in this place we anticipate the second way of getting belief ; which is from the manners of the speaker . for praise , whether it come in as the principal business , or upon the by , depends still upon the same principles . which are these . honourable , is that , which we love for it self , and is withal laudable . and that good , which pleaseth us only because 't is good. and vertue . vertue is the faculty of getting and preserving that which is good ; and the faculty of doing many , and great things well . the kinds of it are these ; 1. justice ; which is a vertue whereby every man obtains what by law is his . 2. fortitude ; which is a vertue by which a man carries himself honourably , and according to the laws , in time of danger . 3. temperance ; which is a vertue whereby a man governs himself in matter of pleasure according to the law. 4. liberality ; which is a vertue , by which we benefit others in matter of money . 5. magnanimity ; which is a vertue , by which a man is apt to do great benefits . 6. magnificence ; which is a vertue , by which a man is apt to be at great cost . 7. prudence ; which is an intellectual vertue , by which a man is able to deliberate well concerning any good leading to felicity . and honourable , are the causes and effects of things honourable . and the works of vertue . and the signs of vertue . and those actions , the reward whereof is honor. and the reward whereof is rather honor , than money . and that which we do not for our own sakes . and what we do for our countries good , neglecting our own . and those things are honourable , which good of themselves , are not so to the owner . and those things which happen to the dead , rather than to the living . and what we do for other men , especially for benefactors . and bestowing of benefits . and the contrary of those things we are ashamed of . and those things which men strive for earnestly , but without fear of adversary . and of the more honourable , and better men , the vertues are more honourable . and more honourable are the vertues that tend to other mens benefit , than those which tend to ones own . and honourable are those things which are just. and revenge is honourable . and victory . and honour . and monuments . and those things which happen not ot the living . and things that excell . and what none can do but we . and possessions we reap no profit by . and those things which are had in honour particularly in several places . and the signs of praise . and to have nothing of the servile , mercenary , or mechanick . and that which seems honourable ; namely such as follow . vices confining upon vertue . and the extreams of vertues . and what the auditors think honourable . and that which is in estimation . and that which is done according to custom . besides , in a demonstrative oration , the orator must shew , that he whom he praiseth , did what he praiseth unconstrainedly , and willingly . and he does so , who does the same often . praise , is speech , declaring the magnitude of a vertue , action , or work. but to praise the work from the vertue of the worker , is a circular proof . to magnifie , and to praise , differ in themselves , as felicity and vertue . for praise declares a mans vertue ; and magnifying declares his felicity . praise is a kind of inverted precept . for to say , do it because 't is good , is a precept . but to say , he is good because he did it , is praise . an orator in praising must also use the forms of amplification ; such as these : he was the first that did it . the only man that did it . the special man that did it . he did it with disadvantage of time . he did it with little help . he was the cause , that the law ordained rewards and honours for such actions . further , he that will praise a man , must compare him with others ; and his actions with the actions of others ; especially with such as are renowned . and amplification is more proper to a demonstrative oration , than to any other . for here the actions are confess'd ; and the orators part is only this , to contribute unto them magnitude and luster . chap. x. of accusation and defence , with the definition of injury . in a judicial oration , which consists in accusation and defence , the thing to be proved is , that injury has been done : and the heads from whence the proofs are to be drawn , are these three : 1. the causes that move to injury . 2. the persons apt to do injury . 3. the persons obnoxious , or apt to suffer injury . an injury is a voluntary offending of another man contrary to the law. voluntary is that which a man does with knowledg , and without compulsion . the causes of voluntary actions are intemperance , and a vicious disposition concerning things desirable . as the covetous man does against the law , out of an intemperate desire of money . all actions proceed either from the doers disposition , or not . those that proceed not from the doers disposition are such as he does by chance , by compulsion , or by natural necessity . those that proceed from the doers disposition , are such as he does by custom , or upon premeditation , or in anger , or out of intemperance . by chance are said to be done those things whereof neither the cause , nor the scope is evident ; and which are done neither orderly , nor always , nor most commonly after the same manner . by nature are said to be done those things , the causes whereof are in the doer ; and are done orderly , and always , or for the most part after the same manner . by compulsion are done those things , which are against the appetite , and ordination of the doer . by custome those actions are said to be done , the cause whereof is this , that the door has done them often . vpon premeditation are said to be done those things which are done for profit , as the end , or the way to the end. in anger are said to be done those things which are done with a purpose of revenge . out of intemperance are said to be done those things which are delightful . in sum , every voluntary action tends either to profit or pleasure . the colours of profitable are already set down . the colours of that which is pleasing follow next . chap. xi . of the colours , or common opinions concerning pleasure . pleasure is a sudden and sensible motion of the soul , towards that which is natural . grief is the contrary . pleasant therefore is that , which is the cause of such motion . and to return to ones own nature . and customes . and those things that are not violent . vnpleasant are those things , which proceed from necessity , as cares , study , contentions . the contrary whereof , ease , remission from labour and care : also play , rest , sleep , are pleasant . pleasant also is that , to which we have an appetite . also the appetites themselves , if they be sensual ; as thirst , hunger , and lust. also those things to which we have an appetite upon perswasion and reason . and those things we remember , whether they pleased , or displeased , than when they were present . and the things we hope for . and anger . and to be in love. and revenge . and victory . therefore also contentious games ; as tables , chess , dice , tennis , &c. and hunting . and suits in law. and honour and reputation amongst men in honour and reputation . and to love. and to be belov'd and respected . and to be admir'd . and to be flatter'd . and a flatterer : ( for he seems both to love and admire . ) and the same thing often . and change , or variety . and what we return to afresh . and to learn . and to admire . and to do good. and to receive good. and to help up again one that 's fallen . and to finish that which is unperfect . and imitation . and therefore the art of painting . and the art of carving images . and the art of poetry . and pictures and statues . and other mens dangers , so they be near . and to have escaped hardly . and things of a kind please one another . and every one himself . and ones own pleases him . and to bear sway. and to be thought wise. and to dwell upon that which he is good at . and ridiculous actions , sayings and persons . chap. xii . presumptions of injury drawn from the persons that do it : or common opinions concerning the aptitude of persons to do injury . of the causes which move to injury , namely , profit and pleasure , has been already spoken , chap. 6. 7. 11. it follows next to speak of the persons , that are apt to do injury . the doers of injury are . such as think they can do it . and such as think to be undiscover'd when they have done it . and such as think , though they be discover'd , they shall not be called in question for it . and such as think , though they be called in question for it , that their mulct will be less than their gain , which either themselves or their friends receive by the injury . able to do injury are . such as are eloquent . and such as are practis'd in business . and such as have skill in process . and such as have many friends . and rich men. and such as have rich friends ; or rich servants ; or rich partners . vndiscover'd when they have done it , are such are not apt to commit the crimes whereof they are accused : as feeble men , slaughter : poor , and not beautiful men , adultery . and such as one would think could not chuse but be discover'd . and such as do injuries , whereof there hath been no example . and such as have none , or many enemies . and such as can easily conceal what they do . and such as have some body to transfer the fault upon . they that do injury openly , are such , whose friends have been injured . and such as have the judges for friends . and such as can escape their tryal at law. and such as can put off their tryal . and such as can corrupt the judges . and such as can avoid the payment of their fine . and such as can defer the payment . and such as cannot pay at all . and such as by the injury get manifestly , much , and presently ; when the fine is uncertain , little , and to come . and such as get by the injury , money ; by the penalty , shame only . and such on the contrary , as get honour by the injury , and suffer the mulct of money only , or banishment , or the like . and such as have often escaped , or been undiscovered . and such as have often attempted in vain . and such as consider present pleasure , more than pain to come ; and so intemperate men are apt to do injury . and such as consider pleasure to come , more than present pain ; and so temperate men are apt to do injury . and such as may seem to have done it by fortune , nature , necessity , or custom ; and by error , rather than by injustice . and such as have means to get pardon . and such as want necessaries , as poor men : or unnecessaries , as rich men . and such as are of very good , or very bad reputation . chap. xiii . presumptions of injury drawn from the persons that suffer , and from the matter of the injury . of those that do injury , and why they do it , it hath been already spoken . now of the persons that suffer , and of the matter wherein they suffer , the common opinions are these : persons obnoxious to injury are , such as have the things that we want , either as necessary , or as delightful . and such as are far from us . and such as are at hand . and such as are unwary , and credulous . and such as are lazy . and such as are modest. and such as have swallowed many injuries . and such as we have injured often before . and such as never before . and such as are in our danger . and such as are ill belov'd generally . and such as are envyed . and our friends . and our enemies . and such as , wanting friends , have no great ability either in speech or action . and such as shall be losers by going to law : as strangers , and workmen . and such as have done the injuries they suffer . and such as have committed a crime , or would have done , or are about to do . and such as , by doing them an injury , we shall gratifie our friends or superiours . and such , whose friendship we have newly left , and accuse . and such as another would do the injury to , if we should not . and such as by injuring , we get greater means of doing good . the matters wherein men are obnoxious to injury are , those things wherein all , or most men use to deal unjustly . and those things which are easily hid , and put off into other hands , or altered . and those things which a man is ashamed to have suffered . and those things wherein prosecution of injury , may be thought a love of contention . chap. xiv . of those things which are necessary to be known for the definition of just and unjust . when the fact is evident , the next inquiry is , whether it be just , or vnjust . for the definition of just and vnjust , we must know what law is ; that is , what the law of nature , what the law of nations ; what the law civil , what written law , and what unwritten law is : and what persons , that is , what a publick person , or the city is ; and what a private person , or citizen is . vnjust in the opinion of all men , is that which is contrary to the law of nature . vnjust in the opinion of all men of those nations which traffick and come together , is that which is contrary to the law common to those nations . vnjust only in one common-wealth , is that which is contrary to the law civil , or law of that common-wealth . he that is accused to have done any thing against the publick , or a private person , is accused to do it either ignorantly , or unwillingly , or in anger , or upon premeditation . and because the defendant does many times confess the fact , but deny the unjustice ; as that he took , but did not steal ; and did , but not adultery ; it is necessary to know the definitions of theft , adultery , and all other crimes . what facts are contrary to the written laws , may be known by the laws themselves . besides written laws , whatsoever is just , proceeds from equity , or goodness . from goodness proceeds that which we are praised , or honoured for . from equity proceed those actions , which though the written law command not , yet being interpreted reasonably , and supplyed , seems to require at our hands . actions of equity are such as these . not too rigorously to punish errors , mischances , or injuries . to pardon the faults that adhere to mankind . and not to consider the law so much , as the law-makers mind ; and not the words so much , as the meaning of the law. and not to regard so much the fact , as the intention of the doer ; nor part of the fact , but the whole ; nor what the doer is , but what he has been always , or for the most part . and to remember better the good received , than the ill. and to endure injuries patiently . and to submit rather to the sentence of a judge , than of the sword. and to the sentence of an arbitrator , rather than of a judge . chap. xv. of the colours or common opinions concerning injuries , comparatively . common opinions concerning injuries comparatively , are such as these : greater is the injury which proceed from greater iniquity . and from which proceedeth greater dammage . and of which there is no revenge . and for which there is no remedy . and by occasion of which , he that hath received the injury , hath done some mischief to himself . he does the greater injury , that does it first , or alone , or with few : and he that does it often . greater injury is that , against which laws and penalties were first made . and that which is more brutal , or more approaching to the actions of beasts . and that which is done upon more premeditation . and by which more laws are broken . and which is done in the place of execution . and which is of greatest shame to him that receives the injury . and which is committed against well deservers . and which is committed against the unwritten law ; because good men should observe the law for justice , and not for fear of punishment . and which is committed against the written law ; because he that will do injury neglecting the penalty set down in the written law , is much more likely to transgress the unwritten law , where there is no penalty at all . chap. xvi . of proofs inartificial . of artificial proofs we have already spoken . inartificial proofs , which we invent not , but make use of , are of five sorts . 1. laws . and those are civil , or written law : the law or custom of nations : and the universal law of nature . 2. witness . and those are such as concern matter ; and such as concern manners . also , they be ancient , or present . 3. evidences , or writings . 4. question , or torture . 5. oaths . and those be either given , or taken , or both , or neither . for laws , we use them thus . when the written law makes against us , we appeal to the law of nature , alledging , that to be greatest justice , which is greatest equity . that the law of nature is immutable ; the written law mutable . that the written law is but seeming justice ; the law of nature very justice . and justice is among those things which are , and not which seem to be . that the judge ought to discern between true and adulterate justice . that they are better men that obey unwritten , than written laws . that the law against us does contradict some other law. and when the law has a double interpretation , that is , the true one , which makes for us . and that the cause of the law being abolished , the law is no more of validity . but when the written law makes for us , and equity for the adversary , we must alledge , that a man may use equity , not as a liberty to judg against the law ; but only as a security against being forsworn , when he knows not the law. that men seek not equity because 't is good simply , but because good for them . that it is the same thing not to make , and not to use the law. that as in other arts , and namely in physick , fallacies are pernitious ; so in a common-wealth 't is pernitious to use pretexts against the law. and that in common-wealths well instituted , to seem wiser than the laws , is prohibited . for witnesses , we must use them thus : when we have them not , we must stand for presumptions , and say , that in equity sentence ought to be given according to the most probability . that presumptions are the testimony of the things themselves , and cannot be bribed . that they cannot lye . when we have witnesses , against him that has them not , we must say , that presumptions , if they be false , cannot be punished . that if presumptions were enough , witnesses were superfluous . for writings , when they favour us ; we must say , that writings are private and particular laws ; and he that takes away the use of evidences , abolisheth the law. that since contracts and negotiations pass by writings , he that bars their use , dissolves humane society . against them , if they favour the adversary , we may say , that since laws do not bind , that are fraudulently made to pass , much less writings . and that the judge being to dispense justice , ought rather to consider what is just , than what is in the writing . that writings may be gotten by fraud or force ; but justice by neither . that the writing is repugnant to some law , civil , or natural ; or to justice ; or to honesty . that 't is repugnant to some other writing before , or after . that it crosses some commodity of the judge ( which must not be said directly , but implyed cunningly . ) for the torture , if the giving of it make for us , we must say , that 't is the only testimony that is certain . but if it make for the adversary , we may say . that men inforced by torture , speak as well that which is false , as that which is true . that they who can endure , conceal the truth ; and they who cannot , say that which is false to be delivered from pain . for oaths ; he that will not put his adversary to his oath , may alledge , that he makes no scruple to be forsworn . that by swearing , he will carry the cause ; which not swearing , he must lose . that he had rather trust his cause in the hand of the judge , than of the adversary . he that refuseth to take the oath , may say , that the matter is not worth so much . that if he had been an evil man , he had sworn , and carryed his cause . that to try it by swearing for a religious man against an irreligious , is as hard a match , as to set a weak man against a strong in combate . he that is willing to take the oath , may pretend . that he had rather trust himself , than his adversary ; and that 't is equal dealing for an irreligious man to give , and for a religious man to take the oath . that 't is his duty to take the oath , since he has required to have sworn judges . he that offers the oath may pretend , that he does piously commit his cause to the gods. that he makes his adversary himself judge . that 't were absurd for him not to swear , that has required the judges to be sworn . and of these are to be compounded the forms we are to use , when we would give , and not take the oath ; or take , and not give ; or both give and take ; or neither give nor take . but if one have sworn contrary to a former oath , he may pretend ; that he was forced . that he was deceived , and that neither of these is perjury , since perjury is voluntary . but if the adversary do so , he may say ; that he that stands not to what he hath sworn , subverteth humane society . and ( turning to the judge ) what reason have we to require , that you should be sworn , that judge our cause ; when we will not stand to that we swear our selves . and so much for proofs inartificial . book . ii. chap. i. the introduction . of belief proceeding from our invention , that part which consisteth in proof , is already spoken of . the other two parts follow ; whereof one ariseth from the manners of the speaker ; the other from the passions of the hearer . the principles , colours , or common opinions upon which a mans belief is gronnded concerning the manners of him that speaks , are to be had partly out of that which hath been said before concerning vertue , book . 1. chap. 9. partly out of those things which shall be said by and by , concerning the passions . for a man is believed either for his prudence , or for his probity , which are vertues ; or for good will : of which among the passions . the principles concerning belief , arising from the passion of the hearer , are to be gather'd from that which shall now be said of the several passions in order . in every one of which three things are to be considered . 1. first , how men are affected . 2. secondly , towards whom . 3. thirdly , for what . chap. ii. of anger . anger is desire of revenge , joyned with grief for that he , or some of his , is , or seems to be neglected . the object of anger is always some particular , or individual thing . in anger there is also pleasure proceeding from the imagination of revenge to come . to neglect , is to esteem little or nothing : and of three kinds . 1. contempt . 2. crossing . 3. contumely . contempt , is when a man thinks another of little worth in comparison to himself . crossing is the hinderance of another mans will without design to profit himself . contumely , is the disgracing of another for his own pastime . the common opinions concerning anger are therefore such as follow . they are easily angry that think they are neglected . that think they excell others ; as the rich with the poor ; the noble with the obscure , &c. and such as think they deserve well . and such as grieve to be hindered , opposed , or not assisted . and therefore sick men , poor men , lovers , and generally all that desire , and attain not , are angry with those that standing by , are not moved with their wants . and such as having expected good , find evil . those that men are angry with , are , such as mock , deride , or jest at them . and such as shew any kind of contumely , towards them . and such as despise those things which we spend most labour and study upon : and the more , by how much we seem the less advanced therein . and our friends , rather than those that are not our friends . and such as have honoured us , if they continue not . and such as requite not our courtesie . and such as follow contrary courses , i● they be our inferiors . and our friends , if they have said , or done us evil , or not good . and such as give not eare to our intreaty . and such as are joyful , or calm in our distress . and such as troubling us , are not themselves troubled . and such as willingly hear or see our disgraces . and such as neglect us in the presence of our competitors ; of those we admire of those we would have admire us ; of those we reverence , and of those that reverence us . and such as should help us , and neglect it . and such as are in jest , when we are in earnest . and such as forget us , or our names . an orator therefore must so frame his judg or auditor by his oration ; as to make him apt to anger : and then make his adversary appear such as men use to be angry withal . chap. iii. of reconciling , or pacifying anger . reconciliation is the appeasing of anger . those to whom men are easily reconciled , are , such as have not offended out of neglect . and such as have done it against their will. and such as wish done the contrary of what they have done . and such as have done as much to themselves . and such as confess and repent . and such as are humbled . and such as do seriously the same things , that they do seriously . and such as have done them more good heretofore , than now hurt . and such as sue to them for any thing . and such as are not insolent , nor mockers , nor slighters of others in their own disposition . and generally such as are of a contrary disposition to those , whom men are usually angry withal . and such as they fear or reverence . and such as reverence them . and such as have offended their anger . reconcilable are , such as are contrarily affected to those whom we have said before to be easily angry . and such as play , laugh , make merry , prosper , live in plenty ; and in sum , all that have no cause of grief . and such as have given their anger time . men lay down their anger for these causes . because they have gotten the victory . because the offender has suffered more than they meant to inflict . because they have been revenged of another . because they think they suffer justly . and because they think the revenge will not be felt , or not known that the revenge was theirs , and for such an injury . and because the offender is dead . whosoever therefore would asswage the anger of his auditor , must make himself appear such , as men use to be reconciled unto : and beget in his auditor such opinions , as make him reconcileable . chap. iv. of love and friends . to love , is to will well to another , and that for others , not for our own sake . a friend is he that loves , and he that is beloved . friends one to another , are they that naturally love one another . a friend therefore is he , that rejoyceth at anothers good. and that grieves at his hurt . and that wishes the same with us to a third , whether good , or hurt . and that is enemy or friend to the same man. we love them , that have done good to us , or ours ; especially if much , readily , or in season . that are our friends friends . that are our enemies enemies . that are liberal . that are valiant . that are just. and that we would have love us . and good companions . and such as can abide jests . and such as break jests . and such as praise us , especially for somewhat that we doubt of in our selves . and such as are neat . and such as upbraid us not with our vices , or with their own benefits . and such as quickly forget injuries . and such as least observe our errors . and such as are not of ill tongue . and those that are ignorant of our vices . and such as cross us not when we are busie , or angry . and such as are officious towards us . and those that are like us . and such as follow the same course or trade of life , where they impeach not one another . and such as labour for the same thing , when both may be satisfied . and such as are not ashamed to tell us freely their faults , so it be not in contempt of us , and the faults such , as the world , rather than their own consciences condemns . and such as are ashamed to tell us of their very faults . and such as we would have honour us , and not envie , but imitate us . and such as we would do good to , except with greater hurt to our selves . and such as continue their friendship to the dead . and such as speak their mind . and such as are not terrible . and such as we may rely on . the several kinds of friendship , are society , familiarity , consanguinity , affinity , &c. the things that beget love , are , the bestowing of benefits . gratis . vnasked . privately . chap. v. of enmity and hatred . the colours , or common opinions concerning hatred are to be taken from the contrary of those , which concern love and friendship . hatred differs from anger in this , that anger regards only what is done to ones self ; but hatred not . and in this , that anger regards particulars only ; the other universals also . and in this , that anger is curable , hatred not . and in this , that anger seeks the vexation , hatred the dammage of ones adversary . that with anger there is always joyned grief ; with hatred not always . that anger may at length be satiated , but hatred never . hence it appears how the judge or auditor may be made friend or enemy to us ; and how our adversary may be made appear friend or enemy to the judge ; and how we may answer to our adversary , that would make us appear enemies to him . chap. vi. of fear . fear is a trouble , or vexation of the mind , arising from the apprehension of an evil at hand , which may hurt or destroy . danger is the nearness of the evil feared . the things to be feared , are , such as have power to hurt . and the signs of will to do us hurt , as anger and hatred of powerful men . and injustice joyned with power . and valour provoked , joyned with power . and the fear of powerful men . the men that are to be feared , are , such as know our faults . and such as can do us injury . and such as think they are injured by us . and such as have done us injury . and our competitors in such things as cannot satisfie both . and such as are feared by more powerful men than we are . and such as have destroyed greater men than we are . and such as use to invade their inferiours . and men not passionate , but dissemblers , and crafty , are more to be feared than those that are hasty and free . the things especially to be feared , are , such , wherein if we err , the error cannot be repaired ; at least , not according to ours , but our adversaries pleasure . and such as admit either none , or not easie help . and such as being done , or about to be done to others , make us pitty them . they that fear not , are , such as expect not evil ; or not now ; or not this ; or not from these . and therefore men fear little in prosperity . and men fear little that think they have suffered already . an orator therefore that wouldput fear into the auditor , must let him see that he is obnoxious ; and that greater than he do suffer , and have suffer'd from those , and at those times they least thought . chap. vii . of assurance . assurance is hope , arising from an imagination that the help is near , or the evil afar off . the things therefore that beget assurance are , the remoteness of those things that are to be feared , and the nearness of their contraries . and the facility of great , or many helps or remedies . and neither to have done ; nor received injury . and to have no competitors or not great ones , or if great ones , at least friends ; such as we have obliged , or are obliged to . and that the danger is extended to more , or greater than us . assured , or confident , are , they that have oft escaped danger . and they to whom most things have succeeded well . and they that see their equals , or inferiours not afraid . and they that have wherewith to make themselves feared , as wealth , strength , &c. and such as have done others no wrong . and such as think themselves in good terms with god almighty . and such as think they will speed well , that are gone before . chap. viii . of shame . shame is a perturbation of the mind arising from the apprehension of evil , past , present , or to come , to the prejudice of a mans own , or his friends reputation . the things therefore which men are ashamed of are those actions which proceed from vice , as , to throw away ones arms ; to run away , signs of cowardliness . to deny that which is committed to ones trust , a sign of injustice . to have lyen with whom , where , and when we ought not , signs of intemperance . to make gain of small and base things ; not to help with money whom and how much we ought ; to receive help from meaner men ; to ask money at use from such as one thinks will borrow of him ; to borrow of him that expects payment of somewhat before lent ; and to redemand what one has lent , of him that one thinks will borrow more ; and so to praise , as one may be thought to ask ; signs of wretchedness . to praise one to his face ; to praise his vertues too much , and colour his vices ; signs of flattery . to be unable to indure such labours as men indure that are elder , tenderer , greater in quality , and of less strength than he , signs of effeminacy . to be beholden often to another ; and to upbraid those that are beholding to him , signs of pusillanimity . to speak and promise much of ones self more than his due , signs of arrogance . to want those things which ones equals , all , or most of them have attained to , is also a thing to be ashamed of . and to suffer things ignominious , as to serve about anothers person ; or to be imployed in his base actions . in actions of intemperance , whether willingly , or unwillingly committed ; there is shame in actions of force , only when they are done unwillingly . the men before whom we are ashamed , are such as we respect ; namely , those that admire us . and those whom we desire should admire us . and those whom we admire . those that contend with us for honour . those whose opinion we contemn not . and therefore men are most ashamed in the presence . of old and well bred men . of those we are always to live with . of those that are not guilty of the same fault . of those that do not easily pardon . and of those that are apt to reveal our faults ; such as are men injured , backbiters , scoffers , comick poets . and of those before whom we have had always good success . and of those who never asked any thing of us before . and of such as desire our friendship . and of our familiars , that know none of our crimes . and of such as will reveal our faults to any of those that are named before . but in the presence of such whose judgment most men despise , men are not ashamed . therefore we are ashamed also in the presence of those whom we reverence . and of those who are concerned in our own , or ancestors , or kinsfolks actions or misfortunes , if they be shameful . and of their rivals . and of those that are to live with them that know their disgrace . the common opinions concerning impudence are taken from the contrary of these . chap. ix . of grace , or favour . grace is that vertue , by which a man is said to do a good turn , or do service to a man in need ; not for his own but for his cause to whom he does it . great grace is when the need is great ; or when they are hard , or difficult things that are conferr'd , or when the time is seasonable , or when he that conferr's the favour is the only , or first man that did it . need , is a desire joyned with grief for the absence of the thing desired . grace therefore it is not , if it be not done to one that needs . whosoever therefore would prove that he has done a grace , or favour , must shew that he needeth it to whom it was done . grace it is not , which is done by chance . nor which is done by necessity . nor which has been requited . nor that which is done to ones enemy . nor that which is a trifle . nor that which is nought , if the giver know the fault . and in this manner a man may go over the praedicaments , and examine a benefit , whether it be a grace for being this , or for being so much , or for being such , or for being now , &c. chap. x. of pity , or compassion . pity is a perturbation of the mind , arising from the apprehension of hurt o● trouble to another that doth not deserve it , and which he thinks may happen to himself , or his . and because it appertains to pity , it think that he , or his may fall into the misery he pities in others , it follows that they be most compassionate , who have passed through misery . and old men. and weak men. and timorous men. and learned men. and such as have parents , wife , and children . and such as think there be honest men. and that they are iess compassionate . who are in great despair . who are in great prosperity . and they that are angry ; for they consider not . and they that are very confident ; for they also consider not . and they that are in the act of contumely ; for neither do these consider . and they that are astonished with fear . and they that think no man honest . the things to be pitied are , such as grieve , and withal hurt . such as destroy . and calamities of fortune , if they be great : as none or few friends , deformity , weakness , lameness , &c. and evil that arrives where good is expected . and after extream evil , a little good. and through a mans life to have no good offer it self ; or being offer'd , not to have been able to enjoy it . men to be pitied are , such as are known to us , unless they be so near to us , as their hurt be our own . and such as be of our own years . such as are like us in manners . such as are of the same , or like stock . and our equals in dignity . those that have lately suffer'd , or are shortly to suffer injury : and those that have the marks of injury past . and those that have the words or actions of them that be in present misery . chap. xi . of indignation . opposite in a manner to pity in good men , is indignation , which is grief for the prosperity of a man unworthy . with indignation there is always joyned a joy for the prosperity of a man worthy , as pity is always with contentment in the adversity of them that deserve it . in wicked men the opposite of pity is , envy ; as also the companion thereof , delight in the harm of others , which the greeks in one word have called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but of these in the next chapter . men conceive indignation against others , not for their vertues , as justice , &c. for these make men worthy ; and in indignation we think men unworthy . but for those goods which men indued with vertue , and noble men , and handsome men are worthy of . and for newly gotten power and riches , rather than for antient , and especially if by these he has gotten other goods , as by riches , command . the reason why we conceive greater indignation against new than antient riches , is , that the former seem to possess that which is none of theirs . but the antient seem to have but their own . for with common people , to have been so long , is to be so by right . and for the bestowing of goods incongruously : as when the arms of the most valiant achilles were bestowed on the most eloquent vlysses . and for the comparison of the inferiour in the same thing , as when one valiant is compared with a more valiant ; or whether absolutely superiour , as when a good scholer is compared with a good man. apt to indignation are , they that think themselves worthy of the greatest goods , and do possess them . and they that are good . and they that are ambitious . and such as think themselves deserve better what another possesseth , than he that hath it . least apt to indignation are , such as are of a poor , servile , and not ambitious nature . who they are , that rejoyce , or grieve not at the adversity of him that suffers worthily , and in what occasions , may be gathered from the contrary of what has been already said . whosoever therefore would turn away the compassion of the judge , he must make him apt to indignation ; and shew that his adversary is unworthy of the good , and worthy of the evil which happens to him . chap. xii . of envy . envy is grief , for the prosperity of such as our selves , arising not from any hurt that we , but from the good that they receive . such as our selves , i call those that are equal to us in blood , in age , in abilities , in glory , or in means . they are apt to envy , that are within a little of the highest . and those that are extraordinarily honoured for some quality that is singular in them , especially wisdom or good fortune . and such as would be thought wise . and such as catch at glory in every action . and men of poor spirits : for every thing appears great to them . the things which men envy in others are , such as bring glory . and goods of fortune . and such things as we desire for our selves . and things in the possession whereof we exceed others , or they us a little . obnoxious to envy are , men of our own time , of our own countrey , of our own age , and competitors of our glory . and therefore , those whom we strive with for honour . and those that covet the same things that we do . and those that get quickly , what we hardly obtain , or not at all . and those that attain unto , or do the things that turn to our reproach , not being done by us . and those that possess what we have possessed heretofore . so old and decayed men envy the young and lusty . and those that have bestowed little , are subject to be envyed by such as have bestowed much upon the same thing . from the contraries of these may be derived the principles concerning joy for other mens hurt . he therefore that would not have his enemy prevail , when he craves pity , or other favour ; must dispose the judge to envy ; and make his adversary appear such , as are above described , to be subject to the envy of others . chap. xiii . of emulation . emulation is grief arising from that our equals possess such goods as are had in honour , and whereof we are capable , but have them not ; not because they have them , but because not we also . no man therefore emulates another in things whereof himself is not capable . apt to emulate are , such as esteem themselves worthy of more than they have . and young and magnanimous men. and such as already possess the goods for which men are honoured : for they measure their worth by their having . and those that are esteemed worthy by others . and those whose ancestors , kindred , familiars , nation , city , have been eminent for some good , do emulate others for that good . objects of emulation are , for things ; vertues . and things whereby we may profit others . and things whereby we may please others . for persons , they that possess such things . and such as many desire to be friends or acquainted with , or like unto . and they whose praises flie abroad , the contrary of emulation is contempt . and they that emulate such as have the goods aforementioned , contemn such as have them not : and thence it is , that men who live happily enough , unless they have the goods which men honour , are nevertheless contemned . chap. xiv . of the manners of youth . of passions we have already spoken . we are next to speak of manners . manners are distinguished by passions ; habits , ages , and fortunes . what kind of manners proceed from passions , and from vertues and vices ( which are habits , ) hath been already shewed . there remains to be spoken of the manners , that are peculiar to several ages and fortunes . the ages are youth , middle-age , old age. and first of youth . young men are , violent in their desires . prompt to execute their desires . incontinent . inconstant , easily forsaking what they desired before . longing mightily , and soon satisfied . apt to anger , and in their anger violent : and ready to execute their anger with their hands . lovers of honour , and of victory more than money , as having not been yet in want. well natured , as having not been acquainted with much malice . full of hope , both because they have not yet been often frustrated , and because they have by natural heat that disposition that other ages have by wine ; youth being a kind of natural drunkenness . besides , hope is of the time to come , whereof youth hath much , but of the time past little . credulous , because not yet often deceived . easily deceived , because full of hope . valiant , because apt to anger and full of hope ; whereof this begets confidence , the other keeps off fear . bashful , because they estimate the honour of actions by the precepts of the law. magnanimous , because not yet dejected by the misfortunes of humane life . and lovers of honour more than of profit , because they live more by custom than by reason ; and by reason we acquire profit , but vertue by custom . lovers of their friends and companions . apt to err in the excese , rather than the defect , contrary to that precept of chilon , ne quid nimis ; for they overdo every thing : they love too much , and hate too much , because thinking themselves wise , they are obstinate in the opinion they have once delivered . doers of injury rather for contumely than for dammage . mercifull , because measuring others by their own innocence , they think them better than they be , and therefore less to merit what they suffer ; which is a cause of pity . and lovers of mirth , and by consequence such as love to jest at others . jesting is witty contumely . chap. xv. of the manners of old men. the manners of old men are in a manner the contraries of those of youth . they determine nothing : they do every thing less vehemently than is fit : they never say they know ; but to every thing they say , perhaps and peradventure ; which comes to pass from that having lived long , they have often mistaken and been deceived . they are peevish because they interpret every thing to the worst . and suspicious through incredulity , and incredulous by reason of their experience . they love and hate , as if they meant to continue in neither . are of poor spirits , as having been humbled by the chances of life . and covetous , as knowing how easie 't is to lose , and hard to get . and timorous , as having been cooled by years . and greedy of life : for good things seem greater by the want of them . and lovers of themselves out of pusilla●imity . and seek profit more than honour , because they love themselves ; and profit is among the goods that are not simply good , but good for ones self . and without bashfulness , because they despise seeming . and hope little ; knowing by experience that many times good counsel has been followed with ill event , and because also they be timorous . and live by memory rather than hope ; for memory is of the time past , whereof old men have good store . and are full of talk , because they delight in their memory . and vehement in their anger ; but not stout enough to execute it . they have weak , or no desires ; and thence seem temperate . they are slaves to gain . and live more by reason than custom ; because reason leads to profit , as custom to that which is honourable . and do injury to indammage , and not in contumely . and are merciful by compassion , or imagination of the same evils in themselves which is a kind of infirmity , and not humanity , as in young men , proceeding from a good opinion of those that suffer evil. and full of complaint , as thinking themselves not far from evil , because of their infirmity . seeing then every man loves such men , and their discourses , which are most agreeable to their own manners ; 't is not hard to collect , how the orator , and his oration may be made acceptable to the hearer , whether young or old. chap. xvi . of the manners of middle-aged men . the manners of middle-aged men , are between those of youth , and old men , and therefore , they neither dare , nor fear too much : but both as is fit . they neither believe all ; nor reject all ; but judge . they seek not only what is honourable , nor only what is profitable ; but both . they are neither covetous , nor prodigal ; but in the mean. they are neither easily angry ; nor yet stupid : but between both . they are valiant , and withal temperate . and in general , whatsoever is divided in youth , and old men : is compounded in middle-age . and whereof the excess , or defect is in youth or old men ; the mediocrity is in those of middle-age . middle-age for the body , i call the time from thirty to five and thirty years : for the mind , the nine and fortieth , or thereabouts . chap. xvii . of the manners of the nobility . of manners that proceed from the several ages we have already spoken . we are next to speak of those that rise from several fortunes . the manners of the nobility are , to be ambitious . to undervalue their ancestors equals . for the goods of fortune seem the more precious for their antiquity . nobility is the vertue of a stock . and generosity , is not to degenerate from the vertue of his stock . for as in plants ; so in the races of men , there is a certain progress ; and they grow better and better to a certain point ; and change , viz. subtil wits into madness ; and staid wits into stupidity and blockishness . chap. xviii . of the manners of the rich. rich men are contumelious , and proud. this they have from their riches . for seeing every thing may be had for money , having money , they think they have all that is good . and effeminate ; because they have wherewithal to subminister to their lust. and boasters of their wealth : and speak in high terms foolishly . for men willingly talk of what they love and admire ; and think others affect the same that they do : and the truth is , all sorts of men submit to the rich. and think themselves worthy to command , having that by which men attain command . and in general , they have the manners of fortunate fools . they do injury , with intention not to hurt , but to disgrace ; and partly also through incontinence . there is a difference between new and ancient riches : for they that are newly come to wealth have the same faults in a greater degree : for new riches are a kind of rudeness and apprentiship of riches . chap. xix . of the manners of men in power , and of such as prosper . the manners of men in power , are the same , or better than those of the rich. they have a greater sense of honour than the rich ; and their manners are more manly . they are more industrious than the rich : for power is sustained by industry . they are grave , but without austereness : for being in place conspicuous , they carry themselves the more modestly ; and have a kind of gentle and comely gravity , which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . when they do injuries , they do great ones . the manners of men that prosper , are compounded of the manners of the nobility , the rich , and those that are in power , for to some of these all prosperity appertains . prosperity in children , and goods of the body , make men desire to exceed others in the goods of fortune . men that prosper have this ill , to be more proud , and inconsiderate than others . and this good ; that they worship god , trusting in him , for that they find themselves to receive more good than proceeds from their industry . the manners of poor men , obscure men , men without power , and men in adversity , may be collected from the contrary of what has been said . chap. xx. common places or principles concerning what may be done , what has been done , and what shall be done ; or of fact possible , past and future . also of great and little. we have hitherto set down such principles as are peculiar to several kinds of orations . now we are to speak of such places as are common to them all ; as these , possible , done , or past , future , great , small . possible is that , the gontrary whereof is possible . and the like whereof is possible . and then which some harder thing is possible . and the beginning whereof is possible . and the end whereof is possible . and the usual consequent whereof is possible . and whatsoever we desire . and the beginning whereof is in the power of those whom we can either compell or perswade . and part whereof is possible . and part of the whole that is possible . and the general if a particular . and a particular if the general . and of relatives , if one , the other . and that which without art and industry is possible , is much more so with art and industry . and that which is possible to worse , weaker , and unskilfuller men , is much more so to better , stronger , and more skilful . the principles concerning impossible are the contraries of these . that has been done , then which a harder thing has been done. and the consequent whereof has been done . and that which being possible , he had a will to , and nothing hindered . and that which was possible , to him in his anger . and that which he longed to do . and that which was before upon the point of doing . and whose antecedent has been done ; or that , for which it uses to be done. and if that , for whose cause we do this , than this . the principles concerning not done are the contraries of these . that shall be done . which some man can , and means to do . and which some man can , and desires to do . and which is in the way , and upon the point to be done . and the antecedents whereof are past . and the motive whereof is past . of great and small , more and less , see chap. 7. book . 1. chap. xxi . of example , similitude , and fables . of the principles both general and special from whence proofs are to be drawn , has been already spoken . now follow the proofs themselves which are examples or enthymemes . an example is either an example properly so called ( as some action past : ) or a similitude ( which also is , called a parable : ) or a fable ( which contains some action feigned . ) an example properly so called , is this ; darius came not into greece , till he had first subdued aegypt . xerxes also conquered aegypt first ; then afterwards crossed the hellespont . we ought therefore to hinder the king of persia from conquering aegypt . a similitude , or parable , is such as followeth : they who choose their magistrates by lot , are like them that choose for their champions those on whom the lot shall fall , rather than those who have the greatest strength ; and for their pilot , not him that hath skill ; but him whose name is drawn out of the vrne . a fable is in this manner . the horse desiring to drive out the stag from his common such as are not manifest ; are either conclusions of enthymemes ; as he that 's wise will not suffer his children , &c. or else are enthymematical ; that is ; have in themselves the force of an enthymeme ; as mortal men ought not to carry immortal anger . a sentence not manifest , ought to be either inferr'd , or confirm'd . inferr'd thus . 't is not good to be effeminately minded , nor to be envyed by ones fellow citizens . a wise man therefore will not have his children over-learned . confirm'd thus . a wise man will not have his children over-learned , seeing too much learning both softens a mans mind , and procures him envy among his fellow citizens . if a reason be added to a manifest sentence let it be short . sentences become not every man ; but only old men , and such as be well versed in business . for to hear a young man speak sentencee , is ridiculous ; and to hear an ignorant man speak sentences , is absurd . sentences generally received , when they are for our purpose , ought not to be neglected , because they pass for truths . and yet they may be denyed , when any laudable custom , or humour may thereby be made appear in the denyer . the commodities of sentences , are two . one proceeding from the vanity of the hearer , who takes for true universally affirmed , that which he has found for true only in some particular ; and therefore a man ought to consider in every thing what opinion the hearer holds . another is , that sentences do discover the manners and disposition of the speaker ; so that if they be esteemed good sentences , he shall be esteemed a good man ; and if evil , an evil man. thus much of sentences , what they be ; of how many sorts ; how to be used ; whom they become ; and what is their profit . chap. xxiii . of the invention of enthymemes . seeing an enthymeme differs from a logical syllogisme , in that it neither concludes out of every thing , nor out of remote principles ; the places of it , from whence a man may argue ought to be certain , and determinate . and because whosoever makes a syllogisme rhetorical , or other , should know all , or the most part of that which is in question ; as , whosoever is to advise the athenians in the question , whether they are to make war or no , must know what their revenues be ; what , and what kind of power they have : and he that will praise them , must know their acts at salamis , marathon , &c. it will be necessary for a good speaker to have in readiness the choicest particulars of whatsoever he foresees he may speak of . he that is to speak ex tempore , must comprehend in his speech as much as he can of what is most proper in the matter in hand . proper , i call those things which are least common to others ; as , he that will praise achilles , is not to declare such things as are common both to him , and diomedes ; as that he was a prince , and warred against the trojans ; but such things as are proper only to achilles ; as that he killed hector and cygnus ; went to the war young , and voluntary . let this therefore be one general place , from that which is proper . chap. xxiv . of the places of enthymemes ostensive . forasmuch as enthymemes either infer truly , or seem only so to do ; and they which do infer indeed , be either ostensive ; or such as bring a man to some impossibility ; we will first set down the places of enthymemes ostensive . and ostensive enthymeme is , wherein a man concludes the question from somewhat granted . that enthymeme which brings a man to an impossibility , is an enthymeme wherein from that which the adversary maintaineth , we conclude that which is manifestly impossible . all places have been already set down in a manner in the precedent propositions of good , evil , just , vnjust , honourable and dishonourable : namely , they have been set down as applyed to particular subjects , or in concrete . here they are to be set down in another manner ; namely in the abstract or vniversal . the first place then let be from contraries , which in the concrete or particulars is exemplified thus . if intemperance be hurtful , temperance is profitable : and if intemperance be not hurtful ; neither is temperance profitable . another place may be from cognomination or affinity of words : as in this particular . if what is just be good ; then what is justly is well : but justly to die is not well : therefore not all that is just is good. a third from relatives ; as , this man has justly done , therefore the other has justly suffered . but this place sometimes deceives for a man may suffer justly , yet not from him . a fourth from comparison , three ways . from the great to the less ; as , he has stricken his father ; and therefore this man. from the less to the greater : as , the gods know not all things ; much less man. from equality : as , if captains be not always the worse esteemed for losing a victory ; why should sophisters ? another from the time : as philip to the thebans : if i had required to pass through your country with my army , before i had ●ayded you against the phocaeans , there is no doubt but you would have promised it me . it is absurd therefore to deny it me now , after i have trusted you : a sixth from what the adversary says of himself : as , iphicrates asked aristophon , whether he would take a bribe to betray the army : and he answering no ; what ( says he ) is it likely that iphicrates would betray the army ; and aristophon not ? this place would be ridiculous , where the defendant were not in much more estimation than the accuser . a seventh from the definition ; as that of socrates ; a spirit is either god , or the creature of god : and therefore he denies not that there is a god , that confesses there are spirits . an eighth from the distinction of an ambiguous word . a ninth from division : as , if all men do what they do for one of three causes , whereof two are impossible ; and the accuser charge not the defendant with the third ; it follows that he has not done it . a tenth from induction : as , at athens , at thebes , at sparta , &c. and therefore every where . an eleventh from authority , or precedent sentence ; as that of sappho , that death is evil , for that the gods have judged it so , in exempting themselves from mortality . a twelfth from the consequence : as , 't is not good to be envied ; therefore neither to be learned . 't is good to be wise , therefore also to be instructed . a thirteenth from two contrary consequences ; as , 't is not good to be an orator , because if he speak the truth , he shall displease men : if he speak falsely , he shall displease god. here is to be noted , that sometimes this argument may be retorted : as thus , if you speak truth , you shall please god ; if you speak untruth you shall please men ; therefore by all means be an orator . a fourteenth from the quality that men have to praise one thing , and approve another ▪ as , we ought not to war against the athenians upon no precedent injury ; for all men discommend injustice . again , we ought to war against the athenians ; for otherwise our liberty is at their mercy , that is , is no liberty : but the preservation of liberty is a thing that all men will approve . a fifteenth from proportion : as , seeing we naturalize strangers for their virtues , why should we not banish this stranger for his vices ? a sixteenth from the similitude of consequents : as , he that denies the immortality of the gods , is no worse than he that has written the generation of the gods. for the same consequence follows of both , that sometimes there are none . a seventeenth from that , that men change their mind : as , if when we were in banishment , we fought to recover our countrey , why should we not fight now to retain it ? an eighteenth from a fained end : as , that diomedes chose ulysses to go with him , not as more valiant than another ; but as one that would partake less of the glory . a nineteenth from the cause ; as if he would infer he did it from this , that he had cause to do it . a twentieth from that which is incredible , but true : as , that laws may need a law to mend them ; as well as fish bred in the salt water , may need salting . chap. xxv . of the places of enthymemes that lead to i●possibility . let the first place be from inspection 〈◊〉 times , actions , or words , either of the adversary , or of the speaker , or both. o● the adversary ; as , he says , he loves the people , and yet he was in the conspiracy of the thirty . of the speaker ; as , he says , i am contentious , and yet i never began suit. of both ; as he never conferr'd any thing to the benefit of the commonwealth , whereas i have ransomed divers citizens with mine own money . a second from shewing the cause of that which seemed amiss , and serves for men of good reputation that are accused ; as , the mother that was accused of incest for being seen imbracing her son , was absolved as soon as she made appear , that she imbraced him upon his arrival from far , by way of salutation . a third , from rendring of the cause ; as , leodamas . to whom it was objected , that he had , under the thirty tyrants , defaced the inscription ( which the people had set up in a pillar ) of his ignominy ; answered , he had not done it ; because it would have been more to his commodity to let it stand ; thereby to indear himself to the tyrants , by the testimony of the peoples hatred . a fourth from better counsel ; as , he might have done better for himself ; therefore he did not this . but this place deceives , when the better counsel comes to mind after the fact. a fifth , from the incompatibility of the things to be done ; as , they that did deliberate whether they should both mourn and sacrifice at the funeral of leucothea , were told , that if they thought her a goddess , they ought not to mourn ; and if they thought her a mortal , they ought not to sacrifice . a sixth ( which is proper to judicial orations ) from an inference of errour ; as , if he did it not , he was not wise , therefore he did it . enthymemes that lead to impossibility , please more than ostensive : for they compare , and put contraries together , whereby they are the better set off , and more conspicuous to the auditor . of all enthymemes , they be best , which we assent to as soon as hear . for such consent pleaseth us ; and makes us favourable to the speaker . chap. xxvi . of the places of seeming enthymemes . of seeming enthymemes , one place may be from the form of speaking ; as when a man has repeated divers sentences , he brings in his conclusion , as if it follow'd necessarily , though it do not . a second from an ambiguous word . a third from that which is true divided , to that which is false joyned ; as that of orestes , it was justice that i should revenge my fathers death , and it was justice my mother should die for killing my father , therefore i justly killed my mother . or from that which is true joyned , to that which is false divided ; as , one cup of wine , and one cup of wine , are hurtful ; therefore one cup of wine is hurtful . a fourth from amplification of the crime . for neither is the defendant likely to have committed the crime he amplifies ; nor does the accuser seem , when he is passionate , to want ground for his accusation . a fifth from signs ; as , when a man concludes the doing of the fact from the manner of his life . a sixth from that which comes by chance , as if from this , that the tyranny of hipparthus came to be overthrown from the love of aristogeiton to harmodius , a man should conclude , that in a free commonwealth loving of boyes were profitable . a seventh from the consequence , as banishment is to be desired , because a banish'd man has choice of places to dwell in . an eighth from making that the cause which is not ; as , in demosthenes his government , the war began ; therefore demosthenes governed well . with the peloponnesian war began the plague , therefore pericles that perswaded that war , did ill . a ninth from the omission of some circumstance , as , helen did what was lawful , when she ran away with paris , because she had her fathers consent to choose her own husband ; which was true only during the time that she had not chosen . a tenth , from that which is probable in some case , to that mhich is probable simply ; as , 't is probable , he fore-saw , that if he did it , he should be suspected ; therefore 't is probable he did it not . from this place one may infer both ways that he did it not . for if he be not likely to do it , it may be thought he did it not : again , if he were likely to do it , it may be thought he did it not , for this , that he knew he should be suspected . upon this place was grounded the art which was so much detested in protagor●● , of making the better cause seem the worse ▪ and the worse the better . chap. xxvii . of the wayes to answer the arguments of the adversary . an argument is answered by an opposite syllogisme , or by an objection . the places of opposite syllogismes are the same with the places of syllogismes , or enthymemes : for a rhetorical syllogisme is an enthymeme . the places of objections are four . first , from the same , as , to the adversary that proves love to be good by an enthymeme , may be objected , that no want is good , and yet love is want ; or particularly thus ; the love of myrrha to her father was not good . the second from contraries : as , if the adversary say , a good man does good to his friends , an objection might be made , that then an evil man will do also evil to his friends . the third from similitude : as thus , if the adversary say , all men that are injured , do hate those that have injured them , it may be objected , that then , all men that had received benefits should love their benefactors , that is to say , be grateful . the fourth from the authority of famous men ; as when a man shall say , that drunken men ought to be pardoned those acts they do in their drunkenness , because they know not what they do ; the objection may be , that pittacus was of another mind , that appointed for such acts a double punishment ; one for the act , another for the drunkenness . and forasmuch as all enthymemes are drawn from probability , or example , or from a sign fallible , or from a sign infallible : an enthymeme from probability may be confuted really , by shewing that for the most part it falls out otherwise ; but apparantly , or sophistically , by shewing only that it does not fall out so alwayes ; whereupon the judge thinks the probability not sufficient to ground his sentence upon . [ the reason whereof is this , that the judge , while he hears the fact proved probable , conceives it as true . for the understanding has no object but truth . and therefore by and by , when he shall hear an instance to the contrary ; and thereby find that he had no necessity to think it true , presently changes his opinion , and thinks it false , and consequently not so much as probable . for he cannot at one time think the same thing both probable and false : and he that says a thing is probable , the meaning is , he thinks it true , but finds not arguments enough to prove it . ] an enthymeme from a fallible sign , is answered , by shewing the sign to be fallible . an enthymeme from an example , is answered , as an enthymeme from probability ; really , by shewing more examples to the contrary ; apparently , if he bring examples enough to make it seem not necessary . if the adversary have more examples than we , we must make appear , that they are not applycable to the case . an enthymeme from an infallible sign , if the proposition be true , is unanswerable . chap. xxviii . amplification and extenuation are not common places . enthymemes by which arguments are answered , are the same with those by which the matter in question is proved , or disproved . objections are not enthymemes . the first , that amplification and extenuation are not common places , appears by this , that amplification , and extenuation do prove a fact to be great , or little ; and are therefore enthymemes , to be drawn from common places , and therefore are not the places themselves . the second , that enthymemes , by which arguments are answered , are of the same kind with those by which the matter in question is proved , is manifest by this , that these infer the opposite of what was proved by the other . the third , that an objection is no enthymeme , is apparent by this , that an objection is no more but an opinion , example , or other instance , produced to make appear , that the adversaries argument does not conclude . thus much of examples , sentences , enthymemes , and generally of all things that belong to argumentation ; from what places they may be drawn , or answered . there remains elocution , and disposition to be spoken of in the next book . book . iii. chap. i. of the original of elocution and pronuntiation . three things being necessary to an oration , namely proof , elocution and disposition ; we have done with the first , and shall speak of the other two in that which follows . as for action , or pronunciation , so much as is necessary for an orator , may be fetcht out of the book of the art of poetry , in which we have treated of the action of the stage . for tragedians were the first that invented such action , and that but of late ; and it consisteth in governing well the magnitude , tone , and measure of the voice ; a thing less subject to art , than is either proof , or elocution . and yet there have been rules delivered concerning it , as far forth as serve for poetry . but oratorical action has not been hitherto reduced to art. and orators in the beginning , when they saw that the poets in barren and feigned arguments , nevertheless attained great reputation ; supposing it had proceeded from the choice , or connexion of words , fell into a stile , by imitation of them , approaching to verse , and made choice of words . but when the poets changed their stile , and laid by all words that were not in common use , the orators did the same , and lighted at last upon words , and a government of the voice and measures proper to themselves . seeing therefore pronuntiation , or action are in some degree necessary also for an orator , the precepts thereof are to be fetcht from the art of poetry . [ in the mean time this may be one general rule . if the words , tone , greatness of the voice , gesture of the body and countenance , seem to proceed all from one passion , then 't is well pronounced . otherwise not . for when there appear more passions than one at once , the mind of the speaker appears unnatural and distracted . otherwise , as the mind of the speaker , so the mind of the hearer always . ] chap. ii. of the choise of words and epithets . the vertues of a word are two ; the first , that it be perspicuous ; the second , that it be decent ; that is , neither above , nor below the thing signified ; or , neither too humble , nor too fine . perspicuous are all words that be proper . fine words are those , that are borrowed , or translated from other significations ; of which in the art of poetry . the reason why borrowed words please , is this . men are affected with words , as they are with men , admiring in both that which is forreign and new. to make a poem graceful , many things help ; but few an oration . for to a poet it sufficieth with what words he can to set out his poem : but an orator must not only do that : but also seem not to do it : for else he will be thought to speak unnaturally , and not as he thinks ; and thereby be the less believed ; whereas belief is the scope of his oration . the words that an orator ought to use are of three sorts . proper ; such as are received ; and metaphors . words taken from forraign languages , words compounded , and words new coyned are seldom to be used . synonimaes belong to poets , and equivocal words to sophisters . an orator , if he use proper words , and received , and good metaphors , shall both make his oration beautiful , and not seem to intend it ; and shall speak perspicuously . for in a metaphor alone there is perspicuity , novity , and sweetness . concerning metaphors the rules are these . 1. he that will make the best of a thing , let him draw his metaphor from somewhat that is better . as for example , let him call a crime , an error . on the other side , when he would make the worst of it , let him draw his metaphor from somewhat worse , as , calling error , crime . 2. a metaphor ought not to be so far fetcht , as that the similitude may not easily appear . 3. a metaphor ought to be drawn from the noblest things , as the poets do that choose rather to say , rosy-finger'd ; then red finger'd aurora . in like manner the rule of epithets is , that he that will adorn , should use those of the better sort ; and he that will disgrace should use those of the worse : as simonides being to write an ode in honour of the victory gotten in a course by certain mules , being not well paid , called them by their name [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that signifies their propinquity to asses : but having received a greater reward , stiles them the sons of swift footed coursers . chap. iii. of the things that make an oration flat . the things that make an oration flat , or insipide , are four . 1. words compounded ; [ and yet a man may compound a word , when the composition is necessary , for want of a simple word ; and easie , and seldom used . ] 2. forraign words . as for example , such as are newly derived from the latine ; which though they were proper among them whose tongue it is , are forraign in another language : and yet these may be used , so it be moderately . 3. long , impertinent , and often epithets , 4. metaphors , indecent , and obscure . obscure they are , when they are far fetcht . indecent when they are ridiculous , as in comedies ; or too grave , as in tragedies . chap. iv. of a similitude . a similitude differs from a metaphor only by such particles of comparison as these , as ; even as ; so ; even so , &c. a similitude therefore is a metaphor dilated ; and a metaphor is a similitude contracted into one word . a similitude does well in an oration , so it be not too frequent ; for 't is poetical . an example of a similitude , is this of pericles ; that said in his oration , that the baeotians were like to so many oaks in a wood , that did nothing but beat one another . chap. v. of the purity of language . four things are necessary to make language pure . 1. the right rendring of those particles which some antecedent particle does require : as to a not only , a not also ; and then they are rendered right , when they are not suspended too long . 2. the use of proper words , rather than circumlocutions , unless there be motive to make one do it of purpose . 3. that there be nothing of double construction , unless there be cause to do it of purpose . as the prophets ( of the heathen ) who speak in general terms , to the end they may the better maintain the truth of their prophesies ; which is easier maintained in generals , than in particulars . for 't is easier to divine , whether a number be even or odd , than how many ; and that a thing will be , than what it will be . 4. concordance of gender , number , and person ; as not to say him for her ; man for men ; hath for have . in summ ; a mans language ought to be easie for another to read , pronounce , and point . besides , to divers antecedents , let divers relatives , or one common to them all , be correspondent : as , he saw the colour ; he heard the sound ; or he perceived both colour and sound : but by no means , he heard or saw both . lastly , that which is to be interposed by parenthesis , let it be done quickly : as , i purposed , having spoken to him ( to this , and to this purpose ) afterward to be gone . for to put it off thus ; i resolved , after i had spoken to him , to be gone ; but the subject of my speech was to this and this purpose , is vi●●ous . chap. vi. of the amplitude and tenuity of language . a man shall add amplitude , or dignity to his language , but by such means as these . 1. by changing the name with the definition , as occasion shall serve . as , whe● the name shall be indecent , by using the definition ; or contrary . 2. by metaphors . 3. by using the plural number for the singular . 4. by privative epithets . chap. vii . of the convenience or decency of elocution . elocutions are made decent , 1. by speaking feelingly ; that is , with such passion as is fit for the matter he is in ; as angerly in matter of injury . 2. by speaking as becomes the person of the speaker ; as for a gentleman to speak eruditely . 3. by speaking proportionably to the matter ; as of great affairs to speak in a high ; and of mean , in a low stile . 4. by abstaining from compounded , and from out-landish words ; unless a man speak passionately , and have already moved , and , as it were , inebriated his hearers . or ironically . it confers also to perswasion very much , to use these ordinary forms of speaking , all men know ; 't is confessed by all ; no man will deny , and the like . for the hearer consents , surprized with the fear to be esteemed the only ignorant man. 't is good also , having used a word that signifies more than the matter requires , to abstain from the pronunciation and countenance that to such a word belongs ; that the disproportion between it and the matter may the less appear . and when a man has said too much , it will shew well to correct himself : for he will get belief by seeming to consider what he says . [ but in this a man must have a care not to be too precise in shewing of this consideration . for the oftentation of carefulness is an argument oftentimes of lying ; as may be observed in such as tell particularities not easily observed , when they would be thought to speak more precise truth than is required . ] chap. viii . of two sorts of stiles . there be two sorts of stiles . the one continued or to be comprehended at once ; the other divided , or distinguished by periods . the first sort was in use with ancient writers ; but is now out of date . an example of this stile is in the history of herodotus ; wherein there is no period till the end of the whole history . in the other kind of stile , that is distinguished by periods , a period is such a part as is perfect in it self ; and has such length , as may easily be comprehended by the understanding . this later kind is pleasant ; the former unpleasant , because this appears finite , the other infinite : in this the hearer has always somewhat set out , and terminated to him ; in the other he fore-sees no end , and has nothing finished to him : this may easily be committed to memory , because of the measure and cadence ( which is the cause that verses be easily remembred ; ) the other not . every sentence ought to end with the period , and nothing to be interposed . period is either simple , or divided into parts . simple is that which is indivisible ; as , i wonder you fear not their ends , whose actions you imitate . a period divided , is that which not only has perfection and length convenient : for respiration , but also parts . as , i wonder you are not afraid of their ends , seeing you imitate their actions : where in these words , i wonder you are not afraid of their ends , is one colon , or part ; and in these , seeing you imitate their actions , another : and both together make the period . the parts , or members , and periods of speech ought neither to be too long , nor too short . too long are they , which are produced beyond the expectation of the hearer . too short , are they that end before he expects it . those that be too long , leave the hearer behind , like him that walking , goes beyond the usual end of the walk , and thereby out-goes him that walks with him . they that be too short , make the hearer stumble ; for when he looks far before him , the end stops him before he be aware . a period that is divided into parts , is either divided only ; or has also an opposition of the parts one to another . divided only is such as this ; this the senate knows ; the consul sees ; and yet the man lives . a period with opposition of parts , called also antithesis , and the parts antitheta , is when contrary parts are put together ; or also joyned by a third . contrary parts are put together , as here , the one has obtained glory , the other riches ; both by my benefit . antitheta are therefore acceptable ; because not only the parts appear the better for the opposition ; but also for that they carry with them a certain appearance of that kind of enthymeme , which leads to impossibility . parts , or members of a period , are said to be equal , when they have altogether , or almost equal number of syllables . parts , or members of a period , are said to be like , when they begin , or end alike : and the more similitudes , and the greater equality there is of syllables , the more graceful is the period . chap. ix . of those things that grace an oration , and make it delightful . forasmuch as there is nothign more delightful to a man , than to find that he apprehends and learns easily ; it necessarily follows , that those words are most grateful to the ear , that make a man seem to see before his eyes the things signified . and therefore forraign words are unpleasant , because obscure ; and plain words , because too manifest , making us learn nothing new : but metaphors please ; for they beget in us by the genus , or by some common thing to that with another , a kind of science : as when an old man is called stubble ; a man suddainly learns that he grows up , flourisheth , and withers like grass , being put in mind of it by the qualities common to stubble , and to old men. that which a metaphor does , a similitude does the same ; but with less grace , because with more prolixity . such enthymemes are the most graceful , which neither are presently very manifest , nor yet very hard to be understood ; but are comprehended , while they are uttering , or presently after , though not understood before . the things that make a speech graceful , are these ; antitheta , metaphors , and animation . of anitheta , and antithesis hath been spoken in the precedent chapter . of metaphors the most graceful is that which is drawn from proportion . [ aristotle ( in the 12 chapter of his poetry ) defines a metaphor to be the translation of a name from one signification to another ; whereof he makes four kinds , 1. from the general to the particular , 2. from the particular to the general . 3. from one particular to another . 4. from proportion . ] a metaphor from proportion is such as this , a state without youth , is a year without a spring . animation is that expression which makes us seem to see the thing before our eyes ; as he that said , the athenians powred out their city into sicily , meaning , they sent thither the greatest army they could make ; and this is the greatest grace of an oration . if therefore in the same sentence there concur both metaphor , and this animation , and also antithesis , it cannot choose but be very graceful . that an oration is graced by metaphor , animation and antithesis , hath been said : but how 't is graced , is to be said in the next chapter . chap. x. in what manner an oration is graced by the things aforesaid . t is graced by animation , when the actions of living creatures are attributed to things without life ; as when the sword is said to devour . such metaphors as these come into a mans mind by the observation of things that have similitude and proportion one to another . and the more unlike , and unproportionable the things be otherwise , the more grace hath the metaphor . a metaphor without animation , adds grace then , when the hearer finds he learns somewhat by such use of the word . also paradoxes are graceful , so men inwardly do believe them : for they have in them somewhat like to those jests that are grounded upon the similitude of words , which have usually one sense , and in the present another ; and somewhat like to those jests which are grounded upon the deceiving of a mans expectation . and paragrams ; that is , allusions of words are graceful , if they be well placed ; and in periods not too long ; and with antithesis : for by these means the ambiguity is taken away . and the more of these ; namely , metaphor , animation , antithesis , equality of members a period hath , the more graceful it is . similitudes grace an oration , when they contain also a metaphor . and proverbs are graceful , because they are metaphors , or translations of words from one species to another . and hyperboles , because they also are metaphors : but they are youthful , and bewray vehemence ; and are used with most grace by them that be angry ; and for that cause are not comely in old men. chap. xi . of the difference between the stile to be used in writing , and the stile to be used in pleading . the stile that should be read ought to be more exact and accurate . but the stile of a pleader ought to be suted to action and pronuntiation . orations of them that plead , pass away with the hearing . but those that are written , men carry about them , and are considered at leasure ; and consequently must endure to be sifted and examined . written orations appear flat in pleading . and orations made for the barr , when the action is away , appear in reading insipide . in written orations repetition is justly condemned . but in pleadings , by the help of action , and by some change in the pleader , repetition becomes amplification . in written orations disjunctives do ill ; as , i came , i found him , i asked him : for they seem superfluous , and but one thing , because they are not distinguished by action . but in pleadings 't is amplification ; because that which is but one thing , is made to seem many . of pleadings , that which is judicial ought to be more accurate , than that which is before the people . and an oration to the people ought to be more accommodate to action , than a judicial . and of judicial orations , that ought to be more accurate , which is uttered to few judges ; and that ought to be more accommodate to action , which is uttered to many . as in a picture , the farther he stands off that beholds it , the less need there is that the colours be fine : so in orations , the farther the hearer stands off , the less need there is for his oration to be elegant . therefore demonstrative orations are most proper for writing , the end whereof is to be read. chap. xii . of the parts of an oration , and their order . the necessary parts of an oration are but two ; propositions , and proof ; which are as it were the probleme , and demonstration . the proposition is the explication , or opening of the matter to be proved . and proof is the demonstration of the matter propounded . to these necessary parts , are sometimes added two other , tho proeme and the epilogue , neither of which are any proof . so that in some , there be four parts of an oration ; the proeme , the proposition , or ( as others call it ) the narration , the proofs ( which contain confirmation , confutation , amplification , and diminution ; ) and the epilogue . chap. xiii . of the proem . the proem is the beginning of an oration , and , as it were , the preparing of the way before one enter into it . in some kinds of orations it resembles the prelude of musicians , who first play what they list , and afterwards the tune they intended . in other kinds it resembles the prologue of a play , that contains the argument . proems of the first sort , are most proper for demonstrative orations ; in which a man is free to fore-tell , or not , what points he will insist upon ; and for the most part 't is better not : because when a man has not obliged himself to a certain matter , digression will seem variety : but if he have ingaged himself , variety will be accounted digression . in demonstratives the matter of the proem consisteth in the praise or dispraise of some law or custom , or in exhortation , or dehortation ; or in something that serves to incline the hearer to the purpose . proems of the second kind are most proper for judicial orations . for as the prologue in a dramatick , and the exordium in an epique poem , setteth first in few words the argument of the poem : so in a judicial oration the orator ought to exhibit a model of his oration , that the mind of the hearer may not be suspended , and for want of fore-sight , err or wander . whatsoever else belongs to a proem , is drawn from one of these four ; from the speaker , from the adversary , from the hearer , or from the matter . from the speaker and adversary are drawn into proems such criminations and purgations as belong not to the cause . to the defendant 't is necessary in the proem to answer to the accusations of his adversary ; that those being cleared , he may have a more favourable entrance to the rest of his oration . but to the plaintife 't is better to cast his criminations all into the epilogue , that the judge may the more easily remember them . from the hearer and from the matter are drawn into the proem such things as serve to make the hearer favourable , or angry ; attentive , or nor attentive , as need shall require . and hearers use to be attentive to persons that are reputed good ; to things that are of great consequence , or that concern thomselves , or that are strange , or that delight . but to make the hearer attentive , is not the part of the proeme only , but of any other part of the oration , and rather of any other part , than of the proeme . for the hearer is every where more remiss than in the beginning . and therefore wheresoever there is need , the orator must make appear both the probity of his own person , and that the matter in hand is of great consequence ; or that it concerns the hearer ; or that it is new ; or that it is delightful . he that will have the hearer attentive to him , but not to the cause , must on the other side make it seem that the matter is a trifle , without relation to the hearer , common , and tedious . that the hearer may be favourable to the speaker , one of two things is required ; that he love him , or that he pity them . in demonstrative orations , he that praises shall have the hearer favourable if he think himself , or his own manners , or course of life , or any thing he loves , comprehended in the same praise . on the contrary , he that dispraises , shall be heard favourably , if the hearer find his enemies , or their courses , or any thing he hates , involv'd in the same dispraise . the proeme of a deliberative oration is taken from the same things , from which are taken the proemes of judicial orations . for the matter of a deliberative oration needeth not that natural proeme , by which is shewn what we are to speak of ; for that is already known : the proeme in these , being made only for the speakers , or adversaries sake ; or to make the matter appear great , or little , as one would have it , and is therefore to be taken from the persons of the plaintif or defendant ; or from the hearer , or from the matter , as in orations judicial . chap. xiv . places of crimination , and purgation . 1. one is from the removal of ill opinion in the hearer , imprinted in him by the adversary , or otherwise . 2. another from this , that the thing done is not hurtful , or not to him , or not so much , or not unjust , or not great , or not dishonourable . 3. a third from the recompence , as , i did him harm , but withal i did him honour . 4. a fourth from the excuse ; as , it was errour , mischance , or constraint . 5. a fifth from the intention ; as , one thing was done , another meant . 6. a sixth from the comprehension of the accuser ; as , what i have done , the accuser has done the same ; or his father , kinsman , or friend . 7. from the comprehension of those that are in reputation ; as , what i did , such , and such have done the same , who nevertheless are good men. 8. from comparison with such as have been falsly accused , or wrongfully suspected , and nevertheless found upright . 9. from recrimination ; as , the accuser is a man of ill life , and therefore not to be believed . 10. from that the judgment belongs to another place , or time ; as , i have already answered , or am to answer else-where to this matter . 11. from crimination of the crimination ; as , it serves only to ●e●vert indgment . 12. a twelfth , which is common both to crimination and purgation , and is taken from some sign ; as teucer is not to be believed , because his mother was priam's sister . on the other side , teucer is to be believed , because his father was priam's enemy . 13. a thirteenth , proper to crimination only , from praise and dispraise mixt ; as , to praise small things , and blame great ones ; or to praise in many words , and blame with effectual ones ; or to praise many things that are good , and then add one evil , but a great one . 14. a fourteenth , comming both to crimination and purgation , is taken from the interpretation of the fact : for he that purgeth himself interpreteth the fact always in the best sense ; and he that criminates , always in the worst ; as when vlysses said , diomedes chose him for his companion , as the most able of the grecians , to aid him in his exploit : but his adversary said , he chose him for his cowardize , as the most unlikely to share with him in the honour . chap. xv. of the narration . the narration is not always continued and of one piece ; but sometimes , as in demonstratives , interrupted , and dispersed through the whole oration . for there being in a narration something that falls not under art ; as namely , the actions themselves , which the orator inventeth not ; he must therefore bring in the narration of them where he best may . as for example , if being to praise a man , you would make a narration of all his acts immediately from the beginning , and without interruption , you will find it necessary afterwards to repeat the same acts again , while from some of them you praise his valour , and from others his wisdom ; whereby your oration shall have less variety , and shall less please . 't is not necessary always that the narration be short . the true measure of it must be taken from the matter that is to be laid open . in the narration , as oft as may be , 't is good to insert somewhat commendable in ones self , and blameable in ones adversary : as , i advised him , but he would take no counsel . in narrations , a man is to leave out whatsoever breeds compassion , indignation in the hearer besides the purpose ; as vlysses in homer , relating his travels to alcinous , to move compassion in him , is so long in it , that it consists of divers books : but when he comes home , tells the same to his wife in thirty verses , leaving out what might make her sad . the narration ought also to be in such words as argue the manners ; that is , some virtuous or vicious habit in him of whom we speak , although it be not exprest ; as , setting his arms a kenbold , he answered , &c. by which is insinuated the pride of him that so answered . in an oration a man does better to shew his affection than his judgment : this is , 't is better to say , i like this ; than to say , this is better . for by the one you would seem wise , by the other good . but favour follows goodness ; whereas wisdom procures envy . but if this affection seem incredible , then either a reason must be rendered , as did antigone . for when she had said , she loved her brother better than her husband , or children ; she added , for husband and children i may have more ; but another brother i cannot , my parents being both dead . or else a man must use this form of speaking ; i know this affection of mine seems strange to you ; but nevertheless it is such . for 't is not easily believed , that any man has a mind to do any thing that is not for his own good . besides in a narration , not only the actions themselves ; but the passions , and signs that accompany them , are to be discovered . and in his narration a man should make himself and his adversary be considered for such , and such , as soon , and as covertly as he can . a narration may have need sometimes not to be in the beginning . in deliberative orations ; that is , where soever the question is of things to come ; a narration , which is always of things past , has no place : and yet things past may be recounted , that men may deliberate better of the future : but that is not as narration , but proof ; for 't is example . there may also be narration in deliberatives in that part where crimination and praise come in : but that part is not deliberative , but demonstrative . chap. xvi . of proof , or confirmation , and refutation . proofs are to be applyed to something controverted . the controversie in judicial orations is , whether it has been done ; whether it has been hurtful ; whether the matter be so great , and whether it be just , or no. in a question of fact , one of the parties of necessity is faulty ( for ignorance of the fact is no excuse ) and therefore the fact is chiefly to be insisted on . in demonstratives , the fact for the most part is supposed : but the honour and profit of the fact are to be proved . in deliberatives , the question is , whether the thing be like to be , or likely to be so great ; or whether it be just ; or whether it be profitable . besides the application of the proof to the question , a man ought to observe , whether his adversary have lyed in any point without the cause . for 't is a sign he does the same in the cause . the proofs themselves are either examples , or enthymemes . a deliberative oration , because 't is of things to come , requireth rather examples , than enthymemes . but a judicial oration , being of things past , which have a necessity in them , and may be concluded syllogistically , requireth rather enthymemes . enthymemes ought not to come too thick together : for they hinder one anothers force by confounding the hearer . nor ought a man endeavour to prove every thing by enthymeme , least like some philosophers , he collect what is known , from what is less known . nor ought a man to use enthymemes , when he would move the hearer to some affection : for seeing divers motions do mutually destroy or weaken one another , he will lose either the enthymeme , or the affection that he would move . for the same reason , a man ought not to use enthymemes when he would express manners . but whether he would move affection , or insinuate his manners , he may withal use sentences . a deliberative oration is more difficult than a judicial , because 't is of the future , whereas a judicial is of that which is past , and that consequently may be known ; and because it has principles , namely the law ; and it is easier to prove from principles , than without . besides , a deliberative oration wants those helps of turning to the adversary , of speaking of himself ; of raising passion . he therefore that wants matter in a deliberative oration , let him bring in some person to praise or dispraise . and in demonstratives he that has nothing to say in commendation or discommendation of the principal party , let him praise or dispraise some body else , as his father , or kinsman , or the very vertues or vices themselves . he that wants not proofs , let him not only prove strongly , but also insinuate his manners : but he that has no proof , let him nevertheless insinuate his manners . for a good man is as acceptable , as an exact oration . of proofs , those that lead to an absurdity , please better than those that are direct or ostensive ; because from the comparison of contraries , namely , truth and falsity , the force of the syllogisme does the better appear . confutation is also a part of proof . and he that speaks first , puts it after his own proofs , unless the controversie contain many and different matters . and he that speaks last , puts it before . for 't is necessary to make way for his own oration , by removing the objections of him that spake before . for the mind abhors both the man , and his oration , that is damned before hand . if a man desire his manners should appear well , ( least speaking of himself he become odious , or troublesome , or obnoxious to obtrectation ; or speaking of another , he seem contumelious , or scurrilous ) let him introduce another person . last of all , least he cloy his hearer with enthymemes , let him vary them sometimes with sentences ; but such as have the same force . as here is an enthymeme . if it be then the best time to make peace when the best conditions of peace may be had , than the time is now , while our fortune is entire . and this is a sentence of equal force to it . wise men make peace , while their fortune is entire . chap. xvii . of interrogations , answers , and jests . the times wherein 't is fit to ask ones adversary a question are chiefly four . 1. the first is , when of two propositions that conclude an absurdity , he has already uttered one ; and we would by interrogation draw him to confess the other . 2. the second , when of two propositions that conclude an absurdity , one is manifest of it self , and the other likely to be fetch'd out by a question ; then the interrogation will be seasonable ; and the absurd conclusion is presently to be inferr'd , without adding that proposition which is manifest . 3. the third , when a man would make appear that his adversary does contradict himself . 4. the fourth , when a man would take from his adversary such shifts as these , in some sort 't is so ; in some sort 't is not so . out of these cases 't is not fit to interrogate . for he whose question succeeds not , is thought vanquished . to equivocal questions a man ought to answer fully , and not to be too brief . to interrogations which we fore-see tend to draw from us an answer , contrary to our purpose , we must , together with our answer , presently give an answer to the objection which is implyed in the question . and where the question exacteth an answer that concludeth against us , we must together with our answer presently distinguish . jests are dissolved by serious and grave discourse : and grave discourse is deluded by jests . the several kinds of jests are set down in the art of poetry . whereof one kind is ironia , and tends to please ones self . the other is scurrility , and tends to please others . the latter of these has in it a kind of baseness : the former may become a man of good breeding . chap. xviii . of the epilogue . the epilogue must consist of one of these four things . either of inclining the judg to favour his own , or disfavour the adversaries side : for then when all is said in the cause , is the best season to praise , or dispraise the parties . or of amplification or diminution . for when it appears what is good or evil , then is the time to shew how great , or how little that good or evil is . or in moving the judge to anger , love , or other passion . for when 't is manifest of what kind , and how great the good or evil is , then it will be opportune to excite the judge . or of repetition , that the judge may remember what has been said . repetition consisteth in the matter , and the manner . for the orator must shew , that he has performed what he promised in the beginning of his oration , and how : namely , by comparing his arguments one by one with his adversaries , repeating them in the same order they were spoken . finis . the art of rhetorick plainly set forth ; with pertinent examples for the more easie understanding and practice of the same . by tho. hobbes , of malmsbury . london . printed , for w. crook . 1681. the art of rhetorick . rhetorick is an art of speaking finely . it hath two parts . 1. garnishing of speech , called elocution . 2. garnishing of the manner of utterance called pronunciation . garnishing of speech is the first part of rhetorick , whereby the speech it self is beautified and made fine . it is either , 1. the fine manner of words , called a trope , or , 2. the fine shape or frame of speech , called a figure . the fine manner of words is a garnishing of speech , whereby one word is drawn from his first proper signification , to another ; as in this sentence : sin lyeth at the door : where sin is put for the punishment of sin adjoyned unto it : lyeth at the door signifieth at hand ; as that which lyeth at the door , is ready to be brought in . this changing of words was first found out by necessity , for the want of words ; afterward confirmed by delight , because such words are pleasant and gracious to the ear . therefore this change of signification must be shamefac'd , and , as it were , maidenly , that it may seem rather to be led by the hand to another signification , to be driven by force unto the same : yet sometimes this fine manner of speech swerveth from this perfection , and then it is , either 1. the abuse of this fine speech , called katachresis , or 2. the excess of this fineness , call'd hyperbole . be not too just , nor too wicked : which speech , although it seem very hard , yet it doth not , without some fineness of speech , utter thus much , that one seek not a righteousness beyond the law of god ; and that when none can live without all sin , yet that they take heed that sin bear not dominion over them , as , my tears are my meat day and night . those that hate me are mo in number , than the hairs of my head. both which do utter by an express of speech , a great sorrow , and a great number of enemies . the abuse of speech , is , when the change of speech is hard , strange , and unwonted , as in the first example . the excess of speech is , when the change of signification is very high and lofty , as in the second example , and ps. 6. 7. but the excellency , or fineness of words , or tropes , is most excellent , when divers are , shut up in one ; or , continued in many . an example of the first sort is in the 2 kings : i pray thee , let me have a double portion of thy spirit : where by spirit , is meant the gift of the spirit ; and by thy spirit , the gift of the spirit like to thine . the continuance of tropes , called an allegorie , is , when one kind of trope is so continued ; as , look with what kind of matter it be begun , with the same it be ended . so in the 23 psal. the care of god towards his church , is set forth in the words proper to a shepherd . so in the whole book of canticles , the sweet conference of christ and his church , is set down by the words proper to the husband and the wife . so old age is set down by this garnishing of speech , eccles. 12. 5 , 6. hitherto of the properties of a fine manner of words , called a trope . now the divers sorts do follow . they are those which note out , 1. no comparison , and are with some comparison ; or , 2. no respect of division , or some respect . the first is double : 1. the change of name , called a metonymie . 2. the mocking speech , called an ironie . the change of name , is where the name of a thing , is put for the name of a thing agreeing with it . it is double , 1. when the cause is put for the thing caused , and contrariwise , 2. when the thing to which any thing is adjoyned , is put for the thing adjoyned ; and contrariwise . the change of name of the cause , is when , either the name of the maker , or the name of the matter , is put for the thing made . of the maker , when the finder out , or the author of the thing , or the instrument whereby the thing is done , is put for the thing made . so moses is put for his writings : so love is put for liberality , or bestowing benefits , the fruit of love : so faith the cause , is put for religious serving of god , the thing caused . rom. 1. so the tongue , the instrument of speech , is put for the speech it self . rule thy tongue , james 3. of the matter : thou art dust , and to dust shalt thou return ; that is , one made of dust. now on the other side , when the thing caused , or the effect is put for any of these causes . so the gospel of god is called the power of god to salvation ; that is , the instrument of the power of god. so love is said to be bountiful ; because it causeth one to be bountiful . s. paul saith , the bread that we break , is it not in the communion of the body and blood of christ ? that is , an instrument of the communion of the body of christ. so , the body is said to be an earthly tabernacle : that is , a tabernacle made of earth . the change of name , or metonymie , where the subject , or that which hath any thing adjoyned , is put for the thing adjoyned , or adjoynt . so the place is put for those , or that in the place : set thine house in an order : that is , thy houshold matters . it shall be easier for sodom and gomorra : that is , the people in sodom and gomorra . so moses chair is put for the doctrine , taught in moses chair . so , all jericho and jerusalem came out : that is , all the men in jericho and jerusalem . so , before , sin was put for the punishment of sin : let his blood rest upon us and our children : that is the punishment which shall follow his death . so christ said , this is my body , that is , a sign or sacrament of my body . this wine is the new testament in my blood ; that is , a sign or seal of the new testament in my blood. so john saith , he saw the spirit descending in the likeness of a dove : that is , the sign of the spirit . on the other side , the adjunct is put for the thing to which it is adjoyned . as christ is called our hope . 1 tti. that is , on whom our hope did depend : so , we are justified by faith , that is , by christ , applyed by faith : so , love is the fulfilling of the law , that is , those things to which it is adjoyned . hope for the things hoped for , rom. 8. 28. so in the epist. to the eph. the dayes are evil : that is , the manner , conversation , and deeds of men in the dayes . hitherto of the metonymie , or change of name . now followeth the mocking speech , or ironie . chap. ii. the mocking trope is , when one contrary is signified by another , as god said , man is like to one of us . so christ saith , sleep on ; and yet by and by , arise , let us go : so paul saith , you are wise , and i am a fool. this trope is perceived , either by the contrariety of the matter , or the manner of utterance , or both : so elias said to the prophets of baal , cry a loud , &c. so the jews said unto christ ; hail , king of the jews . hitherto appertaineth the passing by a thing , which yet with a certain elegancy noteth it : so philemon , 19. that i say not , thou owest thy self unto me . hitherto of the fineness of words which respect no division . now followeth that which respecteth division , called synechdoche . a synechdoche is when the name of the whole is given to the part ; or the name of the part to the whole . and it is double ; 1. when the whole is put for the member , and contrarily . 2. when the general , or whole kind is put for the special , or contrarily . so s. john , not only for our sins , but for the sins of the whole world. so righteousness , a member of goodness , is put for all goodness : so unrighteousness , is put for all manner of sins . examples of the second sort , as these : so israel is put for those of juda sometimes : so nations for the heathen : a minister of christ , for an apostle of christ , rom. 1. a minister put for a distributer , rom. 12. on the other side , one sort or special is put for the whole sort , or general , in the examples following . in the lords prayer , bread , one help of life , is put for all helps : this day , one time , for all times : so solomon saith . the thing of the day in his day ; that is , the thing of the time , in his time . so sometimes less is spoken , and yet more is understood ; which is called diminution , or meiosis : as james saith , to him that knoweth how to do well , and doth not , it is sin : that is , a great sin . so our saviour christ saith , if they had not known , they had had no sin : that is , no such great sin as they have now . likewise the denial by comparison : so solomon saith , receive my words , and not silver : that is , my words rather than silver : so paul saith , i was sent to preach , and not to baptise : that is , not so much to baptise , as to preach . hitherto of the fineness of words , which note out no comparison . now followeth the fineness of words which noteth out comparison , called a metaphor . chap. iii. a metaphor is when the like is signified by the like : as 1 cor. the apostle saith , doctrine must be tryed by fire ; that is , the evidence of the word , spirit , trying doctrine , as fire doth metals . so christ is said to baptize with fire : where fire is put for the power of the holy ghost , purging as fire : so christ saith , none shall enter into the kingdom of god , but he that is born of the holy ghost and water : so paul calleth himself the father of the corinths , who said , that he begat them in christ : so he calleth timothy and titus his natural sons in the faith. hitherto of a trope , or garnishing of speech in one word , where the metaphor is most usual ; then the change of name ; then the synechdoche ; and last of all , the ironie . now followeth the fine frame or shape of speech ; called a figure . a figure is a garnishing of speech ; wherein the course of the same is changed from the more simple and plain manner of speaking , unto that which is more full of excellency and grace . for as in the fineness of words , or a trope , words are considered asunder by themselves : so in the fine shape or frame of speech or a figure , the apt and pleasant joyning together of many words is noted . the garnishing of the shape of speech or a figure , is garnishing of speech in words , or in a sentence . the garnishing of speech in words , called figura dictionis , is wherein the speech is garnished by the pleasant and sweet sound of words joyned together . this is either , 1. in the measure of sounds ; or 2. in the repetition of sounds . the measure of sounds is belonging either to , 1. poets , with us called rhymers ; or , 2. orators , with us called eloquent pleaders . the first is the measure of sounds by certain and continual spaces : and it is either , 1. rhyme ; or , 2. verse . rhyme is the first sort , containing a certain measure of syllables ending alike , and these in the mother tongues are most fit for psalms , songs , or sonnets . verses are the second sort , containing certain feet fitly placed . a foot is a measure framed by the length and shortness of syllables : for the several sorts whereof , as also of the verses of them , because we have no worthy examples in our english tongue , we judge the large handling of them should be more curious than necessary . the measure of sounds belonging to orators is that which , as it is not uncertain , so it differeth altogether from rhime and verse , and is very changeable with it self . therefore in that eloquent speech you must altogether leave rhime and verse , unless you alledge it for authority and pleasure . in the beginning of the sentence little care is to be had , in the middle least of all , and in the end chiefest regard is to be had , because the fall of the sentence is most marked , and therefore lest it fall out to be harsh and unpleasant both to the mind and ear , there must be most variety and change . now this change must not be above six syllables from the end , and that must be set down in feet of two syllables . and thus much of garnishing of speech by the measure of sounds , rather to give some taste of the same to the readers , than to draw any to the curious and unnecessary practise of it . now followeth the repeating of sounds . chap. iv. repetition of sounds is either of the like , or the vnlike sound . of the like , is either continued to the end of , or broken off from the same , or a diverse sentence . continued to the end of the same sentence is , when the same sound is repeated without any thing coming between , except a parenthesis ; that is , something put in , without the which , notwithstanding the sentence is full . and it is a joyning of the same sound , as rom. 1. as vnrighteousness , fornication , wickedness . and in the prayer of christ , my god , my god. from men by thine hand , o lord , from men , &c. psal. 17. continued in a diverse sentence is , either a redoubling , called anadyplosis ; or a pleasant climing , called clymax . redoubling is when the same sound is repeated in the end of the former sentence , and the beginning of the sentence following . as , psal. 9. 8. the lord also will be a refuge to the poor , a refuge , i say , in due time . psal. 81. 14. for this god is our god. but more plain in psal. 8. as we have heard , so have we seen in the city of our god. god will establish it for ever . a pleasant climing is a redoubling continued by divers degrees or steps of the same sounds : as rom. 8. 17. if we be children , we be heirs , even heirs of god , annexed with christ. rom. 8. 30. whom he predestinated , them also he called ; and whom he called , them also he justified ; and whom he justified , them also he glorified . also rom. 9. 14. 15. and hitherto of the same sound continued to the end . now followeth the same sound broken off . chap. v. the same sound broken off is a repetition of the same in the beginning ; or in the end . in the beginning it is called anaphora , a bringing of the same again ; as rom. 8. 38. nor death , nor life , nor angels , &c. nor any other creature shall be able to separate us &c. so likewise ephes. 4. 11. some to be apostles , some preachers , &c. so gal. nor jew , nor gentile , &c. so likewise hebr. 11. 1. 2. repetition of the same sound in the end is called epistrophe , a turning to the same sound in the end . so ezech. behold greater abominations than these . lament . 3. 41. let us lift up our hearts with our hands unto god in the heavens ; we have sinned , and have rebelled therefore thou hast not spared . when both of these are joyned together , it is called a coupling or symplote . as , 2 cor. 6. 4. to the 11. but in all things we approve our selves , as the ministers of god , in much patience , in afflictions , &c. see also 2 cor. 22. 23. hitherto of the repetitions in the same place . now of those that do interchange their place . they are either epanalepsis , which signifieth to take back ; or epanados which signifieth a turning to the same tune . the first is when the same sound is repeated in the beginning and the ending , as my son absolom , my son , 2 sam. 19. 1. epanados is when the same sound is repeated in the beginning and the middle , in the middle and the end , ezech. 35. 6. i will prepare thee unto blood , and blood shall pursue thee : except thou hate blood , even blood shall pursue thee . and 2 thes. 2. so that he that doth sit as god , in the temple of god , sheweth himself that he is god. hitherto of the repetition of those sounds which are like . now of those that are unlike . chap. vi. unlike a small changing of the name , as paronomasia . a small changing of the end or case , as polypto●on . a small change of name is , when a word by the change of one letter or syllable , the signification also is changed , as , patience , experience . rom. 5. 4. 19. we walk after the flesh , not war in the flesh . so by honour and dishonour , as unknown and yet known . a small changing of the end or case , is when words of the same beginning rebound by divers ends : christ being raised from the dead , dyeth no more , death hath no more power over him . he that doth righteousness is righteous . if ye know that he is righteous , know ye that he that doth righteously , is born of him . and of both these there are many in the scripture , but the translations cannot reach them . hitherto of the garnishing of the shape of speech in words . now followeth the garnishing of the shape of speech in a sentence . chap. vii . garnishing of the frame of speech in a sentence , is a garnishing of the shape of speech , or a figure ; which for the forcible moving of affections , doth after a sort beautifie the sense and very meaning of a sentence . because it hath in it a certain manly majesty , which far surpasseth the soft delicacy or dainties of the former figures . it is either the garnishing of speech alone ; or with others . the garnishing of speech alone , is when as the sentence is garnished without speech had to other . and it is either in regard of the matter ; or of the person . in regard of the matter , it is either 1. a crying out , called exclamation ; or 2. a pulling or calling back of himself , called revocation . a crying out or exclamation is the first , which is set forth by a word of calling out : sometimes of wonder , as , rom. 8. o the depth of the judgments of god! psal. 8. o lord , how excellent is thy name ! sometimes of pity ; also these words , behold , alas , oh , be signs of this figure : as , o jerusalem , jerusalem , which stonest the prophets . sometimes of desperation ; as , my sin is greater than can be forgiven . behold , thou drivest me out , &c. sometimes of wishing : as , o lord of hosts , how amiable are thy tabernacles ? sometimes of disdaining : as , rom. 7. in the end , o miserable wretch that i am , who shall deliver me from this body of sin ? sometimes of mocking : as they which said to our saviour christ , ah , thou that , &c. sometimes of cursing and detestation , as in david , let their table be made a snare , and bow down their back always . also when this figure is used in the end of a sentence , it is called a shooting out of the voice , or epiphonema ; as when the sins of jezabel were spoken against , this is added at the end , seemed it a little to her to do thus and thus . so after the high setting forth of the name of god , david shutteth up his praise with this : blessed be his glorious name , and let all the earth be filled with his glory . sometimes here is used a certain liberty of speech , wherein is a kind of secret crying out : as peter , act. 3. saith : ye men of israel , hear these words . and paul , 1 cor. 11. would to god you could suffer a little my foolishness , and indeed ye suffer me . thus much of crying out . now followeth the figure of calling back , or revocation . revocation is when any thing is called back , and it is as it were a cooling and quenching of the heat of the exclamation that went before . and this is either a correction of ones self , called epanorthrosis ; a holding of ones peace , called aposiopesis . epanorthrosis is correction , when something is called back that went before : as paul correcteth his doubtfulness of agrippa's belief , when he saith , believest thou king agrippa , i know thou believest . so , 1 cor. 15. i laboured more abundantly than they all , yet not i , &c. a keeping of silence or aposiopesis is , when the course of the sentence bygon is so stayed , as thereby some part of the sentence not being uttered , may be understood . so our saviour christ saith , my soul is heavy : what shall i say ? john 12. 27. thus much of a figure garnishing the speech alone in regard of the matter . now followeth the garnishing of the speech alone in regard of the person . chap. viii . garnishing of the speech alone in regard of the person is double . either in turning to the person , called apostrophe , or feigning of the person , called , prosopopoeia . apostrophe or turning to the person , is when the speech is turned to another person , than the speech appointed did intend or require . and this apostrophe or turning is diversly seen , according to the diversity of persons . sometimes it turneth to a mans person ; as david in the 6 psalm , where having gathered arguments of his safety , turneth hastily to the wicked , saying , away from me , all ye workers of iniquity , for the lord hath heard the voice of my petition . sometimes from a man to god , as ps. 3. david being dismayed with the number of his enemies , turneth himself to god , saying : but thou art my buckler , &c. sometimes to unreasonable creatures without sense . esai . 1. & esai . 20. 1. prosopopoeia or a feigning of the person , is whereby we do feign another person speaking in our speech ; and it is double ; imperfect , and perfect . imperfect is when the speech of another person is set down lightly and indirectly , as in the psal. 10. david , bringeth in the wicked , who say unto my soul , fly as the bird unto yonder hill . a perfect prosopopoeia is when the whole feigning of the person is set down in our speech , with a fit entring into the same , and a leaving it off . so wisd. pro. 8. where the entrance is in the first verses , her speech in the rest of the chapter . hitherto of the figures of sentences concerning one speaking alone . now follow the other , which concern the speeches of two . chap. ix . they which concern the speeches of two , are either in asking ; or in answering . that of asking , is either in deliberation ; or , in preventing an objection . deliberation is when we do ever now and then ask , as it were , reasons of our consultation , whereby the mind of the hearers wavering in doubt , doth set down some great thing . this deliberation is either in doubting ; or in communication . a doubting is a deliberating with our selves , as paul. 1. phil. 22. doubting whether it were better to dye than to live , he garnisheth his speech on this manner : for i am greatly in doubt on both sides , desiring to be loosed , and to be with christ , which is best of all : nevertheless , to abide in the flesh is more needful for you . communication is a deliberation with others . gal. 3. 1 , 2. o foolish galatians , who hath bewitched you , &c. and hitherto of the figure of speech between two , called deliberation . now followeth the figure of speech between two , called the preventing of an objection , or occupation . occupation is when we do bring an objection , and yield an answer unto it : therefore this speech between two in the first part , is called the setting down of the objection or occupation . in the latter part , an answering of the objection , or the subjection : as rom. 6. what shall we say then ? shall we continue still in sin that grace may abound ? in which words is set down the objection : the answering in these words , god forbid . and here this must be marked , that the objection is many times wanting , which must be wisely supplyed by considering the occasion and answer of it : as , 1 tim. 5. they will marry , having condemnation . now lest any might say , what , for marrying ? he answereth : no , for denying their first faith. hitherto of the figures of asking . now followeth the figures of answering . they are either in suffering of a deed , called permission ; or , granting of an argument , called concession . suffering of a deed or permission is , when mockingly we give liberty to any deed ; being never so filthy , as rev. let him that is filthy be filthy still . and 1 cor. 14. if any be ignorant , let him be ignorant . concession or granting of an argument is , when an argument is mockingly yielded unto , as , eccle. 11. rejoyce , o young man in thy youth , and let thy heart chear thee , &c. although the rules of sophistry be needless for them that be perfect in logick ; yet because the knowledge of them bringeth some profit to young beginners , both for the ready answering of the subtil arguments , and the better practising of logick and rhetorick , we have thought good to turn it into the english tongue . sophistry is the feigned art of enleches , or coloured reasons . a colourable reason , or elench , is a shew of reason to deceive withal . it is either when the deceit lyeth in the words ; or in the default of logick , called a sophism . in words is , either when the deceit lyeth in one word ; or in words joyned together . if it were , it should be , whosoever . in one word , is either the darkness of a word ; or , the doubtfulness of a word . the darkness of a word , or an insolencie deceiveth , when by a reason the meaning is not understood , whether the strangeness be through the oldness , newness , or swelling vanity of the words ; and of the last sort , is that spoken of in 2 pet. 2. 18. by this fallacie the papists conclude , the fathers to be on their side , for deserving by good works . whosoever saith mans merits are crowned , they say mans works do deserve . but the fathers say , mans merits are crowned . therefore the fathers say , mans works do deserve . where merits is an old word , put for any works done under the hope of reward whether it come by desart , or freedom of promise . doubtfulness of a word , likeness of name , is either called homonymia ; or by a trope or fineness of speech . the likeness of name , or homonymia , is when one word is given to signifie divers things : as , he that believeth shall be saved . the hypocrites to whom our saviour christ would not commit himself , believed , therefore they shall be saved . where faith doth note out both a justifying faith , and a dead faith. doubtfulness by a trope , is when a word is taken properly , which is meant figuratively , or contrarily : as , that which christ saith is true . christ saith that bread is his body . therefore it is true . where by body is meant the sign or sacrament of his body . unto the first , a perfect logician would answer , that the proposition is not an axiome necessarily true , according to the rule of truth , because of the doubtfulness of the old and new signification of merit . and if the word be far worn out of use , that it be not understood , then the answer must be , i understand it not , or put your axiome in plain words . to the second , he would answer , that the proposition or first part , is not according to the rule of righteousness , because the proper subject and adjunct are not joyned together : which hath justifying faith , or believing sincerely , shall be saved ; and then the assumption being in the same sense inferred , is false . unto the third he would answer , that the assumption is not necessarily true , because if the word body be taken properly , it is not then true that is set down : but if it be taken figuratively , it is true , and therefore would bid him make the assumption necessarily true , and then say , christ saith in proper words , it is my body ; and then it is false . hitherto of the fallacies in single words . now of those that are joyned together . it is either amphibolia , or the doubtfulness of speech : or , exposition , or unapt setting down of the reason . the first is , when there is doubtfulness in the frame of speech ; as thus , if any obey not our word by a letter , note him : where some refer by a letter , to the first part of the sentence , and some to the latter , where the signification of the word , and right pointing doth shew , that it must be referred to the first . the answer is , that the right and wise placing of the sentence is perverted . unapt setting down of the reason , is , when the parts of the question and the reasons intreated , is not set down in fit words : as , all sin is evil . every child of god doth sin . therefore every child of god is evil . here the answer according to logick , is that the assumption doth not take the argument out of the proposition , but putteth in another thing , and so it is no right frame of concluding , as appeareth by the definition of the assumption . hitherto of the deceits of reason which lye in words . now of the default of logick , called sophisme . it is either general , or special . the general are those which cannot be referred to any part of logick . they are either begging of the question , called the petition of the principle , or bragging of no proof . begging of the question is when nothing is brought to prove but the question , or that which is doubtful : as , that righteousness which is both by faith and works , doth justifie . but this righteousness , is inherent righteousness : ergo. here the proposition in effect is nothing but a question . if together with the blood of christ we must make perfect satisfaction for our sins , before we come to heaven . then there must be purgatory for them that die without perfection . but the first is so : ergo. where the argument they bring is as doubtful , and needeth as much proof as the question . the answer is this out of the definition of the syllogisme , that there is no new argument invented , therefore it cannot be a certain frame of concluding . bragging of no proof , is when that which is brought is too much , called redounding . it is either impertinent to another matter called heterogenium ; or a vain repetition , called tautologia . impertinent , or not to the purpose , is when any thing is brought for a proof , which is nothing near to the matter in hand , whereunto the common proverb giveth answer ; i ask you of cheese , you answer me of chalk . a vain repetition is , when the same thing in effect , though not in words , is repeated ; as they that after long time of prayer say , let us pray . and this fallacie our saviour christ condemneth in prayer , mat. 5. and this is a fault in method . special are those which may be referred to certain parts of logick , and they are of two sorts . such as are referred to the spring of reasons , called invention , or to judgment . those referred to invention are , when any thing is put for a reason , which is not , as no cause for a cause , no effect for an effect , and so of the rest . in the distribution this is a proper fallacie , when any thing simply or generally granted , thereby is inferred a certain respect or special not meant nor intended : as , he that saith , there are not seven sacraments , saith true . he that saith , there are only three , saith , there are not seven . therefore he that saith , there are three , saith true . the right answer is , that the proposition is not necessarily true , for there may be a way to say , there are not seven , and yet affirm an untruth . fallacies of judgment are those that are referred to the judgment of one sentence , or of more . of one sentence , either to the proprieties of an axiome ; or to the sorts . to the proprieties , as when a true is put for a false , and contrarily : and affirmative for a negative , and contrarily . so some take the words of saint john , i do not say concerning it , that you shall not pray , for no denyal ; when as it doth deny to pray for that sin . to the sorts are referred , either to the simple , or compound . the first when the general is taken for the special , and contrarily . so the papists by this fallacy do answer to that general saying of paul ; we are justified by faith without the works of the law. which they understand of works done before faith , when that was never called in doubt . the fallacies which are referred to a compound axiome , are those which are referred either to a disjoyned , or knitting axiome . to a disjoyned axiome when the parts indeed are not disjoyned : as , solomon was either a king , or did bear rule . to a knitting axiome is , when the parts are not necessarily knit together , 〈◊〉 if rome be one fire , the popes chair is burn● and hitherto of the first sort of fallacie referred to judgment . now followeth the second . and they be either those that are refer●red to a syllogisme ; or to method . and they again are general , and special general which are referred to the general properties of a syllogisme . it is either when all the parts are denyed or are particular . all parts denyed : as , no pope is a devil . no man is a devil . therefore . no man is a pope . and this must be answered , that it is no● according to the definition of a negativ● syllogisme , which must have always one affirmative . all particular : as , some unlawful thing must be suffered , 〈◊〉 namely that which cannot be taken away . the stews in some unlawful thing . therefore the stews must be suffered . this is answered by the definition of ● special syllogism , which is that hath one part general . the special are those which are simple , or compound . the simple is of two sorts . the first is more plain . the second less plain . more plain is when the assumption is denyed , or the question is not particular : as , every apostle may preach abroad : some apostle is not a pope , therefore some pope may not preach abroad . also , every pope is a lord : some pope may give an universal licence . therefore every lord may give an universal licence . less plain hath one fallacy in common , when the proposition is special . as , some player is a rogue : every vagabond is rogue , therefore every player is a vagabond . also , some player is a rogue : every vagabond is a player . therefore every player is a rogue . the fallacie of the first kind is when all the parts be affirmative : as , all pauls bishops were ordained for unity . all arch-bishops be ordained for unity . therefore all arch-bishops are pauls bishops . the fallacie of the second kind is when the assumption is denyed : as , every puritane is a christian. no lord bishop is a puritane , therefore no lord bishop is a christian. hitherto of the fallacies referred to a simple syllogism . now follow those which are referred to a compound , which are those which are referred either to the connexive , or to the disjoyned . of the first sort one is when the first part or antecedent is denyed , that the second or consequent may be so likewise : as , if any man have two benefices , he may escape unpunished at the bishops hands . but he may not have two benefices , therefore he may not escape unpunished at the bishops hands . the second part is affirmed , that the first may be so also . as , if every ignorant minister were put out of the church , and a preacher in his place , we should have good order . but we have good order , therefore every ignorant minister is put out of the church ; and a preacher in his place . of those referred to the disjoyned , the first is , when all the parts of the disjunction or proposition are not affirmed : as , every ignorant minister is to be allowed , or not . but he is not . therefore he is . the second kind is when the second part of the copulative negative axiome is denyed , that the first may be so ; as , a non-resident , is either a faithful , or unfaithful minister . but he is unfaithful , ergo , &c. and thus much of the fallacies in a syllogism . the fallacie in method is when , to deceive withal , the end is set in the beginning , the special before the general , good order be gone , confounded : and finally when darkness , length and hardness is laboured after . pinis . a dialogue between a phylosopher and a stvdent , of the common-laws of england . of the law of reason . law. what makes you say , that the study of the law is less rational , than the study of the mathematicks ? phylosoph . i say not that , for all study is rational , or nothing worth ; but i say that the great masters of the mathematicks do not so often err as the great professors of the law. law. if you had applyed your reason to the law , perhaps you would have been of another mind . ph. in whatsoever study , i examine whether my inference be rational , and have look't over the titles of the statutes from magna charta downward to this present time . i left not one unread , which i thought might concern my self , which was enough for me that meant not to plead for any but my self . but i did not much examine which of them was more , or less rational ; because i read them not to dispute , but to obey them , and saw in all of them sufficient reason for my obedience , and that the same reason , though the statutes themselves were chang'd , remained constant . i have also diligently read over littleton's book of tenures , with the commentaries thereupon of the renowned lawyer sir ed. coke , in which i confess i found great subtility , not of the law , but of inference from law , and especially from the law of humane nature , which is the law of reason : and i confess that it is truth which he sayes in the epilogue to his book ; that by arguments and reason in the law , a man shall sooner come to the certainty and knowledge of the law : and i agree with sir edw. coke , who upon that text farther ; that reason is the soul of the law , and upon sect . 138. nihil quod est rationi contrarium est licitum ; that is to say , nothing is law that is against reason : and that reason is the life of the law , nay the common law it self is nothing else but reason . and upon sect. 21. aequitas est perfecta quaedam ratio , quae jus scriptum interpretatur & emendat , nulla scriptura comprehensa , sed solus in vera ratione consistens . i. e. equity is a certain perfect reason that interpreteth and amendeth the law written , it self being unwritten , and consisting in nothing else but right reason . when i consider this , and find it to be true , and so evident as not to be denyed by any man of right sense , i find my own reason at a stand ; for it frustrates all the laws in the world : for upon this ground any man , of any law whatsoever may say it is against reason , and thereupon make a pretence for his disobedience . i pray you clear this passage , that we may proceed . la. i clear it thus out of sir edw. coke . i inst. sect. 138. that this is to be understood of an artificial perfection of reason gotten by long study , observation and experience , and not of every mans natural reason ; for nemo nascitur artifex . this legal reason is summa ratio ; and therefore if all the reason that is dispersed into so many several heads were united into one , yet could he not make such a law as the law of england is , because by so many successions of ages it hath been fined and refined by an infinite number of grave and learned men. ph. this does not clear the place , as being partly obscure , and partly untrue , that the reason which is the life of the law , should be not natural , but artificial i cannot conceive . i understand well enough , that the knowledge of the law is gotten by much study , as all other sciences are , which when they are studyed and obtained , it is still done by natural , and not by artificial reason . i grant you that the knowledge of the law is an art , but not that any art of one man , or of many how wise soever they be , or the work of one and more artificers , how perfect soever it be , is law. it is not wisdom , but authority that makes a law. obscure also are the words legal reason ; there is no reason in earthly creatures , but humane reason ; but i suppose that he means , that the reason of a judge , or of all the judges together ( without the king ) is that summa ratio , and the very law , which i deny , because none can make a law but he that hath the legislative power . that the law hath been fined by grave and learned men , meaning the professors of the law is manifestly untrue , for all the laws of england have been made by the kings of england , consulting with the nobility and commons in parliament , of which not one of twenty was a learned lawyer . law. you speak of the statute law , and i speak of the common law. ph. i speak generally of law. la. thus far i agree with you , that statute law taken away , there would not be left , either here , or any where , any law at all that would conduce to the peace of a nation ; yet equity , and reason which laws divine and eternal , which oblige all men at all times , and in all places , would still remain , but be obeyed by few : and though the breach of them be not punished in this world , yet they will be punished sufficiently in the world to come . sir edw. coke for drawing to the men of his own profession as much authority as lawfully he might , is not to be reprehended ; but to the gravity and learning of the judges they ought to have added in the making of laws , the authority of the king , which hath the soveraignty : for of these laws of reason , every subject that is in his wits , is bound to take notice at his peril , because reason is part of his nature , which he continually carryes about with him , and may read it , if he will. ph. 't is very true ; and upon this ground , if i pretend within a month , or two to make my self able to perform the office of a judge , you are not to think it arrogance ; for you are to allow to me , as well as to other men , my pretence to reason , which is the common law ( remember this that i may not need again to put you in mind , that reason is the common law ) and for statute law , seeing it is printed , and that there be indexes to point me to every matter contained in them , i think a man may profit in them very much in two months . law. but you will be but an ill pleader . ph. a pleader commonly thinks he ought to say all he can for the benefit of his client , and therefore has need of a faculty to wrest the sense of words from their true meaning ; and the faculty of rhetorick to seduce the jury , and sometimes the judge also , and many other arts , which i neither have , nor intend to study . la. but let the judge how good soever he thinks his reasoning , take heed that he depart not too much from the letter of the statute : for it is not without danger . ph. he may without danger recede from the letter , if he do not from the meaning and sense of the law , which may be by a learned man , ( such as judges commonly are ) easily found out by the preamble , the time when it was made , and the incommodities for which it was made : but i pray tell me , to what end were statute-laws ordained , seeing the law of reason ought to be applyed to every controversie that can arise . la. you are not ignorant of the force of an irregular appetite to riches , to power , and to sensual pleasures , how it masters the strongest reason , and is the root of disobedience , slaughter , fraud , hypocrisie , and all manner of evil habits ; and that the laws of man , though they can punish the fruits of them , which are evil actions , yet they cannot pluck up the roots that are in the heart . how can a man be indicted of avarice , envy , hypocrisie , or other vitious habit , till it be declared by some action , which a witness may take notice of ; the root remaining , new fruit will come forth till you be weary of punishing , and at last destroy all power that shall oppose it . ph. what hope then is there of a constant peace in any nation , or between one nation , and another ? la. you are not to expect such a peace between two nations , because there is no common power in this world to punish their injustice : mutual fear may keep them quiet for a time , but upon every visible advantage they will invade one another , and the most visible advantage is then , when the one nation is obedient to their king , and the other not ; but peace at home may then be expected durable , when the common people shall be made to see the benefit they shall receive by their obedience and adhaesion to their own soveraign , and the harm they must suffer by taking part with them , who by promises of reformation , or change of government deceive them . and this is properly to be done by divines , and from arguments not only from reason , but also from the holy scripture . ph. this that you say is true , but not very much to that i aim at by your conversation , which is to inform my self concerning the laws of england : therefore i ask you again , what is the end of statute-laws ? of soveraign power . la. i say then that the scope of all humane law is peace , and justice in every nation amongst themselves , and defence against forraign enemies . ph. but what is justice ? la. justice is giving to every man his own . ph. the definition is good , and yet 't is aristotles ; what is the definition agreed upon as a principle in the science of the common law ? la. the same with that of aristotle . ph. see you lawyers how much you are beholding to a philosopher , and 't is but reason , for the more general and noble science , and law of all the world is true philosophy , of which the common law of england is a very little part . la. 't is so , if you mean by philosophy nothing but the study of reason , as i think you do . ph. when you say that justice gives to every man his own , what mean you by his own ? how can that be given me which is my own already ? or , if it be not my own , how can justice make it mine ? la. without law every thing is in such sort every mans , as he may take , possess , and enjoy without wrong to any man , every thing , lands , beasts , fruits , and even the bodies of other men , if his reason tell him he cannot otherwise live securely : for the dictates of reason are little worth , if they tended not to the preservation and improvement of mens lives , seeing then without humane law all things would be common , and this community a cause of incroachment , envy , slaughter , and continual war of one upon another , the same law of reason dictates to mankind ( for their own preservation ) a distribution of lands , and goods , that each man may know what is proper to him , so as none other might pretend a right thereunto , or disturb him in the use of the same . this distribution is justice , and this properly is the same which we say is one owns : by which you may see the great necessity there was of statute laws , for preservation of all mankind . it is also a dictate of the law of reason , that statute laws are a necessary means of the safety and well being of man in the present world , and are to be obeyed by all subjects , as the law of reason ought to be obeyed , both by king and subjects , because it is the law of god. ph. all this is very rational ; but how can any laws secure one man from another ? when the greatest part of men are so unreasonable , and so partial to themselves as they are , and the laws of themselves are but a dead letter , which of it self is not able to compel a man to do otherwise than himself pleaseth , nor punish , or hurt him when he hath done a mischief . la. by the laws , i mean , laws living and armed : for you must suppose , that a nation that is subdued by war to an absolute submission of a conqueror , it may by the same arm that compelled it to submission , be compelled to obey his laws . also if a nation choose a man , or an assembly of men to govern them by laws , it must furnish him also with armed men and money , and all things necessary to his office , or else his laws will be of no force , and the nation remains , as before it was , in confusion . 't is not therefore the word of the law , but the power of a man that has the strength of a nation , that makes the laws effectual . it was not solon that made athenian laws ( though he devised them ) but the supream court of the people ; nor , the lawyers of rome that made the imperial law in justinian's time , but justinian himself . ph. we agree then in this , that in england it is the king that makes the laws , whosoever pens them , and in this , that the king cannot make his laws effectual , nor defend his people against their enemies , without a power to leavy souldiers , and consequently , that he may lawfully , as oft as he shall really think it necessary to raise an army ( which in some occasions be very great ) i say , raise it , and money to maintain it . i doubt not but you will allow this to be according to the law ( at least ) of reason . la. for my part i allow it . but you have heard how , in , and before the late troubles the people were of another mind . shall the king , said they , take from us what he please , upon pretence of a necessity whereof he makes himself the judg ? what worse condition can we be in from an enemy ! what can they take from us more than what they list ? ph. the people reason ill ; they do not know in what condition we were in the time of the conqueror , when it was a shame to be an english-man , who if he grumbled at the base offices he was put to by his norman masters , received no other answer but this , thou art but an english-man , nor can the people , nor any man that humors them in their disobedience , produce any example of a king that ever rais'd any excessive summ's , either by himself , or by the consent of his parliament , but when they had great need thereof ; nor can shew any reason that might move any of them so to do . the greatest complaint by them made against the unthriftiness of their kings was for the inriching now and then a favourite , which to the wealth of the kingdom was inconsiderable , and the complaint but envy . but in this point of raising souldiers , what is i pray you the statute law ? la. the last statute concerning it , is 13 car. 2. c. 6. by which the supream government command , and disposing of the militia of england is delivered to be , and always to have been the antient right of the kings of england : but there is also in the same act a proviso , that this shall not be construed for a declaration , that the king may transport his subjects , or compel them to march out of the kingdom , nor is it , on the contrary declared to be unlawful . ph. why is not that also determined ? la. i can imagine cause enough for it , though i may be deceiv'd . we love to have our king amongst us , and not be govern'd by deputies , either of our own , or another nation : but this i verily believe , that if a forraign enemy should either invade us , or put himself in t a readiness to invade either england , ireland , or scotland ( no parliament then sitting ) and the king send english souldiers thither , the parliament would give him thanks for it . the subjects of those kings who affect the glory , and imitate the actions of alexander the great , have not always the most comfortable lives , nor do such kings usually very long enjoy their conquests . they march to and fro perpetually , as upon a plank sustained only in the midst , and when one end rises , down goes the other . ph. 't is well . but where souldiers ( in the judgment of the kings conscience ) are indeed necessary , as in an insurrection , or rebellion at home ; how shall the kingdom be preserved without a considerable army ready , and in pay ? how shall money be rais'd for this army , especially when the want of publick treasure inviteth neighbour kings to incroach , and unruly subjects to rebel ? la i cannot tell . it is matter of polity , not of law ; but i know , that there be statutes express , whereby the king hath obliged himself never to levy money upon his subjects without the consent of his parliament . one of which statutes is . 25 ed. 1. c. 6. in these words , we have granted for us , and our heirs , as well to arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , and other folk of the holy church , as also earls , barons , and to all the commonalty of the land , that for no business from henceforth , we shall take such aids , taxes , or prizes , but by the common consent of the realm . there is also another statute of ed. 1. in these words , no taxes , or aid shall be taken or leveyed by us , or our heirs in our realm , without the good will , and assent of the arch-bishops , bishops , earls , barons , knights , burgesses , and other freemen of the land ; which statutes have been since that time confirmed by divers other kings , and lastly by the king that now reigneth . ph. all this i know , and am not satisfied . i am one of the common people , and one of that almost infinite number of men , for whose welfare kings , and other soveraigns were by god ordain'd : for god made kings for the people , and not people for kings . how shall i be defended from the domineering of proud and insolent strangers that speak another language , that scorn us , that seek to make us slaves ? or how shall i avoid the destruction that may arise from the cruelty of factions in a civil war , unless the king , to whom alone , you say , belongeth the right of levying , and disposing of the militia ; by which only it can be prevented , have ready money , upon all occasions , to arm and pay as many souldiers , as for the present defence , or the peace of the people shall be necessary ? shall not i , and you , and every man be undone ? tell me not of a parliament when there is no parliament sitting , or perhaps none in being , which may often happen ; and when there is a parliament if the speaking , and leading men should have a design to put down monarchy , as they had in the parliament which began to sit nov. 3. 1640. shall the king , who is to answer to god almighty for the safety of the people , and to that end is intrusted with the power to levy and dispose of the souldiery , be disabled to perform his office by virtue of these acts of parliament which you have cited ? if this be reason , 't is reason also that the people be abandoned , or left at liberty to kill one another , even to the last man ; if it be not reason , then you have granted it is not law. la. 't is true , if you mean recta ratio , but recta ratio which i grant to be law , as sir edw. coke says , 1 inst. sect. 138. is an artificial perfection of reason gotten by long study , observation , and experience , and not every mans natural reason ; for nemo nascitur artifex . this legal reason is summa ratio ; and therefore , if all the reason that is dispersed into so many several heads were united into one , yet could he not make such a law as the law of england is , because by many successions of ages it hath been fined and refin●d , by an infinite number of grave and learned men. and this is it he calls the common-law . ph. do you think this to be good doctrine ? though it be true , that no man is born with the use of reason , yet all men may grow up to it as well as lawyers ; and when they have applyed their reason to the laws ( which were laws before they studyed them , or else it was not law they studied ) may be as fit for , and capable of judicature as sir edw. coke himself , who whether he had more , or less use of reason , was not thereby a judge , but because the king made him so : and whereas he says , that a man who should have as much reason as is dispersed in so many several heads , could not make such a law as this law of england is ; if one should ask him who made the law of england ? would he say a succession of english lawyers , or judges made it , or rather a succession of kings ; and that upon their own reason , either solely , or with the advice of the lords and commons in parliament , without the judges , or other professors of the law ? you see therefore that the kings reason , be it more , or less , is that anima legis , that summa lex , whereof sir edw. coke speaketh , and not the reason , learning , or wisdom of the judges ; but you may see , that quite through his institutes of law , he often takes occasion to magnifie the learning of the lawyers , whom he perpetually termeth the sages of the parliament , or of the kings council : therefore unless you say otherwise , i say , that the kings reason , when it is publickly upon advice , and deliberation declar'd , is that anima legis , and that summa ratio , and that equity which all agree to be the law of reason , is all that is , or ever was law in england , since it became christian , besides the bible . la. are not the canons of the church part of the law of england , as also the imperial law used in the admiralty , and the customs of particular places , and the by-laws of corporations , and courts of judicature . ph. why not ? for they were all constituted by the kings of england ; and though the civil law used in the admiralty were at first the statutes of the roman empire , yet because they are in force by no other authority than that of the king , they are now the kings laws , and the kings statutes . the same we may say of the canons ; such of them as we have retained , made by the church of rome , have been no law , nor of any force in england , since the beginning of queen elizabeth's raign , but by virtue of the great seal of england . la. in the said statutes that restrain the levying of money without consent of parliament , is there any thing you can take exceptions to ? ph. no , i am satisfied that the kings that grant such liberties are bound to make them good , so far as it may be done without sin : but if a king find that by such a grant he be disabled to protect his subjects if he maintain his grant , he sins ; and therefore may , and ought to take no notice of the said grant : for such grants as by error , or false suggestion are gotten from him , are as the lawyers do confess , void and of no effect , and ought to be recalled . also the king ( as is on all hands confessed ) hath the charge lying upon him to protect his people against forraign enemies , and to keep the peace betwixt them within the kingdom ; if he do not his utmost endeavour to discharge himself thereof , he committeth a sin , which neither king , nor parliament can lawfully commit . la. no man i think will deny this : for if levying of money be necessary , it is a sin in the parliament to refuse , if unnecessary , it is a sin both in king and parliament to levy : but for all that it may be , and i think it is a sin in any one that hath the soveraign power , be he one man , or one assembly , being intrusted with the safety of a whole nation , if rashly , and relying upon his own natural sufficiency , he make war , or peace without consulting with such , as by their experience and employment abroad , and intelligence by letters , or other means have gotten the knowledge in some measure of the strength , advantages and designs of the enemy , and the manner and degree of the danger that may from thence arise . in like manner , in case of rebellion at home , if he consult not with of military condition , which if he do , then i think he may lawfully proceed to subdue all such enemies and rebels ; and that the souldiers ought to go on without inquiring whether they be within the country , or without : for who shall suppress rebellion , but he that hath right to levy , command , and dispose of the militia ? the last long parliament denied this . but why ? because by the major part of their votes the rebellion was raised with design to put down monarchy , and to that end maintained . ph. nor do i hereby lay any aspersion upon such grants of the king and his ancestors . those statutes are in themselves very good for the king and people , as creating some kind of difficulty , or such kings as for the glory of conquest might spend one part of their subjects lives and estates , in molesting other nations , and leave the rest to destroy themselves at home by factions . that which i here find fault with , is the wresting of those , and other such statutes to a binding of our kings from the use of their armies in the necessary defence of themselves and their people . the late long parliament that in 1648 , murdered their king ( a king that sought no greater glory upon earth , but to be indulgent to his people , and a pious defender of the church of england ) no sooner took upon them the soveraign power , then they levyed money upon the people at their own discretion . did any of their subjects dispute their power ? did they not send souldiers over the sea to subdue ireland , and others to fight against the dutch at sea , or made they any doubt but to be obeyed in all that they commanded , as a right absolutely due to the soveraign power in whomsoever it resides ? i say , not this as allowing their actions , but as a testimony from the mouths of those very men that denyed the same power to him , whom they acknowledged to have been their soveraign immediately before , which is a sufficient proof , that the people of england never doubted of the kings right to levy money for the maintenance of his armies , till they were abused in it by seditious teachers , and other prating men , on purpose to turn the state and church into popular government , where the most ignorant and boldest talkers do commonly obtain the best preferments ; again , when their new republick returned into monarchy by oliver , who durst deny him money upon any pretence of magna charta , or of these other acts of parliament which you have cited ? you may therefore think it good law , for all your books ; that the king of england may at all times , that he thinks in his conscience it will be necessar for the defence of his people , levy as many souldiers , and as much money as he please , and that himself is judge of the necessity . la. is there no body harkning at the door ? ph. what are you afraid of ? la. i mean to say the same that you say : but there be very many yet , that hold their former principles , whom , neither the calamities of the civil wars , nor their former pardon have throughly cur'd of their madness . ph. the common people never take notice of what they hear of this nature , but when they are set on by such as they think wise ; that is , by some sorts of preachers , or some that seem to be learned in the laws , and withal speak evil of the governors . but what if the king upon the sight , or apprehension of any great danger to his people ; as when their neighbours are born down with the current of a conquering enemy , should think his own people might be involved in the same misery , may he not levy , pay , and transport souldiers to help those weak neighbours by way of prevention , to save his own people and himself from servitude ? is that a sin ? la. first , if the war upon our neighbour be just , it may be question'd whether it be equity or no to assist them against the right . ph. for my part i make no question of that at all , unless the invader will , and can put me in security , that neither he , nor his successors shall make any advantage of the conquest of my neighbour , to do the same to me in time to come ; but there is no common power to bind them to the peace . la. secondly ; when such a thing shall happen , the parliament will not refuse to contribute freely to the safety of themselves , and the whole nation . ph. it may be so , and it may be not : for if a parliament then sit not , it must be called ; that requires 6 weeks time ; debating and collecting what is given requires as much , and in this time the opportunity perhaps is lost . besides , how many wretched souls have we heard to say in the late troubles ; what matter is it who gets the victory ? we can pay but what they please to demand , and so much we pay now : and this they will murmur , as they have ever done whosoever shall raign over them , as long as their coveteousness and ignorance hold together , which will be till dooms-day , if better order be not taken for their struction in their duty , both from reason and religion . la. for all this i find it somewhat hard , that a king should have right to take from his subjects , upon the pretence of necessity what he pleaseth . ph. i know what it is that troubles your conscience in this point . all men are troubled at the crossing of their wishes ; but it is our own fault . first , we wish impossibilities ; we would have our security against all the world , upon right of property , without paying for it : this is impossible . we may as well expect that fish , and fowl should boil , rost , and dish themselves , and come to the table ; and that grapes should squeeze themselves into our mouths , and have all other the contentments and ease which some pleasant men have related of the land of cocquam . secondly , there is no nation in the world where he , or they that have the soveraignty do not take what money they please , for defence of those respective nations , when they think it necessary for their safety . the late long parliament denyed this ; but why ? because there was a design amongst them to depose the king. thirdly , there is no example of any king of england that i have read of , that ever pretended any such necessity for levying of money , against his conscience . the greatest sounds that ever were levyed ( comparing the value of money , as it was at that time , with what now it is ) were levied by king edw. 3d. and king henry the 5th . kings of whom we glory now , and think their actions great ornaments to the english history . lastly , as to the enriching of now and then a favourite , it is neither sensible to the kingdom , nor is any treasure thereby conveyed out of the realm , but so spent as it falls down again upon the common people . to think that our condition being humane should be subject to no incommodity , were injuriously to quarrel with god almighty for our own faults ; for he hath done his part in annexing our own industry and obedience . la. i know not what to say . ph. if you allow this that i have said ; then , say that the people never were , shall be , or ought to be free from being taxed at the will of one or other ; being hindred that if civil war come , they must levy all they have , and that dearly , from the one , or from the other , or from both sides . say , that adhering to the king , their victory is an end of their trouble ; that adhering to his enemies there is no end ; for the war will continue by a perpetual subdivision , and when it ends , they will be in the same estate they were before . that they are often abused by men who to them seem wise , when then their wisdom is nothing else but envy to those that are in grace , and in profitable employments , and that those men do but abuse the common people to their own ends , that set up a private mans propriety against the publick safety . but say withal , that the king is subject to the laws of god , both written , and unwritten , and to no other ; and so was william the conqueror , whose right it all descended to our present king. la. as to the law of reason , which is equity , 't is sure enough there is but one legislator , which is god. ph. it followeth then that which you call the common-law , distinct from statute-law , is nothing else but the law of god. la. in some sense it is , but it is not gospel , but natural reason , and natural equity . ph. would you have every man to every other man alledge for law his own particular reason ? there is not amongst men an universal reason agreed upon in any nation , besides the reason of him that hath the soveraign power ; yet though his reason be but the reason of one man , yet it is set up to supply the place of that universal reason , which is expounded to us by our saviour in the gospel , and consequently our king is to us the legislator both of statute-law , and of common-law . la. yes , i know that the laws spiritual , which have been law in this kingdom since the abolishing of popery , are the kings laws , and those also that were made before ; for the canons of the church of rome were no laws , neither here , nor any where else without the popes temporal dominions , farther than kings , and states in their several dominions respectively did make them so . ph. i grant that . but you must grant also , that those spiritual laws legislators of the spiritual law ; and yet not all kings , and states make laws by consent of the lords and commons ; but our king here is so far bound to their assents , as he shall judge conducing to the good , and safety of his people ; for example , if the lords and commons should advise him to restore those laws spiritual , which in queen maries time were in force , i think the king were by the law of reason obliged , without the help of any other law of god , to neglect such advice . la. i grant you that the king is sole legislator , but with this restriction , that if he will not consult with the lords of parliament and hear the complaints , and informations of the commons , that are best acquainted with their own wants , he sinneth against god , though he cannot be compell'd to any thing by his subjects by arms , and force . ph. we are agreed upon that already , since therefore the king is sole legislator , i think it also reason he should be sole supream judge . la. there is no doubt of that ; for otherwise there would be no congruity of judgments with the laws . i grant also that he is the supream judge over all persons , and in all causes civil , and ecclesiastical within his own dominions , not only by act of parliament at this time , but that he has ever been so by the common-law : for the judges of both the benches have their offices by the kings letters patents , and so ( as to judicature ) have the bishops . also the lord chancellour hath his office by receiving from the king the great seal of england ; and to say all at once , there is no magistrate , or commissioner for publick business , neither of judicature , nor execution in state , or church , in peace , or war , but he is made so by authority from the king. ph. 't is true ; but perhaps you may ●●ink otherwise , when you read such acts of parliament , as say , that the king shall ●ave power and authority to do this , or that by virtue of that act , as eliz. c. 1. that your highness , your heirs , and successors , kings , or queens of this realm shall have ●●ll power and authority , by virtue of this act , by letters patents under the great seal of england to assign , &c. was it not this parliament that gave this authority to the queen ? la. for the statute in this clause is no more than ( as sir edw. coke useth to speak ) an affirmance of the common-law ; for she being head of the church of england might make commissioners for the de●iding of matters ecclesiastical , as freely ●s if she had been pope , who did you know pretend his right from the law of god. ph. we have hitherto spoken of laws without considering any thing of the na●ure and essence of a law ; and now unless we define the word law , we can go no ●arther without ambiguity , and fallacy , which will be but loss of time ; whereas , on the contrary , the agreement upon our words will enlighten all we have to say ●hereafter . la. i do not remember the definition of law in any statute . ph. i think so : for the statutes were made by authority , and not drawn from any other principles than the care of the safety of the people . statutes are not philosophy as is the common-law , and other disputable arts , but are commands , or prohibitions which ought to be obeyed , because assented to by submission made to the conqueror here in england , and to whosoever had the soveraign power in other common wealths ; so that the positive laws of all places are statutes . the definition of law was therefore unnecessary for the makers of statutes , though very necessary to them , whose work it is to teach the sence of the law. la. there is an accurate definition of a law in bracton , cited by sir edw. coke ( ) lex est sanctio justa , jubens honesta , & prohibens contraria . ph. that is to say , law is a just statute , commanding those things which are honest , and forbidding the contrary . from whence it followeth , that in all cases it must be the honesty , or dishonesty that makes the command a law , whereas you know that but for the law we could not ( as saith st. paul ) have known what is sin ; therefore this definition is no ground at all for any farther discourse of law. besides , you know the rule of honest , and dishonest refers to honour , and that it is justice only , and injustice that the law respecteth . but that which i most except against in this definition , is , that it supposes that a statute made by the soveraign power of a nation may be unjust . there may indeed in a statute law , made by men be found iniquity , but not injustice . la. this is somewhat subtil ; i pray deal plainly , what is the difference between injustice and iniquity ? ph. i pray you tell me first , what is the difference between a court of justice , and a court of equity ? la. a court of justice is that which hath cognizance of such causes as are to be ended by the possitive laws of the land ; and a court of equity in that , to which belong such causes as are to be determined by equity ; that is to say , by the law of reason . ph. you see then that the difference between injustice , and iniquity is this ; that injustice is the transgression of a statute-law , and iniquity the transgression of the law of reason , was nothing else but the law of reason , and that the judges of that law are courts of justice , because the breach of the statute-law is iniquity , and injustice also . but perhaps you mean by common-law , not the law it self , but the manner of proceeding in the law ( as to matter of fact ) by 12 men , freeholders , though those 12 men are no court of equity , nor of justice , because they determine not what is just or unjust , but only whether it be done , or not done ; and their judgment is nothing else but a confirmation of that which is properly the judgment of the witnesses ; for to speak exactly there cannot possibly be any judge of fact besides the witnesses . la. how would you have a law def●n'd ? ph. thus ; a law is the command of him , or them that have the soveraign power , given to those that be his or their subjects , declaring publickly , and plainly what every of them may do , and what they must forbear to do . la. seeing all judges in all courts ought to judge according to equity , which is the law of reason , a distinct court of equity seemeth to me to be unnecessary , and but a burthen to the people , since common-law , and equity are the same law. ph. it were so indeed ; if judges could not err , but since they may err , and that the king is not bound to any other law but that of equity , it belongs to him alone to give remedy to them that by the ignorance , or corruption of a judge shall suffer dammage . la. by your definition of a law , the kings proclamation under the great seal of england is a law ; for it is a command , and publick , and of the soveraign to his subjects . ph. why not ? if he think it necessary for the good of his subjects : for this is a maxim at the common-law alledged by sir edward coke himself . 1 inst. sect. 306. quando lex aliquid concedit , concedere videtur & id per quod devenitur ad illud . and you know out of the same author , that divers kings of ●ngland have often , to the petitions in parliament which they granted , annexed such exceptions as these , unless there be necessity , saving our regality ; which i think should be always understood , though they be not expressed ; and are understood so by common lawyers , who agree that the king may recall any grant wherein he was deceiv'd . la. again , whereas you make it of the essence of a law to be publickly and plainly declar'd to the people , i see no necessity for that . are not all subjects bound to take notice of all acts of parliament , when no act can pass without their consent ? ph. if you had said that no act could pass without their knowledge , then indeed they had been bound to take notice of them ; but none can have knowledge of them but the members of the houses of parliament , therefore the rest of the people are excus'd ; or else the knights of the shires should be bound to furnish people with a sufficient number of copies ( at the peoples charge ) of the acts of parliament at their return into the country ; that every man may resort to them , and by themselves , or friends take notice of what they are obliged to ; for otherwise it were impossible they should be obeyed : and that no man is bound to do a thing impossible is one of sir edw. cokes maxims at the common-law . i know that most of the statutes are printed , but it does not appear that every man is bound to buy the book of statutes , nor to search for them at westminster or at the tower , nor to understand the language wherein they are for the most part written . la. i grant it proceeds from their own faults ; but no man can be excused by the ignorance of the law of reason ; that is to say , by ignorance of the common-law , except children , mad-men , and idiots : but you exact such a notice of the statute-law , as is almost impossible . is it not enough that they in all places have a sufficient number of the poenal statutes ? ph. yes ; if they have those poenal statutes near them , but what reason can you give me why there should not be as many copies abroad of the statutes , as there be of the bible ? la. i think it were well that every man that can read had a statute-book ; for certainly no knowledge of those laws , by which mens lives and fortunes can be brought into danger , can be too much . i find a great fault in your definition of law ; which is , that every law either forbiddeth or commandeth something . 't is true that the moral-law is always a command or a prohibition , or at least implieth it ; but in the levitical-law , where it is said ; that he that stealeth a sheep shall restore four fold ; what command , or prohibition lyeth in these words ? ph. such sentences as that are not in themselves general , but judgments , nevertheless , there is in those words implied a commandment to the judge , to cause to be made a four-fold restitution . la. that 's right . ph. now define what justice is , and what actions , and men are to be called just. la. justice is the constant will of giving to every man his own ; that is to say , of giving to every man that which is his right , in such manner as to exclude the right of all men else to the same thing . a just action is that which is not against the law. a just man is he that hath a constant will to live justly ; if you require more , i doubt there will no man living be comprehended within the definition . ph. seeing then that a just action ( according to your definition ) is that which is not against the law ; it is manifest that before there was a law , there could be no injustice , and therefore laws are in their nature antecedent to justice and injustice , and you cannot deny but there must be law-makers , before there was any laws , and consequently before there was any justice , i speak of humane justice ; and that law-makers were before that which you call own , or property of goods , or lands distinguished by meum , tuum , alienum . la. that must be granted ; for without statute-laws , all men have right to all things ; and we have had experience when our laws were silenced by civil war , there was not a man , that of any goods could say assuredly they were his own . ph. you see then that no private man can claim a propriety in any lands , or other goods from any title , from any man , but the king , or them that have the soveraign power ; because it is in virtue of the soveraignty , that every man may not enter into , and possess what he pleaseth ; and consequently to deny the soveraign any thing necessary to the sustaining of his soveraign power , is to destroy the propriety he pretends to . the next thing i will ask you is , how you distinguish between law and right , or lex and jus. la. sir ed. coke in divers places makes lex and jus to be the same , and so lex communis , and jus communis to be all one ; nor do i find that he does in any places distinguish them . ph. then will i distinguish them , and make you judge whether my distinction be not necessary to be known by every author of the common law : for law obligeth me to do , or forbear the doing of something ; and therefore it lies upon me an obligation ; but my right is a liberty left me by the law to do any thing which the law forbids me not , and to leave undone any thing which the law commands me not . did sir ed. coke see no difference between being bound and being free ? la. i know not what he was , but he has not mention'd it , though a man may dispense with his own liberty , that cannot do so with the law. ph. but what are you better for your right , if a rebellious company at home , or an enemy from abroad take away the goods , or dispossess you of the lands you have a right to ? can you be defended , or repair'd , but by the strength and authority of the king ? what reason therefore can be given by a man that endeavours to preserve his propriety , why he should deny , or malignly contribute to the strength that should defend him , or repair him ? let us see now what your books say to this point , and other points of the right of soveraignty . bracton , the most authentick author of the common law , fol. 55. saith thus : ipse dominus rex habet omnia jura in manu suâ , est dei vicarius ; habet ea quae sunt pacis , habet etiam coercionem ut delinquentes puniat ; habet in potestate suâ leges ; nihil enim prodest jura condere , nisi sit qui jura tueatur . that is to say , our lord the king hath all right in his own hands ; is gods vicar ; he has all that concerns the peace ; he has the power to punish delinquents ; all the laws are in his power ; to make laws is to no purpose , unless there be some-body to make them obeyed . if bracton's law be reason , as i , and you think it is ; what temporal power is there which the king hath not ? seeing that at this day all the power spiritual which bracton allows the pope , is restored to the crown ; what is there that the king cannot do , excepting sin against the law of god ? the same bracton lib. 21. c. 8. saith thus ; si autem a rege petitur ( cum breve non curret contra ipsum ) locus erit supplicationi , quod factum suum corrigat , & emendet ; quod quidem si non fecerit , satis sufficit ad poenam , quod dominum expectet vltorem ; nemo quidem de factis ejus praesumat disputare , multo fortius contra factum ejus venire : that is to say , if any thing be demanded of the king ( seeing a writ lyeth not against him ) he is put to his petition , praying him to correct and amend his own fact ; which if he will not do , it is a sufficient penalty for him , that he is to expect a punishment from the lord : no man may presume to dispute of what he does , much less to resist him . you see by this , that this doctrine concerning the rights of soveraignty so much cryed down by the long parliament , is the antient common-law , and that the only bridle of the kings of england , ought to be the fear of god. and again bracton , c. 24. of the second book sayes , that the rights of the crown cannot be granted away ; ea vero quae jurisdictionis & pacis , & ea quae sunt justitiae & paci annexa , ad nullum pertinent , nisi ad coronam & dignitatem regiam , nec a corona separari possunt , nec a privata persona possideri . that is to say , those things which belong to jurisdiction and peace , and those things that are annexed to justice , and peace , appertain to none , but to the crown and dignity of the king , nor can be separated from the crown , nor be possest by a private person . again you 'l find in fleta ( a law-book written in the time of edw. 2. ) that liberties though granted by the king , if they tend to the hinderance of justice , or subversion of the regal power , were not to be used , nor allowed : for in that book c. 20. concerning articles of the crown , which the justices itinerant are to enquire of , the 54th article is this , you shall inquire de libertatibus concessis quae impediunt communem j●stitiam , & regiam potestatem subvertunt . now what is a greater hindrance to common justice , or a greater subversion of the regal power , than a liberty in subjects to hinder the king from raising money necessary to suppress , or prevent rebellions , which doth destroy justice , and subvert the power of the soveraignty ? moreover when a charter is granted by a king in these words , dedita & coram pro me & haeredibus meis . the grantor by the common-law ( as sir edw. coke sayes in his commentaries on littleton ) is to warrant his gift ; and i think it reason , especially if the gift be upon consideration of a price paid . suppose a forraign state should say claim to this kingdom ( 't is no matter as to the question i am putting , whether the claim be unjust ) how would you have the king to warrant to every free-holder in england the lands they hold of him by such a charter ? if he cannot levy money , their estates are lost , and so is the kings estate , and if the kings estate be gone , how can he repair the value due upon the warranty ? i know that the kings charters are not so meerly grants , as that they are not also laws ; but they are such laws as speak not to all the kings subjects in general , but only to his officers ; implicitly forbidding them to judge , or execute any thing contrary to the said grants . there be many men that are able judges of what is right reason , and what not ; when any of these shall know that a man has no superiour , nor peer in the kingdom , he will hardly be perswaded he can be bound by any law of the kingdom , or that he who is subject to none but god , can make a law upon himself , which he cannot also as easily abrogate , as he made it . the main argument , and that which so much taketh with the throng of people , proceedeth from a needless fear put into their minds by such men as mean to make use of their hands to their own ends ; for if ( say they ) the king may ( notwithstanding the law ) do what he please , and nothing to restrain him but the fear of punishment in the world to come , then ( in case there come a king that fears no such punishment ) he may take away from us , not only our lands , goods , and liberties , but our lives also if he will : and they say true ; but they have no reason to think he will , unless it be for his own profit , which cannot be ; for he loves his own power ; and what becomes of his power when his subjects are destroyed , or weakned , by whose multitude , and strength he enjoyes his power , and every one of his subjects his fortune ? and lastly , whereas they sometimes say the king is bound , not only to cause his laws to be observ'd , but also to observe them himself ; i think the king causing them to be observ'd is the same thing as observing them himself : for i never heard it taken for good law , that the king may be indicted , or appealed , or served with a writ , till the long parliament practised the contrary upon the good king charles , for which divers of them were executed , and the rest by this our present king pardoned . la. pardoned by the king and parliament . ph. by the king in parliament if you will , but not by the king , and parliament ; you cannot deny , but that the pardoning of injury , to the person that is injur'd , treason , and other offences against the peace , and against the right of the soveraign are injuries done to the king ; and therefore whosoever is pardoned any such offence , ought to acknowledge he ows his pardon to the king alone : but as to such murders , felonies , and other injuries as are done to any subject how mean soever , i think it great reason that the parties endammaged ought to have satisfaction before such pardon be allow'd . and in the death of a man , where restitution of life is impossible , what can any friend , heir , or other party that may appeal , require more than reasonable satisfaction some other way ? perhaps he will be content with nothing but life for life ; but that is revenge , and belongs to god , and under god to the king , and none else ; therefore if there be reasonable satisfaction tendred , the king , without sin ( i think ) may pardon him . i am sure , if the pardoning him be a sin , that neither king , nor parliament , nor any earthly power can do it . la. you see by this your own argument , that the act of oblivion , without a parliament could not have passed ; because , not only the king , but also most of the lords , and abundance of common people had received injuries ; which not being pardonable , but by their own assent , it was absolutely necessary that it should be done in parliament , and by the assent of the lords and commons . ph. i grant it ; but i pray you tell me now what is the difference between a general pardon , and an act of oblivion ? la. the word act of oblivion was never in our books before ; but i believe it is in yours . ph. in the state of athens long ago , for the abolishing of the civil war , there was an act agreed on ; that from that time forward , no man should be molested for any thing ( before that act done ) whatsoever without exception , which act the makers of it called an act of oblivion ; not that all injuries should be forgotten ( for then we could never have had the story ) but that they should not rise up in judgment against any man. and in imitation of this act the like was propounded ( though it took no effect ) upon the death of julius caesar , in the senate of rome . by such an act you may easily conceive that all accusations for offences past were absolutely dead , and buried , and yet we have no great reason to think , that the objecting one to another of the injuries pardoned , was any violation of those acts , except the same were so expressed in the act it self . la. it seems then that the act of oblivion was here no more , nor of other nature than a general pardon . of courts . ph. since you acknowledge that in all controversies , the judicature originally belongeth to the king , and seeing that no man is able in his own person to execute an office of so much business ; what order is taken for deciding of so many , and so various controversies ? la. there be divers sorts of controversies , some of which are concerning mens titles to lands , and goods ; and some goods are corporeal , and lands , money , cattel , corn , and the like , which may be handled , or seen ; and some incorporeal , as priviledges , liberties , dignities , offices , and many other good things , meer creatures of the law , and cannot be handled or seen : and both of these kinds are concerning meum , and tuum . others there are concerning crimes punishable divers wayes ; and amongst some of these , part of the punishment is some fine , or forfeiture to the king , and then it is called a plea of the crown , in case the king sue the party , otherwise it is but a private plea , which they call an appeal : and though upon judgment in an appeal the king shall have his forfeiture ; yet it cannot be called a plea of the crown , but when the crown pleadeth for it . there be also other controversies concerning the government of the church , in order to religion , and virtuous life . the offences both against the crown , and against the laws of the church are crimes ; but the offences of one subject against another , if they be not against the crown , the king pretendeth nothing in those pleas , but the reparation of his subjects injur'd . ph. a crime is an offence of any kind whatsoever , for which a penalty is ordain'd by the law of the land : but you must understand that dammages awarded to the party injur'd , has nothing common with the nature of a penalty , but is meerly a restitution , or satisfaction due to the party griev'd by the law of reason , and consequently is no more a punishment than is the paying of a debt . la. it seems by this definition of a crime you make no difference between a crime , and a sin . ph. all crimes are indeed sins , but not all sins crimes . a sin may be in the thought or secret purpose of a man , of which neither a judge , nor a witness , nor any man take notice ; but a crime is such a sin as consists in an action against the law , of which action he can be accused , and tryed by a judge , and be convinced , or cleared by witnesses . farther ; that which is no sin in it self , but indifferent , may be made sin by a positive law. as when the statute was in force ; that no man should wear silk in his hat , after the statute , such wearing of silk was a sin , which was not so before : nay sometimes an action that 's good in it self , by the statute law may be made a sin ; as if a statute should be made to forbid the giving of alms to a strong and sturdy beggar ; such alms after that law would be a sin , but not before : for then it was charity , the object whereof is not the strength , or other quality of the poor man , but his poverty . again , he that should have said in queen maries time , that the pope had no authority in england , should have been burnt at a stake ; but for saying the same in the time of queen elizabeth , should have been commended . you see by this , that many things are made crimes , and no crimes , which are not so in their own nature , but by diversity of law , made upon diversity of opinion , or of interest by them which have authority : and yet those things , whether good , or evil , will pass so with the vulgar ( if they hear them often with odious terms recited ) for hainous crimes in themselves , as many of those opinions , which are in themselves pious , and lawful , were heretofore by the popes interest therein called detestable heresie . again ; some controversies are of things done upon the sea , others of things done upon the land. there need by many courts to the deciding of so many kinds of controversies . what order is there taken for their distribution ? la. there be an extraordinary great number of courts in england ; first ; there be the kings courts both for law , and equity in matters temporal , which are the chancery , the kings-bench , the court of common-pleas , and for the kings revenue the court of the exchequer , and there be subjects courts by priviledge , as the court in london , and other priviledg'd places . and there be other courts of subjects , as the courts of landlords , called the court of barons , and the courts of sherifs . also the spiritual courts are the kings courts at this day , though heretofore they were the popes courts . and in the kings courts , some have their judicature by office , and some by commission , and some authority to hear , and determine , and some only to inquire , and to certifie into other courts . now for the distribution of what pleas every court may hold ; it is commonly held , that all the pleas of the crown , and of all offences contrary to the peace are to be holden in the kings bench , or by commissioners , for bracton saith ; sciendum est , quod si actiones sunt criminales , in curia domini regis debent determinari ; cum sit ibi poena c●rporalis infligenda , & hoc coram ipso rege , si tangat personam suam , sicut crimen laesae majestatis , vel coram justitiariis ad hoc specialiter assignatis . that is to say ; that if the plea be criminal , it ought to be determin'd in the court of our lord the king , because there they have power to inflict corporeal punishment , and if the crime be against his person , as the crime of treason , it ought to be determin'd before the king himself , or if it be against a private person , it ought to be determin'd by justices assigned ; that is to say , before commissioners . it seems by this , that heretofore kings did hear and determine pleas of treason against themselves , by their own persons ; but it has been otherwise a long time , and is now : for it is now the office of the lord steward of england in the tryal of a peer , to hold that plea by a commission especially for the same . in causes concerning meum , and tuum , the king may sue , either in the kings-bench , or in the court of common pleas , as it appears by fitzherbert in his natura brevium , at the writ of escheat . ph. a king perhaps will not sit to determine of causes of treason against his person , lest he should seem to make himself judge in his own cause ; but that it shall be judged by judges of his own making , can never be avoided , which is also one as if he were judge himself . la. to the kings-bench also ( i think ) belongeth the hearing , and determining of all manner of breaches of the peace whatsoever , saving alwayes to the king that he may do the same , when he pleaseth , by commissioners . in the time of henry the 3d , and edward the 1st , ( when bracton wrote ) the king did usually send down every seven years into the country commissioners called justices itinerant , to hear , and determine generally all causes temporal , both criminal , and civil , whose places have been now a long time supplyed by the justices of assize , with commissions of the peace of oyer , and terminer , and of goal-delivery . ph. but why may the king only sue in the kings-bench , or court of common-pleas , which he will , and no other person may do the same ? la. there is no statute to the contrary , but it seemeth to be the common-law ; for sir edw. coke , 4 inst. setteth down the jurisdiction of the kings-bench ; which ( he says ) has ; first , jurisdiction in all pleas of the crown . secondly , the correcting of all manner of errors of other justices , and judges , both of judgments and process ( except of the court of exchequer ) which he sayes , is to this court proprium quarto modo . thirdly ; that it has power to correct all misdemeanours extrajudicial tending to the breach of the peace , or oppression of the subjects , or raising of factions , controversies , debates , or any other manner of misgovernment . fourthly ; it may hold plea by writ out of the chancery of all trespasses done vi & armis . fifthly ; it hath power to hold plea by bill for debt , detinu , covenant , promise , and all other personal actions ; but of the jurisdiction of the kings-bench in actions real he says nothing ; save , that if a writ in a real action be abated by judgment in the court of common-pleas , and that the judgment be by a writ of error , reversed in the kings-bench , then the kings-bench may proceed upon the writ . ph. but how is the practice ? la. real actions are commonly decided , as well in the kings-bench , as in the court of common-pleas . ph. when the kng by authority in writing maketh a lord-chief-justice of the kings-bench ; does he not set down what he makes him for ? la. sir edw coke sets down the letters patents , whereby of antient time the lord chief-justice was constituted , wherein is expressed to what end he hath his office ; viz. pro conservatione nostra , & tranquilitatis regni nostri , & ad justitiam universis & singulis de regno nostro exhibendam , constituimus dilectum & fidelem nostrum p. b. justitiarium angliae , quamdiu nobis placuerit capitalem , &c. that is to say , for the preservation of our self , and of the peace of our realm , and for the doing of justice to all and singular our subjects , we have constituted our beloved and faithful p. b. during our pleasure , chief justice of england , &c. ph. methinks 't is very plain by these letters patents , that all causes temporal within the kingdom ( except the pleas that belong to the exchequer ) should be decidable by this lord-chief-justice . for as for causes criminal , and that concern the peace , it is granted him in these words , for the conservation of our self , and peace of the kingdom , wherein are contained all pleas criminal ; and , in the doing of justice to all and singular the kings subjects are comprehended all pleas civil . and as to the court of common-pleas , it is manifest it may hold all manner of civil-pleas ( except those of the exchequer ) by magna charta , cap. 11. so that all original writs concerning civil-pleas are returnable into either of the said courts ; but how is the lord-chief-justice made now ? la. by these words in their letters patents ; constituimus vos justitiarium nostrum capitalem ad placita coram nobis tenenda , durante beneplacito nostro . that is to say , we have made you our chief-justice to hold pleas before our self , during our pleasure . but this writ , though it be shorter , does not at all abridge the power they had by the former . and for the letters patents for the chief-justice of the common-pleas , they go thus , constituimus dilectum & fidelem , &c. capitalem justitiarium de communi banco , habendum , &c. quamdiu nobis placuerit , cum vadiis & foedis ab antiquo debitis & consuetis . id est , we have constituted our beloved and faithful , &c. chief-justice of the common-bench , to have , &c. during our pleasure , with the ways , and fees thereunto heretofore due , and usual . ph. i find in history , that there have been in england always a chancellour and a chief-justice of england , but of a court of common-pleas there is no mention before magna charta . common-pleas there were ever both here , and i think , in all nations ; for common-pleas and civil-pleas i take to be the same . la. before the statute of magna charta common-pleas ( as sir edw. coke granteth , 2 inst. p. 21. ) might have been holden in the kings-bench ; and that court being removeable at the kings will , the returns of writs were coram nobis ubicunque fuerimus in anglia ; whereby great trouble of jurors ensued , and great charges of the parties , and delay of justice ; and that for these causes it was ordain'd , that the common-pleas should not follow the king , but be held in a place certain . ph. here sir edw. coke declares his opinion , that no common-plea can be holden in the kings-bench , in that he says they might have been holden then . and yet this doth not amount to any probable proof , that there was any court of common-pleas in england before magna charta : for this statute being to ease the jurors , and lessen the charges of parties , and for the expedition of justice had been in vain , if there had been a court of common-pleas then standing ; for such a court was not necessarily to follow the king , as was the chancery , and the kings-bench . besides , unless the kings-bench , wheresoever it was , held plea of civil causes , the subject had not at all been eased by this statute : for supposing the king at york , had not the kings subjects about london , jurors , and parties as much trouble , and charge to go to york , as the people about york had before to go to london ? therefore i can by no means believe otherwise , then that the erection of the court of common-pleas was the effect of that statute of magna charta , cap. 11. and before that time not existent , though i think that for the multiplicity of suits in a great kingdom there was need of it . la. perhaps there was not so much need of it as you think : for in those times the laws , for the most part , were in setling , rather than setled ; and the old saxon laws concerning inheritances were then practised , by which laws speedy justice was executed by the kings writs , in the courts of barons , which were landlords to the rest of the freeholders , and suits of barons in county-courts , and but few suits in the kings courts , but when justice could not be had in those inferior courts ; but at this day there be more suits in the kings courts , than any one court can dispatch . ph. why should there be more suits now , than formerly ? for i believe this kingdom was as well peopled then as now . la. sir edw. coke , 4 inst. p. 76. assigneth for it six causes , 1. peace , 2. plenty , 3. the dissolution of religious houses , and dispersing of their lands among so many several persons , 4. the multitude of informers , 5. the number of concealers , 6. the multitude of attorneys . ph. i see sir edw. coke has no mind to lay any fault upon the men of his own profession ; and that he assigns for causes of the mischiefs , such things as would be mischief , and wickedness to amend ; for if peace , and plenty , be the cause of this evil , it cannot be removed but by war and beggery ; and the quarrels arising about the lands of religious persons cannot arise from the lands , but from the doubtfulness of the laws . and for informers they were authorised by statutes , to the execution of which statutes they are so necessary , as that their number cannot be too great , and if it be too great the fault is in the law it self . the number of concealers , are indeed a number of couseners , which the law may easily correct . and lastly for the multitude of attorneys , it is the fault of them that have the power to admit , or refuse them . for my part i believe that men at this day have better learn't the art of caviling against the words of a statute , than heretofore they had , and thereby encourage themselves , and others , to undertake suits upon little reason . also the variety and repugnancy of judgments of common-law do oftentimes put men to hope for victory in causes , whereof in reason they had no ground at all . also the ignorance of what is equity in their own causes , which equity not one man in a thousand ever studied , and the lawyers themselves seek not for their judgments in their own breasts , but in the precedents of former judges , as the antient judges sought the same , not in their own reason , but in the laws of the empire . another , and perhaps the greatest cause of multitude of suits is this , that for want of registring of conveyances of land , which might easily be done in the townships where the lands ly , a purchase cannot easily be had , which will not be litigious . lastly , i believe the coveteousness of lawyers was not so great in antient time , which was full of trouble , as they have been since in time of peace , wherein men have leisure to study fraud , and get employment from such men as can encourage to contention . and how ample a field they have to exercise this mystery in is manifest from this , that they have a power to scan and construe every word in a statute , charter , feofment , lease , or other deed , evidence , or testimony . but to return to the jurisdiction of this court of the kings-bench , where , as you say , it hath power to correct and amend the errors of all other judges , both in process , and in judgments ; cannot the judges of the common-pleas correct error in process in their own courts , without a writ of error from another court ? la. yes ; and there be many statutes which command them so to do . ph. when a writ of error is brought out of the kings-bench , be it either error in process , or in law , at whose charge is it to be done ? la. at the charge of the clyent . ph. i see no reason for that ; for the clyent is not in fault , who never begins a suit but by the advice of his council learned in the law , whom he pays for his council given . is not this the fault of his councellor ? nor when a judge in the common-pleas hath given an erroneous sentence , it is always likely that the judge of the kings-bench will reverse the judgment ( though there be no question , but as you may find in bracton , and other learned men , he has power to do it ) because being professors of the same common-law , they are perswaded , for the most part , to give the same judgments : for example ; if sir edw. coke in the last terme that he sate lord-chief-justice in the court of common-pleas , had given an erroneous judgment , that when he was removed , and made lord-chief-justice of the kings-bench , would therefore have reversed the said judgment , it is possi he might , but not very likely . and therefore i do believe there is some other power , by the king constituted , to reverse erroneous judgments , both in the kings-bench , and in the court of common-pleas . la. i think not ; for there is a statute to the contrary , made 4 o , hen. 4. cap. 23. in these words ; whereas , as well in plea real , as in plea personal , after judgment in the court of our lord the king , the parties be made to come upon grievous pain , sometimes before the king himself , sometimes before the kings council , and sometimes to the parliament to answer thereof anew , to the great impoverishing of the parties aforesaid , and to the subversion of the common-law of the land , it is ordained and established , that after judgment given in the court of our lord the king , the parties , and their heirs shall be there in peace , until the judgment be undone by attaint , or by error , if there be error , as hath been used by the laws in the times of the kings progenitors . ph. this statute is so far from being repugnant to that , i say , as it seemeth to me to have been made expresly to confirm the same : for the substance of the statu●e is , that there shall be no suit made by either of the parties for any thing adjudged , either in the kings-bench , or court of common-pleas , before the judgment be undone by error , or corruption prov'd ; and that this was the common-law before the making of this statute , which could not be , except there were ( before this statute ) some courts authorised to examine , and correct such errors as by the plaintiff should be assign'd . the inconvenience which by this statute was to be remedied was this , that often judgment given in the kings courts , by which are meant in this place the kings-bench , and court of common-pleas , the party against whom the judgment was given , did begin a new suit , and cause his adversary to come before the king himself ; here by the king himself must be understood the king in person ; for though in a writ by the words coram nobis is understood the kings-bench , yet in a statute it is never so ; nor is it strange , seeing in those days the king did usually sit in court with his council , to hear ( as sometimes king james ) and sometimes the same parties commenced their suit before the privy-council , though the king were absent ; and sometimes before the parliament the former judgment yet standing . for remedy whereof , it was ordained by this statute , that no man should renew his suit , till the former judgment was undone by attaint , or error ; which reversing of a judgment had been impossible , if there had been no court ( besides the aforesaid two courts ) wherein the errors might be assigned , examin'd , and judg'd ; for no court can be esteemed in law , or reason , a competent judge of its own errors . there was therefore before this statute some other court existent for the hearing of errors , and reversing of erroneous judgments . what court this was i enquire not yet , but i am sure it could not be either the parliament or the privy-council , or the court wherein the erroneous judgment was given . la. the doctor and student discourses of this statute , cap. 18. much otherwise than you do : for the author of that book saith , that against an erroneous judgment all remedy is by this statute taken away . and though neither reason , nor the office of a king , nor any law positive can prohibit the remedying of any injury , much less of an unjust sentence , yet he shows many statutes , wherein a mans conscience ought to prevail above the law. ph. upon what ground can he pretend , that all remedy in this case is by this statute prohibited ? la. he says it is thereby enacted , that judgment given by the kings courts shall not be examin'd in the chancery , parliament , nor elsewhere . ph. is there any mention of chancery in this act ? it cannot be examin'd before the king and his council , nor before the parliament , but you see that before the statute it was examin'd somewhere , and that this statute will have it examin'd there again . and seeing the chancery was altogether the highest office of judicature in the kingdom for matter of equity , and that the chancery is not here forbidden to examine the judgments of all other courts , at least it is not taken from it by this statute . but what cases are there in this chapter of the doctor and student , by which it can be made probable , that when law , and conscience , or law and equity seem to oppugne one another , the written law should be preferr'd ? la. if the defendant wage his law in an action of debt brought upon a true debt , the plaintiff hath no means to come to his debt by way of compulsion , neither by subpoena , nor otherwise , and yet the defendant is bound in conscience to pay him . ph. here is no preferring that , i see , of the law above conscience , or equity ; for the plaintiff in this case loseth not his debt for want either of law , or equity , but for want of proof ; for neither law , nor equity can give a man his right , unless he prove it . la. also if the grand-jury in attaint affirm a false verdict given by the petty-jury , there is no farther remedy , but the conscience of the party . ph. here again the want of proof is the want of remedy ; for if he can prove that the verdict given was false , the king can give him remedy such way as himself shall think best , and ought to do it , in case the party shall find surety , if the same verdict be again affirmed , to satisfie his adversary for the dammage , and vexation he puts him to . la. but there is a statute made since ; viz. 27 eliz. c. 8. by which that statute of hen. 4. 23. is in part taken away ; for by that statute erroneous judgments given in the kings-bench , are by a writ of error to be examin'd in the exchequer-chamber , before the justices of the common-bench , and the barons of the exchequer , and by the preamble of this act it appears , that erroneous judgments are only to be reform'd by the high court of parliament . ph. but here is no mention , that the judgments given in the court of common-pleas should be brought in to be examin'd in the exchequer-chamber , why therefore may not the court of chancery examin●● judgment given in the court of common-pleas ? la. you deny not but , by the antient law of england , the kings-bench may examine the judgment given in the court of common-pleas . ph. 't is true ; but why may not also the court of chancery do the same , especially if the fault of the judgment be against equity , and not against the letter of the law ? la. there is no necessity of that ; for the same court may examine both the letter and the equity of the statute . ph. you see by this , that the jurisdiction of courts cannot easily be distinguished , but by the king himself in his parliament . the lawyers themselves cannot do it ; for you see what contention there is between courts , as well as between particular men. and whereas you say , that law of 4 ▪ hen. 4. 23. is by that of 27 eliz. cap. 8. taken away , i do not find it so . i find indeed a diversity of opinion between the makers of the former and the latter statute , in the preamble of the latter and conclusion of the former . the preamble of the latter is ; forasmuch as erroneous judgments given in the court called the kings-bench , are only to be reformed in the high court of parliament , and the conclusion of the former is , that the contrary was law in the times of the kings progenitors . these are no parts of those laws , but opinions only concerning the antient custom in that case , arising from the different opinions of the lawyers in those different times , neither commanding , nor forbidding any thing ; though of the statutes themselves , the one forbids that such pleas be brought before the parliament , the other forbids it not : but yet if after the act of hen. 4. such a plea had been brought before the parliament , the parliament might have heard , and determin'd it : for the statute forbids not that ! nor can any law have the force to hinder the law of any jurisdiction whatsoever they please to take upon them , seeing it is a court of the king and of all the people together , both lords , and commons . la. though it be , yet seeing the king ( as sir edw. coke affirms , 4 inst. p. 71. ) hath committed all his power judicial , some to one court , and some to another , so as if any man would render himself to the judgment of the king , in such case where the king hath committed all his power judicial to others , such a render should be to no effect . and p. 73. he saith farther ; that in this court the kings of this realm have sitten on the high bench , and the judges of that court on the lower bench , at his feet ; but judicature belongeth only to the judges of that court , and in his presence they answer all motions . ph. i cannot believe that sir edw. coke , how much soever he desir'd to advance the authority of himself , and other justices of the common-law , could mean that the king in the kings-bench sate as a spectator only , and might not have answered all motions , which his judges answer'd , if he had seen cause for it : for he knew that the king was supream judge then in all causes temporal , and is now in all causes both temporal , and ecclesiastical ; and that there is an exceeding great penalty ordained by the laws for them that shall deny it . but sir edw. coke as he had ( you see ) in many places before , hath put a fallacy upon himself , by not distinguishing between committing , and transferring . he that transferreth his power , hath deprived himself of it , but he that committeth it to another to be exercised in his name , and under him , is still in the possession of the same power . and therefore if a man render himself ; that is to say , appealeth to the king from any judge whatsoever , the king may receive his appeal ; and it shall be effectual . la. besides these 2 courts , the kings-bench for pleas of the crown , and the court of common-pleas for causes civil , according to the common-law of england , there is another court of justice , that hath jurisdiction in causes both civil , and criminal , and is as antient a court , at least as the court of common pleas , and this is the court of the lord admiral , but the proceedings therein are according to the laws of the roman empire , and the causes to be determin'd there are such as arise upon the marine sea : for so it is ordain'd by divers statutes , and confirm'd by many precedents . ph. as for the statutes they are always law , and reason also ; for they are made by the assent of all the kingdom , but precedents are judgments one contrary to another ; i mean divers men , in divers ages , upon the same case give divers judgments . therefore i will ask your opinion once more concerning any judgments besides those of the king , as to their validity in law. but what is the difference between the proceedings of the court of admiralty , and the court of common-law ? la. one is , that the court of admiralty proceedeth by two witnesses , without any either grand-jury , to indict , or petty to convict , and the judge giveth sentence according to the laws imperial , which of old time were in force in all this part of europe , and now are laws , not by the will of any other emperor or forraign power , but by the will of the kings of england that have given them force in their own dominions ; the reason whereof seems to be , that the causes that arise at sea are very often between us , and people of other nations , such as are governed for the most part by the self same laws imperial . ph. how can it precisely enough be determin'd at sea , especially near the mouth of a very great river , whether it be upon the sea , or within the land ? for the rivers also are , as well as their banks , within , or a part of one country or other . la. truly the question is difficult , and there have been many suits about it , wherein the question has been , whose jurisdiction it is in . ph. nor do i see how it can be decided , but by the king himself , in case it be not declar'd in the lord admirals letters patents . la. but though there be in the letters patents a power given to hold plea in some certain cases ; to any of the statutes concerning the admiralty the justices of the common-law may send a prohibition to that court , to proceed in the plea , though it be with a non-obstante of any statute . ph. methinks that that should be against the right of the crown , which cannot be taken from it by any subject : for that argument of sir edw. coke's , that the king has given away all his judicial power , is worth nothing ; because ( as i have said before ) he cannot give away the essential rights of his crown , and because by a non-obstante he declares he is not deceived in his grant. la. but you may see by the precedents alledged by sir edw. coke , the contrary has been perpetually practised . ph. i see not that perpetually ; for who can tell , but there may have been given other judgments in such cases , which have either been not preserv'd in the records , or else by sir edw. coke ( because they were against his opinion ) not alledged : for this is possible , though you will not grant it to be very likely ; therefore i insist only upon this , that no record of a judgment is a law , save only to the party pleading , until he can by law reverse the former judgment . and as to the proceeding without juries by two sufficient witnesses , i do not see what harm can proceed from it to the common-wealth , nor consequently any just quarrel that the justice of the common-law can have against their proceedings in the admiralty : for the proof of a fact in both courts lyeth meerly on the witnesses , and the difference is no more , but that in the imperial-law , the judge of the court judgeth of the testimony of the witnesses , and the jury doth in a court of common-law . besides , if a court of common-law should chance to incroach upon the jurisdiction of the admiral , may not he send a prohibition to the court of common-law to forbid their proceeding ? i pray you tell me what reason there is for the one , more than for the other ? la. i know none but long custom ; for i think it was never done . ph. the highest ordinary court in england is the court of chancery , wherein the lord chancellour , or otherwise keeper of the great seal is the only judge . this court is very antient , as appears by sir edw. coke , 4 inst. p. 87. where he nameth the chancellors of king edgar , king etheldred , king edmund , and king edward the confessor . his office is given to him without letters patents by the kings delivery to him of the great seal of england , and whosoever hath the keeping of the great seal of england hath the same , and the whole jurisdiction that the lord chancellour ever had by the statute of 5 eliz. cap. 18. wherein it is declar'd , that such is , and always has been the common-law . and sir edw. coke says , he has his name of chancellour from the highest point of his jurisdiction ; viz. a cancellando ; that is , from cancelling the kings letters patents , by drawing strokes through it like a lattice . ph. very pretty . it is well enough known that cancellarius was a great officer under the roman empire , whereof this island was once a member , and that the office came into this kingdom , either with , or in imitation of the roman government . also it was long after the time of the 12 caesars , that this officer was created in the state of rome . for till after septimius severus his time , the emperors did diligently enough take cognizance of causes and complaints for judgments given in the courts of the praetors , which were in rome the same that the judges of the common-law are here ; but by the continual civil wars in after-times for the choosing of emperors , that diligence by little and little ceased ; and afterwards ( as i have read in a very good author of the roman civil law ) the number of complaints being much increased , and being more than the emperor could dispatch , he appointed an officer as his clerk , to receive all such petitions ; and that this clerk caused a partition to be made in a room convenient , in which partition-wall , at the heighth of a mans reach , he placed at convenient distances certain bars ; so that when a suitor came to deliver his petition to the clerk , who was sometimes absent , he had no more to do , but to throw in his petition between those bars , which in latin are called properly cancelli ; not that any certain form of those bars , or any bars at all were necessary ; for they might have been thrown over , though the whole space had been left open ; but because they were cancelli , the clerk attendant , and keeping his office there , was called cancellarius : and any court bar may properly enough be called cancelli , which does not signifie a lattice ; for that is but a meer conjecture grounded upon no history nor grammar , but taken up at first ( as is likely ) by some boy that could find no other word in the dictionary for a lattice but cancelli . the office of this chancellour was at first but to breviate the matter of the petitions , for the easing of the emperor , but complaints encreasing daily , they were too many , considering other businesses more necessary for the emperor to determine , and this caused the emperor to commit the determination of them to the chancellor again ; what reason doth sir edw. coke alledge to prove , that the highest point of the chancellors jurisdiction is to cancel his masters letters patents , after they were sealed with his masters seal ; unless he hold plea concerning the validity of them , or of his masters meaning in them , or of the surreptitious getting of them , or of the abusing of them , which are all causes of equity ? also , seeing the chancellor hath his office only by the delivery of the great seal , without any instruction , or limitation of the process in his court to be used ; it is manifest , that in all causes whereof he has the hearing , he may proceed by such manner of hearing , and examining of witnesses ( with jury , or without jury ) as he shall think fittest for the exactness , expedition and equity of the decrees . and therefore , if he think the custome of proceeding by jury , according to the custome of england in courts of common-law , tend more to equity ( which is the scope of all the judges in the world , or ought to be ) he ought to use that method , or if he think better of another proceeding , he may use it , if it be not forbidden by a statute . la. as for this reasoning of yours i think it well enough ; but there ought to be had also a reverend respect to customs not unreasonable ; and therefore , i think , sir edw. coke says not amiss ; that in such cases , where the chancellor will proceed by the rule of the common-law , he ought to deliver the record in the kings-bench ; and also it is necessary for the lord chancellor to take care of not exceeding as it is limited by statutes . ph. what are the statutes by which his jurisdiction is limited ? i know that by the 27 eliz. cap. 8. he cannot reverse a judgment given in the kings-bench for debt , detinue , &c. nor before the statute could he ever by virtue of his office , reverse a judgment in pleas of the crown , given by the kings-bench that hath the cognizance of such pleas , nor need he ; for the judges themselves , when they think there is need to relieve a man opprest by ill witnesses , or power of great men prevailing on the jury , or by error of the jury , though it be in case of felony , may stay the execution , and inform the king , who will in equity relieve him . as to the regard we ought to have to custome , we will consider of it afterward . la. first in a parliament holden the 13th of rich. 2. the commons petitioned the king , that neither the chancellor , nor other chancellor do make any order against the common-law , nor that any judgment be given without due process of law. ph. this is no unreasonable petition ; for the common-law is nothing else but equity : and by this statute it appears , that the chancellors , before that statute , made bolder with the courts of common law , than they did afterward ; but it does not appear that common-law in this statute signifies any thing else , but generally the law temporal of the realm , nor was this statute ever printed , that such as i might take notice of it ; but whether it be a statute or not , i know not , till you tell me what the parliament answer'd to this petition . la. the kings answer was , the wages heretofore shall stand , so as the kings royalty be saved . ph. this is slatly against sir edw. coke , concerning the chancery . la. in another parliament , 17 rich. 2. it is enacted , at the petition of the commons ; that forasmuch as people were compelled to come before the kings council , or in chancery , by writs grounded upon untrue suggestions , that the chancellor for the time being , presently after such suggestions , be duly found , and proved untrue , shall have power to ordain , and award dammages , according to his discretion , to him which is so travelled unduly , as is aforesaid . ph. by this statute it appears , that when a complaint is made in chancery upon undue suggestions , the chancellor shall have the examination of the said suggestions , and as he may avoid dammages when the suggestions are untrue , so he may also proceed by process to the detemining of the cause , whether it be real , or personal , so it be not criminal . la. also the commons petitioned in a parliament of 2 hen. 4. not printed ; that no writs , nor privy-seals be sued out of chancery , exchequer , or other places to any man to appear at a day , upon a pain , either before the king and his council , or in any other place , contrary to the ordinary course of common-law . ph. what answer was given to this petition by the king ? la. that such writs should not be granted without necessity . ph. here again you see the king may deny , or grant any petitions in parliament , either as he thinks it necessary , as in this place , or as he thinks it prejudicial , or not prejudicial to his royalty , as in the answer of the former petition , which is a sufficient proof , that no part of his legislative power , or any other essential part of royalty can be taken from him by a statute . now seeing it is granted , that equity is the same thing with the law of reason , and seeing sir edw. coke , 1 inst. sect. 21. defines equity to be a certain reason comprehended in no writing , but consisting only in right reason , which interpreteth and amendeth the written-law ; i would fain know to what end there should be any other court of equity at all , either before the chancellor or any other person , besides the judges of the civil , or common-pleas ? nay i am sure you can alledge none but this , that there was a necessity of a higher court of equity , than the courts of common-law , to remedy the errors in judgment given by the justices of inferior courts , and the errors in chancery were irrevocable , except by parliament , or by special commission appointed thereunto by the king. la. but sir edw. coke says , that seeing matters of fact by the common-law are tryable by a jury of 12 men , this court should not draw the matter ad aliud examen ; i. e. to another kind of examination , viz. by deposition of witnesses , which should be but evidence to a jury . ph. to the deposition of witnesses any more or less , then to evidence to the lord-chancellor ? 't is not therefore another kind of examination ; nor is a jury more capable of duly examining witnesses than a lord-chancellor . besides , seeing all courts are bound to judge according to equity , and that all judges in a case of equity , may sometimes be deceiv'd , what harm is there to any man , or to the state , if there be a subordination of judges in equity , as well as of judges in common-law ? seeing it is provided by an act of parliament to avoid vexation , that subpoenas shall not be granted , till surety be found to satisfie the party so grieved and vexed for his dammages and expences , if so be the matter may not be made good which is contained in the bill . la. there is another statute of 31 hen. 6. cap. 2. wherein there is a proviso cited by sir edw. coke in these words ; provided , that no matter determinable by the laws of the realm , shall be by the said act determined in other form , then after the course of the same law in the kings courts having the determination of the same law. ph. this law was made but for seven years , and never continued by any other parliament , and the motive of this law was the great riots , extortions , oppressions , &c. used during the time of the insurrection of john cade , and the indictments and condemnations wrongfully had by this usurped authority ; and thereupon the parliament ordained , that for 7 years following no man should disobey any of the kings writs under the great seal , or should refuse to appear upon proclamation before the kings council , or in the chancery , to answer to riots , extortions , &c. for the first time he should lose , &c. wherein there is nothing at all concerning the jurisdiction of the chancery , or any other court , but an extraordinary power given to the chancery , and to the kings privy-council , to determine of those crimes which were not before that time tryable , but only by the kings-bench , or special commission : for the act was made expresly for the punishment of a great multitude of crimes committed by those that had acted by the said cade's authority ; to which act the proviso was added , which is here mention'd , that the proceeds in those courts of chancery , and of the kings council should be such , as should be used in the courts , to which the said courts , before this act was made , do belong . that is to say , such causes as were criminal , should be after the order of the kings-bench , and such causes as were not criminal , but only against equity , should be tryed after the manner of the chancery , or in some cases according to the proceedings in the exchequer . i wonder why sir edw. coke should cite a statute ( as this is ) above two hundred years before expir'd , and other two petitions ; as if they were statutes , when they were not passed by the king ; unless he did it on purpose to diminish ( as he endeavours to do throughout his institutes ) the kings authority , or to insinuate his own opinions among the people for the law of the land : for that also he endeavours by inserting latin sentences , both in his text , and in the margin , as if they were principles of the law of reason , without any authority of antient lawyers , or any certainty of reason in themselves , to make men believe they are the very grounds of the law of england . now as to the authority you ascribe to custome , i deny that any custome of its own nature , can amount to the authority of a law : for if the custom be unreasonable , you must with all other lawyers confess that it is no law , but ought to be abolished ; and if the custom be reasonable , it is not the custom , but the equity that makes it law. for what need is there to make reason law by any custom how long soever when the law of reason is eternal ? besides , you cannot find in any statute ( though lex & consuetudo be often mentioned as things to be followed by the judges in their judgments ) that consuetudines , that is to say , customs , or usages did imply any long continuance of former time ; but that it signified such use , and custom of proceeding , as was then immediately in being before the making of such statute . nor shall you find in any statute the word common-law , which may not be there well interpreted for any of the laws of england temporal ; for it is not the singularity of process used in any court ; that can distinguish it so as to make it a different law from the law of the whole nation . la. if all courts were ( as you think ) courts of equity , would it not be incommodious to the common-wealth ? ph. i think not ; unless perhaps you may say , that seeing the judges , whether they have many , or few causes to be heard before them , have but the same wages from the king , they may be too much inclin'd to put off the causes they use to hear ( for the easing of themselves ) to some other court ; to the delay of justice , and dammage of the parties suing . la. you are very much deceiv'd in that ; for on contrary the contention between the courts for jurisdiction , is of who shall have most causes brought before them . ph. i cry you mercy , i smelt not that . la. seeing also all judges ought to give their sentence according to equity ; if it should chance that a written law should be against the law of reason , which is equity , i cannot imagine in that case how any judgment can be righteous . ph. it cannot be that a written law should be against reason : for nothing is more reasonable than that every man should obey the law , which he hath himself assented to ; but that is not always the law which is signified by grammatical construction of the letter , but that which the legislator thereby intended should be in force ; which intention , i confess , is a very hard matter many times to pick out of the words of the statute , and requires great ability of understanding , and greater meditations , and considerations of such conjuncture of occasions , and incommodities as needed a new law for a remedy ; for there is scarce any thing so clearly written , that when the cause thereof is forgotten , may not be wrested by an ignorant grammarian , or a cavilling logician , to the injury , oppression , or perhaps destruction of an honest man. and for this reason , the judges deserve that honour and profit they enjoy ; since the determination of what particular causes every particular court should have cognizance , is a thing not yet sufficiently explained , and is in it self so difficult , as that the sages of the law themselves ( the reason sir edw. coke will leave to law it self ) are not yet agreed upon it ; how is it possible for a man that is no professed , or no profound lawyer , to take notice in what court he may lawfully begin his suit , or give council in it to his client ? la. i confess that no man can be bound to take notice of the jurisdiction of courts , till all the courts be agreed upon it amongst themselves ; but what rule to give judgment by a judge can have , so as never to contradict the law written , nor displease his legislator i understand not . ph. i think he may avoid both , if he take care by his sentence , that he neither punish an innocent , nor deprive him of his ●ammages due from one that maliciously ●●eth him without reasonable cause , which ●o the most of rational men , and unbiassed ●s not , in my opinion , very difficult . and though a judge should ( as all men may do ) erre in his judgment , yet there is always such power in the laws of england , as may content the parties , either in the chancery , or by commissioners of their own choosing , authorized by the king ; for every man ●s bound to acquiesce in the sentence of the judges he chooseth . la. in what cases can the true construction of the letter be contrary to the meaning of the lawmaker ? ph. very many , whereof sir edw. coke nameth 3 , fraud , accident , and breach of confidence ; but there be many more ; for there be a very great many reasonable exceptions almost to every general rule , which the makers of the rule could not foresee ; and very many words in every statute , especially long ones , that are , as to grammar , of ambiguous signification , and yet to them that know well , to what end the statute was made , perspicuous enough ; and many connections of doubtful reference , which by a grammarian may be cavill'd at , though the intention of the lawmaker be never so perspicuous . and these are the difficulties which the judges ought to master , and can do it in respect of their ability for which they are chosen , as well as can be hoped for ; and yet there are other men can do the same , or else the judges places could not be from time to time supplyed . the bishops commonly are the most able and rational men , and obliged by their profession to study equity , because it is the law of god , and are therefore capable of being judges in a court of equity . they are the men that teach the people what is sin ; that is to say , they are the doctors in cases of conscience . what reason then can you shew me , why it is unfit , and hurtful to the common-wealth , that a bishop should be a chancellor , as they were most often before the time of hen. 8. and since that time once in the raign of king james ? la. but sir ed. says , that soon after that a chancellor was made , which was no professor of the law , he finds in the rolls of the parliament a grievous complaint by the whole body of the realm , and a petition that the most wise and able men within the realm might be chosen chancellors . ph. that petition was reasonable , but it does not say which are abler men , the judges of the common law , or the bishops . la. that is not the great question as to the ability of a judge ; both of one , and the other there are able men in their own way ; but when a judge of equity has need , almost in every case , to consider as well the statute-law , as the law of reason , he cannot perform his office perfectly , unless he be also ready in the statutes . ph. i see no great need he has to be ready in the statutes ; in the hearing of a cause do the judges of the common-law inform the council at the bar what the statute is , or the council the judges ? la. the council inform the judges . ph. why may they not as well inform the chancellor ? unless you will say , that a bishop understands not as well as a lawyer what is sense , when he hears it read in english. no ; no ; both the one , and the other are able enough , but to be able enough is not enough ; when , not the difficulty of the case only , but also the passion of the judge is to be conquer'd . i forgot to tell you of the statute of the 36 edw. 3. cap. 9. that if any person think himself grieved contrary to any of the articles above written , or others contained in divers statutes , will come to the chancery , or any for him , and thereof make his complaint , he shall presently there have remedy by force of the said articles , and statutes , without elsewhere pursuing to have remedy . by the words of this statute it is very apparent , in my opinion , that the chancery may hold plea upon the complaint of the party grieved , in any case tryable at the common-law , because the party shall have present remedy in that court , by force of this act , without pursuing for remedy elsewhere . la. yes ; but sir edw. coke answers this objection , 4 inst. p. 82. in this manner . these words , says he , he shall have remedy , signifie no more but that he shall have presently there a remedial writ grounded upon those statutes to give him remedy at the common-law . ph. very like sir edw. coke thought as soon as the party had his writ , he had his remedy , though he kept the writ in his pocket , without pursuing his complaint elsewhere ; or else he thought , that in the common-bench was not elsewhere than in the chancery . la. then there is the court of — ph. let us stop here ; for this which you have said satisfies me , that seek no more than to distinguish between justice , and equity ; and from it i conclude , that justice fulfils the law , and equity interprets the law ; and amends the judgments given upon the same law : wherein i depart not much from the definition of equity , cited in sir edw. coke , 1 inst. sect. 21. viz. equity is a certain perfect reason that interpreteth , and amendeth the law written ; though i construe it a little otherwise than he would have done ; for no one can mend a law but he that can make it , and therefore i say not it amends the law , but the judgments only when they are erroneous . and now let us consider of crimes in particular ( the pleas whereof are commonly called the pleas of the crown ) and of the punishments belonging to them ; and first of the highest crime of all which is high treason . tell me what is high treason . of crimes capital . la. the first statute that declareth what is high treason , is the statute of the 25 edw. 3. in these words . whereas divers opinions have been before this time , in what case treason shall be said , and in what not ; the king , at the request of the lords , and of the commons , hath made declaration in the manner as hereafter follows ; that is to say , when a man doth compass , or imagine the death of our lord the king , of our lady the queen , or of their eldest son and heir ; or if a man doth violate the kings companion , or the kings eldest daughter unmarried , or the wife of the kings eldest son and heir ; or if a man do levy war against our lord the king in his realm , or be adherent to the kings enemies in his realm , giving to them aid , and comfort in the realm , or elsewhere , and thereof be provably attainted by open deed , by people of their condition . and if a man counterfeit the kings great , or privy-seal , or his money . and if a man bring false money into this realm counterfeit to the money of england , as the money called lushburgh , or other like to the said money of england , knowing the money to be false , to merchandize , and make payment in deceit of our said lord the king , and of his people . and if a man slay the chancellor , treasurer , or the kings justices of the one bench , or the other , justices in eyre , or justices of assises , and all other justices assigned to hear , and determine , being in their places , and doing their offices . and is to be understood in the cases above rehearsed , that that ought to be adjudged treason , which extends to our royal lord the king , and his royal majesty , and of such treason the forfeiture of the escheats pertains to our lord the king , as well the lands and tenements holden of others as himself . and moreover there is another manner of treason ; that is to say , when a servant slayeth his master , or a wife her husband ; or when a man secular , or religious slayeth his prelate , to whom he oweth faith , and obedience ; and of such treason the escheats ought to pertain to every lord of his own fee. and because many other like cases of treason may happen in time to come , which a man cannot think , nor declare at this present time , it is accorded , that if any case supposed treason , which is not above specified , doth happen before any justices , the justices shall tarry without giving any judgment of the treason till the cause be shewed , and declared before the king and his parliament , whether it ought to be adjudged treason , or other felony . ph. i desir'd to understand what treason is , wherein no enumeration of facts can give me satisfaction . treason is a crime of it self , malum in se , and therefore a crime at the common-law , and high treason the highest crime at the common-law that can be : and therefore not the statute only , but reason without a statute makes it a crime . and this appears by the preamble , where it is intimated , that all men , though of divers opinions did condemn it by the name of treason , though they knew not what treason meant , but were forced to request the king to determine it . that which i desire to know is , how treason might have been defined without the statute , by a man that has no other faculty to make a definition of it , than by meer natural reason . la. when none of the lawyers have done it , you are not to expect that i should undertake it on such a sudden . ph. you know that salus populi is suprema lex ; that is to say , the safety of the people , is the highest law ; and that the safety of the people of a kingdom consisteth in the safety of the king , and of the strength necessary to defend his people , both against forraign enemies , and rebellious subjects . and from this i infer , that to compass ( that is ) to design the death of the then present king , was high treason before the making of this statute , as being a designing of a civil war , and the destruction of the people . 2. that the design to kill the kings wife , or to violate her chastity , as also to violate the chastity of the kings heir apparent , or of his eldest daughter unmarryed , as tending to the destruction of the certainty of the kings issue , and by consequence by raising of contentions about the crown , and destruction of the people in succeeding time by civil war , was therefore high treason before this statute . 3. that to levy war against the king within the realm , and aiding the kings enemies , either within , or without the realm , are tending to the kings destruction , or disherison , and was high treason , before this statute by the common-law . 4. that counterfeiting the principal seals of the kingdom , by which the king governeth his people , tendeth to the confusion of government , and consequently to the destruction of the people , and was therefore treason before the statute . 5. if a souldier design the killing of his general , or other officer in time of battel , or a captain hover doubtfully with his troops , with intention to gain the favour of him that shall chance to get the victory , it tendeth to the destruction both of king , and people , whether the king be present , or absent , and was high treason before the statute . 6. if any man had imprisoned the kings person , he had made him incapable of defending his people , and was therefore high treason before the statute . 7. if any man had , with design to raise rebellion against the king , written , or by words advisedly uttered , denyed the king regnant to be their lawful king , he that wrought , preached , or spoke such words , living then under the protection of the kings laws , it had been high treason before the statute for the reasons aforesaid . and perhaps there may be some other cases upon this statute , which i cannot presently think upon ; but the killing of a justice , or other officer as is determin'd by the statute , is not otherwise high treason , but by the statute . and to distinguish that which is treason by the common-law , from all other inferior crimes ; we are to consider , that if such high treason should take effect , it would destroy all laws at once ; and being done by a subject , 't is a return to hostility by treachery ; and consequently , such as are traytors may by the law of reason be dealt withal , as ignoble and treacherous enemies ; but the greatest of other crimes , for the most part ; are breaches of one only , or at least of very few laws . la. whether this you say be true , or false , the law is now unquestionable by a statute made in 1 and 2 of queen mary , whereby there is nothing to be esteemed treason , besides those few offences specially mentioned in the act of 25 ed. 3. ph. amongst these great crimes the greatest is that which is committed by one that has been trusted , and loved by him whose death he so designeth : for a man cannot well take heed of those , whom he thinks he hath obliged , whereas an open enemy gives a man warning before he acteth . and this it is for which the statute hath declared , that it is another kind of treason , when a servant killeth his master , or mistress , or a wife killeth her husband , or a clerk killeth his prelate ; and i should think it petty treason also , though it be not within the words of the statute ; when a tenant in fee , that holdeth by homage , and fealty , shall kill the lord of his fee ; for fealty is an oath of allegiance to the lord of the fee ; saving he may not keep his oath in any thing sworn to , if it be against the king. for homage , as it is expressed in a statute of 17 edw. 2. is the greatest submission that is possible to be made to one man by another ; for the tenant shall hold his hands together between the hands of his landlord , and shall say thus ; i become your man from this day forth for life , for member and for worldly honour , and shall owe that my faith for the lands that i shall hold of you , saving the faith that i owe unto our soveraign lord the king , and to many other lords : which homage , if made to the king , is equivalent to a promise of simple obedience , and if made to another lord , there is nothing excepted but the allegiance to the king ; and that which is called fealty , is but the same confirmed by an oath . la. but sir edw. coke , 4 inst. p. 11. denies that a traytor is in legal understanding the kings enemy ; for enemies ( saith he ) be those that be out of the allegiance of the king ; and his reason is ; because , if a subject joyn with a forraign enemy , and come into england with him , and be taken prisoner here , he shall not be ransomed , or proceeded with as an enemy shall , but he shall be taken as a traytor to the king. whereas an enemy coming in open hostility , and taken , shall either be executed by martial-law , or ransomed ; for he cannot be indicted of treason , for that he never was in the protection and ligeance of the king , and the indictment of the treason saith , contra ligeantiam suam debitam . ph. this is not an argument worthy of the meanest lawyer . did sir edw. coke . think it is possible for a king lawfully to kill a man , by what death soever without an indictment , when it is manifestly proved he was his open enemy ? indictment is a form of accusation peculiar to england , by the command of some king of england , and retained still , and therefore a law to this country of england ; but if it were not lawful to put a man to death otherwise than by an indictment no enemy could be put to death at all in other nations , because they proceed not , as we do , by indictment . again , when an open enemy is taken and put to death by judgment of martial-law ; it is not the law of the general or council of war , that an enemy shall be thus proceeded with , but the law of the king contained in their commissions ; such as from time to time the kings have thought fit , in whose will it always resteth , whether an open enemy , when he is taken , shall be put to death , or no , and by what death ; and whether he shall be ransomed , or no , and at what price ? then for the nature of treason by rebellion ; is it not a return to hostility ? what else does rebellion signifie ? william the conqueror subdued this kingdom ; some he killed ; some upon promise of future obedience he took to mercy , and they became his subjects , and swore allegiance to him ; if therefore they renew the war against him , are they not again open enemies ; or if any of them lurking under his laws , seek occasion thereby to kill him , secretly , and come to be known , may he not be proceeded against as an enemy , who though he had not committed what he design'd , yet had certainly a hostile design ? did not the long parliament declare all those for enemies to the state that opposed their proceedings against the late king ? but sir edw. coke does seldom well distinguish when there are two divers names for one and the same thing ; though one contain the other , he makes them always different , as if it could not be that one and the same man should be both an enemy , and a traytor . but now let us come to his comment upon this statute ; the statute says ( as it is printed in english ) when a man doth compass , or imagine the death of our lord the king , &c. what is the meaning of the word compassing , or imagining ? la. on this place sir edw. coke says , that before the making of this act , voluntas reputabatur pro facto , the will was taken for the deed. and so saith bracton , spectatur voluntas , & non exitus ; & nihil interest utrum quis occidat , aut causam praebeat ; that is to say , the cause of the killing : now sir edw. coke says , this was the law before the statute ; and that to be a cause of the killing , is to declare the same by some open deed tending to the execution of his intent , or which might be cause of death . ph. is there any english-man can understand , that to cause the death of a man , and to declare the same is all one thing ? and if this were so , and that such was the common-law before the statute , by what words in the statute is it taken away ? la. it is not taken away , but the manner how it must be prov'd is thus determin'd , that it must be prov'd by some open deed , as providing of weapons , powder , poyson , assaying of armour , sending of letters , &c. ph. but what is the crime it self which this statute maketh treason ? for as i understand the words , to compass , or imagine the kings death , &c. the compassing ( as it is in the english ) is the only thing which is made high treason ; so that not only the killing , but the design is made high treason ; or as it is in the french record , fait compasser ; that is to say , the causing of others to compass , or design the kings death is high treason ; and the words par overt fait , are not added as a specification of any treason , or other crime , but only of the proof that is requir'd by the law. seeing then the crime is the design and purpose to kill the king , or cause him to be killed , and lyeth hidden in the breast of him that is accused ; what other proof can there be had of it than words spoken or written . and therefore if there be sufficient witness , that he by words declared , that he had such a design , there can be no question , but that he is comprehended within this statute : sir edw. coke doth not deny , but that if he confess this design , either by word , or writing , but that he is within the statute . as for that common saying , that bare words may make a heretick , but not a traytor , which sir edw. coke on this occasion maketh use of , they are to little purpose ; seeing that this statute maketh not the words high treason , but the intention , whereof the words are but a testimony : and that common-saying is false as it is generally pronounced ; for there were divers statutes made afterwards , though now expir'd , which made bare words to be treason without any other deed : as , 1 el. cap. 6. & 13. el. cap. 1. if a man should publickly preach , that the king were an usurper , or that the right of the crown belonged to any other than the king that reigned , there is no doubt but it were treason , not only within this statute of e. 3. but also within the statute of 1 ed. 6. c. 12. which are both still in force . la. not only so ; but if a subject should counsel any other man to kill the king , queen , or heir apparent to the crown , it would at this day be judged high treason ; and yet it is no more than bare words . in the third year of king james , henry garnet , a jesuit-priest , to whom some of the gun-powder traytors had revealed their design by way of confession , gave them absolution , without any caution taken for their desisting from their purpose , or other provision against the danger , was therefore condemned , and executed as a traytor , though such absolution were nothing else but bare words . also i find in the reports of sir john davis , attorney-general for ireland ; that in the time of king henry the 6th , a man was condemned of treason , for saying the king was a natural fool , and unfit to govern ; but yet this clause in the statute of edw. 3. viz. that the compassing there mentioned ought to be proved by some overt act , was by the framers of the statute , not without great wisdom , and providence inserted : for as sir edw. coke very well observeth , when witnesses are examin'd concerning words only , they never or very rarely agree precisely about the words they swear to . ph. i deny not but that it was wisely enough done . but the question is not here of the treason ( which is either fact , or design ) but of the proof , which , when it is doubtful , is to be judged by a jury of 12 lawful men : now whether think you is it a better proof of a mans intention to kill , that he declares that same with his own mouth , so as it may be witnessed , or that he provide weapons , powder , poyson , or assay arms ? if he utter his design by words , the jury has no more to do than to consider the legallity of the vvitnesses , the harmony of their testimonies , or whether the words were spoken advisedly ? for they might have been uttered in a disputation for exercise only , or when he that spake them had not the use of reason , nor perhaps any design , or wish at all towards the execution of what he talked of : but how a jury from providing , or buying of armour , or buying of gun-powder , or from any other overt act , not treason in it self , can infer a design of murdering the king , unless there appear some words also , signifying to what end he made such provision , i cannot easily conceive . therefore as the jury on the whole matter vvords and deeds shall ground their judgment concerning design , or not design , so , in reason , they ought to give verdict . but to come to the treason of counterfeiting the great , or privy-seal , seeing there are so many ways for a cheating fellow to make use of these seals , to the cousening of the king , and his people ; why are not all such abuses high-treason , as well as the making of a false seal ? la. so they are : for sir edw. coke produceth a record of one that was drawn , and hang'd for taking the great seal from an expir'd patent , and fastning it to a counterfeit commission to gather money : but he approveth not the judgment , because it is the judgment for petty treason ; also because the jury did not find him guilty of the offence laid in the indictment , which was the counterfeiting of the great-seal , but found the special matter , for which the offender was drawn , and hang'd . ph. seeing this crime of taking the great seal from one vvriting , and fastning it to another was not found high treason by the jury , nor could be found upon special matter to be the other kind of treason mentioned in the same statute ; what ground had either the jury to find it treason , or the judge to pronounce sentence upon it ? la. i cannot tell . sir edw. coke seems to think it a false record ; for hereupon he saith by way of admonition to the reader , that hereby it appeareth how dangerous it is to report a case by the ear. ph. true ; but he does not make it apparent , that this case was untruly reported , but on the contrary confesseth , that he had perused the same record ; and a man may ( if it may be done without proof of the falsity ) make the same objection to any record whatsoever . for my part , seeing this crime produced the same mischief that ariseth from counterfeiting , i think it reason to understand it as within the statute : and for the difference between the punishments ( which are both of them capital ) i thing it is not worthy to be stood upon ; seeing death , which is , vltimum supplicium , is a satisfaction to the law ; as sir edw. coke himself hath in another place affirm'd . but let us now proceed to other crimes . la. appendent to this is another crime called misprision of treason ; which is the concealing of it by any man that knows it ; and it is called misprision from the french mespriser , which signifies to contemn , or undervalue ; for it is no small crime in any subject , so little to take to heart a known danger to the kings person , and consequently , to the whole kingdom , as not to discover not only what he knows , but also what he suspecteth of the same , that the truth therefore may be examin'd . but for such discovery , tho the thing prove false , the discoverer shall not , as i think , be taken for a false accuser ; if for what he directly affirms , he produce a reasonable proof , and some probability for his suspition ; for else the concealment will seem justifiable by the interest , which is to every man allowed in the preservation of himself from pain and dammage . ph. this i consent to . la. all other crimes meerly temporal are comprehended under felony , or trespass . ph. what is the meaning of the word felony ? does it signifie any thing that is in its own nature a crime , or that only which is made a crime by some statute ? for i remember some statutes that make it felony to transport horses , and some other things out of the kingdom ; which transportation before such statutes made , and after the repealing of the same , was no greater crime than any other usual traffick of a merchant . la. sir edw. coke derives the word felony from the latin word fel , the gall of a living creature , and accordingly defines felony to be an act done animo felleo ; that is to say , a bitter a cruel act. ph. etymologies are no definitions , and yet when they are true they give much light towards the finding out of a definition ; but this of sir edw. coke's carries with it very little of probability ; for there be many things made felony by the statute-law , that proceed not from any bitterness of mind at all , and many that proceed from the contrary . la. this is matter for a critick , to be pickt out of the knowledge of history and forraign languages , and you may perhaps know more of it than i do . ph. all that i , or , i think , any other can say in this matter will amount to no more than a reasonable conjecture , insufficient to sustain any point of controversie in law. the word is not to be found in any of the old saxon laws , set forth by mr. lambert , nor in any statute printed before that of magna charta ; there it is found . now magna charta was made in the time of hen. the 3d , grand-child to hen. the 2d , duke of anjou , a french-man born , and bred in the heart of france , whose language might very well retain many words of his ancestors the german-franks , as ours doth of the german-saxons ; as also many words of the language of the gaules , as the gaules did retain many words of the greek colonie planted at marseilles . but certain it is the french lawyers at this day use the word felon , just as our lawyers use the same ; whereas the common people of france use the word filou in the same sence ; but filou signifieth not the man that hath committed such an act , as they call felony ; but the man that maketh it his trade to maintain himself by the breaking and contemning of all laws generally ; and comprehendeth all those unruly people called cheaters , cut-purses , pick-locks , catch-cloaks , coyners of false money , forgers , thieves , robbers , murderers , and whosoever make use of iniquity on land , or sea , as a trading , or living . the greeks upon the coast of asia , where homer liv'd , were they that planted the colony of marseilles ; they had a word that signified the same with felon , which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , filetes , and this filetes of homer signifies properly the same that a felon signifies with us : and therefore homer makes apollo to call mercury 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fileteen , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i insist not upon the truth of this etymologie ; but it is certainly more rational than the animus felleus of sir edw. coke . and for the matter it self it is manifest enough , that which we now call murder , robbery , theft , and other practices of felons , are the same that we call felony , and crimes in their own nature without the help of statute . nor is it the manner of punishment that distinguisheth the nature of one crime from another ; but the mind of the offender and the mischief he intendeth , considered together with the circumstances of person , time , and place . la. of felonies , the crime is murder . ph. and what is murder ? la. murder is the killing of a man upon malice forethought , as by a weapon , or by poyson , or any way , if it be done , upon antecedent meditation , or thus , murder is the killing of a man in cold blood. ph. i think there is a good definition of murder set down by statute , 52 hen. 3. cap. 25. in these words : murder from henceforth shall not be judged before our justices , where it is found misfortune only , but it shall take place in such as are slain by felony . and sir edw. coke interpreting this statute , 2 inst. p. 148. saith ; that the mischief before this statute was , that he that killed a man by misfortune , as by doing any act that was not against law , and yet against his intent , if the death of a man ensued , this was adjudged murder . but i find no proof that he alledgeth , nor find i any such law amongst the laws of the saxons , set forth by mr. lambert . for the word , it is ( as sir edw. coke noteth ) old saxon , and amongst them it signified no more than a man slain in the field , or other place , the author of his death not known . and according hereunto , bracton , who lived in the time of magna charta , defineth it fol. 134 , thus ; murder is the secret killing of a man , when none besides the killer , and his companions saw , or knew it ; so that it was not known who did it , nor fresh-suit could be made after the doer ; therefore every such killing was called murder before it could be known whether it could be by felony , or not : for a man may be found dead that kills himself , or was lawfully kill'd by another . this name of murder came to be the more horrid , when it was secretly done , for that it made every man to consider of their own danger , and him that saw the dead body to boggle at it , as a horse will do at a dead horse ; and to prevent the same they had laws in force to amerce the hundred where it was done , in a sum defined by law to be the price of his life : for in those dayes the lives of all sorts of men were valued by money ; and the value set down in their written laws . and therefore sir edw. coke was mistaken in that he thought that killing a man by misfortune before the statute of marlebridge was adjudged murder , and those secret murders were abominated by the people , for that they were lyable to so great a pecuniary punishment for suffering the malefactor to escape . but this grievance was by canutus , when he reign'd , soon eased : for he made a law , that the countrey in this case , should not be charged , unless he were an english-man that was so slain ; but if he were a french-man ( under which name were comprehended all forraigners , and especially the normans ) though the slayer escaped , the county was not to be amerced . and this law , though it were very hard , and chargeable when an english-man was so slain , for his friend to prove he was an english-man , and also unreasonable to deny the justice to a stranger ; yet was it not repealed till the 14th of king ed. the 3d. by this you see that murder is distinguished from homicide by the statute-laws , and not by any common-law without the statute ; and that it is comprehended under the general name of felony . la. and so also is petit treason , and i think so is high treason also ; for in the abovesaid statute in the 25 ed. 3d. concerning treasons there is this clause . and because that many other like cases of treason , may happen in time to come , which a man cannot think , or declare at the present time ; it is accorded , that if any other case , supposed treason which is not above specified , doth happen before any the justices , the justices shall tarry without any going to judgment of the treason , till the cause be shewed , and declared before the king and his parliament whether it be treason , or other felony ; which thereby shews that the king and parliament thought that treason was one of the sorts of felony . ph. and so think i. la. but sir edw. coke denies it to be so at this day ; for 1 inst. sect. 745. at the word felony , he saith ; that in antient time this word felony was of so large an extent , as that it included high treason — but afterwards it was resolved , that in the kings pardon , or charter , this word felony should extend only to common felonies — and at this day , under the word felony by law is included petit treason , murder , homicide , burning of houses , burglary , robbery , rape , &c. chance-medley , se defendendo , and petit larceny . ph. he says it was resolv'd , but by whom ? la. by the justices of assize in the time of hen. 4. as it seems in the margin . ph. have justices of assize any power by their commission to alter the language of the land , and the received sence of words ? or in the question in what case felony shall be said , it is referred to the judges to determine ; as in the question in what case treason shall be said it is referred by the statute of edw. the 3d. to the parliament ? i think not ; and yet perhaps they may be disobliged to disallow a pardon of treason , when mentioning all felonies it nameth not treason , nor specifies it by any description of the fact. la. another kind of homicide there is simply called so , or by the name of manslaughter , and is not murder , and that is when a man kills another man upon suddain quarrel , during the heat of blood. ph. if two meeting in the street chance to strive who shall go nearest to the wall , and thereupon fighting , one of them kills the other , i believe verily he that first drew his sword did it of malice forethought , though not long forethought ; but whether it be felony or no , it may be doubted . it is true , that the harm done is the same as if it had been done by felony ; but the wickedness of the intention was nothing near so great . and supposing it had been done by felony , then 't is manifest by the statute of marlebridge , that it was very murder . and when a man for a word , or a trifle shall draw his sword , and kill another man , can any man imagine that there was not some precedent malice ? la. 't is very likely there was malice more or less , and therefore the law hath ordained for it a punishment equal to that of murder , saving that the offender shall have the benefit of his clergy . ph. the benefit of clergy comes in upon another account , and importeth not any extenuation of the crime ; for it is but a relick of the old usurped papal priviledge , which is now by many statutes so pared off , as to spread but to few offences , and is become a legal kind of conveying mercy , not only to the clergy , but also to the laity . la. the work of a judge you see is very difficult , and requires a man that hath a faculty of well distinguishing of dissimilitudes of such cases as common judgments think to be the same . a small circumstance may make a great alteration , which a man that cannot well discern , ought not to take upon him the office of a judge . ph. you say very well ; for if judges were to follow one anothers judgments in precedent cases , all the justice in the world would at length depend upon the sentence of a few learned , or unlearned , ignorant men , and have nothing at all to do with the study of reason . la. a third kind of homicide is when a man kills another , either by misfortune , or in a necessary defence of himself , or of the king , or of his laws ; for such killing is neither felony , nor crime , saving ( as sir edw. coke says , 4. inst. p. 56. ) that if the act that a man is a doing when he kills another man be unlawful , then it is murder . as if a. meaneth to steal a deer in the park of b. shooteth at the deer , and by the glance of the arrow killeth a boy that is hidden in a bush ; this is murder , for that the act was unlawful ; but if the owner of the park had done the like , shooting at his own deer , it had been by misadventure , and no felony . ph. this is not so distinguished by any statute , but is the commonly only of sir ed. coke . i believe not a word of it . if a boy be robbing an apple-tree , and falling thence upon a man that stands under it , and breaks his neck , but by the same chance saveth his own life , sir edw. coke , it seems , will have him hanged for it , as if he had fallen of prepensed malice . all that can be called crime in this business is but a simple trespass , to the dammage perhaps of sixpence or a shilling . i confess the trespass was an offence against the law , but the falling was none , nor was it by the trespass , but by the falling that the man was slain ; and as he ought to be quit of the killing , so he ought to make restitution for the trespass . but i believe the cause of sir edw. coke's mistake was his not well understanding of bracton , whom he cites in the margin : for 1206 he saith thus : sed hic erit distinguendum , utrum quis dederit operam rei licitae , vel illicitae ; si illicitae , ut si bapidem projiciebat quis versus locum per quem consueverunt homines transitum facere , vel dum insequitur equum , vel bovem , & aliquis ab equo , vel a bove percussus fuerit , & hujusmodi , hoc imputatur ei , i. e. but here we are to distinguish whether a man be upon a lawful , or unlawful business ; if an unlawful , as he that throws a stone into a place , where men use to pass ; or if he chase a horse , or an ox , and thereby the man be stricken by the horse , or the ox , this shall be imputed to him : and it is most reasonable : for the doing of such an unlawful act as is here meant , is a sufficient argument of a felonious purpose , or at least a hope to kill some body , or other , and he cared not whom ; which is worse than to design the death of a certain adversary , which nevertheless is murder . also on the contrary , though the business a man is doing be lawful , and it chanceth sometimes that a man be slain thereby ; yet may such killing be felony . for if a car-man drive his cart through cheapside in a throng of people , and thereby he kill a man ; though he bare him no malice , yet because he saw there was very great danger , it may reasonably be inferr'd , that he meant to adventure the killing of some body , or other , though not of him that was kill'd . la. he is a felon also that killeth himself voluntarily , and is called , not only by common lawyers , but also in divers statute-laws , felo de se. ph. and 't is well so : for names imposed by statutes are equivalent to definitions ; but i conceive not how any man can bear animum felleum , or so much malice towards himself , as to hurt himself voluntarily , much less to kill himself ; for naturally , and necessarily the intention of every man aimeth at somewhat , which is good to himself , and tendeth to his preservation : and therefore , methinks , if he kill himself , it is to be presumed that he is not compos mentis , but by some inward torment or apprehension of somewhat worse than death , distracted . la. nay , unless he be compos mentis he is not felo de se ( as sir edw. coke saith , 4 inst. p. 54. ) and therefore he cannot be judged a felo de se , unless it be first proved he was compos mentis . ph. how can that be proved of a man dead ; especially if it cannot be proved by any witness , that a little before his death he spake as other men used to do . this is a hard place ; and before you take it for common-law it had need to be clear'd . la. i 'le think on 't . there 's a statute of 3 hen. 7. c. 14. which makes it felony in any of the kings houshold-servants under the degree of a lord , to compass the death of any of the kings privy-council . the words are these ; that from henceforth the steward , treasurer , and controuler of the kings house for that time being , or one of them , have full authority and power , to inquire by 12 sad men , and discreet persons of the chequer-roll of the king 's honourable houshold . if any servant , admitted to his servant sworn , and his name put into the chequer-roll , whatsoever he be serving in any manner , office , or room , reputed , had , or taken under the state of a lord , make any confederacies , compassings , conspiracies , or imaginations with any person to destroy , or murder the king , or any lord of this realm , or any other person sworn to the kings council , steward , treasurer , or controuler of the kings house . and if such misdoers shall be found guilty by confession , or otherwise , that the said offence shall be judged felony . ph. it appears by this statute , that not only the compassing the death ( as you say ) of a privy-councellor , but also of any lord of this realm is felony ; if it be done by any of the kings houshold servants that is not a lord. la. no ; sir edw. coke upon these words , any lord of this realm , or other person sworn of the kings council infers 4 inst. p. 38. that is to be understood of such a lord only as is a privy-councellor . ph. for barring of the lords of parliament from this priviledge , he strains this statute a little farther ( in my opinion ) than it reacheth of it self . but how are such felonies to be tryed ? la. the indictment is to be found , before the steward , treasurer , and controuler of the kings house , or one of them , by 12 of the kings houshold servants . the petit jury for the tryal must be 12 other of the kings servants , and the judges are again the steward , treasurer , and controuler of the kings house , or 2 of them ; and yet i see that these men are not usually great students of the law. ph. you may hereby be assur'd , that either the king and parliament were very much overseen in choosing such officers perpetually for the time being , to be judges in a tryal at the common-law , or else that sir edw. coke presumes too much , to appropriate all the judicature , both in law , and equity , to the common-lawyers ; as if neither lay-persons , men of honour , nor any of the lords spiritual , who are the most versed in the examination of equity , and cases of conscience , when they hear the statutes read , and pleaded , were unfit to judge of the intention and meaning of the same . i know , that neither such great persons , nor bishops have ordinarily so much spare time from their ordinary employment as to be so skilful as to plead causes at the bar ; but certainly they are , especially the bishops , the best able to judge of matters of reason ; that is to say ( by sir edw. coke's confession ) of matters ( except of blood ) at the common-law . la. another sort of felony , though without man-slaughter , is robbery ; and by sir edw. coke , 4 inst. p. 68. defined thus , robbery by the common-law is a felony committed by a violent assault upon the person of another , by putting him in fear , and taking away from him his money , or other goods of any value whatsoever . ph. robbery is not distinguished from theft by any statute . latrocinium comprehendeth them both , and both are felony , and both punished with death . and therefore to distinguish them aright is the work of reason only . and the first difference which is obvious to all men , is , that robbery is committed by force , or terror , of which neither is in theft ; for theft is a secret act , and that which is taken by violence , or terror , either from his person , or in his presence is still robbery ; but if it be taken secretly , whether it be by day , or night from his person , or from his fold , or from his pasture , then it is called theft . 't is force and fraud only that distinguisheth between theft , and robbery , both which are by the pravity only of the intention , felony , in their nature . but there be so many evasions of the law found out by evil men , that i know not in this predicament of felony how to place them : for suppose i go secretly by day , or night , into another mans field of wheat ripe , and standing , and loading my cart with it i carry it away ; is it theft , or robbery ? la. neither ; it is but trespass : but if you first lay down the wheat you have cut , and then throw it into your cart , and carry it away , then it is felony . ph. why so ? la. sir edw. coke tells you the reason of it , 4 inst. p. 107. for he defineth theft to be by the common-law a felonious , and fraudulent taking and carrying away by any man , or woman , of the meer personal goods of another , not from the person , nor by night in the house of the owner . from this definition he argues thus , p. 109. any kind of corn , or grain growing upon the ground is a personal chattel , and the executors of the owner shall have them , though they be not severed ; but yet no larceny can be committed of them , because they are annexed to the realty : so it is of grass standing on the ground , or of apples , or of any fruit upon the trees , &c. so it is of a box , or chest of charters , no larceny can be committed of them , because the charters concern the realty , and the box , or chest , though it be of great value , yet shall it be of the same nature the charters are of . omne magis dignum trahit ad se minus . ph. is this definition drawn out of any statute , or is it in bracton , or littleton , or any other writer upon the science of the laws ? la. no ; it is his own ; and you may observe by the logick-sentences dispersed through his works , that he was a logician sufficient enough to make a definition . ph. but if his definitions must be the rule of law ; what is there that he may not make felony , or not felony , at his pleasure ? but seeing it is not statute-law that he says , it must be very perfect reason , or else no law at all ; and to me it seems so far from reason as i think it ridiculous . but let us examine it . there can ( says he ) be no larceny of corn , grass , or fruits that are growing , that is to say , they cannot be stolen ; but why ? because they concern the realty ; that is , because they concern the land. 't is true that the land cannot be stolen , nor the right of a mans tenure ; but corn , and trees , and fruit , though growing , may be cut down , and carryed away secretly , and feloniously , in contempt , and despight of the law. and are they not then stolen ? and is there any act which is feloniously committed , that is not more than trespass ? can any man doubt of it that understands the english tongue ? 't is true , that if a man pretend a right to the land , and on that pretence take the fruits thereof by way of taking possession of his own , it is no more than a trespass , unless he conceal the taking of them ; for in that one case , he but puts the man that was in possession before to exhibit his complaint , which purpose is not felonious , but lawful ; for nothing makes a distinction between felony , and not felony , but the purpose . i have heard that if a man slander another with stealing of a tree standing , there lies no action for it , and that upon this ground , to steal a standing tree is impossible ; and that the cause of the impossibility is , that a man's free-hold cannot be stolen ; which is a very obvious fallacy ; for free-hold signifieth , not only the tenement , but also the tenure ; and though it be true that a tenure cannot be stolen , yet every man sees the standing trees , and corn , may easily be stolen ; and so far forth as trees , &c. are part of the freehold , so far forth also they are personal goods ; for whatsoever is freehold is inheritance , and descendeth to the heir , and nothing can descend to the executors , but what is meerly personal . and though a box , or case of evidences are to descend to the heir , yet unless you can shew me positive law to the contrary , they shall be taken into the executors hands , to be delivered to the heir . besides , how unconscionable a thing is it , that he that steals a shillings worth of wood ; which the wind hath blown down , or which lyeth rotten on the ground , should be hang'd for it , and he that takes a tree worth 20 or 40 shillings , should answer only for the dammage ? la. 't is somewhat hard , but it has been so practised time out of mind . then follows sodomy , and rape , both of them felonies . ph. i know that , and that of the former he justly says it is detestable , being in a manner an apostacie from humane nature : but in neither of them is there any thing of animus felleus . the statutes which make them felony are exposed to all mens reading ; but because sir edw. coke's commentaries upon them are more diligent and accurate than to be free from all uncleanness , let us leap over them both , observing only by the way , that he leaves an evasion for an impotent offender , though his design be the same , and pursued to the utmost of his power . la. two other great felonies are breaking , and burning of houses , neither of which are defin'd by any statute . the former of them is by sir edw. coke . 4 inst. p. 63. defined thus : burglary is by the common-law , the breaking and entring into the mansion-house of another , in the night with intent to kill some reasonable creature , or to commit some other felony within the same , whether his intent be executed , or not ; and defineth night to be then , when one man cannot know anothers face by day-light : and for the parts of a mansion-house he reckoneth all houses that belong to housekeeping , as barns , stables , dary-houses , buttery , kitchin , chambers , &c. but breaking of a house by day , though felony , and punished as burglary , is not within the statute . ph. i have nothing to say against his interpretations here , but i like not that any private man should presume to determine , whether such , or such a fact done be within the words of a statute , or not , where it belongs only to a jury of 12 men to declare in their verdict , whether the fact laid open before them be burglary , robbery , theft , or other felony ; for this is to give a leading judgment to the jury , who ought not to consider any private lawyers institutes , but the statutes themselves pleaded before them for directions . la. burning , as he defines it , p. 66. is a felony at the common-law committed by any that maliciously and voluntarily in the night , or day , burneth the house of another : and hereupon infers , if a man sets fire to the house , and it takes not , that then it is not within the statute . ph. if a man should secretly , and maliciously lay a quantity of gun-powder under another mans house , sufficient to blow it up , and set a train of powder in it , and set fire to the train , and some accident hinder the effect , is not this burning ? or what is it ? what crime ? it is neither treason , nor murder , nor burglary , nor robbery , nor theft , nor ( no dammage being made ) any trespass , nor contrary to any statute . and yet ( seeing the common-law is the law of reason ) it is a sin , and such a sin as a man may be accused of , and convicted , and consequently a crime committed of malice prepensed ; shall he not then be punished for the attempt ? i grant you that a judge has no warrant from any statute-law , common-law , or commission to appoint the punishment , but surely the king has power to punish him ( on this side of life or member ) as he please ; and with the assent of parliament ( if not without ) to make the crime for the future capital . la. i know not . besides these crimes there is conjuration , witch-craft , sorcery and inchantment , which are capital by the statute , 1 of king james , cap. 12. ph. but i desire not to discourse of that subject ; for though without doubt there is some great wickedness signified by those crimes ; yet i have ever found my self too dull to conceive the nature of them , or how the devil hath power to do many things which witches have been accused of . let us now come to crimes not capital . la. shall we pass over the crime of heresie , which sir edw. coke ranketh before murder , but the consideration of it will be somewhat long . ph. let us defer it till the afternoon . of heresie . la. concerning heresie , sir edw. coke , 4 inst. p. 39. says , that 5 things fall into consideration . 1. who be the judges of heresie . 2. what shall be judged heresie . 3. what is the judgment upon a man convicted of heresie . 4. what the law alloweth him to save his life . 5. what he shall forfeit by judgment against him . ph. the principal thing to be considered , which is the heresie it self , he leaveth out ; viz. what it is , in what fact , or words it consisteth , what law it violateth , statute-law , or the law of reason . the cause why he omitteth it , may perhaps be this ; that it was not only out of his profession , but also out of his other learning . murder , robbery , theft , &c. every man knoweth to be evil , and are crimes defined by the statute-law , so that any man may avoid them , if he will. but who can be sure to avoid heresie , if he but dare to give an account of his faith , unless he know beforehand what it is ? la. in the preamble of the statute of the 2d , hen. 4. cap. 15. heresie is laid down , as a preaching or writing of such doctrine , as is contrary to the determination of holy church . ph. then it is heresie at this day to preach , or write against worshipping of saints , or the infallibility of the church of rome , or any other determination of the same church : for holy-church , at that time , was understood to be the church of rome , and now with us the holy-church i understand to be the church of england ; and the opinions in that statute are now , and were then the true christian faith. also the same statute of hen. 4. declareth , by the same preamble , that the church of england had never been troubled with heresie . la. but that statute is repeal'd . ph. then also is that declaration , or definition of heresie repeal'd . la. what , say you , is heresie ? ph. i say heresie is a singularity of doctrine , or opinion contrary to the doctrine of another man , or men , and the word properly signifies the doctrine of a sect , which doctrine is taken upon trust of some man of reputation for wisdom , that was the first author of the same . if you will understand the truth hereof , you are to read the histories and other writings of the antient greeks , whose word it is , which writings are extant in these days , and easie to be had . wherein you will find , that in , and a little before the time of alexander the great ; there lived in greece many excellent wits , that employed their time in search of the truth in all manner of sciences worthy of their labour , and which to their great honour and applause published their writings ; some concerning justice , laws , and government , some concerning good , and evil manners , some concerning the causes of things natural , and of events discernable by sense ; and some of all these subjects . and of the authors of these , the principal were pythagoras , plato , zeno , epicurus and aristotle , men of deep and laborious meditation , and such as did not get their bread by their philosophy , but were able to live of their own , and were in honour with princes , and other great personages . but these men , though above the rest in wisdom , yet their doctrine in many points did disagree ; whereby it came to pass , that such men as studied their writings , inclined , some to pythagoras , some to plato , some to aristotle , some to zeno , and some to epicurus . but philosophy it self was then so much in fashion , as that every rich man endeavour'd to have his children educated in the doctrine of some , or other of these philosophers , which were for their wisdom so much renown'd . now those that followed pythagoras , were called pythagoreans ; those that followed plato , academicks ; those that followed zeno , stoicks ; those that followed epicurus , epicureans , and those that followed aristotle , peripateticks , which are the names of heresie in greek , which signifies no more but taking of an opinion ; and the said pythagoreans , academicks , stoicks , peripateticks , &c. were termed by the names of so many several heresies . all men ( you know ) are subject to error , and the ways of error very different ; and therefore 't is no wonder if these wise , and diligent searchers of the truth did , notwithstanding their excellent parts , differ in many points amongst themselves . but this laudable custom of great , wealthy persons to have their children at any price to learn philosophy , suggested to many idle and needy fellows , an easie and compendious way of maintenance ; which was to teach the philosophy , some of plato , some of aristotle , &c. whose books to that end they read over , but without capacity , or much endeavour to examine the reasons of their doctrines , taking only the conclusions , as they lay ; and setting up with this , they soon professed themselves philosophers , and got to be the school-masters to the youth of greece ; but by competition for such employment , they hated and reviled one another with all the bitter terms they could invent ; and very often , when upon occasion they were in civil company , fell first to disputation , and then to blows , to the great trouble of the company , and their own shame . yet amongst all their reproachful words the name of heretick came never in , because they were all equally hereticks , their doctrine not being theirs , but taken upon trust from the aforesaid authors . so that though we find heresie often mentioned in lucian , and other heathen authors , yet we shall not find in any of them haereticus for a heretick . and this disorder among the philosophers continued a long time in greece , and infecting also the romans , was at the greatest in the times of the apostles , and in the primitive church , till the time of the nicene council , and somewhat after . but at last the authority of the stoicks and epicureans was not much esteemed , only plato's and aristotle's philosophy were much in credit ; plato's with the better sort , that founded their doctrine upon the conceptions and ideas of things , and aristotle's with those that reasoned only from the names of things , according to the scale of the categories : nevertheless there were always , though not new sects of philosophy , yet new opinions continually arising . la. but how came the word heretick to be a reproach ? ph. stay a little . after the death of our saviour his apostles , and his disciples , as you know , dispersed themselves into several parts of the world to preach the gospel , and converted much people , especially in asia the less , in greece and italy , where they constituted many churches ; and as they travelled from place to place , left bishops to teach and direct those their converts , and to appoint presbyters under them to assist them therein , and to confirm them by setting forth the life , and miracles of our saviour , as they had receiv'd it from the writings of the apostles and evangelists ; whereby ( and not by the authority of plato , or aristotle , or any other philosopher ) they were to be instructed . now you cannot doubt but that among so many heathens converted in the time of the apostles , there were men of all professions , and dispositions , and some that had never thought of philosophy at all , but were intent upon their fortunes , or their pleasures ; and some that had a greater , some a lesser use of reason ; and some that had studied philosophy , but professed it not , which were commonly the men of the better rank ; and some had professed it only for their better abstinence , and had it not farther , than readily to talk and wrangle ; and some were christians in good earnest , and others but counterfeit , intending to make use of the charity of those that were sincere christians , which in those times was very great . tell me now of these sorts of christians which was the most likely to afford the fittest men to propagate the faith by preaching , and writing , or publick or private disputation ; that is to say , who were fittest to be made presbyters and bishops ? la. certainly those who ( caeteris paribus ) could make the best use of aristotle's rhetorick , and logick . ph. and who were the most prone to innovation ? la. they that were most confident of aristotle's , and plato's ( their former masters ) natural philosophy : for they would be the aptest to wrest the writings of the apostles , and all scriptures to the doctrine in which their reputation was engag'd . ph. and from such bishops and priests , and other sectaries it was , that heresie , amongst the christians , first came to be a reproach : for no sooner had one of them preached , or published any doctrine that displeased , either the most , or the most leading men of the rest , but it became such a quarrel as not to be decided , but by a council of the bishops in the province where they lived ; wherein he that would not submit to the general decree , was called an heretick , as one that would not reliquish the philosophy of his sect ; the rest of the council gave themselves the name of catholicks , and to their church , the name of catholick church . and thus came up the opposite terms of catholick and heretick . la. i understand how it came to be a reproach , but not how it follows that every opinion condemned by a church that is , or calls it self catholick , must needs be an error , or a sin. the church of england denies that consequence , and that doctrine as they hold cannot be proved to be erroneous , but by the scripture , which cannot err ; but the church , being but men , may both err , and sin. ph. in this case we must consider also that error , in it's own nature , is no sin : for it is impossible for a man to err on purpose , he cannot have an intention to err ; and nothing is sin , unless there be a sinful intention ; much less are such errors sins , as neither hurt the common-wealth , nor any private man , nor are against any law positive , or natural ; such errors as were those for which men were burnt in the time when the pope had the government of this church . la. since you have told me how herefie came to be a name , tell me also how it came to be a crime ? and what were the heresies that first were made crimes ? ph. since the christian church could declare , and none else , what doctrine were heresies , but had no power to make statutes for the punishment of hereticks before they had a christian king ; it is manifest that heresie could not be made a crime before the first christian emperor , which was constantine the great . in his time one arius a priest of alexandria in dispute with his bishop , publickly denyed the divinity of christ , and maintained it afterwards in the pulpit , which was the cause of a sedition , and much blood shed , both of citizens , and souldiers in that city . for the preventing of the like for the time to come , the emperor called a general council of bishops to the city of nice , who being met , he exhorted them to agree upon a confession of the christian faith , promising whatsoever they agreed on he would cause to be observed . la. by the way , the emperor ( i think ) was here a little too indifferent . ph. in this council was established so much of the creed we now use , and call the nicene creed , as reacheth to the words , i believe in the holy ghost . the rest was established by the 3 general councils next succeeding . by the words of which creed almost all the heresies then in being , and especially the doctrine of arius , were condemn'd : so that now all doctrines published by writing , or by word , and repugnant to this confession of the first four general councils , and contained in the nicene creed were , by the imperial law forbidding them , made crimes ; such as are that of arius denying the divinity of christ ; that of eutiches denying the 2 natures of christ ; that of the nestorians denying the divinity of the holy ghost ; that of the anthropomorphites , that of the manichees , that of the anabaptists , and many other . la. what punishment had arius ? ph. at the first for refusing to subscribe , he was deprived and banished ; but afterwards having satisfied the emperor concerning his future obedience ( for the emperor caused his confession to be made , not for the regard of truth of doctrine , but for the preserving of the peace , especially among his christian souldiers , by whose valour he had gotten the empire , and by the same was to preserve it ) he was received again into grace , but dyed before he could repossess his benefice . but after the time of those councils , the imperial law made the punishment for heresie to be capital , though the manner of the death was left to the praefects in their several jurisdictions ; and thus it continued till somewhat after the time of the emperor frederick barbarossa , and the papacy having gotten the upper hand of the emperor , brought in the use of burning both hereticks , and apostates ; and the popes from time to time made heresie of many other points of doctrine , ( as they saw it conduce to the setting up of the chair above the throne ) besides those determined in the nicene creed , and brought in the use of burning ; and according to this papal-law there was an apostate burnt at oxford in the time of william the conqueror for turning jew . but of a heretick burnt in england there is no mention made till after the statute of 2 hen. 4. whereby some followers of wiclif ( called lollards ) were afterwards burned , and that for such doctrines , as by the church of england , ever since the first year of queen el. have been approved for godly doctrines , and no doubt were godly then ; and so you see how many have been burnt for godliness . la. 't was not well done ; but 't is no wonder we read of no hereticks before the time of h. 4. for in the preamble to that statute it is intimated , that before those lollards there never was any heresie in england . ph. i think so too ; for we have been the tamest nation to the pope of all the world. but what statutes concerning heresie have there been made since ? la. the statute of 2 h. 5. c. 7. which adds to the burning the forfeiture of lands , and goods , and then no more till the 25 h. 8. c. 14. which confirms the two former and giveth some new rules concerning how they shall be proceeded with . but by the statute of 1 ed. 6. cap. 12. all acts of parliament formerly made to punish any manner of doctrine concerning religion are repeal'd . for therein it is ordain'd , after divers acts specified ; that all and every other act , or acts of parliament concerning doctrine , or matters of religion , and all , and every branch , article , sentence and matter , pains and forfeitures contained , mentioned , or any wise declared in the same acts of parliament or statutes shall be from henceforth repealed , utterly void , and of none effect . so that in the time of king ed. 6. not only all punishments of heresie were taken away , but also the nature of it was changed , to what originally it was , a private opinion . again in 12 phil. and ma. those former statutes of 2 h. 4. cap. 15. 2 h. 5. cap. 17. 25. h. 8. cap. 14. are revived , and the branch of 1 ed. 6. cap. 12. touching doctrine ( though not specially named ) seemeth to be this , that the same statute confirmeth the statute of 25 ed. 3. concerning treasons . lastly , in the first year of queen eliz. cap. 1. the aforesaid statutes of queen mary are taken away , and thereby the statute of 1 ed. cap. 12. revived ; so as there was no statute left for the punishment of hereticks . but queen eliz. by the advice of her parliament gave a commission ( which was called the high-commission ) to certain persons ( amongst whom were very many of the bishops ) to declare what should be heresie for the future ; but with a restraint , that they should judge nothing to be heresie , but what had been so declared in the first four general councils . ph. from this which you have shewed me , i think we may proceed to the examination of the learned sir edw. coke concerning heresie . in his chapter of heresie , 3 inst. p. 40. he himself confesseth , that no statute against heresie stood then in force : when in the 9th year of king james , bartholomew legat was burnt for arianism , and that from the authority of the act of 2 hen. 4. cap. 15. and other acts cited in the margin , it may be gather'd , that the diocesan hath the jurisdiction of heresie . this i say is not true : for as to acts of parliament it is manifest , that from acts repealed ; that is to say , from things that have no being , there can be gathered nothing . and as to the other authorities in the margin , fitzherbert , and the doctor and student , they say no more than what was law in the time when they writ ; that is , when the popes usurped authority was here obeyed : but if they had written this in the time of king ed. 6. or queen elizabeth , sir edw. coke might as well have cited his own authority , as theirs ; for their opinions had no more the force of laws than his . then he cites this precedent of legat , and another of hammond in the time of queen elizabeth ; but precedents prove only what was done , and not what was well done . vvhat jurisdiction could the diocesan then have of heresie , when by the statute of ed. 6. cap. 12. then in force , there was no heresie , and all punishment for opinions forbidden : for heresie is a doctrine contrary to the determination of the church , but then the church had not determined any thing at all concerning heresie . la. but seeing the high commissioners had power to correct , and amend heresies , they must have power to cite such as were accused of heresie , to appear before them , or else they could not execute their commission . ph. if they had first made , and published a declaration of what articles they made heresie , that when one man heard another speak against their declaration , he might thereof inform the commissioners , then indeed they had had power to cite , and imprison the person accus'd ; but before they had known what should be heresie ; how was it possible that one man should accuse another ? and before he be accused , how can he be cited ? la. perhaps it was taken for granted , that whatsoever was contrary to any of the 4 first general councils , was to be judged heresie . ph. that granted , yet i see not how one man might accuse another ' ere the better for those councils . for not one man of ten thousand had ever read them , nor were they ever published in english , that a man might avoid offending against them , nor perhaps are they extant ; nor if those that we have printed in latin are the very acts of the councils ( which is yet much disputed amongst divines ) do i think it fit they were put in the vulgar tongues . but it is not likely that the makers of the statutes had any purpose to make heresie of whatsoever was repugnant to those 4 general councils : for if they had , i believe the anabaptists , of which there was great plenty , in those times , would one time or other have been question'd upon this article of the nicene creed , i believe one baptism for the remission of sins ; nor was the commission it self for a long time after registred , that men might in such uncertainty take heed and abstain ( for their better safety ) from speaking of religion any thing at all . but by what law was this heretick legat burnt ? i grant he was an arian , and his heresie contrary to the determination of the church of england , in the highest points of christianity ; but seeing there was no statute-law to burn him , and no penalty forbidden , by what law , by what authority was he burn't ? la. that this legat was accused of heresie , was no fault of the high commissioners , but when he was accused , it had been a fault in them not to have examin'd him , or having examin'd him , and found him an arian , not to have judged him so , or not to have certified him so . all this they did , and this was all that belonged unto them ; they medled not with his burning , but left him to the secular power to do with him what they pleased . ph. your justification of the commissioners is nothing to the question ; the question is by what law he was burn't , the spiritual-law gives no sentence of temporal punishment , and sir edw. coke confesseth that , he could not be burned , and burning forbidden by statute-law . by what law then was he burned ? la. by the common-law . ph. what 's that ? it is not custom ; for before the time of henry the 4th , there was no such custom in england ; for if there had , yet those laws that came after were but confirmations of the customs , and therefore the repealing of those laws was a repealing of the custom . for when king ed. the 6th , and queen eliz. abolished those statutes , they abolished all pains , and consequently , burning , or else they had abolished nothing . and if you will say he was burn't by the law of reason , you must tell me how there can be proportion between doctrine and burning ; there can be no equality , nor majority , nor minority assigned between them . the proportion that is between them , is the proportion of the mischief which the doctrine maketh , to the mischief to be inflicted on the doctor ; and this is to be measur'd only by him that hath the charge of governing the people , and consequently , the punishing of offences can be determined by none but by the king , and that , if it extend to life or member , with the assent of parliament . la. he does not draw any argument for it from reason , but alledgeth for it this judgment executed upon legat , and a story out of hollingshed , and stow : but i know that neither history , nor precedent will pass with you for law. and though there be a writ de haeretico comburendo in the register ( as you may read in fitzherbert ) grounded upon the statutes of 2 h. 4. cap. 15. and 2 h. 5. cap. 7. yet seeing those statutes are void , you will say the vvrit is also void . ph. yes indeed will i. besides this , i understand not how that is true that he saith ; that the diocesan hath jurisdiction of heresie , and that so it was put in ure in all queen elizabeths reign ; whereas by the statute it is manifest , that all jurisdiction spiritual , was given under the queen , to the high commissioners , how then could any one diocesan have any part thereof without deputation from them , which by their letters patents they could not grant , nor was it reasonable they should : for the trust was not committed to the bishops only , but also to divers lay-persons , who might have an eye upon their proceedings , lest they should incroach upon the power temporal . but at this day there is neither statute , nor any law to punish doctrine , but the ordinary power ecclesiastical , and that according to the canons of the church of england , only authorized by the king , the high commission being long since abolished . therefore let us come now to such causes criminal , as are not capital . of praemunire . la. the greatest offence not capital is that which is done against the statute of provisoes . ph. you have need to expound this . la. this crime is not unlike to that for which a man is outlawed , when he will not come in and submit himself to the law ; saving that in outlawries there is a long process to precede it ; and he that is outlawed , is put out of the protection of the law. but for the offence against the statute of provisors ( which is called praemunire facias from the words in the original vvrit ) if the offender submit not himself to the law within the space of 2 months after notice , he is presently an outlaw : and this punishment ( if not capital ) is equivalent to capital : for he lives secretly at the mercy of those that know where he is , and cannot without the like peril to themselves , but discover him . and it has been much disputed before the time of queen elizabeth , whether he might not be lawfully killed by any man that would , as one might kill a vvolf : it is like the punishment amongst the old romans of being barred the use of fire and vvater , and like the great excommunication in the papacy , when a man might not eat , or drink with the offender without incurring the like penalty . ph. certainly the offence for which this punishment was first ordained , was some abominable crime , or of extraordinary mischief . la. so it was : for the pope , you know , from long before the conquest , incroached every day upon the power temporal . vvhatsoever could be made to seem to be in ordine ad spiritualia was in every common-wealth claimed , and haled to the jurisdiction of the pope : and for that end in every country he had his court ecclesiastical , and there was scarce any cause temporal , which he could not , by one shift or other , hook into his jurisdiction , in such sort as to have it tryed in his own courts at rome , or in france , or in england it self . by which means the kings laws were not regarded , judgments given in the kings courts were avoided , and presentations to bishopricks , abbies , and other benefices ( founded , and endowed by the kings , and nobility of england ) were bestowed by the pope upon strangers , or such ( as with money in their purses ) could travel to rome , to provide themselves of such benefices . and suitably hereunto , when there was a question about a tythe , or a vvill , though the point were meerly temporal , yet the popes court here would fetch them in , or else one of the parties would appeal to rome . against these injuries of the roman church , and to maintain the right and dignity of the crown of england , ed. 1. made a statute concerning provisors ( that is , such as provide themselves with benefices here from rome ) for in the 25th year of his reign he ordained in a full parliament that the right of election of bishops , and right of advowsans , and presentations belonged to himself , and to the nobility that were the founders of such bishopricks , abbies , and other benefices . and he enacted farther , that if any clerk , which he , or any of his subjects should present , should be disturbed by any such provisor that such provisor , or disturber should be attached by his body , and if convicted , lye in prison till he were ransomed at the kings will , and had satisfied the party griev'd , renouced his title , and sound sureties not to sue for it any farther ; and that if they could not be found , then exigents should go forth to outlawrie , and the profits of the benefice in the mean time be taken into the kings hands . and the same statute is confirmed in the 27th year of king ed. the 3d , which statute alloweth to these provisors six weeks day to appear , but if they appear before they be outlaw'd , they shall be received to make answer , but if they render not themselves , they shall forfeit all their lands , goods , and chattels , besides that they stand outlaw'd . the same law is confirmed again by 16 rich. 2d . cap. 5. in which is added ( because these provisors obtained sometimes from the pope , that such english bishops as according to the law were instituted , and inducted by the kings presentees should be excommunicated ) that for this also both they , and the receivers and publishers of such papal process , and the procurers should have the same punishment . ph. let me see the statute it self of 27 ed. 3. la. it lies there before you set down verbatim by sir edw. coke himself , both in english , and french. ph. 't is well , we are now to consider what it means , and whether it be well , or ill interpreted by sir edw. coke . and first it appeareth by the preamble ( which sir edw. coke acknowledgeth to be the best interpreter of the statute ) that this statute was made against the incroachments only of the church of rome , upon the right of the king , and other patrons to collate bishopricks and other benefices within the realm of england , and against the power of the courts spiritual , to hold plea of controversies determinable in any of the courts of the king , or to reverse any judgment there given , as being things that tend to the disherison of the king , and destruction of the common-law of the realm always used . put the case now that a man had procur'd the pope to reverse a decree in chancery , had he been within the danger of premunire ? la. yes certainly ; or if the judgment had been given in the court of the lord admiral , or in any other kings court whatsoever , either of law , or equity ; for courts of equity are most properly courts of the common-law of england , because equity , and common-law ( as sir ed. coke says ) are all one . ph. then the word common-law is not in this preamble restrained to such courts only where the tryal is by juries , but comprehends all the kings temporal courts , if not also the courts of those subjects that are lords of great mannors . la. 't is very likely , yet i think it will not by every man be granted . ph. the statute also says ; that they who draw men out of the realm in plea , whereof the cognizance pertaineth to the kings court , or of things whereof judgment is given in the kings court , are within the cases of premunire . but what if one man draw another to lambeth in plea , whereof judgment is already given at westminster . is he by this clause involv'd in a premunire ? la. yes : for though it be not out of the realm , yet it is within the meaning of the statute , because the popes court , not the kings court , was then perhaps at lambeth . ph. but in sir edw. coke's time the kings court was at lambeth , and not the popes . la. you know well enough , that the spiritual-court has no power to hold pleas of common-law . ph. i do so ; but i know not for what cause any simple man that mistakes his right court , should be out of the kings protection , lose his inheritance , and all his goods personal , and real ; and if taken , be kept in prison all his life . this statute cannot be by sir edw. cokes torture made to say it . besides , such men are ignorant in what courts they are to seek their remedy : and it is a custom confirmed by perpetual usage , that such ignorant men should be guided by their council at law. it is manifest therefore , that the makers of the statute intended not to prohibit men from their suing for their right , neither in the chancery , nor in the admiralty , nor in any other court , except the ecclesiastical courts , which had their jurisdiction from the church of rome . again , where the statute says , which do sue in any other court , or defeat a judgment in the kings court , what is the meaning of another court ? another court than what ? is it here meant the kings-bench , or court of common-pleas ? does a premunire lye for every man that sues in chancery , for that which might be remedied in the court of common-pleas ? or can a premunire lye by this statute against the lord chancellor ? the statute lays it only on the party that sueth , not upon the judge which holdeth the plea. nor could it be laid neither by this statute , nor by the statute of 16 rich. 2. upon the judges , which were then punishable only by the popes authority . seeing then the party suing has a just excuse upon the council of his lawyer ; and the temporal judge , and the lawyer both are out of the statute , the punishment of the premunire can light upon no body . la. but sir edw. coke in this same chapter bringeth two precedents to prove , that though the spiritual-courts in england be now the kings courts , yet whosoever sueth in them for any thing tryable by the common-law , shall fall into a premunire . one is , that whereas in the 22d of hen. 8. all the clergy of england in a convocation by publick instrument acknowledged the king to be supream head of the church of england ; yet after this , viz. 24 of h. 8. this statute was in force . ph. why not ? a convocation of the clergy could not alter the right of supremacie ; their courts were still the popes courts . the other precedent in the 25th of hen. 8. of the bishop of norwich may have the same answer , for the king was not declared head of the church by act of parliament , till the 26th year of his reign . if he had not mistrusted his own law , he would not have laid hold on so weak a proof as these precedents . and as to the sentence of premunire upon the bishop of norwich , neither doth this statute , nor that other of r. 2. warrant it ; he was sentenced for threatning to excommunicate a man which had sued another before the mayor : but this statute forbids not that , but forbids the bringing in , or publishing of excommunications , or other process from rome , or any other place . before the 26 hen. 8. there is no question , but that for a suit in the spiritual court here in a temporal cause , there lay a premunire ; and if perhaps some judge . or other hath since that time judged otherwise , his judgment was erroneous . la. nay but by the statute of 16. rich. 2. cap. 5. it appeareth to the contrary , as sir edw. coke here will shew you . the effect ( saith he ) of the statute of rich. 2. is ; that if any pursue , or cause to be pursued in the court of rome , or elsewhere any thing which toucheth the king , against him , his crown , or regality , or his realm , they , their notaries , &c. shall be out of the kings protection . ph. i pray you let me know the very words of the statutes as they ly . la. presently . the words are , if any man purchase , or pursue , or cause to be purchased , or pursued in the court of rome , or elsewhere , any such translations , processes and sentences of excommunication , bulls , instruments , or any other things whatsoever , which touch the king , against him , his crown , and his regality , or his realm , as is aforesaid , &c. ph. if a man bring a plea of common-law into the spiritual court , which is now the kings court , and the judge of this spiritual court hold plea thereof : by what construction can you draw it within the compass of the words you have now read . to sue for my right in the kings court , is no pursuing of translations of bishopricks made , or procur'd in the court of rome , or any place else , but only in the court of the king , nor is this the suit against the king , nor his crown , nor his regality , nor his realm , but the contrary . why then is it a premunire ? no. he that brings in , or setteth out a writing in any place whatsoever , wherein is contained , that the king hath so given away his jurisdiction , as that if a subject be condemned falsly , his submission to the kings judgment is of none effect ; or that the king upon no necessity whatsoever can , out of parliament time raise money for the defence of the kingdom , is , in my opinion , much more within the statute of provisors , than they which begin suit for a temporal matter in a court spiritual . but what argument has he for this law of his ( since the statute law fails him ) from the law of reason . la. he says they are called courts , either because they proceed by the rules of other laws , as by the canon , or civil law , or by other tryals than the common law doth warrant : for the tryals warranted by the law of england for matter of fact , is by verdict of 12 men before the judges of the common law , in matters pertaining to the common law , and not upon examination of witnesses , as in the court of equity ; so that alia curia is either that which is govern'd per aliam legem , or which draweth the party ad aliud examen . for if — ph. stop there . let us consider of this you have read , for the tryal warranted by the law of england , is by verdict of 12 men. what means he here by the law of england ? does it not warrant the tryals in chancery , and in the court of admiralty by witnesses ? la. by the law of england he means the law used in the kings bench ; that is to say , the common-law . ph. this is just as if he had said , that these two courts did warrant their own way of tryal ; but other courts not so , but were warranted by the king only , the courts of common law were vvarrants to themselves : you see that alia curia is this way ill expounded . in the courts of common law all tryals are by 12 men , who are judges of the fact ; and the fact known and prov'd , the judges are to pronounce the law ; but in the spiritual court , the admiralty , and in all the courts of equity there is but one judge , both of fact , and of law ; this is all the difference . if this difference be intended by the statute by alia curia , there would be a premunire for suing in a court , being not the kings court : the kings bench , and court of common pleas may also be different kinds of courts , because the process is different ; but 't is plain that this statute doth not distinguish courts otherwise than into the courts of the king , and into the courts of the forraign states , and princes . and seeing you stand upon the name of a jury for the distinguishing of courts , what difference do you find between the tryals at the common-law , and the tryals in other courts ? you know that in tryals of fact naturally , and through all the world the witnesses are judges , and it is impossible to be otherwise . what then in england can a jury judge of , except it be of the sufficiency of the testimony . the justices have nothing to judge of , nor do , but after the fact is proved , to declare the law , which is not judgment , but jurisdiction . again , though the tryal be in chancery , or in the court of civil law , 1. the witnesses are still judges of the fact , and he that hath the commission to hear the cause hath both the parts ; that is to say , of a jury to judge of the testimony , and of a justice to declare the law. in this , i say , lyes all the difference , which is indeed enough to make a dispute ( as the world goes ) about jurisdiction : but seeing it tends neither to the disherison of the king , nor of the people , nor to the subversion of the law of reason , i. e. of common-law , nor to the subversion of justice , nor to any harm of the realm , without some of which these statutes are not broken , it cannot be a premunire . la. let me read on . for if the freehold inheritances , goods and chattels , debts and duties , wherein the king and subject have right and property by the common-law , should be judged per aliam legem , or be drawn ad aliud examen , the 3 mischiefs afore exprest , would follow ; viz. the destruction of the king , and his crown , the disherison of his people , and the undoing and destruction of the common-law always used . ph. that is to say , of the law of reason . from hence it follows , that where there are no juries , and where there are different laws from ours ; that is to say , in all the world besides , neither king , nor people have any inheritance , nor goods , nor any law of reason . i will examine his doctrine concerning cases criminal no farther . he no where defineth a crime , that we may know what it is : an odious name sufficeth him to make a crime of any thing . he hath put heresie among the most odious crimes , not knowing what it signifies ; and upon no other cause , but because the church of rome ( to make their usurped power the more terrible ) had made it by long preaching against it , and cruelty shown towards many godly , and learned men of this , and other reformed churches , appear to common people a thing detestable . he puts it in as a plea of the crown in the time of queen elizabeth , whereas in her time there was no doctrine heresie ; but justice stamford leaves it out , because when heresie was a crime , it was a plea of the mitre . i see also in this catalogue of causes criminal , he inserteth costly feeding , costly apparel , and costly building , though they were contrary to no statute . 't is true , that by evil circumstances they become sins ; but these sins belong to the judgment of the pastors spiritual . a justice of the temporal law ( seeing the intention only makes them sins ) cannot judge whether they be sins or no , unless he have power to take confessions . also he makes flattery of the king to be a crime . how could he know when one man had flattered another ? he meant therefore that it was a crime to please the king : and accordingly he citeth divers calamities of such as had been in times past in great favour of the kings they serv'd ; as the favourites of hen. 3. ed. 2. rich. 2. hen. 6. which favourites were some imprisoned , some banished , and some put to death by the same rebels that imprisoned , banished , and put to death the same king , upon no better ground than the earl of strafford , the arch-bishop of canterbury , and king charles the first by the rebels of that time . empson , and dudley were no favourites of hen. the 7th , but spunges , which king hen. the 8th did well squeeze . cardinal woolsey was indeed for divers years a favourite of hen. the 8th , but fell into disgrace , not for flattering the king , but for not flattering him in the business of divorce from queen katharine . you see his reasoning here , see also his passion in the words following . we will for some causes descend no lower , qui eorum vestigiis insistunt , eorum exitus perhorrescant , this is put in for the favourite ( that then was ) of king james . but let us give over this , and speak of the legal punishments to these crimes belonging . of punishments . and in the first place i desire to know who it is that hath the power , for an offence committed to define , and appoint the special manner of punishment ; for suppose you are not of the opinion of the stoicks in old time , that all faults are equal , and that there ought to be the same punishment for killing a man , and for killing a hen. la. the manner of punishment in all crimes whatsoever is to be determined by the common-law . that is to say , if it be a statute that determins it , then the judgment must be according to the statute ; if it be not specified by the statute , then the custome in such cases is to be followed : but if the case be new , i know not why the judge may not determine it according to reason . ph. but according to whose reason ? if you mean the natural reason of this , or that judge authorized by the king to have cognisance of the cause , there being as many several reasons , as there are several men , the punishment of all crimes will be uncertain , and none of them ever grow up to make a custome . therefore a punishment certain can never be assigned , if it have its beginning from the natural reasons of deputed judges , no , nor from the natural of the supream judge : for if the law of reason did determine punishments , then for the same offences there should be through all the world , and in all times the same punishments ; because the law of reason is immutable and eternal . la. if the natural reason neither of the king , nor of any else be able to prescribe a punishment , how can there be any lawful punishment at all ? ph. why not ? for i think that in this very difference between the rational faculties of particular men , lyeth the true and perfect reason that maketh every punishment certain . for , but give the authority of defining punishments to any man whatsoever , and let that man define them , and right reason has defin'd them . suppose the definition be both made , and made known before the offence committed : for such authority is to trump in card-playing , save that in matter of government , when nothing else is turn'd up , clubs are trump . therefore seeing every man knoweth by his own reason what actions are against the law of reason , and knoweth what punishments are by this authority for every evil action ordained ; it is manifest reason , that for breaking the known laws , he should suffer the known punishments . now the person to whom this authority of defining punishments is given , can be no other in any place of the world , but the same person that hath the soveraign power , be it one man , or one assembly of men : for it were in vain to give it to any person that had not the power of the militia to cause it to be executed ; for no less power can do it , when many offenders be united and combin'd to defend one another . there was a case put to king david by nathan , of a rich man that had many sheep , and of a poor man that had but one , which was a tame lamb : the rich man had a stranger in his house , for whose entertainment ( to spare his own sheep ) he took away the poor mans lamb. upon this case the king gave judgment , surely the man that hath done this shall die . what think you of this ? was it a royal , or tyrannical judgment ? la. i will not contradict the canons of the church of england , which acknowledgeth the king of england , within his own dominions hath the same rights , which the good kings of israel had in theirs , nor deny king david to have been one of those good kings : but to punish with death without a precedent law , will seem but a harsh proceeding with us , who unwillingly hear of arbitrary laws , much less of arbitrary punishments , unless we were sure that all our kings would be as good as david . i will only ask you by what authority the clergy may take upon them to determine , or make a canon concerning the power of their own king , or to distinguish between the right of a good , and an evil king. ph. it is not the clergy that maketh their canons to be law , but it is the king that doth it by the great seal of england ; and it is the king that giveth them power to teach their doctrines , in that , that he authoriseth them publickly to teach and preach the doctrine of christ and his apostles , according to the scriptures , wherein this doctrine is perspicuously contained . but if they had derogated from the royal power in any of their doctrines published , then certainly they had been too blame ; nay , i believe that had been more within the statute of premunire of 16 rich. 2. c. 5. than any judge of a court of equity for holding pleas of common law. i cite not this precedent of king david , as approving the breach of the great charter , or justifying the punishment with loss of life , or member of every man that shall offend the king ; but to shew you that before the charter was granted , in all cases where the punishments were not prescribed , it was the king only that could prescribe them ; and that no deputed judge could punish an offender , but by force of some statute , or by the words of some commission , and not ex officio . they might for a contempt of their courts , because it is a contempt of the king , imprison a man , during the kings pleasure , or fine him to the king , according to the greatness of the offence : but all this amounteth to no more , than to leave him to the kings judgment . as for cutting off of ears , and for the pillory , and the like corporal punishments usually inflicted heretofore in the star-chamber , they were warranted by the statute of hen. 7. that giveth them power to punish sometimes by discretion . and generally it is a rule of reason , that every judge of crimes , in case the positive law appoint no punishment , and he have no other command from the king ; then to consult the king before he pronounce sentence of any irreparable dammage on the offender : for otherwise he doth not pronounce the law , which is his office to do , but makes the law , which is the office of the king. and from this you may collect , that the custome of punishing such and such a crime , in such and such a manner , hath not the force of law in it self , but from an assured presumption , that the original of the custome was the judgment of some former king. and for this cause the judges ought not to run up for the customs by which they are warranted to the time of the saxon kings , nor to the time of the conquest : for the most immediate , antecedent precedents are the fairest warrants of their judgments , as the most recent laws have commonly the greatest vigor , as being fresh in the memory of all men , and tacitly confirmed ( because not disapprov'd ) by the soveraign legislator . what can be said against this ? la. sir edw. coke 3 inst. p. 210. in the chapter of judgments and executions saith , that of judgments some are by the common-law , some by statute-law , and some by custome ; wherein he distinguisheth common-law , both from statute-law and from custome . ph. but you know , that in other places he makes the common-law , and the law of reason to be all one , as indeed they are , when by it is meant the kings reason ; and then his meaning in this distinction must be , that there be judgments by reason without statute-law , and judgments neither by statute-law , nor by reason , but by custome without reason ; for if a custome be reasonable , then , both he , and other learned lawyers say , it is common-law ; and if unreasonable , no law at all . la. i believe sir edw. coke's meaning was no other than yours in this point , but that he inserted the word custom , because there be not many that can distinguish between customs reasonable and unreasonable . ph. but custom , so far forth as it hath the force of a law , hath more of the nature of a statute , than of the law of reason , especially where the question is not of lands , and goods , but of punishments , which are to be defined only by authority . now to come to particulars : what punishment is due by law for high treason ? la. to be drawn upon a hurdle from the prison to the gallows , and there to be hanged by the neck , and laid upon the ground alive , and have his bowels taken out , and burnt , whilst he is yet living ; to have his head cut off , his body to be divided into four parts , and his head , and quarters to be placed as the king shall assign . ph. seeing a judge ought to give judgment according to the law , and that this judgment is not appointed by any statute , how does sir edw. coke warrant it by reason , or how by custom ? la. only thus , reason it is , that his body , lands , goods , posterity , &c. should be torn , pulled asunder , and destroy'd , that intended to destroy the majesty of government . ph. see how he avoids the saying the majesty of the king. but does not this reason make as much for punishing a traytor as metius suffetius , in old time , was executed by tullus hostilius king of rome , or as ravillac , not many years ago in france , who were torn in pieces by four horses , as it does for drawing , hanging , and quartering ? la. i think it does . but he confirms it also in the same chapter , by holy scripture . thus joab for treason , 1 kings 2. 28. was drawn from the horns of the altar ; that 's proof for drawing upon a hurdle . esth. 2. 22. bithan for treason was hang'd ; there 's for hanging . acts. 1. 18. judas hanged himself , and his bowels were poured out ; there 's for hanging , and embowelling alive . 2 sam. 18. 14. joab pierced absalom's heart ; that 's proof for pulling out a traytors heart . 2 sam. 20. 22. sheba the son of bichri had his head cut off ; which is proof that a traytors head ought to be cut off . 2 sam. 4. 12. they slew baanah and rechab , and hung up their heads over the pool of hebron ; this is for setting up of quarters . and lastly for forfeiture of lands , and goods , psal. 109. v. 9. 10. &c. let their children be driven out , and beg , and other men make spoil of their labours , and let their memory be blotted out of the land. ph. learnedly said ; and no record is to be kept of the judgment . also the punishments divided between those traytors must be joyn'd in one judgment for a traytor here . la. he meant none of this , but intended ( his hand being in ) to shew his reading , or his chaplains in the bible . ph. seeing then for the specifying of the punishment in case of treason , he brings no argument from natural reason ; that is to say , from the common law ; and that it is manifest that it is not the general custom of the land , the same being rarely , or never executed upon any peer of the realm , and that the king may remit the whole penalty , if he will ; it follows , that the specifying of the punishment depends meerly upon the authority of the king. but this is certain , that no judge ought to give other judgment , than has been usually given , and approv'd either by a statute , or by consent express or implyed , of the soveraign power ; for otherwise it is not the judgment of the law , but of a man subject to the law. la. in petit treason the judgment is , to be drawn to the place of execution , and hang'd by the neck , or if it be a woman , to be drawn and burnt . ph. can you imagine that this so nice a distinction can have any other foundation than the wit of a private man ? la. sir edw. coke upon this place says , that she ought not to be beheaded , or hanged . ph. no , not by the judge , who ought to give no other judgment than the statute , or the king appoints , nor the sheriff to make other execution than the judge pronounceth ; unless he have a special warrant from the king. and this i should have thought he had meant , had he not said before , that the king had given away all his right of judicature to his courts of justice . la. the judgment for felony is — ph. heresie is before felony in the catalogue of the pleas of the crown . la. he has omitted the judgment against a heretick , because ( i think ) no jury confin'd heresie , nor no judge temporal did ever pronounce judgment upon it : for the statute of 2 h. 5. c. 7. was , that the bishop having convicted any man of heresie , should deliver him to the sheriff , and that the sheriff should believe the bishop . the sheriff therefore was bound by the statute of 2 h. 4. after he was delivered to him , to burn him ; but that statute being repeal'd , the sheriff could not burn him , without a writ de heretico comburendo , and therefore the sheriff burnt legat 9. king james by that writ , which was granted by the judges of the common-law at that time , and in that writ the judgment is expressed . ph. this is strange reasoning ; when sir edw. coke knew , and confessed , that the statutes upon which the writ de heretico comburendo was grounded , were all repeal'd , how could he think the writ it self could be in force ? or that the statute which repealeth the statutes for burning hereticks was not made with an intent to forbid such burning ? it is manifest he understood not his books of common-law : for in the time of hen. 4. and hen. 5. the word of the bishop was the sheriff's warrant , and there was need of no such writ ; nor could he till the 25 hen. 8. when those statutes were repeal'd , and a writ made for that purpose , and put into the register , which writ fitzherbert cites in the end of his natura brevium . again , in the later end of the reign of queen elizabeth was published a correct register of original and judicial writs , and the writ de haeretico comburendo left out , because that statute of 25 h. 8. and all statutes against hereticks were repeal'd , and burning forbidden . and whereas he citeth for the granting of this writ , 9. jac. the lord chief justice , the lord chief baron , and two justices of the common-pleas , it is , as to all , but the lord chief against the law ; for neither the judges of common-pleas , nor of the exchequer can hold pleas of the crown ( without special commission ) and if they cannot hold plea , they cannot condemn . la. the punishment for felony is , that the felon be hang'd by the neck till he be dead . and to prove that it ought to be so , he cites a sentence ( from whence i know not ) quod non licet felonem pro felonia decollare . ph. it is not indeed lawful for the sheriff of his own head to do it , or to do otherwise than is commanded in the judgment , nor for the judge to give any other judgment , than according to statute-law , or the usage consented to by the king , but this hinders not the king from altering his law concerning judgments , if he see good cause . la. the king may do so , if he please : and sir edw. coke tells you how he altered particular judgments in case of felony , and sheweth , that judgment being given upon a lord in parliament , that he should be hang'd , he was nevertheless beheaded ; and that another lord had the like judgment for another felony , and was not hang'd , but beheaded ; and withal he shews you the inconveniency of such proceeding , because ( saith he ) if hanging might be altered to beheading , by the same reason it might be altered to burning , stoning to death , &c. ph. perhaps there might be inconveniency in it ; but 't is more than i see , or he shews , nor did there happen any inconveniency from the execution he citeth : besides he granteth , that death being ultimum supplicium is a satisfaction to the law. but what is all this to the purpose , when it belongeth not to consider such inconveniencies of government but to the king and parliament ? or who from the authority of a deputed judge can derive a power to censure the actions of a king that hath deputed him ? la. for the death of a man by misfortune , there is ( he saith ) no express judgment , nor for killing a man in ones own defence ; but he saith , that the law hath in both cases given judgment , that he that so killeth a man shall forfeit all his goods and chattels , debts and duties . ph. if we consider what sir edw. coke saith , 1 inst. sect. 745. at the word felony , these judgments are very favourable : for there he saith , that killing of a man by chance-medley , or se defendendo is felony . his words are ; wherefore by the law at this day , under the word felony in commissions , &c. is included petit treason , murder , homicide , burning of houses , burglary , robbery , rape , &c. chance-medley , and se defendendo . but if we consider only the intent of him that killeth a man by misfortune , or in his own defence , the same judgments will be thought both cruel , and sinful judgments . and how they can be felony at this day cannot be understood , unless there be a statute to make them so . for the statute of 25 h. 3. cap. 25. the words whereof , murder from henceforth shall not be judged before our justices , where it is found misfortune only ; but it shall take place in such as are slain by felony , and not otherwise , make it manifest , if they be felonies , they must also be murders , unless they have been made felonies by some latter statute . la. there is no such latter statute , nor is it to say in commission ; nor can a commission , or any thing but another statute make a thing felony , that was not so before . ph. see what it is for a man to distinguish felony into several sorts , before he understands the general name of felony what it meaneth ; but that a man , for killing another man by misfortune only , without any evil purpose , should forfeit all his goods and chartels , debts and duties , is a very hard judgment , unless perhaps they were to be given to the kindred of the man slain , by way of amends for dammage . but the law is not that . is it the common-law ( which is the law of reason ) that justifies this judgment , or the statute-law ? it cannot be the law of reason , if the case be meer misfortune . if a man be upon his apple-tree , to gather his apples , and by ill fortune fall down , and lighting on the head of another man kill him , and by good fortune saves himself ; shall he for this mischance be punished with the forfeiture of his goods to the king ? does the law of reason warrant this ? he should ( you 'l say ) have look'd to his feet ; that 's true , but so should he that was under have look'd up to the tree . therefore in this case the law of reason ( as i think ) dictates , that they ought each of them to bear his own misfortune . la. in this case i agree with you . ph. but this case is the true case of meer misfortune , and a sufficient reprehension of the opinion of sir edw. coke . la. but what if this had hapned to be done by one that had been stealing apples upon the tree of another man ? then ( as sir edw. coke says , 3 inst. p , 56. ) it had been murder . ph. there is indeed great need of good distinction in a case of killing by misfortune ; but in this case the unlawfulness of stealing apples cannot make it murder , unless the falling it self be unlawful . it must be a voluntary unlawful act that causeth the death , or else it is no murder by the law of reason : now the death of the man that was under the tree proceeded not from that , that the apples were not his that fell , but from the fall . but if a man shoot with a bow or a gun at another man's deer , and by misfortune kill a man , such shooting being both voluntary , and unlawful , and also the immediate cause of the mans death , may be drawn perhaps well enough sometimes to murder by a judge of the common-law . so likewise if a man shoot an arrow over a house , and by chance kill a man in the street , there is no doubt but by the law of reason it is murder , for though he meant no malice to the man slain , yet it is manifest , that he cared not whom he slew . in this difficulty of finding out what it is that the law of reason dictates , who is it that must decide the question ? la. in the case of misfortune , i think it belongs to the jury ; for it is matter of fact only : but when it is doubtful whether the action from which the misfortune came , were lawful , or unlawful , it is to be judged by the judge . ph. but if the unlawfulness of the action ( as the stealing of the apples ) did not cause the death of the man , then the stealing , be it , trespass , or felony , ought to be punished alone , as the law requireth . la. but for killing of a man se defendendo , the jury ( as sir edw. coke here says ) shall not in their verdict say it was se defendendo , but shall declare the manner of the fact in special , and clear it to the judge , to consider how it is to be called , whether se defendendo , manslaughter , or murder . ph. one would think so ; for it is not often within the capacity of a jury to distinguish the signification of the different and hard names which are given by lawyers to the killing of a man ; as murder and felony , which neither the laws , nor the makers of the laws have yet defined . the witnesses say , that thus and thus the person did , but not that it was murder or felony ; no more can the jury say , who ought to say nothing but what they hear from the witnesses , or from the prisoner . nor ought the judge to ground his sentence upon any thing else , besides the special matter found , which according as it is contrary , or not contrary to the statute , ought to be pronounced . la. but i have told you , that when the jury has found misfortune , or se defendendo , there is no judgment at all to be given , and the party is to be pardoned of course , saving that he shall forfeit his goods and chattells , debts and duties to the king. ph. but i understand not how there can be a crime for which there is no judgment , nor how any punishment can be inflicted without a precedent judgment , nor upon what ground the sheriff can seize the goods of any man , till it be judged that they be forfeited . i know that sir edw. coke saith , that in the judgment of hanging , the judgment of forfeiture is implyed , which i understand not ; though i understand well enough , that the sheriff by his office may seize the goods of a felon convicted ; much less do i conceive how the forfeiture of goods can be implyed in a no-judgment , nor do i conceive , that when the jury has found the special manner of the fact to be such , as is really no other than se defendendo , and consequently , no fault at all , why he should have any punishment at all . can you shew me any reason for it ? la. the reason lies in the custom . ph. you know that unreasonable customs are not law , but ought to be abolished ; and what custom is there more unreasonable than that a man should be punished without a fault ? la. then see the statute of 24 hen. 8. cap. 5. ph. i find here , that at the making of this statute there was a question amongst the lawyers , in case one man should kill another that attempted feloniously to rob , or murder him in , or near any common high-way , court-way , horse-way , or foot-way , or in his mansion , messuage , or dwelling-place ; whether for the death of such a man one shall forfeit his goods and chattells , as a man should do for killing another by chance-medley , or in his own defence . this is the preamble , and penned as well as sir edw. coke could have wished ; but this statute does not determine that a man should forfeit his goods for killing a man se defendendo , or for killing him by misfortune ; but supposeth it only upon the opinion of the lawyers that then were . the body of the statute is , that if a man be indicted , or appealed for the death of such person so attempting as aforesaid , and the same by verdict be so found and tryed , he shall not forfeit any thing , but shall be discharged as if he had been found not guilty . you see the statute , now consider thereby in the case of killing se defendendo . frst , if a man kill another in his own defence , it is manifest , that the man slain did either attempt to rob , or to kill , or to wound him ; for else it was not done in his own defence . if then it were done in the street , or near the street as in a tavern , he forfeits nothing because the street is a high-way . so likewise it is to be said of all other common-ways . in what place therefore can a man kill another in his own defence , but that this statute will discharge him of the forfeiture ? la. but the statute says the attempt must be felonious . ph. when a man assaults me with a knife , sword , club , or other mortal weapon ; does any law forbid me to defend my self , or command me to stay so long as to know whether he have a felonious intent , or no ? therefore by this statute , in case it be found se defendendo , the forfeiture is discharged , if it be found otherwise , it is capital . if we read the statute of glocester , cap. 9. i think it will take away the difficulty : for by that statute , in case it be found by the countrey , that he did it in his own defence , or by misfortune , then by the report of the justices to the king , the king shall take him to his grace , if it please him . from whence it followeth ; first , that it was then thought law , that the jury may give the general verdict of se defendendo , which sir edw. coke denies . secondly , that the judge ought to report especial matter to the king. thirdly , that the king may take him to his grace , if he please , and consequently , that his goods are not to be seiz'd , till the king ( after the report of the judge heard ) give the sheriff command to do it . fourthly , that the general verdict of the king hinders not the king , but that he may judge of it upon the special matter , for it often happens that an ill-disposed person provokes a man with words , or otherwise on purpose to make him draw his sword , that he may kill him , and pretend it done in his own defence ; which appearing , the king may , without any offence to god , punish him as the cause shall require . lastly ( contrary to the doctrine of sir edw. coke ) he may in his own person be judge in the case , and annul the verdict of the jury , which a deputed judge cannot do . la. there be some cases wherein a man , though by the jury he be found not guilty , shall nevertheless forfeit his goods and chattells to the king. for example ; a man is slain , and one a. hating b. giveth out that it was b. that slew him : b. hearing thereof , fearing if he be tryed for it , that through the great power of a. and others that seek his hurt , he should be condemned , flieth , and afterwards is taken , and tryed ; and upon sufficient evidence is by the jury found not guilty ; yet because he fled he shall forfeit his goods and chattels , notwithstanding there be no such judgment given by the judge , nor appointed by any statute , but the law it self authoriseth the sheriff to seize them to the use of the king. ph. i see no reason ( which is common-law ) for it , and am sure it is grounded upon no statute . la. see sir edw. coke , inst. 1. sect. 709. and read . ph. if a man that is innocent be accus'd of felony , and for fear flieth for the same ; albeit that he be judicially acquitted of the felony , yet if it be found that he fled for the same , he shall ( notwithstanding his innocence ) forfeit all his goods and chattells , debts and duties . o unchristian , and abominable doctrine ! which also he in his own words following contradicteth : for ( saith he ) as to the forfeiture of them , the law will admit no proof against the presumption of the law grounded upon his flight , and so it is in many other cases : but that the general rule is , quod stabitur praesumptioni , donec probetur in contrarium , but you see it hath many exceptions . this general rule contradicts what he said before ; for there can be no exceptions to a general rule in law , that is not expresly made an exception by some statute , and to a general rule of equity there can be no exception at all . from the power of punishing , let us proceed to the power of pardoning . la. touching the power of pardoning , sir edw. coke says , 3 inst. p. 236. that no man shall obtain charter of pardon out of parliament , and cites for it the statute of 2 ed. 3. cap. 2. and says farther , that accordingly in a parliament roll it is said , that for the peace of the land it would help , that no pardon were granted but by parliament . ph. what lawful power would he have left to the king , that thus disableth him to practice mercy ? in the statute which he citeth , to prove that the king ought not to grant charters of pardon , but in parliament there are no such words , as any man may see ; for that statute is in print ; and that which he says is in the parliament roll , is but a wish of he tells not whom , and not a law ; and 't is strange that a private wish should be inroll'd amongst acts of parliament . if a man do you an injury , to whom ( think you ) belongeth the right of pardoning it ? la. doubtless to me alone , if to me alone be done that injury ; and to the king alone , if to him alone be done the injury ; and to both together , if the injury be done to both . ph. what part then has any man in the granting of a pardon , but the king and the party wrong'd . if you offend no member of either house , why should you ask their pardon . it is possible that a man may deserve a pardon ; or he may be such a one sometimes as the defence of the kingdom hath need of ; may not the king pardon him , though there be no parliament then sitting ? sir edw. coke's law is too general in this point , and i believe , if he had thought on 't , he would have excepted some persons , if not all the kings children , and his heir apparent ; and yet they are all his subjects , and subject to the law as other men. la. but if the king shall grant pardons of murder and felony , of his own head , there would be very little safety for any man , either out of his house , or in it , either by night , or by day : and for that very cause there have been many good statutes provided , which forbid the justices to allow of such pardons as do not specially name the crime . ph. those statutes , i confess , are reasonable , and very profitable , which forbid the judge to pardon murders , but what statute is there that forbids the king to do it ? there is a statute of 13 rich. 2. c. 1. wherein the king promiseth not to pardon murder , but there is in it a clause for the saving of the kings regality . from which may be inferr'd , that the king did not grant away that power , when he thought good to use it for the common-wealth . such statutes are not laws to the king , but to his judges , and though the judges be commanded by the king not to allow pardons in many cases , yet if the king by writing command the judges to allow them , they ought to do it . i think , if the king think in his conscience it be for the good of the common-wealth , he sinneth not in it ; but i hold not that the king may pardon him without sin , if any other man be damnified by the crime committed , unless he cause reparation to be made , as far as the party offending can do it : and howsoever be it sin , or not sin , there is no power in england that may resist him , or speak evil of him lawfully . la. sir edw. coke denies not that ; and upon that ground it is that the king , he says , may pardon high treason ; for there can be no high treason , but against the king. ph. that 's well ; therefore he confesseth , that whatsoever the offence be , the king may pardon so much of it as is an injury to himself , and that by his own right , without breach of any law positive , or natural , or of any grant , if his conscience tell him that it be not to the dammage of the common-wealth ; and you know that to judge of what is good or evil to the common-wealth , belongeth to the king only . now tell me what it is which is said to be pardoned ? la. what can it be but only the offence ? if a man hath done a murder and be pardoned for the same , is it not the murder that is pardoned ? ph. nay , by your favour , if a man be pardoned for murder or any other offence , it is the man that is pardoned , the murder still remains murder . but what is pardon ? la. pardon ( as sir edw. coke says , 3 inst. p. 233 ) is deriv'd of per and dono , and signifies throughly to remit . ph. if the king remit the murder and not pardon the man that did it , what does the remission serve for ? la. you know well enough that when we say a murder , or any thing else is pardoned , all english-men understand thereby , that the punishment due to the offence is the thing remitted . ph. but for our understanding of one another , you ought to have said so at first . i understand now , that to pardon murder or felony is throughly to save the offender from all the punishment due unto him by the law for his offence . la. not so ; for sir edw. coke in the same chapter , p. 238. saith thus : a man commits felony , and is attainted thereof , or is abjur'd ; the king pardoneth the felony without any mention of the attainder or abjuration , the pardon is void . ph. what is it to be attainted ? la. to be attainted is , that his blood be held in law as stained and corrupted ; so that no inheritance can descend from him to his children , or to any that make claim by him . ph. is this attaint a part of the crime , or of the punishment ? la. it cannot be a part of the crime , because it is none of his own act ; 't is therefore a part of the punishment , viz. a disherison of the offender . ph. if it be a part of the punishment due , and yet not pardoned together with the rest ; then a pardon is not a through remitting of the punishment as sir edw. coke says it is . and what is abjuration ? la. when a clerk heretofore was convicted of felony , he might have saved his life by abjuring the realm ; that is , by departing the realm within a certain time appointed , and taking an oath never to return . but at this day all statutes for abjuration are repeal'd . ph. that also is a punishment , and by a pardon of the felony pardoned , unless a statute be in force to the contrary . there is also somewhat in the statute of 13 rich. 2. c. 1. concerning the allowance of charters of pardons , which i understand not well . the words are these ; no charter of pardon for henceforth shall be allowed before our justices for murder , or for the death of a man by awayt , or malice prepens'd , treason , or rape of a woman , unless the same be specified in the same charter , for i think it follows thence , that if the king say in his charter , that he pardoneth the murder , then he breaketh not the statute , because he specifies the offence ; or if he saith , he pardoneth the killing by awayt , or of malice prepensed , he breaketh not the statute , he specifies the offence . also if he say so much as that the judge cannot doubt of the kings meaning to pardon him , i think the judge ought to allow it , because the statute saveth the kings liberty and regality in that point ; that is to say , the power to pardon him , such as are these words , notwithstanding any statute to the contrary , are sufficient to cause the charter to be allowed : for these words make it manifest , that the charter was not granted upon surprise , but to maintain and claim the kings liberty and power to shew mercy , when he seeth cause . the like meaning have these words perdonavimus omnimodam interfectionem ; that is to say , we have pardoned the killing in what manner soever it was done . but here we must remember that the king cannot pardon , without sin , any dammage thereby done to another man , unless he causes satisfaction to be made , as far as possibly the offender can , but is not bound to satisfie mens thirst of revenge ; for all revenge ought to proceed from god , and under god from the king. now ( besides in charters ) how are these offences specified ? la. they are specified by their names , as treason , petit treason , murder , rape , felony , and the like . ph. petit treason is felony , murder is felony , so is rape , robbery and theft , and ( as sir edw. coke says ) petit larceny is felony ; now if in a parliament-pardon , or in a coronation-pardon all felonies be pardoned ; whether is petit larceny pardoned , or not ? la. yes certainly it is pardoned . ph. and yet you see it is not specified , and yet it is a crime that hath less in it of the nature of felony , than there is in robbery . do not therefore rape , robbery , theft , pass under the pardon of all felonies ? la. i think they are all pardoned by the words of the statute , but those that are by the same statute excepted ; so that specification is needful only in charters of pardon , but in general pardons not so . for the statute 13 rich. 2. cap. 1. forbids not the allowance of parliament-pardons , or coronation-pardons , and therefore the offences pardoned need not be specified , but may pass under the general word of all felonies . nor is it likely that the members of the parliament who drew up their own pardons , did not mean to make them as comprehensive as they could : and yet sir edw. coke , 2 inst. sect. 745. at the word felony , seemeth to be of another mind ; for piracy is one species of felony , and yet when certain english-men had committed piracy in the last year of queen elizabeth , and came home into england , in the beginning of the reign of king james , trusting to his coronation-pardon of all felonies ; they were indicted ( sir edw. coke was then attorney general ) of the piracy before commissioners according to the statute of 28 h. 8. and being found guilty were hang'd . the reason he alledgeth for it is , that it ought to have been specified by the name of piracy in the pardon , and therefore the pardon was not to be allowed . ph. why ought it to have been specified more than any other felony ? he should therefore have drawn his argument from the law of reason . la. also he does that ; for the tryal ( he says ) was by the common-law , and before commissioners not in the court of the lord admiral , by the civil-law , therefore he says it was an offence whereof the common-law could not take notice because it could not be tryed by twelve men. ph. if the common-law could not , or ought not to take notice of such offences , how could the offenders be tryed by twelve men , and found guilty , and hang'd , as they were ? if the common-law take no notice of piracy , what other offence was it for which they were hang'd ? is piracy two felonies , for one of which a man shall be hang'd by the civil-law , and for the other by the common-law ? truly i never read weaker reasoning in any author of the law of england , than in sir edw. coke's institutes , how well soever he could plead . la. though i have heard him much reprehended by others , as well as by you ; yet there be many excellent things , both for subtility , and for truth in these his institutes . ph. no better things than other lawyers have that write of the law , as of a science : his citing of aristotle , and of homer , and of other books which are commonly read to gown-men , do , in my opinion , but weaken his authority , for any man may do it by a servant ; but seeing the whole scene of that time is gone and past , let us proceed to somewhat else . wherein doth an act of oblivion differ from a parliament-pardon ? la. this word act of oblivion was never in our law-books before the 12 car. 2. c. 11. and i wish it may never come again ; but from whence it came you may better know perhaps than i. ph. the first , and only act of oblivion that ever passed into a law , in any state that i have read of , was that amnestia , or oblivion of all quarrels between any of the citizens of athens , at any time before that act , without all exception of crime , or person . the occasion whereof was this . the lacedemonians having totally subdued the athenians , entred into the city of athens , and ordained that the people should choose thirty men of their own city to have the soveraign power over them . these being chosen behav'd themselves so outragiously , as caused a sedition , in which the citizens on both sides were daily slain . there was then a discreet person that propounded to each of the parties this proposition , that every man should return to his own , and forget all that was past ; which proposition was made , by consent on both sides , into a publick act , which for that cause was called an oblivion . upon the like disorder hapning in rome by the murder of julius caesar , the like act was propounded by cicero , and indeed passed , but was within few days after broken again by marcus antonius . in imitation of this act was made the act of 12 car. 2. c. 11. la. by this it seems , that the act of oblivion made by king charles , was no other than a parliament-pardon , because it containeth a great number of exceptions , as the other parliament-pardons do , and the act of athens did not . ph. but yet there is a difference between the late act of oblivion made here , and an ordinary parliament-pardon : for concerning a fault pardoned in parliament by a general word , a suit in law may arise about this , whether the offender be signified by the word , or not , as whether the pardon of all felonies , be a pardon of piracy , or not : for you see by sir edw. coke's reports , that notwithstanding a pardon of felony , a sea felony ( when he was attourney general ) was not pardoned . but by the late act of oblivion , which pardoned all manner of offences committed in the late civil war , no question could arise concerning crimes excepted . first , because no man can by law accuse another man of a fact , which by law is to be forgotten . secondly , because all crimes may be alledged , as proceeding from the licentiousness of the time , and from the silence of the law occasion'd by the civil war , and consequently ( unless the offenders person also were excepted , or unless the crime were committed before the war began ) are within the pardon . la. truly i think you say right : for if nothing had been pardoned , but what was done by occasion of the war , the raising of the war it self had not been pardoned . ph. i have done with crimes and punishments , let us come now to the laws of meum and tuum . la. we must then examine the statutes . ph. we must so , what they command and forbid , but not dispute of their justice : for the law of reason commands that every one observe the law which he hath assented to , and obey the person to whom he hath promised obedience and fidelity . then let us consider next the commentaries of sir edw. coke upon magna charta , and other statutes . ph. for the understanding of magna charta , it will be very necessary to run up into antient times , as far as history will give us leave , and consider not only the customs of our ancestors the saxons , but also the law of nature ( the most antient of all laws ) concerning the original of government , and acquisition of property , and concerning courts of judicature . and first , it is evident , that dominion , government , and laws , are far more antient than history , or any other writing , and that the beginning of all dominion amongst men was in families ; in which , first , the father of the family by the law of nature was absolute lord of his wife and children . secondly , made what laws amongst them he pleased . thirdly , was judge of all their controversies . fourthly , was not obliged by any law of man to follow any counsel , but his own . fifthly , what land soever the lord sat down upon , and made use of for his own , and his families benefit , was his propriety by the law of first-possession , in case it was void of inhabitants before , or by the law of war , in case they conquer'd it . in this conquest what enemies they took and saved were their servants : also such men as wanting possessions of lands , but furnished with arts necessary for mans life , came to dwell in the family for protection , became their subjects , and submitted themselves to the laws of the family : and all this is consonant , not only to the law of nature , but also to the practice of mankind set forth in history sacred , and praphane . la. do you think it lawful for a lord that is the soveraign ruler of his family , to make war upon another like soveraign lord , and dispossess him of his lands ? ph. it is lawful , or not lawful according to the intention of him that does it . for , first , being a soveraign ruler , he is not subject to any law of man ; and as to the law of god , where the intention is justifiable , the action is so also . the intention may be lawful in divers cases by the right of nature ; one of those cases is , when he is constrained to it by the necessity of subsisting . so the children of israel , besides that their leaders , moses and joshua had an immediate command from god to dispossess the canaanites , had also a just pretence to do what they did from the right of nature , which they had to preserve their lives , being unable otherwise to subsist . and as their preservation , so also is their security a just pretence of invading those whom they have just cause to fear , unless sufficient caution be given to take away their fear , which caution ( for any thing i can yet conceive ) is utterly impossible . necessity , and security are the principal justifications , before god , of beginning war. injuries receiv'd justifie a war defensive ; but for reparable injuries , if reparation be tendred , all invasion upon that title is iniquity . if you need examples , either from scripture , or other history concerning this right of nature in making war , you are able enough from your own reading , to find them out at your leisure . la. whereas you say , that the lands so won by the soveraign lord of a family , are his in propriety , you deny ( methinks ) all property to the subjects , how much soever any of them hath contributed to the victory . ph. i do so , nor do i see any reason to the contrary : for the subjects , whether they come into the family , have no title at all to demand any part of the land , or any thing else but security , to which also they are bound to contribute their whole strength , and , if need be , their whole fortunes : for it cannot be supposed that any one man can protect all the rest with his own single strength : and for the practice , it is manifest in all conquests , the land of the vanquished is in the sole power of the victor , and at his disposal . did not joshua and the high-priest divide the land of canaan in such sort among the tribes of israel , as they pleased ? did not the roman and graecian princes and states according to their own discretion , send out the colonies to inhabit such provinces as they had conquered ? is there at this day among the turks any inheritor of land , besides the sultan ? and was not all the land in england once in the hands of william the conqueror ? sir edw. coke himself confesses it ; therefore it is an universal truth , that all conquer'd lands , presently after victory , are the lands of him that conquer'd them . la. but you know that all soveraigns are said to have a double capacity ; viz. a natural capacity , as he is a man , and a a politick capacity , as a king. in his politick capacity i grant you , that king william the conqueror was the proper , and only owner once of all the land in england , but not in his natural capacity . ph. if he had them in his politick capacity , then they were so his own as not to dispose of any part thereof , but only to the benefit of his people , and that must be either by his own , or by the peoples discretion ; that is , by act of parliament . but where do you find that the conqueror disposed of his lands ( as he did some to english-men , some to french-men , and some to normans ) to be holden by divers tenures , as knight-service , soccage , &c. by act of parliament ? or that he ever called a parliament to have the assent of the lords and commons of england in disposing of those lands he had taken from them ? or for retaining of such and such lands in his own hands by the name of forrests for his own recreation , or magnificence ? you have heard perhaps that some lawyers , or other men reputed wise and good patriots have given out , that all the lands which the kings of england have possessed , have been given them by the people , to the end that they should therewith defray the charges of their wars , and pay the wages of their ministers , and that those lands were gained by the peoples money ; for that was pretended in the late civil war , when they took from the king his town of kingston upon hull ; but i know you do not think that the pretence was just . it cannot therefore be denyed but that land which king william the conqueror gave away to english-men and others , and which they now hold by his letters patents , and other conveyances , were properly , and really his own , or else the titles of them that now hold them must be invalid . la. i assent . as you have shewed me the beginning of monarchies , so let me hear your opinion concerning their growth . ph. great monarchies have proceeded from small families . first , by war , wherein the victor not only enlarged his territory , but also the number and riches of his subjects . as for other forms of common-wealths , they have been enlarged otherways . first , by a voluntary conjunction of many lords of families into one great aristocracie . secondly , by rebellion proceeded first , anarchy , and from anarchy proceeded any form that the calamities of them that lived therein did prompt them to ; whether it were that they chose an hereditary king , or an elective king for life , or that they agreed upon a council of certain persons ( which is aristocracy ) or a council of the whole people to have the soveraign power , which is democracy . after the first manner which is by war , grew up all the greatest kingdoms in the world , viz. the aegyptian , assyrian , persian and the macedonian monarchy ; and so did the great kingdoms of england , france , and spain . the second manner was the original of the venetian aristocracy , by the third way which is rebellion , grew up in divers great monarchies , perpetually changing from one form to another ; as in rome rebellion against kings produced democracy , upon which the senate usurped under sylla , and the people again upon the senate under marius , and the emperor usurped upon the people under caesar and his successors . la. do you think the distinction between natural and politick capacity is insignificant ? ph. no ; if the soveraign power be in an assembly of men , that assembly , whether it be aristocratical , or democratical , may possess lands , but it is in their politick capacity , because no natural man has any right to those lands , or any part of them , in the same manner they can command an act by plurality of commands , but the command of any one of them is of no effect . but when the soveraign power is in one man , the natural and politick capacity are in the same person , and as to possession of lands undistinguishable : but as to the acts and commands , they may be well distinguished in this manner . whatsoever a monarch does command , or do by consent of the people of his kingdom , may properly be said to be done in his politick capacity ; and whatsoever he commands by word of mouth only , or by letters signed with his hand , or sealed with any of his private seals is done in his natural capacity : nevertheless , his publick commands , though they be made in his politick capacity , have their original from his natural capacity . for in the making of laws ( which necessarily requires his assent ) his assent is natural : also those acts which are done by the king previously to the passing of them under the great seal of england , either by word of mouth , or warrant under his signet , or privy seal , are done in his natural capacity ; but when they have past the seal of england , they are to be taken as done in his politick capacity . la. i think verily your distinction is good : for natural capacity , and politick capacity signifie no more than private and publick right . therefore leaving this argument let us consider in the next place , as far as history will permit , what were the laws and customs of our ancestors . ph. the saxons , as also all the rest of germany not conquer'd by the roman emperors , nor compelled to use the imperial laws , were a savage and heathen people , living only by war and rapine ; and as some learned men in the roman antiquities affirm , had their name of germans from that their ancient trade of life , as if germans and hommes de guerre were all one . their rule over their family , servants and subjects was absolute , their laws no other than natural equity ; written law they had little , or none , and very few there were in the time of the caesars that could write , or read . the right to the government was either paternal , or by conquest , or by marriages . their succession to lands was determined by the pleasure of the master of the family , by gift , or deed in his life time ; and what land they disposed not of in their life time , descended after their death to their heirs . the heir was the eldest son ; the issue of the eldest son failing , they descended to the younger sons in their order , and for want of sons , to the daughters joyntly , as to one heir , or to be divided amongst them , and so to descend to their heirs in the same manner : and children failing , the uncle by the fathers , or mothers side ( according as the lands had been the fathers or the mothers ) succeeded to the inheritance , and so continually to the next of blood . and this was a natural descent , because naturally the nearer in blood , the nearer in kindness , and was held for the law of nature , not only amongst the germans , but also in most nations before they had a written law. the right of government , which is called jus regni descended in the same manner , except only that after the sons , it came to the eldest daughter first , and her heirs ; the reason whereof was , that government is indivisible . and this law continues still in england . la. seeing all the land which any soveraign lord possessed , was his own in propriety ; how came a subject to have a propriety in their lands ? ph. there be two sorts of propriety . one is , when a man holds his land from the gift of god only , which lands civilians call allodial which in a kingdom no man can have but the king. the other is when a man holds his land from another man as given him , in respect of service and obedience to that man , as a fee. the first kind of propriety is absolute , the other is in a manner conditional , because given for some service to be done unto the giver . the first kind of propriety excludes the right of all others ; the second excludes the right of all other subjects to the same land , but not the right of the soveraign , when the common good of the people shall require the use thereof . la. when those kings had thus parted with their lands , what was left them for the maintenance of their wars , either offensive , or defensive ; or for the maintenance of the royal family in such manner as not only becomes the dignity of a soveraign king , but is also necessary to keep his person and people from contempt . ph. they have means enough ; and besides what they gave their subjects , had much land remaining in their own hands afforrested for their recreation : for you know very well that a great part of the land of england was given for military service to the great men of the realm , who were for the most part of the kings kindred , or great favourites , much more land than they had need of for their own maintenance ; but so charged with one , or many souldiers , according to the quantity of land given , as there could be no want of souldiers , at all times , ready to resist an invading enemy : which souldiers those lords were bound to furnish , for a time certain , at their own charges . you know also , that the whole land was divided into hundreds , and those again into decennaries ; in which decennaries all men even to children of 12 years of age , were bound to take the oath of allegiance : and you are to believe , that those men that hold their land by the service of husbandry , were all bound with their bodies , and fortunes to defend the kingdom against invaders by the law of nature : and so also such as they called villains , and held their land by baser drudgery , were obliged to defend the kingdom to the utmost of their power . nay , women , and children in such a necessity are bound to do such service as they can , that is to say , to bring weapons and victuals to them that fight , and to dig : but those that hold their land by service military , have lying upon them a greater obligation : for read and observe the form of doing homage , according as it is set down in the statute of 17 edw. 2. which you doubt not , was in use before that time , and before the conquest . la. i become your man for life , for member and for worldly honour , and shall owe you my faith for the lands that i hold of you . ph. i pray you expound it . la. i think it is as much , as if you should say , i promise you to be at your command ; to perform with the hazard of my life , limbs and all my fortune , as i have charged my self to the reception of the lands you have given me , and to be ever faithful to you . this is the form of homage done to the king immediately ; but when one subject holdeth land of another by the like military service , then there is an exception added ; viz. saving the faith i owe to the king. ph. did he not also take an oath ? la. yes ; which is called the oath of fealty ; i shall be to you both faithful , and lawfully shall do such customs and services , as my duty is to you at the terms assigned ; so help me god , and all his saints . but both these services , and the services of husbandry were quickly after turned into rents , payable either in money , as in england ; or in corn , or other victuals , as in scotland and france . when the service was military , the tenant was for the most part bound to serve the king in his wars with one , or more persons , according to the yearly value of the land he held . ph. were they bound to find horse-men , or foot-men ? la. i do not find any law that requires any man , in respect of his tenancie , to serve on horseback . ph. was the tenant bound , in case he were called , to serve in person ? la. i think he was so in the beginning : for when lands were given for service military , and the tenant dying left his son and heir , the lord had the custody both of body and lands till the heir was twenty one years old ; and the reason thereof was , that the heir till that age of twenty one years , was presum'd to be unable to serve the king in his wars , which reason had been insufficient , if the heir had been bound to go to the wars in person . which ( methinks ) should ever hold for law , unless by some other law it come to be altered . these services together with other rights , as wardships first , possession of his tenants inheritance , licenses for alienation , felons goods , felons lands , if they were holden of the king , and the first years profit of the lands , of whomsoever they were holden , forfeitures , amercements , and many other aids could not but amount to a very great yearly revenue . add to this all that which the king might reasonably have imposed upon artificers and tradesmen ( for all men , whom the king protecteth , ought to contribute towards their own protection ) and consider then whether the kings of those times had not means enough , and to spare ( if god were not their enemy ) to defend their people against forreign enemies , and also to compell them to keep the peace amongst themselves . ph. and so had had the succeeding kings if they had never given their rights away , and their subjects always kept their oaths , and promises . in what manner proceeded those ancient saxons , and other nations of germany , especially the northern parts , to the making of their laws ? la. sir edw. coke out of divers saxon laws , gathered and published in saxon and latine by mr. lambert , inferreth , that the saxon kings , for the making of their laws , called together the lords and commons , in such manner as is used at this day in england . but by those laws of the saxons published by mr. lambert , it appeareth , that the kings called together the bishops , and a great part of the wisest and discreetest men of the realm , and made laws by their advice . ph. i think so ; for there is no king in the world , being of ripe years and sound mind , that made any law otherwise ; for it concerns them in their own interest to make such laws as the people can endure , and may keep them without impatience , and live in strength and courage to defend their king and countrey , against their potent neighbours . but how was it discerned , and by whom was it determined , who were those wisest and discreetest men ? it is a hard matter to know who is wisest in our times . we know well enough who chooseth a knight of the shire , and what towns are to send burgesses to the parliament , therefore if it were determined also in those dayes , who those wise men should be , then , i confess , that the parliaments of the old saxons , and the parliaments of england since are the same thing , and sir edw. coke is in the right . tell me therefore , if you can , when those towns which now send burgesses to the parliament , began to do so , and upon what cause one town had this priviledge , and another town , though much more populous , had not . la. at what time began this custom i cannot tell ; but i am sure it is more ancient than the city of salisbury ; because there come two burgesses to parliament for a place near to it , called old sarum , which ( as i rid in sight of it ) if i should tell a stranger that knew not what the word burgess meant , he would think were a couple of rabbets , the place looketh so like a long cony-borough . and yet a good argument may be drawn from thence , that the townsmen of every town were the electors of their own burgesses , and judges of their discretion ; and that the law , whether they be discreet or not , will suppose them to be discreet till the contrary be apparent . therefore where it is said , that the king called together the more discreet men of his realm ; it must be understood of such elections as are now in use : by which it is manifest , that those great and general moots assembled by the old saxon kings , were of the same nature with the parliaments assembled since the conquest . ph. i think your reason is good : for i cannot conceive , how the king , or any other but the inhabitants of the boroughs themselves , can take notice of the discretion , or sufficiency of those they were to send to the parliament . and for the antiquity of the burgess-towns , since it is not mentioned in any history , or certain record now extant , it is free for any man to propound his conjecture . you know , that this land was invaded by the saxons at several times , and conquered by pieces in several wars ; so that there were in england many kings at once , and every of them had his parliament , and therefore according as there were more , or fewer walled towns within each kings dominion , his parliament had the more , or fewer burgesses : but when all these lesser kingdoms were joyned into one , then to that one parliament came burgesses from all the burroughs of england . and this perhaps may be the reason , why there be so many more such burroughs in the west , than in any other part of the kingdom ; the west being more populous , and also more obnoxious to invaders , and for that cause having greater store of towns fortified . this i think may be the original of that priviledge which some towns have to send burgesses to the parliament , and others have not . la. the conjecture is not improbable , and for want of greater certainty , may be allowed . but seeing it is commonly receiv'd , that for the making of a law , there ought to be had the assent of the lords spiritual and temporal ; whom do you account in the parliaments of the old saxons for lords temporal , and whom for lords spiritual ? for the book called the mode of holding parliaments , agreeth punctually with the manner of holding them at this day , and was written ( as sir edw. coke says ) in the time of the saxons , and before the conquest . ph. mr. selden ( a greater antiquary than sir edw. coke ) in the last edition of his book of titles of honour says , that that book called the mode , &c. was not written till about the time of rich. 2. and seems to me to prove it . but howsoever that be , it is apparent by the saxon laws set forth by mr. lambert , that there were always called to the parliament , certain great persons called aldermen , alias earls ; and so you have a house of lords , and a house of commons . also you will find in the same place , that after the saxons had received the faith of christ , those bishops that were amongst them , were always at the great mootes , in which they made their laws . thus you have a perfect english parliament , saving that the name of barons was not amongst them , as being a french title , which came in with the conqueror . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a43971-e39520 the king is the supream judge . gondibert an heroick poem / written by sir william d'avenant. d'avenant, william, sir, 1606-1668. 1651 approx. 559 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 160 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37179) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95940) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 735:5) gondibert an heroick poem / written by sir william d'avenant. d'avenant, william, sir, 1606-1668. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [2], 64, [4], 243, [6] p. printed for john holden ..., london : 1651. errata: prelim. p. [2]. unfinished, ends with the "middle of the third book; which makes an equal half of the poem". cf. postscript. "the author's preface to his much honour'd friend mr. hobs" (p. 1-51) and "the answer of mr. hobbes" (p. 52-64) with a part of the poem were printed at paris in 1650, under title: a discourse upon gondibert, an heroick poem ... reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2004-12 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion gondibert : an heroick poem ; written by sir william d'avenant . london , printed for john holden , and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the anchor in the new-exchange , 1651. errata . in the preface , pag. 23. line 22. for seven , r. six . page stanza line errata mend. 2 9 1 for lusty , lasting . 5 28 1 for trine time. 58 76 3 for thirds thrids . 64 34 2 for this , his. 70 80 1 for cease , seise . 153 8 3 for beedles , needles 161 67 3 for how , whom . 172 34 4 for morn , moon . 219 96 4 for lose , loose . 226 41 ● for weak , ourweaker . the authour's preface to his much honour'd friend mr hobs . sir , since you have done me the honour to allow this poem a daily examination as it was writing , i will presume , now it hath attain'd more length , to give you a longer trouble ; that you may yield me as great advantages by censuring the method , as by judging the numbers and the matter . and because you shall pass through this new building with more ease to your disquisition , i will acquaint you what care i took of my materials , ere i began to work . but first give me leave ( remembering with what difficulty the world can shew any heroick poem , that in a perfect glass of nature gives us a familiar and easie view of our selves ) to take notice of those quarrels , which the living have with the dead : and i will ( according as all times have applied their reverence ) begin with homer , who , though he seems to me standing upon the poets famous hill , like the eminent sea-mark , by which they have in former ages steer'd ; and though he ought not to be removed from that eminence , lest posterity should presumptuously mistake their course ; yet some ( sharply observing how his successours have proceeded no farther than a perfection of imitating him ) say , that as sea-marks are chiefly usefull to coasters , and serve not those who have the ambition of discoverers , that love to sayl in untry'd seas ; so he hath rather prov'd a guide for those , whose satisfied wit will not venture beyond the track of others ; than to them , who affect a new and remote way of thinking ; who esteem it a deficiency and meaness of mind , to stay and depend upon the authority of example . some there are , that object that even in the likelyhoods of story ( and story where ever it seems most likely , grows most pleasant ) he doth too frequently inte●mixe such fables , as are objects listed above the eyes of nature ; and as he often interrogates his muse , not as his rational spirit but as a familiar , separated from his body , so her replies bring him where he spends time in immortal conversation ; whilest supernaturally he doth often advance his men to the quality of gods , and depose his gods to the condition of men . his successour to fame , ( and consequently to censure ) is virgil ; whose toyls nor virtue cannot free him from the peevishness ( or rather curiosity ) of divers readers . he is upbraided by some ( who perhaps are affected antiquaries , and make priority of time the measure of excellence ) for gaining his renown by the imitation of hom●r : whilest others ( no less bold with that ancient guide ) say , he hath so often led him into heaven and hell , till by conversation with gods and ghosts , he sometimes deprives us of those natural probabilities in story , which are instructive to humane life : and others affirm ( if it be not irreverence to record their opinion ) that even in wit , he seems deficient by many omissions ; as if he had design'd a penance of gravity to himself and to posterity : and by their observing that continued gravity , me thinks they look upon him , as on a musitian composing of anthems ; whose excellence consists more in the solemness , than in the fancy ; and upon the body of his work , as on the body of a giant , whose force hath more of strength , than quickness , and of patience than activity . but these bold censurers are in danger of so many enemies , as i shall wise●y shrink from them ; and onely observe , that if any disciples of unimitable virgil can prove so formal , as to esteem wit ( as if it were levity ) an imputation to the heroick muse ( by which malevolent word , wit , they would disgrace her extraordinary heights ) yet if those grave judges will be held wise , they must endure the fate of wise men ; who always have but few of their society ; for many more than consist of their number ( perhaps not having the sullenness to be of it ) are taken with those bold flights , and think , 't is with the muse ( whose noble quarry is men ) as with the eagle , who when he soars high , stoops more prosperously , and is most certain of his prey . and surely poets ( whose business should represent the worlds true image often to our view ) are not less prudent than painters , who when they draw landschaps , entertain not the eye wholly with even prospect ; and a continued flat ; but ( for variety ) terminate the sight with lofty hills , whose obscure heads are sometimes in the clouds . lucan , who chose to write the greatest actions that ever were allowed to be true ( which for fear of contemporary witnesses , oblig'd him to a very close attendance upon fame ) did not observe that such an enterprize rather beseem'd an historian , than a poet : for wise poets think it more worthy to seek out truth in the passions , than to record the truth of actions ; and practise to describe mankind , just as we are perswaded or guided by instinct , not particular persons , as they are lifted , or levell'd by the force of fate , it being nobler to contemplate the general history of nature , than a selected diary of fortune : and painters are no more than historians , when they draw eminent persons ( though they term that drawing to the life ) but when by assembling divers figures in a larger volume , they draw passions ( though they term it but story ) then they increase in dignity and become poets . i have been thus hardy to call him to account for the choice of his argument , not meerly as it was story , but because the actions he recorded were so eminent , and so near his time , that he could not assist truth with such ornaments as poets , for usefull pleasure , have allowed her , le●t the ●ained complection might render the true suspected . and now i will leave to others the presumption of measuring his hyperboles , by whose space and height they maliciously take the dimension of wit ; and so mistake him in his boyling youth ( which had marvellous forces ) as we disrelish wine , when fuming in the lee. statius ( with whom we may conclude the old heroicks ) is as accomptable to some for his obligations to virgil , as virgil is to others for what he owes to homer ; and more closely than virgil waits on homer , doth statius attend virgil , and follows him there also where nature never comes , even into heaven and hell : and therefore he cannot escape such as approve the wisdom of the best dramaticks ; who in representation of examples , believe they prevail most on our manners , when they lay the scene at home in their own countrey ; so much they avoid those remote regions of heaven and hell : as if the people ( whom they make civil by an easie communication with reason ( and familiar reason is that which is call'd the civility of the stage ) were become more discreet than to have their eyes perswaded by the descending of gods in gay clouds , and more manly , than to be frighted with the rising of ghosts in smoke . tasso ( who reviv'd the heroick flame after it was many ages quench'd ) is held both in time and merit , the first of the moderns ; an honour by which he gains not much , because the number he excells must needs be few , which affords but one fit to succeed him ; for i will yield to their opinion , who permit not ariosto , no nor du bartas in this eminent rank of the heroicks : rather than to make way by their admission for dante , marino , and others . tasso's honour too is chiefly allow'd him , where he most endeavours to make virgil his pattern : and again , when we con●ider from whom virgil's spirit is derived , we may observe how rarely humane excellence is found ; for heroick poesie ( which , if it exact in it self , yields not to any other humane work ) flow'd but in few , and even those streams descended but from one grecian spring ; and 't is with original poems , as with the original pieces of painters , whose copies abare the excessive price of the first hand . but tasso , though he came late into the world , must have his share in that critical war , which never ceases amongst the learned ; and he seems most unfortunate , because his errours , which are deriv'd from the ancients when examin'd , grow in a great degree excusable in them , and by being his admit no pardon . such as are his councel assembled in heaven , his witches expeditions through the air , and enchanted woods inhabited with ghosts . for though the elder poets ( which were then the sacred priests ) fed the world with supernatural tales , and so compounded the religion , of pleasure and mysterie , ( two ingredients which never fail'd to work upon the people ) whilest for the eternity of their chiefs ( more refin'd by education ) they surely intended no such vain provision . ) yet a christian poet , whose religion little needs the aids of invention , hath less occasion to imitate such fables , as meanly illustrate a probable heaven , by the fashion and dignity of courts ; and make a resemblance of hell , out of the dreams of frighted women ; by which they continue and increase the melancholy mistakes of the people . spencer may stand here as the last of this short file of heroick poets ; men , whose intellectuals were of so great a making , ( though some have thought them lyable to those few censures we have mentioned ) as perhaps they will in worthy memory out-last , even makers of laws , and founders of empires , and all but such as must therefore live equally with them , because they have recorded their names ; and consequently with their own hands led them to the temple of fame . and since we have dar'd to remember those exceptions which the curious have against them , it will not be expected i should forget what is objected against spencer ; whose obsolete language we are constrained to mention , though it be grown the most vulgar accusation that is laid to his charge . language ( which is the onely creature of man's creation ) hath like a plant , seasons of flourishing and decay ; like plants is remov'd from one soyl to another , and by being so transplanted , doth often gather vigour and increase . but as it is false husbandrie to graft old branches upon young stocks : so we may wonder that our language ( not long before his time created out of a confusion of others , & then beginning to flourish like a new plant ) should ( as helps to its increase ) receive from his hand , new grafts of old wither'd words . but this vulgar exception , shall onely have the vulgar excuse ; which is , that the unlucky choice of his stanza , hath by repitition of rhime , brought him to the necessity of many exploded words . if we proceed from his language to his argument , we must observe with others , that his noble and most artfull hands deserv'd to be employed upon matter of a more natural , and therefore of a more usefull kind . his allegorical story ( by many held defective in the connexion ) resembling ( me thinks ) a continuance of extraordinarie dreams ; such as excellent poets , and painters , by being over-studious , may have in the beginning of feavers : and those moral visions are just of so much use to humane application , as painted history , when with the cousenage of lights , it is represented in scenes , by which we are much less informed than by actions on the stage . thus , sir , i have ( perhaps ) taken pains to make you think me malicious , in observing how far the curious have look'd into the errours of others ; errours which the natural humour of imitation hath made so like in all ( even from homer to spencer ) as the accusations against the first appear but little more than repitition in every process against the rest : and comparing the resemblance of errour in persons of one generation , to that which is in those of another age ; we may find it exceeds not any where , notoriously , the ordinary proportion . such limits to the progress of every thing ( even of worthiness as well as defect ) doth imitation give : for whilest we imitate others , we can no more excel them , than he that sayls by others maps can make a new discovery : and to imitation , nature ( which is the onely visible power , and operation of god ) perhaps doth needfully enclineus , to keep us from excesses . for though every man be capable of worthiness and unworthiness ( as they are defined by opinion ) yet no man is built strong enough to bear the extremities of either , without unloading himself upon others shoulders , even to the weariness of many . if courage be worthiness , yet where it is over-grown into extreams , it becomes as wilde and hurtfull as ambition ; and so what was reverenced for protection , grows to be abhorr'd for oppression : if learning ( which is not knowledge , but a continu'd sayling by fantastick and uncertain winds towards it ) be worthiness , yet it hath bounds in all philosophers ; and nature that measur'd those bounds , seems not so partial , as to allow it in any one a much larger extent than in another : as if in our fleshly building , she consider'd the furniture and the room , alike , and together ; for as the compass of diadems commonly fits the whole succession of those kings that wear them ; so throughout the whole world , a very few inches may distinguish the circumference of the heads of their subjects : nor need we repine that nature hath not some favorites , to whom she doth dispence this treasure , knowledge , with a prodigious liberality . for as there is no one that can be said vastly to exceed all mankind ; so divers that have in learning transcended all in some one province , have corrupted many with that great quantity of false gold ; and the authority of their stronger science hath often serv'd to distract , or pervert their weaker disciples . and as the qualities which are term'd good , are bounded , so are the bad ; and likewise limited , as well as gotten by imitation ; for amongst those that are extraordinary , either by birth or brain ( for with the usual pride of poets , i pass by common crowds , as negligently as princes move from throngs , that are not their own subjects ) we cannot find any one so egregious ( admitting cruelty and avarice for the chiefest evils ; and errours in government or doctrine , to be the greatest errours ) but that divers of former or succeeding times may enter the scales with them , and make the ballance even ; though the passion of historians would impose the contrary on our belief ; who in dispraise of evil princes , are often as unjust and excessive , as the common people : for there was never any monarch so cruel , but he had living subjects , nor so avaricious , but that his subjects were richer than himself ; nor ever any disease in government so extreamly infectious , as to make universal anarchy , or any errour in doctrine so strong by the maintainer , but that truth ( though it wrestled with her often , and in many places ) hath at some season , and on some ground , made her advantages and successes apparent : therefore we may conclude , that nature , for the safety of mankind , hath as well ( by dulling and stopping our progress with the constant humour of imitation ) given limits to courage and to learning , to wickedness and to errour , as it hath ordain'd the shelves before the shore , to restrain the rage and excesses of the sea. but i feel ( sir ) that i am falling into the dangerous fit of a hot writer ; for in stead of performing the promise which begins this preface , and doth oblige me ( after i had given you the judgement of some upon others ) to present my self to your censure , i am wandering after new thoughts : but i shall ask your pardon , and return to my undertaking . my argument i resolv'd should consist of christian persons ; for since religion doth generally beget , and govern manners , i thought the example of their actions would prevail most upon our own , by being deriv'd from the same doctrine and authority ; as the particular sects educated by philosophers , were diligent and piiant to the dictates and fashions of such as deriv'd themselves from the same master ; but lazy and froward to those who convers'd in other schools : yet all these sects pretended to the same beauty , virtue ; though each did court her more fondly , when she was dress'd at their own homes , by the hands of their acquaintance : and so subjects bred under the laws of a prince ( though laws differ not much in morality , or priviledge throughout the civil world ; being every where made for direction of life , more than for sentences of death ) will rather die near that prince , defending those they have bin taught , than live by taking new from another . these were partly the reasons why i chose a story of such persons as profess'd chaistian religion ; but i ought to have been most enclin'd to it , because the principles of our religion conduce more to explicable virtue , to plain demonstrative justice , and even to honour ( if virtue the mother of honour be voluntary , and active in the dark , so as she need not laws to compel her , nor look for witnesses to proclaim her ) than any other religion that e're assembled men to divine worship . for that of the jews doth still consist in a sullen separation of themselves from the rest of humane flesh , which is a fantastical pride of their own cleanness , and an uncivil disdain of the imagined contagiousness of others , and at this day , their cantonizing in tribes , and shyness of alliance with neighbours , deserves not the term of mutual love , but rather seems a bestial melancholy of herding in their own walks . that of the ethnicks , like this of mahomet , consisted in the vain pride of empire , and never enjoyn'd a jewish separation , but drew all nations together ; yet not as their companions of the same species , but as slaves to a yoke : their sanctity was honour , and their honour onely an impudent courage , or dexterity in destroying . but christian religion hath the innocence of village neighbour-hood , and did anciently in its politicks rather promote the interest of mankind than of states ; and rather of all states than of one ; for particular endeavours onely in behalf of our own homes , are signs of a narrow moral education , not of the vast kindness of christian religion , which likewise ordain'd as well an universal communion of bosoms , as a community of wealth . such is christian religion in the precepts , and was once so in the practice . but i resolv'd my poem should represent those of a former age , perceiving 't is with the servants of christ , as with other servants under temporal power , who with all cleanness , and even with officious diligence perform their duty in their masters sight , but still as he grows longer absent , become more slothfull , unclean and false . and this , who ever compares the present with the primitive times , may too palpably discern . when i consider'd the actions which i meant to describe , ( those inferring the persōs ) i was again perswaded rather to chuse those of a former age , than the present ; & in a century so far remov'd , as might preserve me from their improper examinations , who know not the requisites of a poem , nor how much pleasure they lose ( and even the pleasures of heroick poesie are not unprofitable ) who take away the liberty of a poet , and fetter his feet in the shackles of an historian : for why should a poet doubt in story to mend the intrigues of fortune by more delightfull conveyances of probable fictions , because austere historians have enter'd into bond to truth ? an obligation which were in poets , as foolish and unnecessary as is the bondage of false martyrs , who lye in chains for a mistaken opinion : but by this i would imply , that truth narrative and past , is the idol of historians , ( who worship a dead thing ) and truth operative , and by effects continually alive , is the mistress of poets , who hath not her existence in matter , but in reason . i was likewise more willing to derive my theme from elder times , as thinking it no little mark of skilfulness to comply with the common infirmity ; for men ( even of the best education ) discover their eyes to be weak , when they look upon the glory of virtue ( which is great actions ) and rather endure it at distance than near ; being more apt to believe , and love the renown of predecessors , than of contemporaries , whose deeds excelling theirs in their own sight , seem to upbraid them , and are not reverenc'd as examples of virtue , but envi'd as the favours of fortune : but to make great actions credible , is the principal art of poets ; who though they allow the utilitie of fictions , should not ( by altering and subliming storie ) make use of their priviledge to the detriment of the reader ; whose incredulitie ( when things are not represented in proportion ) doth much allay the relish of his pitie , hope , joy , and other passions : for we may descend to compare the deceptions in poesie to those of them that profess dexteritie of hand , which resembles conjuring , and to such we come not with the intention of lawyers to examine the evidence of facts , but are content ( if we like the carriage of their feigned motion ) to pay for being well deceiv'd . as in the choise of time , so of place , i have comply'd with the weakness of the generalitie of men ; who think the best objects of their own countrey so little to the size of those abroad , as if they were shew'd them by the wrong end of a prospective : for man ( continuing the appetites of his first childhood , till he arrive at his second which is more froward ) must be quieted with something that he thinks excellent , which he may call his own ; but when he sees the like in other places ( not staying to compare them ) wrangles at all he has . this leads us to observe the craftiness of the comicks , who are onely willing when they describe humour ( and humour is the drunkness of a nation which no sleep can cure ) to lay the scaene in their own countrey ; as knowing we are ( like the son of noah ) so little distasted to behold each others shame , that we delight to see even that of a father : yet when they would set forth greatness and excellent virtue , ( which is the theme of tragedie ) publickly to the people ; they wisely ( to avoid the quarrels of neighbourly envie ) remove the scaene from home . and by their example i travell'd too ; and italie ( which was once the stage of the world ) i have made the theatre , where i shew in either sex , some patterns of humane life , that are ( perhaps ) fit to be follow'd . having told you why i took the actions that should be my argument from men of our own religion ▪ and given you reasons for the choyce of the time and place design'd for those actions ; i must next acquaint you with the schools where they were bred ; not meaning the schools where they took their religion , but moralitie ; for i know religion is universally rather inherited than taught : and the most effectual schools of moralitie are courts and camps : yet towards the first , the people are unquiet through envie ; and towards the other through fear ; and always jealous of both for injustice , which is the natural scandal cast upon authoritie and great force . they look upon the outward glory or blaze of courts , as wild beasts in dark nights stare on their hunters torches ; but though the expences of courts ( whereby they shine ) is that consuming glory in which the people think their libertie is wasted ( for wealth is their libertie and lov'd by them even to jealousie ( being themselves a courser sort of princes , apter to take than to pay ) yet courts ( i mean all abstracts of the multitude ; either by king , or assemblies ) are not the schools where men are bred to oppression , but the temples where sometimes oppressours take sanctuarie ; a safetie which our reason must allow them . for the ancient laws of sanctuarie ( derived from god ) provided chiefly for actions that proceeded from necessitie ; and who can imagine less than a necessitie of oppressing the people , since they are never willing either to buy their peace , or to pay for war ? nor are camps the schools of wicked destroyers , more than the inns of court ( being the nurserie of judges ) are the schools of murderers ; for as judges are avengers of private men against private robbers ; so are armies the avengers of the publick against publick invaders , either civil or forreign : and invaders are robbers , though more in countenance than those of the high way , because of their number . nor is there other difference between armies when they move towards sieges or battel , and judges moving in their circuit ( during the danger of extraordinarie malefactors ) with the guards of the countie ; but that the latter is a less army , and of less discipline . if any man can yet doubt of the necessarie use of armies , let him studie that which was anciently call'd a monster , the multitude , ( for wolves are commonly harmless when they are met alone , but very uncivil in herds ) and he will not find that all his kindred by adam are so tame and gentle , as those lovers that were bred in arcadia : or to reform his opinion , let him ask why ( during the utmost age of historie ) cities have been at the charge of defensive walls , and why fortification hath been practic'd so long , till it is grown an art ? i may now believe i have usefully taken from courts and camps , the patterns of such as will be fit to be imitated by the most necessary men ; and the most necessary men are those who become principal by prerogative of bloud , ( which is seldom unassisted with education ) or by greatness of mind , which in exact definition is virtue . the common crowd ( of whom we are hopeless ) we desert , being rather to be corrected by laws ( where precept is accompanied with punishment ) than to be taught by poesie ; for few have arriv'd at the skill of orpheus , or at his good fortune , whom we may suppose to have met with extraordinarie grecian beasts , when so succesfully he reclaim'd them with his harp. nor is it needfull that heroick poesie should be levell'd to the reach of common men : for if the examples it presents prevail upon their chiefs , the delight of imitation ( which we hope we have prov'd to be as effectual to good as to evil ) will rectifie by the rules , which those chiefs establish of their own lives , the lives of all that behold them ; for the example of life , doth as much surpass the force of precept , as life doth exceed death . in the choice of these objects ( which are as sea-marks to direct the dangerous voyage of life ) i thought fit to follow the rule of coasting maps , where the shelves and rocks are describ'd as well as the safe channel ; the care being equal how to avoid as to proceed : and the characters of men ( whose passions are to be eschew'd ) i have deriv'd from the distempers of love or ambition : for love and ambition are too often the raging feavers of great minds . yet ambition ( if the vulgar acception of the word were corrected ) would signifie no more than an extraordinary lifting of the feet in the rough ways of honour , over the impediments of fortune ; and hath a warmth ( till it be chaf'd into a fever ) which is necessary for every virtuous breast : for good men are guiltie of too little appetite to greatness , and it either proceeds from that they call contentedness ( but contentedness , when examin'd , doth mean something of lasiness as well as moderation ) or from some melancholy precept of the cloyster ; where they would make life ( for which the world was onely made ) more unpleasant than death : as if nature , the vicegerent of god ( who in providing delightfull varieties , which virtuous greatness can best possess , or assure peaceably to others , implicitly commanded the use of them ) should in the necessaries of life ( life being her chief business ) though in her whole reign she never committed one error , need the counsel of fryars , whose solitude makes them no more fit for such direction , than prisoners long fetter'd are for a race . in saying this , i onely awaken such retir'd men , as evaporate their strength of mind by close and long thinking ; and would every where separate the soul from the bodie , ere we are dead , by perswading us ( though they were both created and have been long companions together ) that the preferment of the one must meerly consist in deserting the other ; teaching us to court the grave , as if during the whole lease of life , we were like moles to live under ground ; or as if long and well dying , were the certain means to live in heaven : yet reason ( which though the most profitable talent god hath given us , some divines would have philosophers to bury in the napkin , and not put it to use ) perswade us , that the painfull activeness of virtue ( for faith on which some wholly depend , seems but a contemplative boast till the effects of it grow exemplary by action ) will more probably acquire everlasting dignities . and surely if these severe masters ( who though obscure in cells , take it ill if their very opinions rule not all abroad ) did give good men leave to be industrious in getting a share of governing the world , the multitudes ( which are but tenants to a few monarchs ) would endure that subjection which god hath decreed them , with better order , and more ease ; for the world is onely ill govern'd , because the wicked take more pains to get authority , than the virtuous ; for the virtuous are often preach'd into retirement ; which is to the publick as unprofitable as their sleep ; and the erroneousness of such lazy rest , let philosophers judge ; since nature ( of whose body man thinks himself the chiefest member ) hath not any where , at any time , been respited from action ( in her , call'd motion ) by which she universally preserves and makes life . thus much of ambition which should have succeeded something i was saying of love. love , in the interpretation of the envious , is softness ; in the wicked , good men suspect it for lust ; and in the good , some spiritual men have given it the name of charity : and these are but te●ms to this which seems a more consider'd definition ; that indefinite love is lust ; and lust when it is determin'd to one , is love ; this definition too but intrudes it self on what i was about to say , which is ( and spoken with soberness though like a lay-man ) that love is the most acceptable imposition of nature , the cause and preservation of life , and the very healthfulness , of the mind , as well as of the body ; but lust ( our raging feaver ) is more dangerous in cities , than the calenture in ships . now ( sir ) i again ask you pardon , for i have again digressed ; my immediate business being to tell you , that the distempers of love and ambition are the onely characters i design'd to expose as objects of terrour : and my purpose was also to assure you , that i never meant to prostitute wickedness in the images of low and contemptible people , as if i expected the meanest of the multitude for my readers ( since onely the rabble is seen at common executions ) nor intended to raise iniquity , to that height of horrour , till it might seem the fury of something worse than a beast . in order to the first i believe the spartans ( who to deter their children from drunkenness , a●●ustom'd their slaves to vomit before them ) did by such fulsom examples , rather teach them to disdain the slaves , than to ioath wine , for men seldom take notice of the vice in abject persons , especially where necessity constrains it . and in observation of the second , i have thought , that those horrid spectacles ( when the latter race of gladiaters made up the excesses of romane feasts ) did more induce the guests to detest the cruelty of mankind , than increase their courage by beholding such an impudent scorn of life . i have now given you the accomp● of such provisions as i made for this new building ; and you may next please ( having examin'd the substance ) to take a view of the form ; and observe if i have methodically and with discretion , dispos'd of the materials , which with some curiosity i have collected . i cannot discern by any help from reading , or learned men , ( who have been to me the best and briefest indexes of books ) that any nation hath in representment of great actions ( either by heroicks or dramaticks ) digested story into so pleasant and instructive a method as the english by their drama : and by that regular species ( though narratively and not in dialogue ) i have drawn the body of an heroick poem : in which i did not onely observe the symmetrie ( proportioning five books to five acts , and canto's to scenes , ( the scenes having their number ever govern'd by occasion ) but all the shadowings , happy strokes , secret graces , and even the drapery ( which together make the second beauty ) i have ( i hope ) exactly follow'd : and those compositions of second beauty , i observe in the drama to be the under-walks , interweaving , or correspondence of lesser design in scenes , not the great motion of the main plot , and coherence of the acts. the first act is the general preparative , by rendering the chiefest characters of persons , and ending with something that looks like an obscure promise of design . the second begins with an introducement of new persons , so finishes all the characters , and ends with some little performance of that design which was promis'd at the parting of the first act. the third makes a visible correspondence in the under-walks ( or lesser intrigues ) of persons ; and ends with an ample turn of the main design , and expectation of a new . the fourth ( ever having occasion to be the longest ) gives a notorious turn to all the under-walks , and a counter-turn to that main design which chang'd in the third . the fifth begins with an entire diversion of the main , and dependant plots ; then makes the general correspondence of the persons more discernable , and ends with an easie untying of those particular knots , which made a contexture of the whole ; leaving such satisfaction of probabilities with the spectatour , as may perswade him that neither fortune in the fate of the persons , nor the writer in the representment , have been unnatural or exorbitant . to these meanders of the english stage i have cut out the walks of my poem ; which in this description may seem intricate and tedious ; but will , i hope ( when men take pains to visit what they have heard describ'd ) appear to them as pleasant as a summer passage on a crooked river , where going about , and turning back , is as delightfull as the delays of parting lovers . in placing the argument ( as a proem ) before every ca●to , i have not wholly follow'd the example of the moderns ; but averted it from that purpose to which i found it frequently us'd : for it hath been intended by others , as the contents of the chapter , or as a bill of fare at a venetian feast ; which is not brought before the meat to raise an expectation , but to satisfie the longing curiosity of the guests . and that which i have call'd my argument , is onely meant as an assistance to the readers memory , by containing brief hints , such , as if all the arguments were successively read , would make him easily remember the mutual dependancies of the general design ; yet each rather mentions every person acting , than their actions : but he is very unskilfull that by narratives before an historical poem , prevents expectation ; for so he comes to have as little success over the reader ( whom the writer should surprize , and as it were keep prisoner for a time ) as he hath on his enemies , who commanding a party out to take them ( and commonly readers are justly enemies to writers ) imparts openly the design ere he begins the action : or he may be said to be as unluckily officious as he that leads a wooing to a mistress , one that already hath newly enjoy'd her . i shall say a little , why i have chosen my inter-woven stanza of four , though i am not oblig'd to excuse the choice ; for numbers in verse must , like distinct kinds of musick , be expos'd to the uncertain and different taste of several ears . yet i may declare , that i believ'd it would be more pleasant to the reader , in a work of length , to give this respite or pause , between every stanza ( having endeavour'd that each should contain a period ) than to run him out of breath with continu'd couplets . nor doth alternate rhyme by any lowliness of cadence , make the sound less heroick , but rather adapt it to a plain and stately composing of musick ; and the brevity of the stanza renders it less subtile to the composer , and more easie to the singer ; which in stilo recitativo , when the story is long , is chiefly requisite . and this was indeed ( if i shall not betray vanity in my confession ) the reason that prevail'd most towards my choice of this stanza , and my division of the main work into canto's , every canto including a sufficient accomplishment of some worthy design or action ; for i had so much heat ( which you , sir , may call pride , since pride may be allow'd in pegasus , if it be a praise to other horses ) as to presume they might ( like the works of homer ere they were joyn'd together , and made a volume by the athenian king ) be sung at village-feasts ; though not to monarchs after victory , nor to armies before battel . for so ( as an inspiration of glory into the one , and of valour into the other ) did homer's spirit , long after his bodies rest , wander in musick about greece . thus you have the model of what i have already built , or shall hereafter joyn to the same frame . if i be accus'd of innovation , or to have transgress'd against the method of the ancients ; i shall think my self secure in believing , that a poet who hath wrought with his own instruments at a new design , is no more answerable for disobedience to predecessours , than law-makers are lyable to those old laws which themselves have repealed . having describ'd the outward frame , the large rooms within , the lesser conveyances , and now the furniture ; it were orderly to let you examine the matter of which that furniture is made : but though every owner who hath the vanity to shew his ornament , or hangings , must endure the curiosity , and censure of him that beholds them ; yet i shall not give you the trouble of enquiring what is , but tell you of what i design'd their substance ; which is , wit : and wit is the laborious , and the lucky resultances of thought , having towards its excellence ( as we say of the strokes of painting ) as well a happiness as care . it is a web consisting of the subt'lest threds ; and like that of the spider , is considerately woven out of our selves ; for a spider may be said to consider , not onely respecting his solemness and tacit posture ( like a grave scout in ambush for his enemy ) but because all things done , are either from consideration , or chance ; and the work of chance are accomplishments of an instant , having commonly a dissimilitude ; but hers are the works of time , and have their contextures alike . wit is not onely the luck and labour , but also the dexteritie of thought , rounding the world , like the sun , with unimaginable motion ; and bringing swiftly home to the memorie , universal surveys . it is the souls powder , which when supprest ( as forbidden from flying upward ) blows up the restraint , and loseth all force in a farther ascension towards heaven ( the region of god ) and yet by nature is much less able to make any inquisition downward towards hell , the cel of the devil ; but breaks through all about it ( as far as the utmost it can reach ) removes , uncovers , makes way for light , where darkness was inclos'd , till great bodies are more examinable by being scatter'd into parcels ; and till all that find its strength ( but most of mankind are strangers to wit , as indians are to powder ) worship it for the effects , as deriv'd from the deitie it is in divines , humilitie , exemplariness and moderation ; in states-men , gravitie , vigilance , benign complacencie , secrecie , patience and dispatch ; in leaders of armies , valor , painfulness , temperance , bountie , dexteritie in punishing and rewarding , and a sacred certitude of promise : it is in poets , a full comprehension of all recited in all these ; and an abilitie to bring those comprehensions into action , when they shall so far forget the true measure of what is of greatest consequence to humanitie , ( which are things righteous , pleasant and usefull ) as to think the delights of greatness equal to that of poesie ; or the chiefs of any profession more necessary to the world , than excellent poets . lastly , though wit be not the envie of ignorant men , 't is often of evil states-men , and of all such imperfect great spirits , as have it in a less degree than poets : for though no man envies the excellencie of that , which in no proportion he ever tasted , ( as men cannot be said to envie the condition of angels ) yet we may say the devil envies the supremacie of god , because he was in some degree partaker of his glory . that which is not , yet is accounted , wit , i will but sleightly remember ; which seems very incident to imperfect youth , and sickly age ; young men ( as if they were not quite deliver'd from childhood , whose first exercise is language ) imagine it consists in the musick of words , and believe they are made wise by refining their speech , above the vulgar dialect ; which is a mistake almost as great as that of the people , who think orators , ( which is a title that crowns at riper years those that have practis'd the dexteritie of tongue ) the ablest men ; who are indeed so much more unapt for governing , as they are more fit for sedition : and it may be said of them as of the witches of norway , who can sell a storm for a dollar , which for ten thousand they cannot allay . from the esteem of speaking they proceed to the admiration of what are commonly call'd conceits , things that sound like the knacks or toys of ordinarie epigrammatists : and from thence , after more conversation and varietie of objects , grow up to some force of fancie ; yet even then , like young hawks , they stray and flie far off , using their libertie as if they would nere return to the lure ; and often go at check , ere they can make a stedie view , and know their game . old men , that have forgot their first childhood and are returning to their second , think it lies in agnominations , and in a kind of an alike tinkling of words ; or else in a grave telling of wonderfull things , or in comparing of times without a discover'd partialitie ; which they perform so ill by favouring the past , that , as 't is observ'd , if the bodies of men should grow less , though but an unmeasurable proportion in seven years , yet reckoning from the floud , they would not remain in the stature of frogs ; so if states and particular persons had impair'd in government , and increas'd in wickedness proportionably to what old men affirm they have done , from their own infancie to their age ; all publick policie had been long since confusion , and the congregated world would not suffice now to people a village . the last thing they suppose to be wit , is their bitter morals , when they almost declare themselves enemies to youth & beautie ; by which severitie they seem cruel as herod when he surpris'd the sleeping children of bethlem : for youth is so far from wanting enemies , that it is mortally its own ; so unpractis'd , that it is everywhere cosen'd more than a stranger among jews ; & hath an infirmitie of sight more hurtfull than blindness to blind men ; for though it cannot chuse the way it scorns to be led . and beautie , though many call themselves her friends , hath few but such as are false to her : though the world sets her in a throne , yet all about her ( even her gravest counsellors ) are traytors , though not in conspiracie , yet in their distinct designs ; and to make her certain not onely of distress but ruin , she is ever pursu'd by her most cruel enemie , the great destroyer , time. but i will proceed no farther upon old men , nor in recording mistakes ; lest finding so many more , than there be verities , we might believe we walk in as great obscurity as the egyptians when darkness was their plague . nor will i presume to call the matter of which the ornaments or substantial parts of this poem-are compos'd , wit ; but onely tell you my endeavour was , in bringing truth ( too often absent ) home to mens bosoms , to lead her through unfrequented and new ways , and from the most remote shades ; by representing nature , though not in an affected , yet in an usual dress . 't is now fit , after i have given you so long a survay of the building , to render you some accompt of the builder , that you may know by what time , pains , and assistants i have proceeded , or may hereafter finish my work : and in this i shall take occasion to accuse , and condemn , as papers unworthy of light , all those hastie digestions of thought which were published in my youth ; a sentence not pronounc'd out of melancholly rigour , but from a cheerfull obedience to the just authoritie , of experience : for that grave mistress of the world , experience ( in whose profitable school , those before the floud stay'd long , but we like wanton children come thither late , yet too soon are call'd out of it , and fetch'd home by death ) hath taught me , that the engenderings of unripe age become abortive , and deform'd ; and that after obtaining more years , those must needs prophesie with ill success , who make use of their visions in wine ; that when the ancient poets were valu'd as prophets , they were long and painfull in watching the correspondence of causes , ere they presum'd to foretel effects : and that 't is a high pesumption to entertain a nation ( who are poets standing guest , and require monarchical respect ) with hastie provisions ; as if a poet might imitate a familiar dispatch of faulkoners , mount his pegasus , unhood his muse , and with a few flights boast he hath provided a feast for a prince . such posting upon pegasus i have long since forborn ; and during my journey in this work , have mov'd with a slow pace ; that i might make my survays as one that travelled not bring home the names , but the proportion , and nature of things : and in this i am made wise by two great examples ; for the friends of virgil acknoledge he was many years in doing honour to aeneas ( still contracting at night into a closer force , the abundance of his morning strengths ) and statius rather seems to boast , than blush , when he confesses he was twice seven in renowning the war between argos and thebes . next to the usefulness of time ( which here implies ripe age ( i believ'd pains most requisite to this undertaking : for though painfulness in poets ( according to the usual negligence of our nation in examining , and their diligence to censure ) seems always to discover a want of natural force , and is traduc'd , as if poesie concern'd the world no more than dancing ; whose onely grace is the quickness and facilitie of motion ; and whole perfection is not of such publick consequence , that any man can merit much by attaining it with long labour ; yet let them consider , and they will find ( nor can i stay long ere i convince them in the important use of poesie ) the natural force of a poet more apparent , by but confessing that great forces ask great labour in managing , than by an arrogant braving the world , when he enters the field with his undisciplin'd first thoughts : for a wise poet , like a wise general , will not shew his strengths till they are in exact government and order ; which are not the postures of chance , but proceed from vigilance and labour . yet to such painfull poets some upbraid the want of extemporary fury , or rather inspiration , a dangerous word ; which many have of late successfully us'd ; and inspiration is a spiritual fit , deriv'd from the ancient ethnick poets , who then , as they were priests , were states-men too , and probably lov'd dominion ; and as their well dissembling of inspiration begot them reverence then , equal to that which was paid to laws ; so these , who now profess the same fury , may perhaps by such authentick example pretend authoritie over the people ; it being not unreasonable to imagine , they rather imitate the greek poets , than the hebrew prophets , since the later were inspir'd for the use of others ; and these , like the former , prophesie for themselves . but though the ancient poets are excus'd , as knowing the weak constitution of those deities from whom they took their priesthood ; and the frequent necessitie of dissembling for the ease of government : yet these ( who also from the chief to the meanest are states-men and priests , but have not the luck to be poets ) should not assume such saucie familiaritie with a true god. from the time and labour requir'd to my poem , let me proceed to my assistants ; by which i shall not so much attest my own weakness , as discover the difficulties and greatness of such a work : for when solomon made use of his neighbours towards his building , he lost no reputation , nor by demanding those aids was thought a lesser prince ; but rather publish'd his wisdom in rightly understanding the vast extent of his enterprise : who likewise with as much glorie made use of fellers of wood , and hewers of stone , as of learned architects : nor have i refrain'd to be oblig'd to men of any science , as well mechanical as liberal : nor when memorie ( from that various and plentifull stock , with which all observers are furnish'd , that have had diversitie of life ) presented me by chance with any figure , did i lay it aside as useless , because at that instant i was not skilfull to manage it artfully ? but i have staid and recorded such objects , till by consulting with right masters i have dispos'd of them without mistake ; it being no more shame to get learning at that very time , and from the same text ; when , and by which , we instruct others ; than for a froward scout , discovering the enemie , to save his own life at a pass , where he then teaches his partie to escape . in remembring mine own helps , i have consider'd those which others in the same necessitie have taken ; and find that writers ( contrarie to my inclination ) are apter to be beholding to books , than to men ; not onely as the first are more in their possessions ( being more constant companions than dearest friends ) but because they commonly make such use of treasure found in books , as of other treasure belonging to the dead , and hidden under ground ; for they dispose of both with great secrecie , defacing the shape or images of the one , as much as of the other ; through fear of having the original of their stealth or abundance discover'd . and the next cause why writers are more in libraries than in company , is , that books are easily open'd , and learned men are usually shut up , by a froward or envious humour of retention , or else unfold themselves , so as we may read more of their weakness and vanitie , than wisdom ; imitating the holy-day-custom in great cities , where the shops of chaundrie , and slight wares , are familiarly open , but those of solid and staple merchandise are proudly lock'd up . nor indeed can it be expected that all great doctors are of so benign a nature , as to take pains in gaining treasure ( of which knowledge is the greatest ) with intent to inrich others so easily , as if they stood every where with their pockets spred , & ready to be pickt : nor can we read of any father , who so far and secretly adopted his son to a book of his own writing , as that his son might be thought authour of that written wit , as much as his father was authour of him : nor of any husband that to his darling wife would so far surrender his wisdom , as that in publique , he could endure to let her use his dictates , as if she would have others think her wiser than himself . by this rememberance of that usual parsimony in owners of wit , towards such as would make use of their plenty , i lament the fortune of others , and may wish the reader to congratulate mine ; for i have found friends as ready as books , to regulate my conceptions , or make them more correct , easie and apparent . but though i am become so wise , by knowing my self , as to believe the thoughts of divers transcend the best which i have written ; yet i have admitted from no man any change of my design , nor very seldom of my sense : for i resolv'd to have this poem subsist and continue throughout with the same complexion and spirit ; though it appear but like a plain family , of a neighbourly alliance , who marry into the same moderate quality and garb , and are fearfull of introducing strangers of greater rank , lest the shining presence of such , might seem to upbraid , and put all about them out of countenance . and now , sir , that the reader may ( whom writers are ●ain to court , draw in , and keep with artifice , so shy men grow of books ) believe me worthy of him , i cannot forbear to thank you in publick , for examining , correcting , and allowing this poem in parcels ere it arriv'd at the contexture : by which you have perform'd the just degrees of proceeding with poets ; who during the gayety and wantonness of the muse , are but as children to philosophers ( though of some giant race ) whose first thoughts ( wilde , and roaming far off ) must be brought home , watch'd , and inter●ogated , and after they are made more regular , be encourag'd and prais'd for doing well , that they may delight in aiming at perfection . by such a method the muse is taught to become master of her own , and others strength : and who is he so learn'd ( how proud soever with being cherish'd in the bosom of fame ) that can hope , ( when through the several ways of science , he seeks nature in her hidden walks ) to make his journey short , unless he call you to be his guide ? and who so guided can suspect his safety , even when he travels through the enemie's countrey ? for such is the vast field of learning , where the learned ( though not numerous enough to be an army ) lye as small parties , maliciously in ambush , to destroy all new men that look into their quarters . and from such , you , and those you lead , are secure ; because you move not by common maps , but have painfully made your own prospect ; and travel now like the sun , not to inform your self , but enlighten the world . and likewise , when by the strict survey and government that hath been had over this poem , i shall think to govern the reader ( who though he be noble , may perhaps judge of supream power like a very commoner , and rather approve authority , when it is in many , than in one ) i must acquaint him , that you had not alone the trouble of establishing and destroying ; but enjoy'd your intervals and ease by two colleagues ; two that are worthy to follow you into the closets of princes ; if the knowledge of men past , ( of whom books are the remaining minds ) or of the present ( of whom conversation is the usefull and lawfull spie ) may make up such greatness , as is fit for great courts : or if the rays that proceed from the poetick planet , be not a little too strong for the sight of modern monarchs ; who now are too seldom taught in their youth , like eaglets to fortifie their eyes by often soaring near the sun. and though this be here but my testimony , it is too late for any of you to disclaim it ; for since you have made it valid by giving yours of gondibert under your hands , you must be content to be us'd by me , as princes are by their preferr'd subjects ; who in the very act of taking honour , return it to the giver ; as benefits receiv'd by the creature , manifest the power , and redound to the glory of the creator . i am now , sir , ( to your great comfort , that have been thus ill , and long diverted ) arriv'd at my last consideration , which is to satisfie those who may enquire why i have taken so much pains to become an authour ? or why any man stays so long sweating at the fire of invention , to dress the food of the minde , when readers have so imperfect stomachs , as they either devour books with over hasty digestion , or grow to loath them from a surfet . and why i more especially made my task an heroick poem ? i shall involve the two first questions in one ; as submitting to be concern'd amongst the generality of writers ; whose enemies being many , and now mine , we must joyn forces to oppose them . men are chiefly provok'd to the toyl of compiling books , by love of fame , and often by officiousness of conscience , but seldom with expectation of riches : for those that spend time in writing to instruct others , may finde leasure to inform themselves , how mean the provisions are which busie and studious minds can make for their own sedentary bodies : and learned men ( to whom the rest of the world are but infants ) have the same foolish affection in nourishing others minds , as pelicans in feeding their young ; which is , at the expence of the very subsistance of life . 't is then apparent they proceed by the instigation of fame , or conscience ; and i believe many are perswaded by the first ( of which i am one ) and some are commanded by the second . nor is the desire of fame so vain as divers have rigidly imagin'd ; fame being ( when belonging to the living ) that which is more gravely call'd , a steddy and necessary reputation ; and without it , hereditary power , or acquir'd greatness can never quietly govern the world. 't is of the dead a musical glory , in which god , the authour of excellent goodness , vouchsafes to take a continual share ; for the remember'd virtues of great men are chiefly such of his works ( mention'd by king david ) as perpetually praise him : and the good fame of the dead prevails by example , much more than the reputation of the living , because the later is always suspected by our envy , but the other is chearfully allow'd , and religiously admir'd : for admiration ( whose eyes are ever weak ) stands still , and at gaze upon great things acted far off ; but when they are near , walks slightly away as from familiar objects . fame is to our sons a solid inheritance , and not usefull to remote posterity ; and to our reason , 't is the first , though but a little taste of eternity . those that write by the command of conscience ( thinking themselves able to instruct others , and consequently oblig'd to it ) grow commonly the most voluminous ; because the pressures of conscience are so incessant , that she is never satisfied with doing enough : for such as be newly made the captives of god ( many appearing so to themselves , when they first begin to wear the fetters of conscience ) are like common slaves , when newly taken ; who terrified with a fancy of the severity of absolute masters , abuse their diligence out of fear , and do ill , rather than appear idle . and this may be the cause why libraries are more than double lin'd with spiritual books , or tracts of morality ; the later being the spiritual counsels of lay-men ; and the newest of such great volumns ( being usually but transcriptions or translations ) differ so much from the ancients , as later days from those of old ; which difference is no more than an alteration of names by removing the ethnicks to make way for the saints . these are the effects of their labours , who are provok'd to become authours , meerly out of conscience ; and conscience we may again averre to be often so unskilfull and timorous , that it seldom gives a wise and steddy account of god ; but grows jealous of him as of an adversary , and is after melancholy visions like a fearfull scout , after he hath ill survey'd the enemy , who then makes incongruous , long , and terrible tales . having confess'd that the desire of fame made me a writer ; i must declare , why in my riper age i chose to gain it more especially by an heroical poem ; and the heroick , being by most allow'd to be the most beautifull of poems , i shall not need to decide the quarrels of poets about degrees of excellence in poesie : but 't is no● amiss ere i avow the usefulness of the science in general ( which was the cause of my undertaking ) to remember the value it had from the greatest and most worthy spirits in all ages : for i will not abstain ( though it may give me the reputation but of common reading ) to mention , that p●sistratus , ( though a tyrant ) liv'd with the praise , and dy'd with the blessing of all greece , for gathering the scatter'd limbs of homer's works into a body : and that great alexander by publickly conversing with it , attain'd the universal opinion of wit ; the fame of such inward forces conducing as much to his conquests , as his armies abroad : that the athenian prisoners were thought worthy of life and liberty for singing the tragedies of euripides : that thebes was sav'd from destruction by the victors reverence to the memory of pindar : that the elder scipio , ( who govern'd all the civil world ) lay continually in the bosom of ennius : that the great numantin and laelius ( no less renown'd ) were openly proud when the romans believ'd they assisted terence in his comedies : that augustus ( to whom the mysteries of the universal empire were more familiar , than domestick dominion to modern kings ) made virgil the partner of his joys , and would have divided his businesses with horace : and that lucan was the fear and envy of nero. if we approch nearer our own times , we may adde the triumphal entry which the papacy gave to petrar●h ; and how much tasso is still the glory and delight of italie . but as in this hasty muster of poets , and listing their confederates , i shall by omitting many , deprive them of that pay which is due from fame ; so i may now by the opinion of some divines ( whom notwithstanding i will reverence in all their distinct habits and fashions of the mind ) be held partial , and too bold , by adding to the first number ( though i range them upon holy ground , and aside ) moses , david , and solomon , for their songs , psalms , and anthems ; the second being the acknowledg'd favorite of god , whom he had gain'd by excellent praises in sacred poesie . and i fear ( since poesie is the clearest light , by which they find the soul who seek it ) that poets have in their fluent kindness diverted from the right use , and spent too much of that spiritual talent in the honour of mortal princes : for divine praise ( when in the high perfection , as in poets , and onely in them ) is so much the uttermost and whole of religious worship , that all other parts of devotion serve but to make it up . 89 praise , is devotion fit for mighty minds ; the diff'ring world 's agreeing sacrifice ; where heaven divided faiths united finds : but pray'r in various discord upward flies . 90 for pray'r the ocean is , where diversly men steer their course , each to a sev'ral coast ; where all our int'rests so discordant be , that half beg winds by which the rest are lost . 91 by penitence when we our selves forsake , 't is but in wise design on piteous heaven ; in praise we nobly give what god may take , and are without a beggars blush forgiven . 92 it s utmost force , like powder 's , is unknown ; and though weak kings excess of praise may fear , yet when 't is here , like powder dang'rous grown , heavens vault receives what would the palace tear . after this contemplation , how acceptable the voice of poesie hath been to god , we may ( by descending from heaven to earth ) consider how usefull it is to men ; and among men , divines are the chief , because ordain'd to temper the rage of humane power by spiritual menaces , as by sudden and strange threatenings madness is frighted into reason ; and they are sent hither as liegers from god , to conserve in stedfast motion the slippery joynts of government ; and to perswade an amity in divided nations : therefore to divines i first address my self ; and presume to ask them , why , ever since their dominion was first allow'd , at the great change of religions , ( though ours more than any inculca●es obedience , as an easie medicine to cool the impatient and raging world into a quiet rest ) mankind hath been more unruly than before ? it being , visible that empire decreas'd with the increase of christianity ; and that one weak prince did anciently suffice to govern many strong nations : but now one little province is too hard for thei● own wise king ; and a small republick hath seventy years maintain'd their revolt to the disquiet of many monarchs . or if divines reply , we cannot expect the good effects of their office , because their spiritual dominion is not allow'd as absolute , then it may be ask'd them more severely , why 't is not allow'd ? for where ever there hath been great degrees of power , ( which hath been often and long in the church ) it discovers ( though worldly vicissitude be objected as an excuse ) that the managers of such power , since they endeavour'd not to enlarge it , believ'd the increase unrighteous ; or were in acting , or contriving that endeavour , either negligent or weak : for power , like the hasty vine , climbs up apace to the supporter ; but if not skilfully attended and dress'd , in stead of spreading and bearing fruit , grows high and naked ; and then ( like empty title ) being soon useless to others , becomes neglected , and unable to support it self . but if divines have fail'd in governing princes ( that is , of being entirely believ'd by them ) yet they might obliquely have rul'd them , in ruling the people ; by whom of late , princes have been govern'd ; and they might probably rule the people , because the heads of the church ( where ever christianity is preach'd ) are te●rarchs of time ; of which they command the fourth division ; for to no less the sabbaths , and days of saints amount ; and during those days of spiritual triumph , pulpits are thrones ▪ and the people oblig'd to open their ears , and let in the ordinances and commands of preachers ; who likewise are not without some little regency throughout the rest of the year ; for then they may converse with the laity , from whom they have commonly such respect ( and respect soon opens the door to perswasion ) as shews their congregations not deaf in those holy seasons , when speaking predominates . but notwithstanding these advantages , the pulpit hath little prevail'd ; for the world is in all regions revers'd , or shaken by disobedience , an engine with which the great angels ( for such were the devils , and had faculties much more sublim'd than men ) believ'd they could disorder heaven . and it is not want of capacity in the lower auditory that makes doctrine so unsuccessfull ; for the people are not simple , since the gentrie ( ●●en of strongest education ) lack sufficient defence against them , and are hourly surpriz'd in ( their common ambushes ) their shops : for on sacred days they walk gravely and sadly from temples , as if they had newly buried their sinfull fathers ; at night sleep as if they never needed forgiveness ; and rise with the next sun , to lie in wait for the noble , and the studious . and though these quiet co●seners are amongst the people , esteemed their steddy men ; yet they honour the courage , and more active parts of such disobedient spirits , as disdaining thus tamely to deceive , attempt bravely to rob the state ; and the state they believe ( though the helm were held by apostles ) would always consist of such arch-robbers , as who ever strips them , but waves the tedious satisfaction which the lasie expect from laws , and comes a shorter way to his own . thus unapt for obedience ( in the condition of beasts whose appetite is liberty , and their liberty a license of lust ) the people have often been , since a long , and notorious power hath continued with divines ; whom though with reverence we accuse for mistaken lenity , yet are we ●●t so cruel to expect they should behave themselves to sinners like fierce phinehas , or preach with their swords drawn , to kill all they cannot perswade : but our meaning is to shew how much their christian meekness hath deceived them in taming this wild monster , the people ; and a little to rebuke them for neglecting the assistance of poets ; and for upbraiding the ethnicks , because the poets manag'd their religion ; as if religion could walk more prosperously abroad , than when morality ( respectfully , and bare-headed as her usher ) prepares the way : it being no less true , that during the dominion of poesie , a willing and peacefull obedience to superiours becalm'd the world ; then that obedience , like the marriage yoak , is a restraint more needfull and advantagious than liberty ; and hath the same reward of pleasant quietness , which it anciently had , when adam , till his disobedience , enjoyed paradise . such are the effects of sacred poesie , which charms the people with harmonious precepts ; and whose aid divines should not disdain , since their lord ( the saviour of the world ) vouchsaf'd to deliver his doctrine in parabolical fictions . those that be of next importance are leaders of armies ; and such i measure not by the suffrages of the people , who give them respect as indians worship the evil spirit , rather for sear of harm , than for affection ; but esteem them as the painfull protectours and enlargers of empire ; by whom it actively moves , and such active motion of empire is as necessary as the motion of the sea , where all things would putrifie , and infect one another , if the element were quiet : so is it with mens minds on shore , when that element of greatness and honour , empire , stands still ; of which the largeness is likewise as needfull , as the vastness of the sea : for god ordain'd not huge empire as proportionable to the bodies , but to the minds of men ; and the minds of men are more monstrous , and require more space for agitation , and the hunting of others , than the bodies of whales . but he that believes men such moderate sheep , as that many are peacefully containd in a narrow fold , may be better inform'd in america , where little kings never enjoy a harmless neighbourhood , unless protected defensively amongst themselves , by an emperour that hath wide possessions , and priority over them , ( as in some few places ) but when restrain'd in narrow dominion , where no body commands and hinders their nature , they quarrel like cocks in a pit ; & the sun in a days travel there , sees more battels ( but not of consequence , because their kings though many , are little ) than in europe in a year . to leaders of armies , as to very necessary men ( whose office requires the uttermost aids of art and nature , and rescues the sword of justice , when 't is wrested from supream power by commotion ) i am now address'd , and must put them in mind ( though not upbraidingly ) how much their mighty predecessours were anciently oblig'd to poets ; whose songs ( recording the praises of conduct and valour ) were esteem'd the chiefest rewards of victory ; and since nature hath made us prone to imitation ( by which we equal the best or the worst ) how much those images of action prevail upon our minds , which are delightfully drawn by poets ? for the greatest of the grecian captains have confess'd , that their counsels have been made wise , and their courages warm by homer ; and since praise is a pleasure which god hath invited , and with which he often vouchsaf'd to be pleas'd when it was sent him by his own poet ; why is it not lawfull for virtuous men to be cherish'd , and magnify'd with hearing their vigilance , valour , and good fortune ( the latter being more the immediate gift of heaven , because the effect of an unknown cause ) commended and made eternal in poesie ? but perhaps the art of praising armies into great and instant action , by singing their former deeds ( an art with which the ancients made empire so large ) is too subtle for modern leaders ; who as they cannot reach the heights of poesie , must be content with a narrow space of dominion : and narrow dominion breeds evil , peevish , and vexatious minds , and a national self-opinion , like simple jewish arrogance ; and the jews were extraordinarie proud in a very little countrey : for men in contracted governments are but a kind of prisoners ; and prisoners by long restraint grow wicked , malitious to all abroad , and foolish esteemers of themselves ; as if they had wrong in not enjoying every thing which they can onely see out of windows . our last application is to states-men , and makers of laws ; who may be reasonably reduc'd to one ; since the second differ no more from the first , than judges ( the copies of law-makers ) differ from their originals : for judges , like all bold interpreters , by often altering the text , make it quite new ; and states-men ( who differ not from law-makers in the act , but in the manner of doing ) make new laws presumptuously without the consent of the people ; but legislators more civilly seem to whistle to the beast , and stroak him into the yoak : and in the yoak of state , the people ( with too much pampering ) grow soon unruly and draw awrie ; yet states-men and judges ( whose business is governing , and the thing to be govern'd is the people ) have amongst us ( we being more proud and mistaken than any other famous nation ) look'd gravely upon poetrie , and with a negligence that betray'd a northerly ignorance ; as if they believ'd they could perform the work without it . but poets ( who with wise diligence studie the people , and have in all ages by an insensible influence govern'd their manners ) may justly smile when they perceive that divines , leaders of armies , states-men & judges , think religion , the sword , or ( which is unwritten law , and a secret confederacie of chiefs ) policie , or law ( which is written , but seldom rightly read ) can give without the help of the muses , a long and quiet satisfaction in government : for religion is to the wicked and saithless ( who are many ) a jurisdiction against which they readily rebel ; because it rules severely , yet promiseth no worldly recompence for obedience ; obedience being by every humane power invited with assurances of visible advantage . the good ( who are but few ) need not the power of religion to make them better , the power of religion proceeding from her threatnings , which though mean weapons , are fitly us'd , since she hath none but base enemies . we may observe too , that all virtuous men are so taken up with the rewards of heaven , that they live as if out of the world ; and no government receives assistance from any man meerly as he is good ; but as that goodness is active in temporal things . the sword is in the hand of justice no guard to government , but then when justice hath an army for her own defence ; and armies , if they were not pervertible by faction , yet are to common-wealths like kings physitians to poor patients ; who buy the cure of their disorder'd bodies at so high a rate , that they may be said to change their sickness for famin. policie ( i mean of the living , not of the dead ; the one being the last rules or designs governing the instant , the other those laws that began empire ) is as mortal as states-men themselves : whose incessant labours make that hectick seaver of the mind , which insensibly dispatches the bodie : and when we trace states-men through all the histories of courts , we find their inventions so unnecessarie to those that succeed at the helm , or so much envi'd as they scarce last in authoritie till the inventors are buried : and change of designs in states-men ( their designs being the weapons by which states are defended ) grows as distructive to government , as a continual change of various weapons into armies ; which must receive with ruin any sudden assault , when want of practice makes unactiveness . we cannot urge that the ambition of statesmen ( who are obnoxious to the people ) doth much disorder government ; because the peoples anger , by a perpetual coming in of new oppressours is so diverted in considering those whom their eyes but lately left , as they have not time enough to rise for the publick : and evil successors to power are in the troubled stream of state , like succeeding tides in rivers , where the mud of the former is hidden by the filth of the last . laws , if very ancient , grow as doubtfull and difficult as letters on buried marble , which onely antiquaries read ; but if not old , they want that reverence which is therefore paid to the virtues of ancestors , because their crimes come not to our remembrance ; and yet great men must be long dead whose ills are forgotten . if laws be new , they must be made either by very angels , or by men that have some vices ; and those being seen make their virtues suspected ; for the people no more esteem able men , whose defects they know , ( though but errors incident to humanitie ) than an enemie values a strong army having experience of their errors . and new laws are held but the projects of necessitous power , new nets spred to intangle us ; the old being accounted too many , since most are believ'd to be made for forfeitures : and such letting of bloud ( though intended by law-makers for our health ) is to the people always out of season : for those that love life with too much passion ( and money is the life-bloud of the people ) ever fear a consumption . but be law-makers as able as nature or experience ( which is the best art ) can make them ; yet though i will not yield the wicked to be wiser than the virtuous , i may say , offences are too hard for the laws , as some beasts are too wily for their hunters ; and that vice over-grows virtue , as much as weeds grow faster than medicinable herbs : or rather that sin , like the fruitfull slime of nilus , doth increase into so many various shapes of serpents ( whose walks and retreats are winding and unknown ) that even justice , ( the painfull pursuer of mischief ) is become wearie , and amaz'd . after these meditations , me thinks government resembles a ship , where though divines , leaders of armies , states-men , and judges are the trusted pilots ; yet it moves by the means of winds , as uncertain as the breath of opinion ; and is laden with the people ; a fraight much loosser , and more dangerous than any other living stowage ; being as troublesom in fair weather , as horses in a storm . and how can these pilots stedily maintain their course to the land of peace and plentie , since they are often divided at the helm ? for divines ( when they consider great chiefs ) suppose armies to be sent from god for a temporarie plague , not for continual jurisdiction ; and that gods extream punishments ( of which armies be the most violent ) are ordain'd to have no more lastingness than extreams in nature . they think ( when they consider states-men ) policie hath nothing of the dove , and being all serpent , is more dangerous than the dangers it pretends to prevent : and that out-witting ( by falshood and corruption ) adverse states , or the people ( though the people be often the greater enemie and more perilsom being nearest ) is but giving reputation to sin , and that to maintain the publick by politick evils , is a base prostitution of religion , and the prostitution of religion is that unpardonable whordom , which so much anger'd the prophets . they think law nothing but the bible forcibly usurp'd by covetous lawyers , and disguis'd in a paraphrase more obscure than the text ; and that 't is onely want of just reverence to religion , which doth expose us to the charges and vexations of law. the leaders of armies accuse divines , for unwisely raising the war of the world by opposite doctrine , and for being more indiscreet in thinking to appease it by perswasion ; forgetting that the dispatchfull ending of war is blows ; and that the natural region for disputes , when nations are engag'd ( though by religion ) is the field of battel , not schools and academies ; which they believe ( by their restless controversies ) less civil than camps ; as intestine quarrel is held more barbarous than forreign war. they think states-men to them ( unless dignifi'd with militarie office ) but mean spies , that like african foxes ( who attend on lions , ranging before and about for their valiant prey ) shrink back till the danger be subdu'd , and then with insatiate hunger come in for a share : yet sometimes with the eye of envie ( which enlarges objects like a multiplying glass ) they behold these states-men , and think them immense as whales ; the motion of whose vast bodies can in a peacefull calm trouble the ocean till it boyl ; after a little hastie wonder , they consider them again with disdain of their low constraints at court ; where they must patiently endure the little follies of such small favourites as wait even near the wisest thrones ; so fantastically weak seem monarchs in the sickness of care ( a feaver in the head ) when for the humorous pleasure of diversitie , they descen● from purple beds , and seek their ease upon the ground . these great leaders say also , that law moves slowly as with fetter'd feet , and is too tedious in redress of wrongs ; whilst in armies justice seems to ride post , and overtakes offenders ere the contagion of crimes can infect others : and though in courts and cities great men fence often with her , and with a forcive sleight put by her sword ; yet when she retires to camps , she is in a posture not onely to punish the offences of particular greatness , but of injurious nations . states-men look on divines as men whose long solitude and meditations on heaven hath made them strangers upon earth : and 't is acquaintance with the world , and knowledge of man that makes abilities of ruling : for though it may be said that a sufficient belief of doctrine would beget obedience ( which is the uttermost design of governing ) yet since diversitie of doctrine doth distract all auditors , and makes them doubtfully dispose their obedience ( even towards spiritual powers , on which many would have the temporal depend ) therefore states-men think themselves more fit to manage empire , than divines ; whose usefulness consists in perswasion ; and perswasion is the last medicine ( being the most desperate ) which states-men apply to the distemper of the people : for their distemper is madness , and madness is best cur'd with terrour and force . they think that leaders of armies are to great empire , as great rivers to the continent ; which make an easie access of such benefits as the metropolis ( the seat of power ) would else at vast distances with difficultie reach : yet often like proud rivers when they swell , they destroy more by once overflowing their borders at home , than they have in long time acquir'd from abroad : they are to little empire like the sea to low islands , by nature a defence from forreigners , but by accident , when they rage , a deluge to their own shore . and at all seasons states-men believe them more dangerous to government than themselves : for the popularitie of states-men is not so frequent as that of generals ; or if by rare sufficiencie of art it be gain'd ; yet the force of crowds in cities , compar'd to the validitie of men of arms , and discipline , would appear like a great number of sheep to a few wolves , rather a cause of comfort than of terrour . they think that chief ministers of law by unskilfull integritie , or love of popularity ( which shews the mind , as meanly born as bred ) so earnestly pursue the protection of the peoples right , that they neglect publick interest ; & though the peoples right and publick interest be the same , yet usually by the people , the ministers of law mean private men , and by the other the state ; and so the state and the people are divided , as we may say a man is divided within himself , when reason and passion ( and passion is folly ) dispute about consequent actions ; and if we were call'd to assist at such intestine war , we must side with reason , according to our dutie , by the law of nature ; and natures law , though not written in stone ( as was the law of religion ) hath taken deep impression in the heart of man , which is harder than marble of mount-sinai . chief ministers of law , think , divines in government should like the penal statutes , be choicely , and but seldom us'd ; for as those statutes are rigorously inquisitive after venial faults , ( punishing our very manners and weak constitution , as well as insolent appetite ; so divines ( that are made vehement with contemplating the dignitie of the offended , ( which is god ) more than the frailtie of the offender ) govern as if men could be made angels , ere they come to heaven . great ministers of law think likewise that leaders of armies are like ill physitians ; onely fit for desperate cures , whose boldness calls in the assistance of fortune , during the fears and troubles of art ; yet the health they give to a distemper'd state is not more accidental , than the preservation of it is uncertain ; because they often grow vain with success , and encourage a restor'd state to such hazards , as shew like irregularitie of life in other recover'd bodies ; such as the cautious and ancient gravitie of law disswaded : for law ( whose temperate design is safetie ) rather prevents by constancie of medicine ( like a continu'd diet ) diseases in the bodie politick , than depends after a permitted sickness upon the chance of recoverie . they think states-men strive to be as much judges of law as themselves ; being chief ministers of law , are judges of the people , and that even good states-men pervert the law more than evil judges : for law was anciently meant a defensive armour , and the people took it as from the magazine of justice , to keep them safe from each others violence ; but sates-men use it as offensive arms , with which in forraging to get relief for supream power , they often wound the publick . thus we have first observ'd the four chief aids of government , ( religion , arms , policie , and law ) defectively appli'd , and then we have found them weak by an emulous war amongst themselves : it follows next , we should introduce to strengthen those principal aids ( stil making the people our direct object ) some collateral help ; which i will safely presume to consist in poesie . we have observ'd that the people since the latter time of christian religion , are more unquiet than in former ages ; so disobedient and fierce , as if they would shake off the ancient imputation of being beasts , by shewing their masters they know their own strength : and we shall not erre by supposing that this conjunction of four-fold power hath fail'd in the effects of authority by a mis-application ; for it hath rather endeavour'd to prevail upon their bodies , than their minds ; forgetting that the martial art of constraining is the best , which assaults the weaker part ; and the weakest part of the people is their minds ; for want of that which is the minds onely strength , education ; but their bodies are strong by continual labour ; for labour is the education of the body . yet when i mention the mis-application of force , i should have said , they have not onely fail'd by that , but by a main errour ; because the subject on which they should work , is the mind ; and the mind can never be constrain'd , though it may be gain'd by perswasion : and since perswasion is the principal instrument , which can bring to fashion the brittle and mis-shapen mettal of the mind , none are so fit to this important work as poets ; whose art is more than any , enabled with a voluntary , and chearfull assistance of nature ; and whose operations are as restless , secret , easie and subtile , as is the influence of planets . i must not forget ( lest i be prevented by the vigilance of the reader ) that i have profess'd not to represent the beauty of virtue in my poem , with hope to perswade common men ; and i have said , that divines have fail'd in discharging their share of government , by depending upon the effects of perswasion ; and that states-men in managing the people , rely not upon the perswasion of divines , but upon force . in my despair of reducing the minds of common men , i have not confest any weakness of poesie in the general science ; but rather inferr'd the particular strength of the heroick ; which hath a force that over-matches the infancy of such minds as are enabled by degrees of education ; but there are lesser forces in other kinds of poesie , by which they may train and prepare their understandings ; and princes and nobles being reform'd and made angelical by the heroi●ks , will be predominant lights , which the people cannot chuse but use for direction ; as glow-worms take in , and keep the suns beams till they shine , and make day to themselves . in saying that divines have vainly hop'd to continue the peace of government by perswasion , i have imply'd such perswasions as are accompanied with threatnings , and seconded by force ; which are the perswasions of pulpits ; where is presented to the obstinate , hell after death ; and the civil magistrate during life constrains such obedience as the church doth ordain . but the perswasions of poesie , in stead of menaces , are harmonious and delightfull insinuations , and never any constraint ; unless the ravishment of reason , may be call'd force . and such force ( contrary to that which divines , commanders , states-men and lawyers use ) begets such obedience as is never weary or griev'd . in declaring that states-men think not the state wholly secure by such manners as are bred from the perswasions of divines , but more willingly make government rely upon military-force , i have neither concluded that poets are unprofitable , nor that states-men think so ; for the wisdom of poets , would first make the images of virtue so amiable , that her beholders should not be able to look off ( rather gently and delightfully infusing , than inculcating precepts ) and then when the mind is conquer'd , like a willing bride , force should so behave it self , as noble husbands use their power ; that is , by letting their wives see the dignity and prerogative of our sex ( which is the husbands harmless conquest of peace ) continually maintain'd to hinder disobedience , rather than rigorously impose duty : but to such an easie government , neither the people which are subjects to kings and states ) nor wives which are subject to husbands ) can peacefully yield , unless they are first conquer'd by virtue ; and the conquests of virtue be never easie , but where her forces are commanded by poets . it may be objected , that the education of the peoples minds ( from whence virtuous manners are deriv'd ) by the several kinds of poesie ( of which the dramatick hath been in all ages very successfull ) is opposite to the receiv'd opinion , that the people ought to be continu'd in ignorance ; a maxim sound●ng like the little subtilty of one that is a states man onely by birth or beard , and merits not his place by much thinking : for ignorance is rude , sensorious , jealous , obstinate , and proud ; these being exactly the ingredients of which disobedience is made ; and obedience proceeds from ample consideration ; of which knowledge consists ; and knowledge will soon put into one scale the weight of oppression , and in the other , the heavie burden which disobedience lays on us in the effects of civil war : & then even tyranny will seem much lighter , when the hand of supream power binds up our load , and lays it artfully on us , than disobedience ( the parent of confusion ) when we all load one another ; in which every one irregularly increases his fellows burdens , to lessen his own . others may object that poesie on our stage , or the heroick in musick ( for so the latter was anciently us'd ) is prejudicial to a state ; as begetting levity , and giving the people too great a diversion by pleasure and mirth . to these ( if they be worthy of satisfaction ) i reply , that whoever in government endeavours to make the people serious and grave , ( which are attributes that may become the peoples representatives , but not the people ) doth practise a new way to enlarge the state , by making every subject a states-man : and he that means to govern so mournfully ( as it were , without any musick in his dominion ) must lay but light burdens on his subjects ; or else he wants the ordinary wisdom of those , who to their beasts , that are much loaden whistle all the day to encourage their travel . for that supream power which expects a firm obedience in those , who are not us'd to rejoycing , but live sadly , as if they were still preparing for the funeral of peace , hath little skill in contriving the lastingness of government , which is the principal work of art ; and less hath that power consider'd nature ; as if such new austeritie did seem to tax , even her , for want of gravity , in bringing in the spring so merrily with a musical variety of birds ; and such sullen power doth forget , that battels ( the most solemn and serious business of death ) are begun with trumpets and fifes ; and anciently were continu'd with more diversity of musicks . and that the grecian laws ( laws being the gravest endeavour of humane councels , for the ease of life ) were long before the days of lycurgus ( to make them more pleasant to memory ) publish'd in verse : and that the wise athenians ( dividing into three parts the publick revenue ) expended one in plays and shows , to divert the people from meeting to consult of their rulers merit , and the defects of government : and that the romans had not so long continu'd their empire , but for the same diversions , at a vaster charge . again it may be objected , that the precepts of christian religion are sufficient towards our regulation , by appointment of manners , and towards the ease of life , by imposing obedience ; so that the moral assistance of poesie , is but vainly intruded . to this i may answer , that as no man should suspect the sufficiency of religion by its insuccessfulness ; so if the insuccessfulness be confess'd , we shall as little disparage religion , by bringing in more aids when 't is in action , as a general dishonours himself by endeavouring with more of his own forces , to make sure an attempt that hath a while miscarried : for poesie , which ( like contracted essences seems the utmost strength and activity of nature ) is as all good arts , subservient to religion ; all marching under the same banner , though of less discipline and esteem . and as poesie is the best expositor of nature ( nature being mysterious to such as use not to consider ) so nature is the best interpreter of god ; and more cannot be said of religion . and when the judges of religion ( which are the chiefs of the church ) neglect the help of moralists in reforming the people , ( and poets are of all moralists the most usefull ) they give a sentence against the law of nature : for nature performs all things by correspondent aids and harmony . and 't is injurious not to think poets the most usefull moralists ; for as poesie is adorn'd and sublim'd by musick , which makes it more pleasant and acceptable ; so morality is sweetned and made more amiable by poesie . and the austerity of some divines may be the cause why religion hath not more prevail'd upon the manners of men : for great doctours should rather comply with things that please ( as the wise apostle did with ceremonies ) than lose a proselyte . and even honour ( taught by moral philosophers , but more delightfully infus'd by poets ) will appear ( notwithstanding the sad severity of some latter divines ) no unfase guid towards piety : for it is as wary and nice as conscience , though more chearfull and couragious . and however honour be more pleasing to flesh and bloud , because in this world it finds applause ; yet 't is not so mercenarie as piety : for piety ( being of all her expectations inwardly assur'd ) expects a reward in heaven , to which all earthly payments compar'd , are but shaddows , and sand. and it appears that poesie hath for its natural prevailings over the understandings of men ( sometimes making her conquests with easie plainness , like native countrey beauty ) been very successfull in the most grave and important occasions , that the necessities of states or mankind have produc'd . for it may be said that demosthenes sav'd the athenians by the fable or parable of the dogs and wolves , in answer to king philip's proposition ; and that menenius agrippa sav'd the senate , if not rome , by that of the belly , and the hands : and that even our saviour was pleas'd ( as the most prevalent way of doctrine ) wholly to use such kind of parables in his converting , or saving of souls ; it being written , w●hout a parable spake he not to them . and had not the learned apostle thought the wisdom of poets worthy his remembrance ▪ and instructive , not onely to heathens , but to christians , he had not cited epimenides to the cretans , as well as aratus to the athenians . i cannot also be ignorant that divers ( whose conscientious melancholy amazes and discourages others devotion ) will accuse poets as the admirers of beauty ; and inventors , or provokers of that which by way of aspersion they call love. but such , in their first accusation seem to look carelesly and unthankfully upon the wonderful works of god ; or else through low education , or age , become incompetent judges of what is the chief of his works upon earth . and poets , when they praise beauty , are at least as lawfully thankfull to god , as when they praise seas , woods , rivers , or any other parts that make up a prospect of the world . nor can it be imagin'd but that poets in praising them , praise wholly the maker ; and so in praising beauty : for that woman who believes she is prais'd when her beauty is commended , may as well suppose that poets thinks she created her self : and he that praises the inward beauty of women , which is their virtue , doth more perform his duty than before : for our envious silence in not approving , and so encouraging what is good , is the cause that vice is more in fashion and countenance than virtue . but when poets praise that which is not beauty , or the mind which is not virtuous , they erre through their mistake , or by flattery ; and flattery is a crime so much prosperous in others who are companions to greatness , that it may be held in poets rather kindness than design . they who accuse poets as provokers of love , are enemies to nature ; and all affronts to nature are offences to god , as insolencies to all subordinate officers of the crown are rudenesses to the king. love ( in the most obnoxious interpretation ) is natures preparative to her greatest work , which is the making of life . and since the severest divines of these latter times have not been asham'd publickly to command and define the most secret duties , and entertainments of love in the married ; why should not poets civily endeavour to make a friendship between the guests before they meet , by teaching them to dignifie each other with the utmost of estimation . and marriage in mankind were as rude and unprepar'd as the hasty elections of other creatures , but for acquaintance , and conversation before it : and that must be an acquaintance of minds , not of bodies ; and of the mind , poesie is the most natural and delightfull interpreter . when neither religion ( which is our art towards god ) nor nature ( which is gods first law to man , though by man least study'd ) nor when reason ( which is nature , and made art by experience ) can by the enemies of poesie be sufficiently urg'd against it , then some ( whose frowardness will not let them quit an evil cause ) plead written authority . and though such authority be a weapon , which even in the war of religion , distress'd disputers take up , as their last shift ; yet here we would protest against it , but that we find it makes a false defence , and leaves the enemy more open . this authority ( which is but single too ) is from plato ; and him some have maliciously quoted ; as if in his feign'd common-wealth he had banish'd all poets . but plato says nothing against poets in general ; and in his particular quarrel ( which is to homer , and hesiod ) onely condemns such errours as we mention'd in the beginning of this preface , when we look'd upon the ancients . and those errours consist in their abasing religion , by representing the gods in evil proportion , and their heroes with as unequal characters ; and so brought vices into fashion , by intermixing them with the virtues of great persons . yet even during this divine anger of plato , he concludes not against poesie , but the poems then most in request : for these be the words of his law : if any man ( having ability to imitate what he pleases ) imitate in his poems both good and evil , let him be reverenced , as a sacred , admirable , and pleasant person ; but be it likewise known , he must have no place in our common-wealth . and yet before his banishment he allows him , the honour of a diadem , a●d sweet odours to anoint his head : and afterwards says , let us make use of more profitable , though more severe , and less pleasant poets , who can imitate that which is for the honour and benefit of the common-wealth . but those who make use of this just indignation of plato to the unjust scandal of p●esie , have the common craft of false witnesses , enlarging every circumstance , when it may hurt , and concealing all things that may defend him they oppose . for they will not remember how much the scholar of plato ( who like an absolute monarch over arts , hath almost silenc'd his master throughout the schools of europe ) labours to make poesie universally current , by giving laws to the science : nor will they take notice , in what dignity it continu'd whilest the greeks kept their dominion , or language ; and how much the romans cherish'd even the publick repetition of verses : nor will they vouchsafe to observe ( though juvenal take care to record it ) how gladly all rome ( during that exercise ) ran to the voice of statius . thus having taken measure ( though hastily ) of the extent of those great professions that in government contribute to the necessities , ease , and lawfull pleasures of men ; and finding poesie as usefull now , as the ancients found it towards perfection and happiness ; i will , sir , ( unless with these two books you return me a discouragement ) chearfully proceed : and though a little time would make way for the third , and make it fit for the press , i am resolv'd rather to hazard the inconvenience which expectation breeds , ( for divers with no ill satisfaction have had a taste of gondibert ) than endure that violent envy which assaults all writers whilest they live ; though their papers be but fill'd with very negligent and ordinary thoughts : and therefore i delay the publication of any part of the poem , till i can send it you from america ; whither i now speedily prepare ; having the folly to hope , that when i am in another world ( though not in the common sense of dying ) i shall find my readers ( even the poets of the present age ) as temperate , and benign , as we are all to the dead , whose remote excellence cannot hinder our reputation . and now , sir , to end with the allegory which i have so long continu'd , i shall , ( after all 〈◊〉 busie vanitie in shewing and describing my new building ) with great quietness , being almost as weary as your self , bring you to the back-door , that you may make no review but in my absence ; and steal hastily from you , as one who is asham'd of all the trouble you have receiv'd from , ( sir ) your most humble , and most affectionate servant from the louure in paris , january 2. 1650. wil. d'avenant . the answer of mr. hobbes to sr. will. d'avenant's preface before gondibert . sir , if to commend your poem , i should onely say ( in general terms ) that in the choice of your argument , the disposition of the parts , the maintenance of the characters of your persons , the dignitie and vigour of your expression , you have performed all the parts of various experience , readie memorie , clear judgement , swift and well govern'd fancie , though it were enough for the truth , it were too little for the weight and credit of my testimonie . for i lie open to two exceptions , one of an incompetent , the other of a corrupted witness . incompetent , because i am not a poet ; and corrupted with the honour done me by your preface . the former obliges me to say something ( by the way ) of the nature and differences of poesie . as philosophers have divided the universe ( their subject ) into three regions , celestial , aërial , and terrestrial ; so the poets , ( whose work it is by imitating humane life , in delightfull and measur'd lines , to avert men from vice , and incline them to virtuous and honourable actions ) haue lodg'd themselves in the three regions of mankind , court , citie , and countrey , correspondent in some proportion , to those three regions of the world. for there is in princes , and men of conspicuous power ( anciently call'd heroes ) a lustre and influence upon the rest of men , resembling that of the heavens , and an insincereness , inconstancie , and troublesom humour of those that dwell in populous cities , like the mobilitie , blustering , and impuritie of the air ; and a plainness , and ( though dul ) yet a nutritive facultie in rural people , that endures a comparison with the earth they labour . from hence have proceeded three sorts of poesie , heroique , scommatique , and pastoral . every one of these is distinguished again in the manner of representation , which sometimes is narrative , wherein the poet himself relateth ; and sometimes dramatique , as when the persons are every one adorned and brought upon the theatre , to speak and act their own parts . there is therefore neither more nor less than six sorts of poesie . for the heroique poem narrative ( such as is yours ) is call'd epique poem ; the heroique poem dramatique , is tragedie . the scommatique narrative , is satyre ; dramatique is comedie . the pastoral narrative , is called simply pastoral ( anciently bucolique ) the same dramatique , pastoral comedie . the figure therefore of an epique poem , and of a tragedie , ought to be the same , for they differ no more but in that they are pronounced by one , or many persons . which i insert to iustifie the figure of yours , consisting of five books divided into songs , or cantoes , as five acts divided into scenes has ever been the approved figure of a tragedie . they that take for poesie whatsoever is writ in verse , will think this division imperfect , and call in sonets , epigrams ; eclogues , and the like pieces ( which are but essayes , and parts of an entire poem ) and reckon empedocies and lucretius ( natural philosophers ) for poets , and the moral precepts of phoc●lides theognis , and the quatrains of pybrach , and the historie of lucan , and others of that kind amongst poems ; bestowing on such writers for honour , the name of poets , rather than of historians , or philosophers . but the subject of a poem , is the manners of men , not natural causes ; manners presented , not dictated ; and manners feigned ( as the name of poesie imports ) not found in men . they that give enterance to fictions writ in prose , erre not so much , but they erre : for prose requiteth delightfulness , not onely of fiction , but of stile ; in which if prose contend with verse , it is with disadvantage and ( as it were ) on foot against the strength and wings of pegasus . for verse amongst the greeks was appropriated anciently to the service of their gods , and was the holy stile ; the stile of the oracles ; the stile of the laws ; and the stile of men that publickly recommended to their gods , the vows and thanks of the people ; which was done in their holy songs called hymns ; and the composers of them were called prophets and priests before the name of poet was known . when afterwards the majestie of that stile was observed , the poets chose it as best becoming their high invention . and for the antiquitie of verse , it is greater than the antiquitie of letters . for it is certain , cadmus was the first that ( from phoenicia , a countrey that neighboureth judea ) brought the use of letters into greece . but the service of the gods , and the laws ( which by measured sounds were easily committed to the memorie ) had been long time in use , before the arrival of cadmus there . there is besides the grace of stile , another cause why the ancient poets chose to write in measured language , which is this . there poems were made at first with intention to have them sung , as well epick as dramatick ( which custom hath been long time laid aside , but began to be revived in part , of late years in italie ) and could not be made commensurable to the voice or instruments , in prose ; the ways and motions whereof are so uncertain and undistinguished , ( like the way and motion of a ship in the sea ) as not onely to discompose the best composers , but also to disapoint sometimes the most attentive reader , and put him to hunt counter for the sense . it was therefore necessarie for poets in those times , to write in verse . the verse which the greeks , and latines ( considering the nature of their own languages ) found by experience most grave , and for an epique poem most decent , was their hexameter ; a verse limited , not onely in the length of the line , but also in the quantitie of the syllables . in stead of which we use the line of ten syllables , recompensing the neglect of their quantitie , with the diligence of rime . and this measure is so proper for an heroique poem , as without some loss of gravitie and dignitie , it was never changed . a longer is not far from ill prose , and a shorter , is a kind of whisking ( you know ) like the unlacing , rather than the singing of a muse. in an epigram or a sonnet , a man may vary his measures , and seek glorie from a needless difficultie , as he that contrived verses into the form of an organ , a hatchet , an egg , an altar , and a pair of wings ; but in so great and noble a work as is an epique poem , for a man to obstruct his own way with unprofitable difficulties , is great imprudence . so likewise to chuse a needless and difficult correspondence of rime , is but a difficult toy , and forces a man sometimes for the stopping of a chink , to say somewhat he did never think ; i cannot therefore but very much approve your stanza , wherein the syllables in every verse are ten , and the rime alternate . for the choice of your subject , you have sufficiently justified your self in your preface . but because i have observed in virgil , that the honour done to aeneas and his companions , has so bright a reflection upon augustus caesar , and other great romans of that time , as a man may suspect him not constantly possessed with the noble spirit of those his heroes , and believe you are not acquainted with any great man of the race of gondibert , i adde to your justification the puritie of your purpose , in having no other motive of your labour , but to adorn virtue , and procure her lovers ; than which there cannot be a worthier design , and more becoming noble poesie . in that you make so small account of the example of almost all the approved poets , ancient and modern , who thought fit in the beginning , and sometimes also in the progress of their poems , to invoke a muse , or some other deitie , that should dictate to them , or assist them in their writings ; they that take not the laws of art , from any reason of their own , but from the fashion of precedent times , will perhaps accuse your singularitie , for my part , i neither subscribe to their accusation , nor yet condemn that heathen custom , otherwise than as accessarie to their false religion . for their poets were their divines ; had the name of prophets , exercised amongst the people a kind of spiritual authoritie ; would be thought to speak by a divine spirit ; have their works which they writ in verse ( the divine stile ) pass for the word of god , and not of man ; and to be hearkened to with reverence . do not our divines ( excepting the stile ) do the same , and by us that are of the same religion cannot justly be reprehended for it ? besides , in the use of the spiritual calling of divines , there is danger sometimes to be feared , from want of skill , such as is reported of unskilfull conjurers , that mistaking the rites and ceremonious points of their art , call up such spirits , as they cannot at their pleasure allay again , by whom storms are raised that overthrow buildings , and are the cause of miserable wracks at sea. unskilfull divines do oftentimes the like ; for when they call unseasonably for zeal , there appears a spirit of cruelty ; and by the like ●●roun instead of truth , they raise discord ; instead of wisdom , eraud ; instead of reformation , tumult ; and controversie instead of religion . whereas in the heathen poets , at least in those whose works have lasted to the time we are in , there are none of those indiscretions to be found , that tended to subversion , or disturbance of the common-wealths wherein they lived . but why a christian should think it an ornament to his poem ; either to profane the true god , or invoke a false one , i can imagin no cause , but a reasonless imitation of custom , of a foolish custom ; by which a man enabled to speak wisely from the principles of nature , and his own meditation , loves rather to be thought to speak by inspiration , like a bag-pipe . time and education begets experience ; experience begets memorie ; memorie begets judgement , and fancie ; judgement begets the strength and structure ; and fancie begets the ornaments of a poem . the ancients therefore fabled not absurdly , in making memorie the mother of the muses . for memorie is the world ( though not really , yet so as in a looking-glass ) in which the judgement , the severer sister busieth her self in a grave and rigid examination of all the parts of nature , and in registering by letters their order , causes , uses , differences , and resemblances ; whereby the fancie , when any work of art is to be performed , finding her materials at hand and prepared for use , and needs no more than a swift motion over them , that what she wants , and is there to be had , may not lie too long unespied . so that when she seemeth to fly from one indies to the other , and from heaven to earth , and to penetrate into the hardest matter , and obscurest places , into the future , and into her self , and all this in a point of time , the voyage is not very great , her self being all she seeks ; and her wonderfull celeritie , consisteth not so much in motion , as in copious imagerie discreetly ordered , and perfectly registered in the memorie ; which most men under the name of philosophie have a glimpss of , and is pretended to by many that grosly mistaking her , embrace contention in her place . but so far forth as the fancie of man , has traced the ways of true philosophie , so far it hath produced very marvellous effects to the benefit of mankind . all that is beautifull or defensible in building , or marvellous in engines and instruments of motion ; whatsoever commoditie men receive from the observations of the heavens , from the description of the earth , from the account of time , from walking on the seas ; and whatsoever distinguisheth the civilitie of europe , from the barbaritie of the american savages , is the workmanship of fancy , but guided by the precepts of true philosophie . but where these precepts fail , as they have hitherto failed in the doctrine of moral virtue , there the architect ( fancy ) must take the philosophers part upon her self . he therefore that undertakes an heroick poem ( which is to exhibit a venerable and amiable image of heroick virtue ) must not onely be the poet , to place and connect , but also the philosopher , to furnish and square his matter ; that is , to make both body and soul , colour and shadow of his poem out of his own store : which , how well you have performed i am now considering . observing how few the persons be you introduce in the beginning , and how in the course of the actions of these ( the number increasing ) after several confluences , they run all at last into the two principal streams of your poem , gondibert and oswald , me thinks the fable is not much unlike the theater . for so , from several and far distant sources , do the lesser brooks of lombardy , flowing into one another , fall all at last into the two main rivers , the po and the adite . it hath the same resemblance also with a mans veins , which proceeding from different parts , after the like concourse , insert themselves at last into the two principal veins of the body . but when i considered that also the actions of men , which singly are inconsiderable , after many conjunctures , grow at last either into one great protecting power , or into destroying factions , i could not but approve the structure of your poem , which ought to be no other than such , as an imitation of humane life requireth . in the streams themselves i find nothing but setled valour , clean honour , calm counsel , learned diversion , and pure love ▪ save onely a torrent or two of ambition , which ( though a fault ) has somewhat heroick in it , and therefore must have place in an heroick poem . to shew the reader in what place he shall find every excellent picture of virtue you have drawn , is too long . and to shew him one , is to prejudice the rest ; yet i cannot forbear to point him to the description of love in the person of birtha , in the seventh canto of the second book . there has nothing been said of that subject neither by the ancient nor modern poets comparable to it . poets are painters : i would fain see another painter draw so true , perfect and natural a love to the life , and make use of nothing but pure lines , without the help of any the least uncomely shadow , as you have done . but let it be read as a piece by it self , for in the almost equal height of the whole , the eminence of parts is lost. there are some that are not pleased with fiction , unless it be bold ; not onely to exceed the work , but also the possibility of nature : they would have impenetrable armours , inchanted castles , invulnerable bodies , iron men , flying horses , and a thousand other such things , which are easily feigned by them that dare . against such i defend you ( without assenting to those that condemn either homer or virgil ) by dissenting onely from those that think the beauty of a poem consisteth in the exorbitancy of the fiction . for as truth is the bound of historical , so the resemblance of truth is the utmost limit of poetical liberty . in old time amongst the heathen such strange fictions , and metamorphoses , were not so remo●e from the articles of their faith , as they are now from ours , and therefore were not so unpleasant . beyond the actual works of nature a poet may now go ; but beyond the conceived possibility of nature , never . i can allow a geographer to make in the sea , a fish or a ship , which by the scale of his map would be two or three hundred mile long , and think it done for ornament , because it is done without the precincts of his undertaking ; but when he paints an elephant so , i presently apprehend it as ignorance , and a plain confession of terra incognita . as the description of great men and great actions , is the constant design of a poet ; so the descriptions of worthy circumstances are necessary accessions to a poem , and being well performed , are the jewels and most precious ornaments of poesie . such in virgil are the funeral games of anchises , the duel of aeneas and turnus , &c. and such in yours are the hunting , the battel , the citie mourning , the funeral , the house of astragon , the library and the temple , equal to his , or those of homer whom he imitated . there remains now no more to be considered but the expression , in which consisteth the countenance and colour of a beautifull muse ; and is given her by the poet out of his own provision , or is borrowed from others . that which he hath of his own , is nothing but experience and knowledge of nature , and specially humane nature ; and is the true and natural colour . but that which is taken out of books ( the ordinary boxes of counterfeit complexion ) shews well or ill , as it hath more or less resemblance with the natural , and are not to be used ( without examination ) unadvisedly . for in him that professes the imitation of nature ( as all poets do ) what greater fault can there be , than to bewray an ignorance of nature in his poem ; especially having a liberty allowed him , if he meet with any thing he cannot master , to leave it out ? that which giveth a poem the true and natural colour consisteth in two things , which are ; to know well , that is , to have images of nature in the memory distinct and clear ; and to know much . a sign of the first is perspicuity , property , and decency , which delight all sorts of men , either by instructing the ignorant , or soothing the learned in their knowledge . a sign of the latter is novelty of expression , and pleaseth by excitation of the mind ; for novelty causeth admiration , and admiration curiosity , which is a delightfull appetite of knowledge . there be so many words in use at this day in the english tongue , that , though of magnifick sound , yet ( like the windy blisters of a troubled water ) have no sense at all ; and so many others that lose their meaning , by being ill coupled , that it is a hard matter to avoid them ; for having been obtruded upon youth in the schools ( by such as make it , i think , their business there ( as 't is exprest by the best poet ) with terms to charm the weak and pose the wise , they grow up with them , and gaining reputation with the ignorant , are not easily shaken off . to this palpable darkness , i may also adde the ambitious obscurity of expressing more than is perfectly conceived ; or perfect conception in fewer words than it requires . which expressions , though they have had the honour to be called strong lines , are indeed no better than riddles , and not onely to the reader , but also ( after a little time ) to the writer himself dark and troublesom . to the property of expression i referre , that clearness of memory , by which a poet when he hath once introduced any person whatsoever , speaking in his poem , maintaineth in him to the end the same character he gave him in the beginning . the variation whereof , is a change of pace , that argues the poet tired . of the indecencies of an heroick poem , the most remarkable are those that shew disproportion either between the persons and their actions , or between the manners of the poet and the poem . of the first kind , is the uncomliness of representing in great persons the inhumane vice of cruelty , or the sordid vice of lust and drunkenness . to such parts as those the ancient approved poets , thought it fit to suborn , nor the persons of men , but of monsters and beastly giants , such as polyphemus , cacus , and the centaurs . for it is supposed a muse , when she is invoked to sing a song of that nature , should maidenly advise the poet , to set such persons to sing their own vices upon the stage ; for it is not so unseemly in a tragedy . of the same kind it is to represent scurrility , or any action or language that moveth much laughter . the delight of an epique poem consisteth not in mirth , but admiration . mirth and laughter is proper to comedie and satyre . great persons that have their minds employed on great designs , have not leasure enough to laugh , and are pleased with the contemplation of their own power and virtues , so as they need not the infirmities and vices of other men , to recommend themselves to their own favour by comparison , as all men do when they laugh . of the second kind , where the disproportion is between the poet , and the persons of his poem , one is in the dialect of the inferiour sort of people , which is always different from the language of the court. another is to derive the illustration of any thing , from such metaphors or comparisons as cannot come into mens thoughts , but by mean conversation , and experience of humble or evil arts , which the person of an epique poem , cannot be thought acquainted with . from knowing much , proceedeth the admirable variety and novelty of metaphors and similitudes , which are not possible to be lighted on , in the compass of a narrow knowledge . and the want whereof compelleth a writer to expressions that are either defac'd by time , or sullied with vulgar or long use . for the phrases of poesie , as the airs of musick with often hearing become insipide , the reader having no more sense of their force , than our flesh is sensible of the bones that sustain it . as the sense we have of bodies , consisteth in change and variety of impression , so also does the sense of language in the variety and changeable use of words . i mean not in the affectation of words newly brought home from travel , but in new ( and withal significant ) translation to our purposes , of those that be already received ; and in far fetcht ( but withal apt , instructive and comly ) similitudes . having thus ( i hope ) avoided the first exception , against the incompetency of my judgement , i am but little moved with the second , which is of being bribed by the honour you have done me , by attributing in your preface somewhat to my judgement . for i have used your judgement no less in many things of mine , which coming to light will thereby appear the better . and so you have your bribe again . having thus made way for the admission of my testimony , i give it briefly thus ; i never yet saw poem , that had so much shape of art , health of morality , and vigour and beauty of expression , as this of yours . and but for the clamour of the multitude , that hide their envy of the present , under a reverence of antiquity , i should say further , that it would last as long as either the aeneid , or iliad , but for one disadvantage , and the disadvantage is this : the languages of the greeks and romans ( by their colonies and conquests ) have put off flesh and bloud , and are become immutable , which none of the modern tongues are like to be . i honour antiquity , but that which is commonly called old time , is young time . the glory of antiquity is due , not to the dead , but to the aged . and now , whilest i think on 't , give me leave with a short discord to sweeten the harmony of the approaching close . i have nothing to object against your poem ; but dissent onely from something in your preface , sounding to the prejudice of age. 't is commonly said , that old age is a return to childhood . which me thinks you insist on so long , as if you desired it should be believed . that is the note i mean to shake a little . that saying , meant onely of the weakness of body , was wrested to the weakness of mind , by froward children , weary of the controulment of their parents , masters , and other admonitours . secondly , the dotage and childishness they ascribe to age , is never the effect of time , but sometimes of the excesses of youth , and not a returning to , but a continual stay with childhood . for they that wanting the curiosity of furnishing their memories with the rarities of nature in their youth , and pass their time in making provision onely for their ease , and sensual delight , are children still , at what years soever ; as they that coming into a populous citie , never going out of their inn , are strangers still , how long soever they have been there . thirdly , there is no reason for any man to think himself wiser to day than yesterday , which does not equally convince he shall be wiser tomorrow than today . fourthly , you will be forced to change your opinion hereafter when you are old ; and in the mean time you discredit all i have said before in your commendation , because i am old already . but no more of this . i believe ( sir ) you have seen a curious kind of perspective , where , he that looks through a short hollow pipe , upon a picture containing divers figures , sees none of those that are there painted , but some one person made up of their parts , conveyed to the eye by the artificial cutting of a glass . i find in my imagination an effect not unlike it from your poem . the virtues you distribute there amongst so many noble persons , represent ( in the reading ) the image but of one mans virtue to my fancy , which is your own ; and that so deeply imprinted , as to stay for ever there , and govern all the rest of my thoughts and affections , in the way of honouring and serving you , to the utmost of my power , that am paris , january 10. 1650. ( sir ) your most humble and obedient servant , tho. hobs . to s r will. d'avenant , upon his two first books of gondibert , finish'd before his voyage to america . thus the wise nightingale that leaves her home , her native wood , when storms and winter come , pursuing constantly the chearfull spring to forreign groves does her old musick bring : the drooping hebrews banish'd harps unstrung at babylon , upon the willows hung ; yours sounds aloud , and tells us you excell no less in courage , than in singing well ; whilst unconcern'd you let your countrey know , they have impov'rished themselves , not you ; who with the muses help can mock those fates which threaten kingdoms , and disorder states . so ovid , when from caesar's rage he fled , the roman muse to pontus with him led , where he so sung , that we through pitie's glass , see nero milder than augustus was . hereafter such in thy behalf shall be th'indulgent censure of posteritie . to banish those who with such art can sing , is a rude crime which its own curse does bring : ages to come shall ne'r know how they fought , nor how to love their present youth be taught . this to thyself . now to thy matchless book , wherein those few that can with judgement look , may find old love in pure fresh language told , like new stampt coyn made out of angel gold . such truth in love as th'antique world did know , in such a style as courts may boast of now . which no bold tales of gods or monsters swell , but humane passions , such as with us dwell . man is thy theam , his virtue or his rage drawn to the life in each elaborate page . mars nor bellona are not named here ; but such a gondibert as both might fear . venus had here , and hebe been out-shin'd by thy bright birtha , and thy rhodalind . such is thy happy skill , and such the odds betwixt thy worthies and the grecian gods. whose deities in vain had here come down , where mortal beautie wears the sovereign crown ; such as of flesh compos'd , by flesh and bloud ( though not resisted ) may be understood . ed. waller . to sr wil. d'avenant , upon his two first books of gondibert , finish'd before his voyage to america . me thinks heroick poesie till now , like some fantastick fairy-land did show ; gods , devils , nymphs , witches , and giants race , and all but man , in mans best work had place . thou like some worthy knight , with sacred arms dost drive the monsters thence , and end the charms : in stead of those , dost men and manners plant , the things which that rich soyl did chiefly want . but even thy mortals do their gods excell , taught by thy muse to fight and love so well . by fatal hands whilest present empires fall , thine from the grave past monarchies recal . so much more thanks from humane kind does merit the poets fury , than the zelots spirit . and from the grave thou mak'st this empire rise , not like some dreadfull ghost t' affright our eyes , but with more beauty and triumphant state , than when it crown'd at proud verona sate . so will our god re-build mans perish'd frame , and raise him up much better , yet the same : so god-like p●e●s do past things rehearse , not change , but heighten nature with their verse . with shame me thinks great italie must see her conqu'rors call'd to life again by thee ; call'd by such powerfull arts , that ancient rome may blush ●o less to see her wit orecome . some men their fancies like their faiths derive ; and count all ill but that which rome does give ; the marks of old and catholick would find ; to the same chair would truth and fiction bind . thou in these beaten paths disdain'st to tread , and scorn'st to live by robbing of the dead . since time does all things change , thou think'st not fit this latter age should see all new , but wit. thy fancie , like a flame , her way does make , and leaves bright tracks for following pens to take . sure 't was this noble boldness of the muse did thy desire , to seek new worlds , infuse ; and ne'r did heaven so much a voyage bless , if thou canst plant but there with like success . ab . cowley . gondibert . the first book . canto the first . the argument . old aribert's great race , and greater mind is sung , with the renown of rhodalind . prince oswald is compar'd to gondibert , and justly each distinguish'd by desert : whose armies are in fame's fair field drawn forth , to shew by discipline their leaders worth . 1. of all the lombards , by their trophies known , who sought fame soon , and had her favour long , king aribert best seem'd to fill the throne ; and bred most bus'ness for heroick song . 2. from early childhoods promising estate , up to performing manhood , till he grew to failing age , he agent was to fate , and did to nations peace or war renew . 3. war was his studi'd art ; war , which the bad condemn , because even then it does them aw when with their number lin'd , and purple clad , and to the good more needfull is than law. 4. to conquer tumult , nature's suddain force , war , arts delib'rate strength , was first devis'd ; cruel to those whose rage has no remorse , lest civil pow'r should be by throngs surpris'd . 5. the feeble law rescues but doubtfully from the oppressours single arm our right ; till to its pow'r the wise wars help apply ; which soberly does mans loose rage unite . 6. yet since on all war never needfull was , wise aribert did keep the people sure by laws from lesser dangers ; for the laws them from themselves , and not from pow'r secure . 7. else conquerours , by making laws , orecome their own gain'd pow'r , and leave mens furie free ; who growing deaf to pow'r , the laws grow dumb ; since none can plead where all may judges be . 8. prais'd was this king for war , the laws broad shield ; and for acknowledg'd laws , the art of peace ; happy in all which heav'n to kings does yield , but a successour when his cares shall cease . 9. for no male pledge , to give a lustie name , sprung from his bed , yet heav'n to him allow'd one of the gentler sex , whose storie fame has made my song , to make the lombards proud . 10. recorded rhodalind ! whose high renown who miss in books , not luckily have read ; or vex'd by living beauties of their own have shunn'd the wise records of lovers dead . 11. her fathers prosp'rous palace was the sphear where she to all with heav'nly order mov'd ; made rigid virtue so benign appear , that 't was without religion's help belov'd . 12. her looks like empire shew'd , great above pride ; since pride ill counterfeits excessive height ; but nature publish'd what she fain would hide ; who for her deeds , not beautie , lov'd the light . 13. to make her lowly minds appearance less , she us'd some outward greatness for disguise ; esteem'd as pride the cloist'ral lowliness , and thought them proud who even the proud despise . 14. her father ( in the winter of his age ) was like that stormie season froward grown ; whom so her springs fresh presence did asswage , that he her sweetness tasted as his own . 15. the pow'r that with his stooping age declin'd , in her transplanted , by remove increas'd ; which doubly back in homage she resign'd ; till pow'rs decay , the thrones worst sickness , ceas'd . 16. oppressours big with pride , when she appear'd blush'd , and believ'd their greatness counterfeit ; the lowly thought they them in vain had fear'd ; found virtue harmless , and nought else so great . 17. her mind ( scarce to her feeble sex of kin ) did as her birth , her right to empire show ; seem'd careless outward when imploy'd within ; her speech , like lovers watch'd , was kind and low . 18. she shew'd that her soft sex contains strong minds , such as evap'rates through the courser male , as through course stone elixar passage finds , which scarce through finer christal can exhale . 19. her beautie ( not her own but natures pride ) should i describe ; from every lovers eye all beauties this original must hide , or like scorn'd copies be themselves laid by ; 20. be by their poets shunn'd , whom beautie feeds , who beautie like hyr'd witnesses protect , officiously averring more than needs , and make us so the needfull truth suspect . 21. and since fond lovers ( who disciples be to poets ) think in their own loves they find more beautie than yet time did ever see , time's curtain i will draw ore rhodalind ; 22. lest shewing her , each see how much he errs , doubt since their own have less , that they have none ; believe their poets perjur'd flatterers , and then all modern maids would be undone . 23. in pitie thus , her beauty 's just renown i wave for publick peace , and will declare to whom the king design'd her with his crown ; which is his last and most unquiet care . 24. if in alliance he does greatness prise , his mind grown wearie , need not travel far ; if greatness he compos'd of victories , he has at home many that victors are . 25. many whom blest success did often grace in fields where they have seeds of empire sown ; and hope to make , since born of princely race , even her ( the harvest of those toyls ) their own . 26. and of those victors two are chiefly fam'd , to whom the rest their proudest hopes resign ; though young , were in there fathers battels nam'd , and both are of the lombards royal line . 27. oswald the great , and greater gondibert ! both from successfull conqu'ring fathers sprung ▪ whom both examples made of war's high art , and far out-wrought their patterns being young . 28. yet for full fame ( as trine fam's judge reports ) much to duke gondibert prince oswald yields , was less in mightie mysteries of courts , in peacefull cities , and in fighting fields . 29. in court prince oswald costly was and gay , finer than near vain kings their fav'rites are ; out-shin'd bright fav'rites on their nuptial day , yet were his eyes dark with ambitious care . 30. duke gondibert was still more gravely clad , but yet his looks familiar were and clear ; as if with ill to others never sad , nor tow'rds himself could others practise fear . 31. the prince , could porpoise-like in tempests play , and in court-storms on ship-wrack'd greatness seed ; not frighted with their fate when cast away , but to their glorious hazzards durst succeed . 32. the duke would lasting calms to courts assure , as pleasant gardens we defend from winds ; for he who bus'ness would from storms procure , soon his affairs above his mannage finds . 33. oswald in throngs the abject people sought with humble looks ; who still too late will know they are ambitious quarrie , and soon caught when the aspiring eagle stoops so low . 34. the duke did these by stedie virtue gain ; which they in action more than precept tast ; deeds shew the good , and those who goodness feign by such even through their vizards are out-fac't . 35. oswald in war was worthily renown'd ; though gay in courts , coursly in camps could live ; judg'd danger soon , and first was in it found ; could toil to gain what he with ease did give . 36. yet toils and dangers through ambition lov'd ; which does in war the name of virtue own ; but quits that name when from the war remov'd , as rivers theirs when from their channels gon . 37. the duke ( as restless as his fame in war ) with martial toil could oswald wearie make ; and calmly do what he with rage did dare , and give so much as he might deign to take . 38. him as their founder cities did adore ; the court he knew to steer in storms of state ; in field a battel lost he could restore , and after force the victors to their fate . 39. in camps now chiefly liv'd , where he did aim at graver glory than ambition breeds ; designs that yet this story must not name , which with our lombard authours pace proceeds . 40. the king adopts this duke in secret thought to wed the nations wealth , his onely child , whom oswald as reward of merit sought , with hope , ambition's common bait , beguild . 41. this as his souls chief secret was unknown , lest oswald that his proudest army led should force possession ere his hopes were gone , who could not rest but in ▪ the royal bed . 42. the duke discern'd not that the king design'd to chuse him heir of all his victories ; nor guess'd that for his love fair rhodalind made sleep of late a stranger to her eyes . 43. yet sadly it is sung that she in shades , mildly as mourning doves love's sorrows felt ; whilst in her secret tears her freshness fades as roses silently in lymbecks melt . 44. but who could know her love , whose jealous shame deny'd her eyes the knowledge of her glass ; who blushing thought nature her self too blame by whom men guess of maids more than the face . 45. yet judge not that this duke ( though from his sight with maids first fears she did her passion hide ) did need love's flame for his directing light , but rather wants ambition for his guide . 46. love's fire he carry'd , but no more in view than vital heat which kept his heart still warm ; this maids in oswald , as love's beacon knew ; the publick flame to bid them flie from harm . 47. yet since this duke could love , we may admire why love ne'r rais'd his thoughts to rhodalind ; but those forget that earthly flames aspire , whilst heavenly beams ; which purer are , descend . 48. as yet to none could he peculiar prove , but like an universal influence ( for such and so sufficient was his love ) to all the sex he did his heart dispence . 49. but oswald never knew love's ancient laws , the aw that beauty does in lovers breed , those short-breath'd fears and paleness it does cause when in a doubtfull brow their doom they read . 50. not rhodalind ( whom then all men as one did celebrate , as with confed'rate eyes ) could he affect but shining in her throne ; blindly a throne did more than beauty prise . 51. he by his sister did his hopes prefer ; a beauteous pleader who victorious was o're rhodalind , and could subdue her ear in all requests but this unpleasant cause . 52. gartha , whose bolder beauty was in strength and fulness plac'd , but such as all must like ; her spreading stature talness was , no● length , and whilst sharp beauties pierce , hers seem'd to strike . 53. such goodly presence ancient poets grace , whose songs the worlds first manliness ▪ declare ; to princes beds teach carefulness of bace ; which now store courts , that us'd to store the war. 54. such was the palace of her mind , a prince who proudly there , and still unquier lives ; and sleep ( domestick ev'ry where ) from thence , to make ambition room , unwisely drives . 55. of manly force was this her watchfull mind , and fit in empire to direct and sway ; if she the temper had of rhodalind , who knew that gold is currant with allay . 56. as kings ( oft slaves to others hopes and skill ) are urg'd to war to load their slaves with spoyls ; so oswald was push'd up ambition's hill , and so some urg'd the duke to martial toyls . 57. and these who for their own great cause so high would lift their lords two prosp'rous armies , are return'd from far to fruitfull lombardy , and paid with rest , the best reward of war. 58. the old near brescia lay , scarce warm'd with tents ; for though from danger safe , yet armies then their posture kept 'gainst warring elements , and hardness learn'd against more warring men. 59. near bergamo encamp'd the younger were , whom to the franks distress the duke had led ; the other oswald's lucky ensigns bear , which lately stood when proud ovenna fled . 60. these that attend duke gondibert's renown where youth , whom from his fathers camp he chose , and them betimes transplanted to his own ; where each the planters care and judgement shows . 61. all hardy youth , from valiant fathers sprung ; whom perfect honour he so highly taught , that th' aged fetch'd examples from the young , and hid the vain experience which they brought . 62. they danger met diverted less with fears than now the dead would be if here again , after they know the price brave dying bears ; and by their sinless rest find life was vain . 63. temp'rate in what does needy life preserve , as those whose bodies wait upon their minds ; chaste as those minds which not their bodies serve , ready as pilots wak'd with sudden winds . 64. speechless in diligence , as if they were nightly to close surprize and ambush bred ; their wounds yet smarting mercifull they are , and soon from victory to pitie led . 65. when a great captive they in fight had ta'ne , ( whom in a filial duty some fair maid visits , and would by tears his freedom gain ) how soon his victors were his captives made ? 66. for though the duke taught rigid discipline , he let them beauty thus at distance know ; as priests discover some especial shrine , which none must touch , yet all may to it bow . 67. when thus as suitors mourning virgins pass through their clean camp , themselves in form they draw that they with martial reverence may grace beauty , the stranger , which they seldom saw . 68. they vayl'd their ensigns as it by did move , whilst inward ( as from native conscience ) all worship'd the poets darling godhead , love , which grave philosophers did nature call . 69. nor there could maids of captive syres despair , but made all captives by their beauty free ; beauty and valour native jewels are , and as each others onely price agree . 70. such was the duke's young camp near bergamo , but these near brescia whom fierce oswald led , their science to his famous father owe , and have his son ( though now their leader ) bred . 71. this rev'rend army was for age renown'd ; which long through frequent dangers follow'd time ; their many trophies gain'd with many a wound , and fames last hill , did with first vigour climb . 72. but here the learned lombard whom i trace my forward pen by flower method stays ; lest i should them ( less heeding time and place than common poets ) out of season praise . 73. think onely then ( couldst thou both camps discern ) that these would seem grave authours of the war , met civily to teach who e're will learn , and those their young and civil students are . 74. but painful virtue of the war ne'r pays itself with consciousness of being good , though cloyster-virtue may believe even praise a sallary which there should be withstood . 75. for many here ( whose virtues active heat concurs not with cold virtue which does dwell in lazy cells ) are virtuous to be great , and as in pains so would in pow'r excell . 76. and oswald's faction urg'd him to aspire that by his height they higher might ascend ; the dukes to glorious thrones access desire , but at more awfull distance did attend . 77. the royal rhodalind is now the prize by which these camps would make their merit known ; and think their gen'rals but their deputies who must for them by proxy wed the crown . 78. from forreign fields ( with toyling conquest tyr'd , and groaning under spoyls ) came home to rest ; but now they are with emulation fir'd , and for that pow'r they should obey , contest . 79. ah how perverse and froward is mankind ! faction in courts does us to rage excite ; the rich in cities we litigious find , and in the field th' ambitious make us fight . 80. and fatally ( as if even souls were made of warring elements as bodies are ) our reason our religion does invade , till from the schools to camps it carry war. canto the second . the argument . the hunting which did yearly celebrate the lombards glory , and the vandales fate , the hunters prais'd ; how true to love they are , how calm in peace , and tempest-like in war. the stag is by the num'rous chace subdu'd , and strait his hunters are as hard pursu'd . 1. small are the seeds fate does unheeded sow of slight beginnings to important ends ; whilst wonder ( which does best our rev'rence show to heav'n ) all reason's sight in gazing spends . 2. for from a days brief pleasure did proceed ( a day grown black in lombard histories ) such lasting griefs as thou shalt weep to read , though even thine own sad love had drain'd thine eyes . 3. in a fair forrest near verona's plain , fresh as if natures youth chose there a shade , the duke with many lovers in his train , ( loyal , and young ) a solemn hunting made . 4. much was his train enlarg'd by their resort who much his grandsire lov'd , and hither came to celebrate this day with annual sport , on which by battel here he earn'd his fame . 5. and many of these noble hunters bore command amongst the youth at bergamo ; whose fathers gather'd here the wreath they wore , when in this forrest they interr'd the foe . 6. count hurgonil , a youth of high descent , was listed here , and in the story great ; he follow'd honour when tow'rd's death it went ; fierce in a charge but temp'rate in retreat . 7. his wondrous beauty which the world approv'd he blushing hid , and now no more would own ( since he the dukes unequal'd sister lov'd ) than an old wreath when newly overthrown . 8. and she , orna the shy ! did seem in life so bashfull too to have her beauty shown , as i may doubt her shade with fame at strife , that in these vicious times would make it known . 9. not less in publick voice was arnold here ; he that on tuscan tombs his trophies rais'd ; and now loves pow'r so willingly did bear , that even his arbitrary reign he prais'd . 10. laura , the duke 's fair niece inthrall'd his heart ; who was in court the publick morning glass where those who would reduce nature to art , practis'd by dress the conquests of the face . 11. and here was hugo whom duke gondibert for stout and stedfast kindness did approve ; of stature small , but was all over heart , and though unhappy all that heart was love . 12. in gentle sonnets he for laura pin'd ; soft as the murmures of a weeping spring ; which ruthless she did as those murmures mind : so ere their death sick swans unheeded sing . 13. yet whilst she arnold favour'd , he so griev'd as loyal subjects quietly bemoan their yoke , but raise no war to be reliev'd , nor through the envy'd fav'rite wound the throne . 14. young goltho next these rivals we may name , whose manhood dawn'd early as summer light ; as sure and soon did his fair day proclaim , and was no less the joy of publick sight . 15. if loves just pow'r he did not early see , some small excuse we may his errour give ; since few ( though learn'd ) know yet blest love to be that secret vital heat by which we live : 16. but such it is ; and though we may be thought to have in childhood life , ere love we know , yet life is useless till by reason taught , and love and reason up together grow . 17. nor more , the old shew they out-live their love , if when their love 's decay'd , some signs they give of life , because we see them pain'd and move , then snakes , long cut , by torment shew they live . 18. if we call living , life , when love is gone , we then to souls ( gods coyn ) vain rev'rence pay ; since reason ( which is love , and his best known and currant image ) age has worn away . 19. and i that love and reason thus unite , may , if i old philosophers controul , confirm the new by some new poets light ; who finding love , thinks he has found the soul. 20. from goltho , to whom love yet tasteless seem'd , we to ripe tybalt are by order led ; tybalt , who love and valour both esteem'd , and he alike from eithers wounds had bled . 21. publick his valour was , but not his love , one fill'd the world , the other he contain'd ; yet quietly alike in both did move , of that ne'r boasted , nor of this complain'd . 22. with these ( whose special names verse shall preserve ) many to this recorded hunting came ; whose worth authentick mention did deserve , but from time's deluge few are sav'd by fame . 23. now like a giant lover rose the sun from th' ocean queen , fine in his fires and great ; seem'd all the morn for shew , for strength at noon ; as if last night she had not quench'd his heat ! 24. and the sun's servants who his rising wait , his pensioners ( for so all lovers are , and all maintain'd by him at a high rate with daily fire ) now for the chace prepare . 25. all were like hunters clad in chearfull green , young natures livery , and each at strife who most adorn'd in favours should be seen , wrought kindly by the lady of his life . 26. these martial favours on their wasts they wear , on which ( for now they conquest celebrate ) in an imbroider'd history appear like life , the vanquish'd in their fears and fate . 27. and on these belts ( wrought with their ladies care ) hung semy●ers of akons trusty steel ; goodly to see , and he who durst compare those ladies eyes , might soon their temper feel . 28. cheerd as the woods ( where new wak'd q●ires they meet ) are all ; and now dispose their choice relays of horse and hounds , each like each other fleet ; which best when with themseves compar'd we praise ; 29. to them old forrests spies , the harbourers with haste approach , wet as still weeping night , or deer that mourn their growth of head with tears , when the defenceless weight does hinder flight . 30. and dogs , such whose cold secrecy was ment by nature for surprize , on these attend ; wise temp'rate lime hounds that proclaim no scent ; nor harb'ring will their mouths in boasting spend . 31. yet vainlier far than traitours boast their prize ( on which their vehemence vast rates does lay , since in that worth their treasons credit lies ) these harb'rers praise that which they now betray . 32. boast they have lodg'd a stag , that all the race out-runs of cr●ton horse , or regian hounds ; a stag made long , since royal in the chace , if kings can honour give by giving wounds . 33. for aribert had pierc'd him at a bay , yet scap'd he by the vigour of his head ; and many a summer since has won the day , and often left his regian foll'wrs dead . 34. his spacious beam ( that even the rights out-grew ) from antlar to his troch had all allow'd by which his age the aged woodmen knew ; who more than he were of that beauty proud . 35. now each relay a sev'ral station finds , ere the triumphant train the cops surrounds ; relays of horse , long breath'd as winter winds , and their deep cannon mouth'd experienc'd hounds . 36. the hunts-men ( busily concern'd in show as if the world were by this beast undone , and they against him hir'd as natures foe ) in haste uncouple , and their hounds out-run . 37. now wind they a recheat , the rows'd deers knell ; and through the forrest all the beasts are aw'd , alarmd by eccho , natures sentinel , which shews that murdrous man is come abroad . 38. tyrannick man ! thy subjects enemy ! and more through wantonness than need or hate ; from whom the winged to their coverts flie ; and to their dens even those that lay in wait . 39. so this ( the most successfull of his kind , whose foreheads force oft his opposers prest , whose swiftness left pursuers shafts behind ) is now of all the forrest most distrest ! 40. the herd deny him shelter , as if taught to know their safety is to yield him lost ; which shews they want not the results of thought , but speech , by which we ours for reason boast . 41. we blush to see our politicks in beasts , who many sav'd by this one sacrifice ; and since through blood they follow interests , like us when cruel should be counted wise . 42. his rivals that his fury us'd to fear for his lov'd female , now his faintness shun ; but were his season hot , and she but near , ( o mighty love ! ) his hunters were undone . 43. from thence , well blown , he comes to the relay ; where man 's fam'd reason proves but cowardise , and onely serves him meanly to betray ; even for the flying , man , in ambush lies . 44. but now , as his last remedy to live , ( for ev'ry shift for life kind nature makes ; since life the utmost is which she can give ) cool adice from the swoln bank he takes . 45. but this fresh bath the dogs will make him leave ; whom he sure nos'd as fasting tygers found ; their scent no north-east wind could e're deceave which dries the air , nor flocks that foyl the ground . 46. swift here the flyers and pursuers seem ; the frighted fish swim from their adice , the dogs pursue the deer , he the fleet stream , and that hastes swiftly to the adrian sea. 47. refresh'd thus in this fleeting element , he up the stedfast shore did boldly rise ; and soon escap'd their view , but not their scent ; that faithfull guide which even conducts their eyes . 48. this frail relief was like short gales of breath , which oft at sea a long dead calm prepare ; or like our curtains drawn at point of death , when all our lungs are spent , to give us ayr . 49. for on the shore the hunters him attend ; and whilst the chace grew warm as is the day ( which now from the hot zenith does descend ) he is imbos'd , and weary'd to a bay. 50. the jewel , life , he must surrender here ; which the world's mistris , nature , does not give , but like dropp'd favours suffers us to wear , such as by which pleas'd lovers think they live . 51. yet life he so esteems , that he allows it all defence his force and rage can make ; and to the regian race such furie shows as their last bloud some unreveng'd forsake . 52. but now the monarch murderer comes in , destructive man ! whom nature would not arm , as when in madness mischief is fore-seen , we leave it weaponless for fear of harm . 53. for she defenceless made him , that he might less readily offend ; but art arms all , from single strife makes us in numbers fight ; and by such art this royal stag did fall . 54. now weeps till grief does even his murd'rers pierce ; grief , which so nobly through his anger strove , that it deserv'd the dignitie of verse , and had it words as humanly would move . 55. thrice from the ground his vanquish'd head he rear'd , and with last looks his forrest walks did view ; where sixtie summers he had rul'd the heard , and where sharp dittanie now vainly grew : 56. whose hoarie leaves no more his wounds shall heal ; for with a sigh ( a blast of all his breath ) that viewless thing call'd life , did from him steal ; and with their bugle horns they wind his death . 57. then with their annual wanton sacrifice ( taught by old custom , whose decrees are vain , and we like hum'rous antiquaries prise age though deform'd ) they hasten to the plain . 58. thence homeward bend as westward as the sun ; where gondibert's allies proud feasts prepare , that day to honour which his grand-fire won ; though feasts the eves to fun'rals often are . 59. one from the forrest now approach'd their sight , who them did swiftly on the spur pursue ; one there still resident as day and night , and known as th' eldest oak which in it grew . 60. who with his utmost breath , advancing cries , ( and such a vehemence no art could feign ) away , happie the man that fastest flies ; flie famous duke , flie with thy noble train ! 61. the duke reply'd , though with thy fears disguis'd , thou do'st my sires old rangers image bear , and for thy kindness shalt not be despis'd ; though counsels are but weak which come from fear . 62. were dangers here , great as thy love can shape ; ( and love with fear can danger multiply ) yet when by flight , thou bidst us meanly scape , bid trees take wings , and rooted forrests flie . 63. then said the ranger , you are bravely lost , ( and like high anger his complexion rose ) as little know i fear , as how to boast ; but shall attend you through your many foes . 64. see where in ambush mighty oswald lay ; and see from yonder lawn he moves apace , with launces arm'd to intercept thy way , now thy sure steeds are weary'd with the chace . 65. his purple banners you may there behold , which ( proudly spred ) the fatal raven bear ; and full five hundred i by rank have told , who in their guilded helms his colours wear . 66. the duke this falling storm does now discern ; bids little hugo flie ▪ but 't is to view the foe , and timely their first count'nance learn , whilst firm he in a square his hunters drew . 67. and hugo soon ( light as his coursers heels ) was in their faces troublesom as wind ; and like to it ( so wingedly he wheels ) no one could catch , what all with trouble find . 68. but ev'ry where the leaders and the led he temp'rately observ'd , with a slow sight ; judg'd by their looks how hopes and fears were fed , and by their order , their success in fight . 69. their number ( ' mounting to the rangers guess ) in three divisions evenly was dispos'd ; and that their enemies might judge it less , it seem'd one gross with all the spaces clos'd . 70. the van fierce oswald led , where paradine and manly dargonet ( both of his blood ) out-shin'd the noon , and their minds stock within promis'd to make that outward glory good . 71. the next bold , but unlucky , hubert led ; brother to oswald , and no less ally'd to the ambitions which his soul did wed ; lowly without , but lin'd with costly pride . 72. most to himself his valour fatal was , whose glories oft to others dreadfull were ; so commets ( though suppos'd destructions cause ) but waste themselves to make their gazers ●e●r . 73. and though his valour seldom did succeed , his speech was such as could in storms perswade ; sweet as the hopes on which starv'd lovers feed , breath'd in the whispers of a yielding maid . 74. the bloudy borgio did conduct the rere , whom sullen vasco heedfully attends ; to all but to themselves they cruel were , and to themselves chiefly by mischief friends . 75. war , the worlds art , nature to them became ; in camps begot , born , and in anger bred ; the living vex'd till death , and then their fame ; because even fame some life is to the dead . 76. cities ( wise states-men's folds for civil sheep ) they sack'd , as painfull sheerers of the wise ; for they like carefull wolves would lose their sleep , when others prosp'rous toyls might be their prise . 77. hugo amongst the●● troops spy'd many more who had , as brave destroyers , got renown ; and many forward wounds in boast they wore ; which if not well reveng'd , had ne'r been shown . 78. such the bold leaders of these launceers were , which of the brescian vet'rans did consist ; whose practis'd age might charge of armies bear , and claim some ranck in fame's eternal list. 79. back to his duke the dextr'rous hugo flies ; what he observ'd he chearfully declares ; with noble pride did what he lik'd despise ; for wounds he threatned , whilst he prais'd their skars . 80. lord arnold cry'd , vain is the bugle horn , where trumpets men to manly work invite ! that distant summons seems to say in scorn , we hunters may be hunted hard ere night . 81. those beasts are hunted hard that hard can flie , reply'd aloud the noble hurgonil ; but we not us'd to flight , know best to die , and those who know to die , know how to kill . 82. victors through number never gain'd applause ; if they exceed our count in arms and men , it is not just to think that ods , because one lover equals any other ten. canto the third . the argument . the ambush is become an inter-view ; and the surpriser proves to honour true ; for what had first , ere words his furie spent , been murder , now is but brave killing meant . a duel form'd where princes seconds are , and urg'd by honour each to kill his share . 1. the duke observ'd ( whilst safe in his firm square ) whether their form did change whom oswald led ; that thence he shifts of figure might prepare , divide , or make more depth , or loosly spred . 2. though in their posture close , the prince might guess the duke 's to his not much in number yield ; and they were leading youth , who would possess this ground in graves , rather than quit the field . 3. thus ( timely certain of a standing foe ) his form'd divisions yet reveal'd no space through haste to charge ; but as they nearer grow , the more divide , and move with slower pace . 4. on these the duke attends with watchfull eye ; shap'd all his forces to their triple strength ; and that their launces might pass harmless by , widens his ranks , and gives his files more length . 5. at distance oswald does him sharply view , whom but in fame he met till this sad hour ; but his fair fame , virtues known image , knew ; for virtue spreads the owner more than pow'r . 6. in fields far sever'd both had reap'd renown ; and now his envie does to surfet feed on what he wish'd his eyes had never known ; for he begins to check his purpos'd deed . 7. and though ambition did his rage renew ; yet much he griev'd ( mov'd with the youthfull train ) that plants which so much promis'd as they grew , should in the bud be ere performance , slain . 8. with these remorsefull thoughts , he a fair space advanc'd alone , then did his troops command to halt ; the duke th' example did embrace , and gives like order by his lifted hand . 9. then when in easie reach of eithers voice thus oswald spake , i wish ( brave gondibert ) those wrongs which make thee now my angers choice , like my last fate were hidden from my heart . 10. but since great glory does allow small rest , and bids us jealously to honour wake , why at alarms given hot even at my brest , should i not arm , but thinks my scouts mistake ? 11. 't is loud in camps , in cities , and in court , ( where the important part of mankind meets ) that my adoption is thy faction's sport ; scorn'd by hoarse rhymers in verona streets . 12. who is renown'd enough but you or i ( and think not when you visit fame , she less will welcome you for mine known company ) to hope for empire at our kings decease ? 13. the crown he with his daughter has design'd ; his favour ( which to me does frozen prove ) grows warm to you , as th' eyes of rhodalind , and she gives sacred empire with her love . 14. whilst you usurp thus , and my claim deride , if you admire the veng'ance i intend , i more shall wonder where you got the pride to think me one you safely may offend . 15. nor judge is strange i have this ambush laid ; since you ( my rival ) wrong'd me by surprise ; whose darker vigilance my love betraid ; and so your ill example made me wise . 16. but in the school of glory we are taught , that greatness and success should measure deeds ; then not my great revenge , nor your great fault , can be accus'd when eithers act succeeds . 17. opinions stamp does virtue currant make ; but such small money ( though the peoples gold with which they trade ) great dealers scorn to take , and we are greater than one world can hold . 18. now oswald paws'd , as if he curious were ere this his foe ( the peoples fav'rite ) dy'd , to know him as with eyes , so with his ear ; and to his speech thus gondibert reply'd : 19. successfull prince ! since i was never taught to court a threating foe , i will not pay for all the trophies you from war have brought a single wreath , though all these woods were b●y ! 20. nor would i by a total silence yield my honour ta'ne , though i were pris'ner made ; lest you should think we may be justly kill'd , and sacred justice by mistake invade . 21. you might perceive ( had not a distant war hindred our breasts the use of being known ) my small ambition hardly worth your care ; unless by it you would correct your own . 22. the king 's objected love is but your dream , as false as that i strive for rhodalind as valour 's hire ; these sickly visions seem which in ambitions feaver vex your mind . 23. nor wonder if i vouch , that 't is not brave to seek war's hire , though war we still pursue ; nor censure this a proud excuse to save these who no safety know , but to subdue . 24. your misbelief my hireless valour scorns ; but your hir'd valour were your faith reclaim'd , ( for faith reclaim'd to highest virtue turns ) will be of bravest salary asham'd . 25. onely with fame valour of old was hir'd ; and love was so suffic'd with its own taste , that those intemp'rate seem'd , who more desir'd for loves reward , than that it self should last . 26. if love , or lust of empire , breed your pain , take what my prudent hope hath still declin'd , and my weak virtue never could sustain , the crown , which is the worst of rhodalind . 27. 't is she who taught you to increase renown , by sowing honours field with noble deeds ; which yields no harvest when 't is over-grown with wild ambition , the most rank of weeds . 28. go , reconcile the winds faln ▪ out at sea with these ●ame precepts , ( oswald did reply ) but since thou dost bequeath thy hopes to me , know legacies are vain till givers die . 29. and here his rage ascended to his eyes from his close breast , which hid till then the flame ; and like stirr'd fire in sparkles upward flies ; rage which the duke thus practis'd to reclaim . 30. though you design'd your ruin by surprise , though much in usefull arms you us exceed , and in your number some advantage lies , yet you may find you such advantage need . 31. if i am vallu'd as th' impediment which hinders your adoption to the crown ; let your revenge onely on me be spent , and hazard not my party , nor your own . 32. ambition else would up to godhead grow , when so profanely we our anger prise , that to appease it we the bloud allow of whole offenceless herds for sacrifice . 33. oswald ( who honour 's publick pattern was , till vain ambition led his heart aside ) more temp'rate grew in manage of his cause , and thus to noble gondibert reply'd : 34. i wish it were not needfull to be great ; that heavens unenvy'd pow'r might men so aw , as we should need no armies for defeat , nor for protection be at charge of law. 35. but more than heav'ns , men , mans authoritie ( though envy'd ) use , because more understood ; for but for that life's utensils would be , in markets , as in camps the price of blood . 36. since the worlds safety we in greatness find , and pow'r divided is from greatness gone , save we the world , though to our selves unkind , by both endang'ring to establish one . 37. nor these , who kindle with my wrongs their rage , nor those bold youth , who warmly you attend , our distant camps by action shall ingage ; but we our own great cause will singly end . 38. back to your noble hunters strait retire , and i to those who would those hunters chace ; let us perswade their fury to expire , and give obediently our anger place . 39. like unconcern'd spectatours let them stand , and be by sacred vow to distance bound ; whilst their lov'd leaders by our strict command , as patient witnesses , approach this ground . 40. where with no more defensive arms than was by nature ment us , who ordain'd men friends , we will on foot determine our great cause , on which the lombards doubtfull peace depends . 41. the duke full low did bow , and soon obay , confess'd his honour he transcendent finds , said he their persons might a meaner way with ods have aw'd , but this subdues their minds . 42. now wing'd with hope they to their troops return , oswald his old grave brescians makes retire , lest if too near , though like slow match they burn , the dukes rash youth like powder might take fire . 43. first with their noble chiefs they treat aside , plead it humanity to bleed alone , and term it needless cruelty and pride with others sacrifice to grace their own . 44. then to their troops gave their resolv'd command not to assist , through anger nor remorse ; who seem'd more willing patiently to stand , because each side presum'd their champions force . 45. now near that ground ordain'd by them and fate , to be the last where one or both must tread , their chosen judges they appoint to wait ; who thither were like griev'd spectatours led . 46. these from the distant troops far sever'd are ; and near their chiefs divided stations take ; who strait uncloath , and for such deeds prepare , by which strip'd souls their fleshy robes forsake . 47. but hubert now advanc'd , and cry'd aloud , i will not trust uncertain destinie , which may obscurely kill me in a crowd , that here have pow'r in publick view to die . 48. oswald my brother is ! if any dare think gondibert's great name more kingly sounds , let him alight , and he shall leave the care of chusing monarchs , to attend his wounds ! 49. this hurgonil receiv'd with greedy ear , told him his summons boldly did express , that he had little judgement whom to fear , and in the choice of kings his skill was less . 50. with equal haste they then alight and met , where both their chiefs in preparation stood ; whilst paradine and furious dargonet , cry'd out , we are of oswald's princely blood . 51. are there not yet two more so fond of same , so true to gondibert , or love's commands , as to esteem it an unpleasant shame with idle eyes to look on busie hands ? 52. such haste makes beauty when it youth forsakes , and day from travellers when it does set , as arnold to proud paradine now makes , and little hugo to tall dargonet . 53. the bloudy borgio , who with anguish stay'd , and check'd his rage , till these of oswald's race , by wish'd example their brave challenge made , now like his curb'd steed foaming , shifts his place . 54. and thus ( with haste and choler hoarse ) he spake , who e're amongst you thinks we destin'd are to serve that king your courtly camp shall make , falsly he loves , nor is his lady fair ! 55. this scarce could urge the temp'rate tybalts fire , who said , when fate shall aribert remove , as ill then wilt thou judge who should aspire , as who is fair , that art too rude to love . 56. but scarce had this reply reach'd borgio's ear , when goltho louder cry'd , what ere he be dares think her foul who hath a lover here , though love i never knew , shall now know me . 57. grave tybalt , who had laid an early'r claim to this defiance , much distemper'd grows , and goltho's forward youth would sharply blame , but that old vasco thus did interpose . 58. that boy who makes such haste to meet his fate , and fears he may ( as if he knew it good ) through others pride of danger come too late , shall read it strait ill written in his blood . 59. let empire fall , when we must monarchs choose , by what unpractis'd childhood shall approve ; and in tame peace let us our manhood loose , when boys yet wet with milk discourse of love. 60. as bashfull maids blush , as if justly blam'd ▪ when forc'd to suffer some indecent tongue , so goltho blush'd ( whom vasco made asham'd ) as if he could offend by being young . 61. but instantly offended bashfulness does to a brave and beauteous anger turn , which he in younger flames did so express , that scarce old vasco's embers seem'd to burn . 62. the princes knew in this new kindled rage , opinion might ( which like unlucky wind sate right to make it spread ) their troops engage ; and therefore oswald thus proclaim'd his-mind . 63. seem we already dead , that to our words ( as to the last requests men dying make ) your love but mourners short respect affords , and ere interr'd you our commands forsake ? 64. we chose you judges of our needfull strife , such whom the world ( grown faithless ) might esteem as weighty witnesses of parting life , but you are those we dying must condemn . 65. are we become such worthless sacrifice , as cannot to the lombards heav'n atone , unless your added blood make up the price , as if you thought it worthier than our own ? 66. our fame , which should survive before us , die ! and let ( since in our presence disobay ▪ d ) renown of pow'r , like that of beauty flie from knowledge , rather than be known decay'd ! 67. this when with rev'rence heard , it would have made old armies melt , to mark at what a rate they spent their hearts and eyes , kindly afraid to be omitted in their gen'rals fate . 68. hubert ( whose princely quality more frees him than the rest , from all command , unless he find it such as with his will agrees ) did nobly thus his firm resolve express : 69. all greatness bred in blood be now abas'd ! instinct , the inward image , which is wrought and given with life , be like thaw'd wax defac'd ! though that bred better honour than is taught ; 70. and may impressions of the common ill which from street parents the most low derives , blot all my minds fair book if i stand still , whilst oswald singly for the publick strives : 71. a brothers love all that obedience stays , which oswald else might as my leader claim ; whom as my love , my honour disobays , and bids me serve our greater leader , fame . 72. with gentle looks oswald to hubert bows , and said , i then must yield that hubert shall ( since from the same bright sun our lustre grows ) rise with my morns , and with my ev'nings fall ! 73. bold paradine and dargonet reviv'd their suit , and cry'd , we are astolpho's sons ! who from your highest spring his blood deriv'd , though now it down in lower channels runs . 74. such lucky seasons to attain renown , we must not lose , who are to you ally'd ; others usurp , who would your dangers own , and what our duty is , in them is pride . 75. then as his last decree thus oswald spake ; you that vouchsafe to glory in my blood , shall share my doom , which for your merits sake , fate , were it bad , would alter into good . 76. if any others disobedient rage , shall with uncivil love intrude his aid , and by degrees our distant troops ingage , be it his curss still to be disobey'd . 77. wars orders may he by the slow convey to such as onely shall dispute them long ; an ill peace make ; when none will him obey , and be for that , when old , judg'd by the young . 78. this said , he calmly bid the duke provide such of his bloud , as with those chosen three ( whilst their adoption they on foot decide ) may in brave life or death fit partners be . 79. though here ( reply'd the duke ) i find not now such as my bloud with their alliance grace , yet three i see to whom your stock may bow , if love may be esteem'd of heav'nly race . 80. and much to me these are by love ally'd ; then hugo , arnold , and the count drew near ; count hurgonil woo'd orna for his bride , the other two in laura rivals were . 81. but tybalt cry'd ( and swiftly as his voice approch'd the duke ) forgive me mightie chief , if justly i envie thy noble choice , and disobey thee in wrong'd love's relief . 82. if rev'renc'd love be sacred myst'rie deem'd , and mysteries when hid , to value grow , why am i less for hidden love esteem'd ? to unknown god-head , wise religions bow , 83. a maid of thy high linage much i love , and hide her name till i can merit boast , but shall i here ( where i may worth improve ) for prising her above my self , be lost ? 84. the duke 's firm bosome kindly seem'd to melt at tybalt's grief , that he omitted was ; who lately had love's secret conquest felt , and hop'd for publick triumph in this cause . 85. then he decreed , hugo ( though chose before to share in this great work ) should equally with tybalt be expos'd to fortune's pow'r , and by drawn lots their wish'd election trie . 86. hugo his dreaded lord with chearfull aw us'd to obey , and with implicit love ; but now he must for certain honour draw uncertain lots , seems heavily to move . 87. and here they trembling reach'd at honour so , as if they gath'ring flow'rs a snake discern'd ; yet fear'd love onely whose rewards then grow to lovers sweetest , when with danger earn'd . 88. from this brave fear , lest they should danger scape , was little hugo eas'd , and when he drew the champion's lot , his joy inlarg'd his shape , and with his lifted mind he taller grew . 89. but tybalt stoop'd beneath his sorrows waight ; goltho and him kindly the duke imbrac'd ; then to their station sent ; and oswald straight his so injoyn'd , and with like kindness grac'd . 90. when cruel borgio does from tybalt part , vasco from goltho , many a look they cast backward in sullen message from the heart , and through their eyes their threatning anger waste . canto the fourth . the argument . the duel where all rules of artfull strife , to rescue or endanger darling-life , are by reserves of strength and courage shown ; for killing was long since a science grown . th' event by which the troops engaged are , as private rage too often turn to war. 1. by what bold passion am i rudely led , like fame's too curious and officious spie , where i these rolls in her dark closet read , where worthies wrapt in time's disguises lie ? 2. why should we now their shady curtains draw , who by a wise retirement hence are ●reed , and gone to lands exempt from nature's law , where love no more can mourn , nor valour bleed ? 3. why to this stormy world from their long ▪ rest , are these recall'd to be again displeas'd , where during natures reign we are opprest , till we by deaths high priviledge are eas'd ? 4. is it to boast that verse has chymick pow'r , and that its rage ( which is productive heat ) can these revive , as chymists raise a flower , whose scatter'd parts their glass presents compleat ? 5. though in these worthies gone , valour and love did chastely as in sacred temples meet , such reviv'd patterns us no more improve , than flowers so rais'd by chymists make us sweet . 6. yet when the souls disease we desp'rate find , poets the old renown'd physitians are , who for the sickly habits of the mind , examples as the ancient cure prepare . 7. and bravely then physitians hononr gain , when to the world diseases cureless seem , and they ( in science valiant ) ne'r refrain arts war with nature , till they life redeem . 8. but poets their accustom'd task have long forborn , ( who for examples did disperse the heroes virtues in heroick song ) and now think virtue sick , past cure of verse . 9. yet to this desp'rate cure i will proceed , such patterns shew as shall not fail to move ; shall teach the valiant patience when they bleed , and hapless lovers constancy in love . 10. now honour's chance , the duke with oswald takes , the count his great stake , life , to hubert sets ; whilst his to paradin's lord arnold stakes , and little hugo throws at dargonets . 11. these four on equal ground those four oppose ; who wants in strength , supples it with his skill ; so valiant that they make no haste to close ; they not apace , but handsomly would kill . 12. and as they more each others courage found , each did their force more civilly express , to make so manly and so fair a wound , as loyal ladies might be proud to dress . 13. but vain , though wondrous , seems the short event of what with pomp and noise we long prepare : one hour of battel oft that force hath spent , which kings whole lives have gather'd for a war. 14. as rivers to their ruin hastie be , so life ( still earnest , loud , and swift ) runs post to the vaste gulf of death , as they to sea , and vainly travels to be quickly lost . 15. and now the fates ( who punctually take care we not escape their sentence at our birth ) writ arnold down where those inroled are who must in youth abruptly leave the earth . 16. him paradine into the brow had pierc't ; from whence his bloud so overflow'd his eyes , he grew too blind to watch and guard his breast , where wounded twice , to deaths cold court he hies . 17. and love ( by which life's name does value find , as altars even subsist by ornament ) is now as to the owner quite resign'd , and in a sigh to his dear laura sent . 18. yet fates so civil were in cruelty as not to yield that he who conquer'd all the tuscan vale , should unartended die , they therefore doom that dargonet must fall . 19. whom little hugo dext'rously did vex with many wounds in unexpected place , which yet not kill , but killingly perplex ; because he held their number a disgrace . 20. for dargonet in force did much exceed the most of men , in valour equall'd all ; and was asham'd thus diversly to bleed , as if he stood where showrs of arrows fall . 21. at once he ventures his remaining strength to hugo's nimble skill , who did desire to draw this little war out into length , by motions quick as heav'ns fantastick fire ! 22. this fury now is grown too high at last in dargonet ; who does disorder all the strengths of temp'rance by unruly haste , then down to deaths low calm does breathless fall . 23. when with his own storm sunk , his foe did spie lord arnold dead , and paradine prepare to help prince oswald to that victory , of which the duke had yet an equal share . 24. vain conquerour ( said hugo then ) return ! in stead of laurel which the victor wears , go gather cypress for thy brothers urn , and learn of me to water it with tears . 25. thy brother lost his life attempting mine ; which cannot for lord arnold's loss suffice : i must revenge ( unlucky paradine ) the blood his death will draw from laura's eyes . 26. we rivals were in laura , but though she my griefs derided , his with sighs approv'd ; yet i ( in loves exact integritie ) must take thy life for killing him she lov'd . 27. these quick alike , and artfully as fierce , at one sad instant give and take that wound , which does through both their vital closets pierce ; where life 's small lord doth warmly sit enthron'd . 28. and then they fell , and now near upper heaven , heav'ns better part of them is hov'ring still , to watch what end is to their princes given , and to brave hubert , and to hurgonil . 29. in progress thus to their eternal home , some method is observ'd by destinie , which at their princes setting out did doom , these as their leading harbingers to die . 30. and fatal hubert we must next attend , whom hurgonil had brought to such distress , that though life's stock he did not fully spend , his glory that maintain'd it is grown less . 31. long had they strove , who first should be destroy'd ; and wounds ( the marks of manhood ) gave and took , which though like honour'd age , we would avoid , yet make us when possess'd , for rev'rence look . 32. o honour ! frail as life thy sellow flower ! cherish'd and watch'd , and humr'ously esteem'd , then worn for short adornments of an hour ; and is when lost no more than life redeem'd . 33. this fatal hubert finds , if honour be as much in princes lost , when it grows less , as when it dies in men of next degree : princes are onely princes by excess . 34. for having twice with his firm opposite exchang'd a wound , yet none that reach'd at life , the adverse sword his arms best sinew hit , which holds that strength , which should uphold their strife . 35. when thus his dear defence had left his hand , thy life ( said hurgonil ) rejoyce to wear as orna's favour , and at her command ; who taught the mercy i will practise here . 36. to which defenceless hubert did reply , my life ( a worthless blank ) i so despise , since fortune laid it in her lotary , that i 'm asham'd thou draw'st it as a prize . 37. his grief made noble hurgonil to melt , who mourn'd in this a warriours various fate ; for though a victor now , he timely felt that change which pains us most by coming late . 38. but orna ( ever present in his thought ) prompts him to know , with what success for fame and empire , gondibert and oswald fought ; whilst hubert seeks out death ▪ and shrinks from shame . 39. valour , and all that practice torns to art , alike the princes had and understood ; for oswald now is cool as gondibert ; such temper he has got by losing blood . 40. calmly their temper did their art obay ; their stretch'd arms regular in motion prove ; and force with as unseen a stealth convay , as noiseless hours by hands of dials move . 41. by this new temper hurgonil believ'd that oswald's elder virtues might prevail ; to think his own help needfull much he griev'd ; but yet prepar'd it le●t the duke should fail . 42. small wounds they had , where as in casements ●ate disorder'd life ; who seem'd to look about , and fain would be abroad , but that a gate she wants so wide , at once to ●ally out . 43. when gondibert saw hurgonil draw near , and doubly arm'd at conquer'd huberts cost , he then , who never fear'd , began to fear , lest by his help his honour should be lost . 44. retire , said he ; for if thou hop'st to win my sisters love by aiding in this strife ; may heav'n ( to make her think thy love a s●n ) eclipse that beauty which did give it life . 45. count hurgonil did doubtfully retire , fain would assist , yet durst not disobay ; the duke would rather instantly expire , than hazard honour's death , by death's delay . 46. alike did oswald for dispatch prepare ; and cries , since hubert knew not to subdue , glory farewel , that art the souldiers care , more lov'd than woman , less than woman true ▪ 47. and now they strive with all their sudden force to storm life's cit●adil , each others brest ; at which could heav'ns chief eye have felt remorse , it would have wink'd , or hast'ned to the west . 48. but sure the heav'nly movers little care whether our motion here be false or true ; for we proceed , whilst they are regular , as if we dice for all our actions threw . 49. we seem surrender'd to indiff'rent chance , even deaths grave work looks like fantastick play ; that sword which oft did oswald's fame advance in publick war , fails in a private fray . 50. for when ( because he ebbes of bloud did feel ) he levell'd all his strength at gondibert , it clash'd and broke against the adverse steel , which travell'd onward till it reach'd his heart . 51. now he that like a stedfast statue stood in many battels registerd by fames , does fall depriv'd of language as of blood ; whilst high the hunters send their victors name . 52. some shout aloud , and others wind the horn ! they mix the cities with the field's applause ; which borgio soon interprets as their scorn , and will revenge it ere he mourn the cause . 53. this the cold evening warm'd of vasco's age ; he shin'd like scorching noon in borgio's looks , who kindled all about him with his rage , and worse the triumph than the conquest brooks . 54. the troops ( astonish'd with their leaders fate ) the horrour first with silence entertain ; with loud impatience than for borgio wait , and next with one confusion all complain . 55. whom thus he urg'd ! prince oswald did command we should remove far from the combat's list ; and there like unconcern'd spectatours stand , justly restrain'd to hinder or assist . 56. this ( patient friends ! ) we dully have obay'd ; a temp'rance which he never taught before , but though alive he could forbid our aid , yet dead , he leaves revenge within our pow'r . canto the fifth . the argument . the battel in exact , though little shape , where none by flight , and few by fortune scape , where even the vanquish'd so themselves behave , the victors mourn for all they could not save : and fear ( so soon is fortune's fullness wain'd ) to lose in one , all that by all they gain'd . 1. now hubert's page assists his wounded lord to mount that steed , he scarce had force to guide ; and wept to see his hand without that sword which was so oft in busie battel try'd . 2. those who with borgio saw his want of blood , cry'd out , if of thy strength enough remain , though not to charge , to make thy conduct good lead us to adde their living to our slain . 3. hubert reply'd , now you may justly boast , you sons of war , that oswald was your sire ; who got in you the honour i have lost ; and taught those deeds our ladies songs admire . 4. but he ( wars ancestour , who gave it birth , the father of those fights we lombards fought ) lies there embracing but his length of earth , who for your use the world's vast empire sought . 5. and cold as he lies noble dargonet , and paradine , who wore the victors crown ; both swift to charge , and lame in a retreat ; brothers in bloud , and rivals in renown . 6. this said , their trumpets sound revenge's praise ; the hunters horns ( though terrour of the wood ) reply'd so meanly , they could scarcely raise eccho so loud as might be understood . 7. the duke ( his fit of fury being spent , which onely wounds and opposition bred ) does weep on faded oswald , and lament what was so great in life , is nothing dead . 8. but cry'd , when he the speechless rivals spy'd , o worth , above the ancient price of love ! lost are the living , for with these love dy'd ; or if immortal , fled with them above . 9. in these we the intrinsick value know by which first lovers did love currant deem ; but love's false coyners will allay it now , till men suspect what next they must contemn . 10. not less young hurgonil resents their chance , though no fit time to practise his remorse , for now he cries ( finding the foe advance ) let death give way to life ! to horse ! to horse ! 11. this sorrow is too soft for deeds behind ; which i ( a mortal lover ) would sustain ; so as to make your sister wisely kind , and praise me living , not lament me slain . 12. swift as armenians in the panthers chace they flie to reach where now their hunters are ; who sought out danger with too bold a pace , till thus the duke did them aloud prepare . 13. impatient friends , stand that your strength may last , burn not in blaze rage that should warm you long ! i wish to foes the weaknesses of haste , to you such slowness as may keep you strong . 14. not their scorns force should your fixt patience move ; though scorn does more thā boads free minds provoke : their flashy rage shall harmless lightning prove , which but fore-runs our thunder's fatal stroke . 15. for when their fury 's spent , how weak they are with the dull weight of antique vandal 〈◊〉 their work but short , and little is in war , whom rage within , and armour outward warms . 16. when you have us'd those arts your patience yields , try to avoid their couched launces force by dext'rous practise of croation fields , which turns to lazy elephants their horse . 17. when false retreat shall scatter you in flight , as if you back to elements were fled ; and no less faith can you again unite , than recollects from elements the dead . 18. make chasers seem by your swift rallies , slow ; whilst they your swifter change of figures fear , like that in battels , which t' amuse the foe my grand-sire taught , as wars philosopher . 19. think now your valour enters on the stage , think fame th' eternal choru● to declare your mighty minds to each succeeding age , and that your ladies the spectatours are . 20. this utter'd was with so supream a grace , that ev'ry heart it empty'd , and did raise life's chiefest blood in valour to the face , which made such beauty as the foe did praise . 21. yet 't was ambition's praise , which but approves those whom through envy it would fain subdue ; likes others honour , but her own so loves , she thinks all others trophies are her due . 22. for hubert now ( though void of strength as fear ) advanc'd the first division fast and far ; bold borgio with the next attends his rear , the third was left to vasco's steddy care . 23. the duke still watch'd when each divisions space grew wide , that he might his more open spred ; his own brave conduct did the foremost grace , the next the count , the third true tybalt led . 24. a forward fashion he did wear a while , as if the charge he would with fury meet ; that he their forward fury might beguil , and urge them past redemption by retreat . 25. but when with launces couch'd they ready were , and their thick front ( which added files in large ) with their ply'd spurs kept time in a career , those soon were vanish'd whom they meant to charge . 26. the duke by flight his manhood thus and force reserv'd , and to his skill made valour yield , did seem to blush , that he must lead his horse to lose a little ground , to gain the field . 27. yet soon with ralleys he reviv'd the war ; hubert pursues the rear of hurgonil ; and borgio's rear with chace so loos'ned are , that them the count does with close order kill . 28. and that which was erewhile the dukes firm van , before old vasco's front vouchsafe to flie , till with croation ralleys they began in small divisions hidden strength to trie . 29. then cursing borgio cry'd , whence comes his skill , who men so scatter'd can so firmly mix ? the living metal , held so volatile by thy dull word , this chymick lord can fix ! 30. he press'd where hurgonil his fury spends , as if he now in orna's presence fought ; and with respect his brave approach attends , to give him all the dangers which he sought . 31. so bloody was th' event of this new strife , that we may here applauded valour blame ; which oft too easily abandons life , whilst death is parent made of noble fame . 32. for many now ( belov'd by both ) forsake in their pursuit of flying fame , their breath ; and through the world their valour currant make , by giving it the ancient stamp of death . 33. young hurgonil's renowned self had bought honour of borgio at no less a rate , had not the duke dispatch'd with those he sought , and found his aid must flie , or come too late . 34. for he advancing saw ( which much him griev'd ) that in the fairest region of the face , he two wide wounds from borgio had receiv'd ; his beauties blemish , but his valours grace . 35. now cry'd the duke , strive timely for renown ! thy age will kiss those wounds thy youth may loath ; be not dismaid to see thy beautie gone ; my sister 's thine , who has enough for both . 36. then soon the youth , death as an honour gave to one that strove to rescue borgio's life ; yet borgio had dispatch'd him to his grave , had gondibert stood neutral in the strife : 37. who with his sword ( disdaining now to stay and see the bloud he lov'd so rudely spilt ) pierc't a bold lombard who imbarr'd his way ; even till his heart did beat against his hilt. 38. timely old vasco came to borgio's aid ; whose long experienc'd arm wrought sure and fast ; his rising oppositions level laid , and miss'd no execution by his haste . 39. and timely where the bleeding count now fought , and where the duke with number was opprest , resistless tybalt came , who borgio sought , but here with many borgios did contest . 40. as tides , that from their sev'ral channels haste , assemble rudely in th' ub●an bay , and meeting there to indistinction waste , strive to proceed , and force each others stay . 41. so here the valiant who with swift force come , with as resistless valour are ingag'd ; are hid in angers undistinguish'd fome , and make less way by meeting so inrag'd . 42. but room for goltho now ! whose valour 's fire , like lightning , did unlikely passage make ; whose swift effects like lightnings they admire , and even the harms it wrought with rev'rence take . 43. vasco he seeks , who had his youth disdain'd ; and in that search he with irreverend rage , revengefully from younger foes abstain'd , and deadly grew where he encounterd age. 44. and vasco now had felt his gothick steel , but that duke gondibert ( through helm and head ) the last dire stroke which vasco ere shall feel did give , and sent him to adorn the dead . 45. here borgio too had faln , but bravely then the count so much reveng'd the wounds he gave , as gondibert ( the prop of falling men ) such sinking greatness could not chuse but save . 46. when vasco was remov'd , the count declin'd his bashfull eyes ; the duke thought suddain shame ( from sence of luckless wounds ) possess'd his mind ; which thus he did reform , and gently blame . 47. now thy complexion lasting is , and good ! as when the sun sets red , his morning eyes in glory wake , so now thou setst in bloud , thy parting beautie will in honour rise . 48. these scars thou needst not from my sister hide ; for as our father , in brave battel lost , she first did name with sorrow , then with pride , thy beauties loss she 'l mourn and after boast . 49. mine are but love's false wounds ( said hurgonil ) to what you vasco gave ; for i must grieve my strength of honour could not vasco kill , that honour lost , yet i have strength to live . 50. but now behold vex'd hubert , who in all this battel was by ready conduct known , and though unarm'd , and his spent force so small he could to none bring death , yet sought his own : 51. and ev'ry where , where rallies made a gross he charg'd ; and now with last reserves he try'd his too slow fate from gondibert to force , where he was victor and where vasco dy'd . 52. the duke ( in honours school exactly bred ) would not that this defenceless prince should be involv'd with those , whom he to dying led , therefore ordain'd him still from slaughter free . 53. and now his pow'r did gently make him know , that he must keep his life , and quit the cause ; more pris'ner to him self than to his foe , for life within himself in prison was . 54. his fierce assistance did not quit the field , till forward marks declar'd they fairly fought ; and then they all with sullen slowness yield ; vex'd they had found what vain revenge had sought . 55. in the renown'd destruction of this day , four hundred leaders were by valours pride led to blest shades , by an uncertain way , where lowliness is held the surest guide . 56. and twice the tierce of these consists of those who for prince oswald's love of empire bled ; the duke does thus with thanks and praise dispose both of the worthy living , and the dead . 57. bind all your wounds , and shed not that brave life , which did in all by great demeanor past , ( teaching your foes a wiser choise of strife ) deserve a lease of nature that may last . 58. love warm'd you with those hints which kindled me ; and form'd ideas in each lovers thought of the distress of some beloved she , who then inspir'd , and prais'd you whilst you fought . 59. you nobly prompt my passion to desire , that the rude crowd who lovers softness scorn , might in fair field meet those who love admire , to trie which side must after battel mourn . 60. o that those rights which should the good advance , and justly are to painfull valour due , ( how ere misplac'd by the swift hand of chance ) were from that crowd defended by those few ! 61. with this great spectacle we should refresh those chiefs , who ( though preferr'd by being dead ) would kindly wish to fight again in flesh : so all that lov'd by hurgonil were led . 62. this gracious mention from so great a lord , bow'd hurgonil with dutious homage down , where at his feet he laid his rescn'd sword ; which he accepts , but he returns his own . 63. by this and thine , said gentle gondibert , in all distress of various courts and war , we interpledge and bind each others heart , to strive who shall possess griefs greatest share . 64. now to verona hast , and timely bring thy wounds unto my tender sister's care ; this days sad story to our dreaded king , and watch what veng'ance oswald's friends prepare . 65. brave arnold , and his rival streight remove ; where laura shall bestrew their hallow'd ground ; protectours both , and ornaments of love ; this said , his eyes out-weep'd his widest wound . 66. tell her now these ( love's faithful saints ) are gon , the beautie they ador'd , she ought to hide ; for vainly will love's miracles be shown , since lovers faith with these brave rivals dy'd . 67. say little hugo never more shall mourn in noble numbers her unkind disdain ; who now not seeing beautie feels no scorn ; and wanting pleasure , is exempt from pain . 68. when she with flowrs lord arnold's grave shall strew , and hears why hugo's life was thrown away , she on that rival's hearse will drop a few ; which merits all that april gives to may. 69. let us forsake for safety of our eyes our other loss ; which i will straight inter , and raise a trophy where each body lies ; vain marks , how those alive the dead prefer ! 70. if my full breast , my wounds that empty be , and this days toil ( by which my strength is gon ) forbid me not , i bergamo will see ere it beholds the next succeeding sun. 71. thither convey thy souls consid'rate thought , how in this cause the court and camp 's inclin'd ; what oswald's faction with the king has wrought , and how his loss prevails with rhodalind . 72. the count and tybalt take their lowly leaves ▪ their slain they sadly , with consuming hearts , bear tow'rds verona , whilst the duke perceives prince hubert's grief , and thus his tears diverts . 73. afflicted prince ! in an unpleasant hour you and your living ( by blind valour led ) are captives made to such an easie pow'r , shall you as little vex , as death your dead . 74. the dead can ne'r by living help return from that dark land , which life could ne'r diselese ; but these alive ( for whom the victors mourn ) to thee i give , thee to thine own dispose . 75. be not with honours guilded baits beguild ; nor think ambition wife , because 't is brave ; for though we like it , as a forward child , 't is so unsound , her cradle is her grave . 76. study the mighty oswald vainly gone ! fierce paradine , and dargonet the stout ! whos 's thirds by patient parcae slowly spun , ambition's haste has rashly ravell'd out . 77. but hubert's grief no precept could reform : for great grief counsell'd , does to anger grow ; and he provided now a future storm , which did with black revenge orecast his brow. 78. borgio and he from this dire region haste ; shame makes them sightless to themselves and dumb ; their thoughts flie swift as time from what is past ; and would like him demolish all to come . 79. strait they interre th' inferiour of their slain ; their nobler tragick load their grief attends tow'rds brescia , where the camp they hope to gain , then force the court by faction of their friends . 80. to bergamo the gentle duke does turn with his surviving lovers , who in kind remembrance every step look back , and mourn their fellow lovers death has staid behind . 81. some lost their quiet rivals , some their dear love's brother , who their hopes with help approv'd ; some such joy'd friends , as even tomorrow were to take from hymen those they dearest lov'd . 82. but now to gondibert they forward look , whose wounds , ere he could waste three league of way , so waste him , that his speech him quite forsook , and nature calls for art to make life stay . 83. his friends in torment lest they should forsake delightfull him , for whom alone they live ; urge heav'n uncivilly for calling back so soon such worth , it does so seldom give . canto the sixth . the argument . the victor is ( when with his wounds subdu'd ) by such deform'd and dismal troops pursu'd , that he thinks death , than which they uglier seem , no ill expedient to escape from them . but ulfin guids him to sage astragon , by the last rays of the descending sun. 1. scarce on their duke their fears kind fit was spent , when strait a thick arm'd squadron clouds their sight , which cast so dark a shade , as if it meant without the suns slow leave , to bring in night . 2. this threatning squadron did consist of horse , and by old ulfin they were gravely led , whose mind was sound , nor wants his body force , though many winters snow had coold his head . 3. the sad remainder who with hubert went , did miss his reach , when they to brescia turn'd , and now ( as if his haste destruction meant ) he chac'd these who the dukes spent valour mourn'd . 4. whose posture being loose , their number few , his scouts grow scornfull as they forward come , he makes his squadron halt , and near he drew , then asks aloud , what are you , and for whom ? 5. the noble goltho ( whose great deeds to day prevented manhood in his early youth ) believ'd him oswald's friend , yet scorn'd the way to shelter life , behind abandon'd truth . 6. for he to ulfin boldly thus reply'd , this second ambush finds us here in vain ; we have no treasure left that we would hide , since gondibert is reckon'd with the slain . 7. duke gondibert we vouch to be our lord , to whose high virtues sov'raignty we bow ; oswald sunk low , as death , beneath his sword , though him superiour fate will vanquish now . 8. scarce empty eagles stooping to their prey , could be more swift than ulfin to alight , and come where gondibert expiring lay ; now pleasing those whom he did newly fright . 9. for scarce that rev'rence which a monarch draws , who seldom will be seen , though often sought ; who spends his carefull age in making laws , to rule those lands for which in youth he fought . 10. nor that respect which people pay those kings , whose peace makes rich , whom civil war made wise , can equal this which aged ulfin brings the gentle duke , to whom he prostrate lies . 11. his eyes ( not us'd to tears ) bathe ev'ry wound ; which he salutes as things he chiefly lov'd ; and when expence of spirits he had found , to gain him air , his mourners he remov'd . 12. make way , said he , and give experience room , the confident of age , though youth 's scorn'd guide , my wounds , though past , out number yours to come , you can but hope the knowledge i have try'd . 13. his hilts round pommel he did then unskrew , and thence ( which he from ancient precept wore ) in a small chrystal he a cordial drew , that weary life could to her walks restore . 14. this care ( amazing all it does delight ) his ruins , which so reverend appear , with wonder not so much surprise their sight , as a strange object now his troops draw near . 15. in whom such death and want of limbs they find , as each were lately call'd out of his tomb , and left some members hastily behind , or came , when born , abortive from the womb. 16. yet this defect of legs , or arms , or hands , did wondring valour not disturb , but please ; to see what divers weapons each commands with arts hard shifts , till custom gave them ease . 17. but the uncomely absence of an eye , and larger wants , which ev'ry visage mourn'd , ( where black did over-vail , or ill supply ) was that which wonder into horrid turn'd . 18. and ulfin might be thought ( when the rude wind lifting their curtains , left their ruins bare ) a formal antiquary , gravely kind to statues , which he now drew out to air . 19. the duke ( whose absent knowledge was call'd back by cordials pow'r ) his wonder did increase so much , that he agen did knowledge lack , till thus old ulfin made his wonder cease . 20. auspicious prince ! recorded be this day , and sung by priests of each ensuing age ; on which thou may'st receive , and i may pay some debts of duty , as thy grandsires page . 21. that mighty chief i serv'd in youth's first strength , who our short scepter meant to stretch so far , till eastern kings might grieve theirs wanted length , whose maps scarce teach where all their subjects are . 22. full many stormy winters we have seen , when kindled valour 's heat was all our fire , else we in stupid frosts had fetter'd been , by which soft sinews are congeal'd to wire . 23. and many scorching summers we have felt , where death relieves all whom the sword invades ; and kindly thence ( where we should toyling melt ) leads us to rest beneath eternal shades . 24. for aid of action he obedience taught , and silent patience for afflictions cure : he prais'd my courage when i boldly fought , but said , they conquer most , that most endure . 25. the toyls of diligence as much approv'd as valour 's self , or th' arts her practise gains ; the care of men , more than of glory lov'd , success rewarded , and successless pains . 26. to joyfull victors quenching water sent , delightfull wine to their lamenting slaves ; for feasts have more brave lives than famine spent , and temp'rance more than trench or armour saves . 27. valour his mistress , caution was his friend ; both to their diff'rent seasons he appli'd ; the first he lov'd , on th' other did depend ; the first made worth uneasie by her pride . 28. he to submiss devotion more was given after a battel gain'd , than ere 't was fought ; as if it nobler were to thank high heav'n for favours past , than bow for bounty sought . 29. and thus through smarting heat , and aking cold , till heav'ns perpetual traveller ▪ had more than thirty journeys through the zodiack told , i serv'd thy grandsire , whom i now adore . 30. for heav'n in his too ripe and weary age , call'd him , where peacefully he rules a star ; free'd from the lower el'ments ceaseless rage , which last like monarchs pow'r by needfull war. 31. strait thy lamented father did succeed to his high place , by aribert's consent , our ensigns through remoter lands to lead : him too i follow'd till he upward went. 32. till that black day on which the hunns may boast their own defeat , and we our conquest hide ; for though we gain'd , and they the battel lost , yet then thy brave victorious father dy'd . 33. and i am stay'd unwillingly behind ; not caught with wealth , life's most intangling snare ; though both my masters were in giving kind , as joyfull victors after battel are . 34. whilst thus this aged leader does express his and their story whom this bounty feeds , his hands the duke 's worst order'd wounds undress and gently bind ; then strait he thus proceeds . 35. west from those hills till you cremona reach , with an unmingled right i gather rent ; by their great gift who did such precepts teach in giving , as their wealth is ne'r misspent . 36. for as their plenteous pity fills my thought , so their example was not read in vain ; a thousand , who for them in battel fought , and now distress'd with maims , i entertain : 37. not giving like to those , whose gifts , though scant , pain them , as if they gave with gowty hand ; such vex themselves , and ease not others want ; but we alike enjoy , a like command . 38. most spaciously we dwell , where we possess all smless pleasures nature did ordain ; and who that all may have , yet will have less , wiser than nature , thinks her kindness vain . 39. a sad resolve , which is a wise-mans vow , from cities noise , and cou●●s unpity'd care did so divorce me , it would scarce allow i ere should take one league of dist●●● ai● . 40. but that alarms from each adjacent part which borders my abode , disturb'd my rest , with dreadfull news that gracious gondibert by oswald's faction was in fight opprest . 41. then it had given your wonder cause to last , to see the vex'd mistakes this summons wrought in all my maim'd domesticks by their haste , for some tie on the limbs which others sought . 42. just such mistakes audacious ethnicks say will happen where the righteous busie are , through glad and earnest haste in the last day ; whilst others slowly to their doom prepare . 43. and this had anger , anger noise had bred ▪ and noise , the enemy of usefull thought , had them to more mistakes than blindness led ▪ but that our awfull camps had silence taught . 44. silence did mem'ry , mem'ry order make ▪ order to each did his mist wood restore ▪ for some , who once were stedfast foo● , mistake , and snatch those limbs which onely horse-men wore . 45. like swift pursuers on arabian horse , these with their needfull instruments of hold ( which give their strange adapted weapons force ) i mounted strait five hundred fully told . 46. these from the lombards highly have deserv'd , in conquests where thy father did command ; whom they for science and affection serv'd , and lost their limbs to gain our scepter land. 47. which yet are noble , though unsightly signs , that each in active courage much abounds ; and many a widow'd mother now repines , they cannot shew the men who gave those wounds . 48. for dearly did the huns for honour pay , when they deform'd them in a fatal fight ; since though they strongly struggled for the day , yet all they got , was everlasting night . 49. and oswald's friends , were they not timely gone ( though all the faction in one army were ) should mourn this act against their gen'ral's son , who was to souldiers more than triumph dear . 50. for these to conquest us'd , retreats dislike ; thy beauty want , to others beauty's cost , with envious rage still at the face they strike , and punish youth , for what in youth they lost . 51. thus , though the duke's amazement be remov'd , it now returns , gladly on him to gaze , who feeds those fighters whom his father lov'd ; a gratitude would virtue 's self amaze . 52. thou art , said he , ( then melted whilst he spake ) so ripe in what nice heav'n does dearly love , that heav'ns remorse for earth we should mistake , to think it will forbear thee long above . 53. as if thy sent for soul already were upon her wings , so much i give thee gon ; and wish thee left in some successor here , that might receive the kindness thou hast shown . 54. old ulfin now ( but meltingly as he ) t' inrich him , gives the jewell of his sight ; for strait , with father's grave authoritie , he bids his son , young ulfinor alight ! 55. take him ( said he ) whose duty i release ; in whom all heav'ns rewards included are , for all my justice in corrupted peace , and for my mercy in revengeful war. 56. the fruit heav'ns sent me by my loyal wife , in age , the gloomy eve of endless night ; which eas'd in me the pain of latter life , and frustrates death , by fresh succession's sight . 57. the duke with passion did this youth embrace ; then luckie goltho he call'd forth in view ; who was this day in fortun 's special grace , for though no blood he lost , yet much he drew . 58. him he with ulfinor does strait unite ; bids neither strive the other to precede , unless when danger doth them both invite , but be , even in nice rivalship agreed . 59. bids both their breasts be eithers open book , where nought is writ too hard for sodain eies ; but ●ought's plain text grows easie by a look : study breeds doubt , where reading should suffice . 60. but these to joyn nature no counsel needs ; whom sympathy , her secret priest , does wed ; much fam'd will be their loves , and martial deeds ; which fill all books that are of lombards read . 61. with gracious eyes , and bodie lo●ly bent , the duke his fathers rev'rend troops salutes ; to bergamo he holds his first intent ; which to oppose , old ulfin thus disputes . 62. thou seest ( my prince ) the faint decays of light ; how hastily the suns hot steeds begin to mend their pace , as if their longing sight had newly spy'd their usual western inn. 63. too far is pleasant bergamo from hence , since day has reach'd so near his journeys end ; days strength and yours are at their last expence ; do not whilst both are wasting , both misspend . 64. you and your wounded must with nature strive , till all ( whose few hours sway to day excels their elder foes long reign in camps ) arrive where astragon the wise and wealthy dwels . 65. rich is that lord , and rich in learnings wealth ; art flies his test , he all art's test endures ; our cities send their sick to him for health , our camps the wounded for their certain cures . 66. though cautious nature , check'd by destinie , has many secrets she would ne'r impart ; this fam'd philosopher is natures spie , and hireless gives th' intelligence to art. 67. the duke with virtue ( antiquated now ) did rev'rence counsel , and to age did bend ; his first course alters , and does this allow ; then ulfin as their guide they all attend . 68. soon they the pallace reach'd of astragon ; which had its beauty hid by envious night , whose cypress curtain drawn before the sun , seem'd to perform the obsequies of light . 69. yet light 's last rays were not intirely spent , for they discern'd their passage through a gate , whose height and space shew'd ancient ornament , and ancients there in carefull office sate . 70. who by their weights and measures did record such num'rous burdens as were thither brought from distant regions , to their learned lord ; on which his chymicks and distillers wrought . 71. but now their common bus'ness they refrain , when they observe a quiet fullenness and bloody marks in such a civil train ; which shew'd at once their worth and their distress . 72. the voice of ulfin they with gladness knew , whom to this house long neighbourhood indeer'd approaching torches perfected their view , and taught the way till astragon appear'd . 73. who soon did ulfin chearfully embrace , the visits cause by whispers he receiv'd ; which first he hop'd was meant him as a grace , but being known , with manly silence griev'd . 74. and then with gestures full of grave respect , the duke he to his own apartment led ; to each distinct retirements did direct , and all the wounded he ordain'd to bed. 75. then thin digestive food he did provide , more to enable fleeting strength to stay ; to wounds well search'd he cleansing wines apply'd , and so prepar'd his rip'ning balsoms way . 76. balm of the warriour's herb , hypericon ! to warriour's as in use , in form decreed ; for through the leaves transparent wounds are shown ; and rudely touch'd , the golden flower does bleed . 77. for sleep they juice of pale nymphaea took , which grows ( to shew that it for sleep is good ) near sleep's abode , in the soft murm'ring brook : this cools , the yellow flow'r restrains the bloud : 78. and now the wearie world's great med'cin , sleep , this learned host dispenc'd to ev'ry guest ; which shuts those wounds where injur'd lovers weep , and flies oppressours to relieve th' opprest . 79. it loves the corrage , and from court abstains , it stills the sea man though the storm be high ; frees the griev'd captive in his closest chains , stops wants loud mouth , & blinds the treach'rous spie ! 80. kind sleep , night's welcome officer , does cease all whom this house contains till day return ; and me , grief's chronicler , does gently ease , who have behind so great a ta●k to mourn . the end of the first book . gondibert . the second book . canto the first . the argument . verona by the poet's pencil drawn ; where hurgonil did meet the early dawn : her wealth shown by each dwellers early'r care ; which soon by others peace , she reap'd by war. the slain , whose life her safetie was and pride , are now in death their fun'ral rites deny'd . 1. sunk near his evening region was the sun , when hurgonil with his lamented load , and faithfull tybalt their sad march begun to fair verona , where the court aboad . 2. they slowly rode till night's dominion ceast ; when infant morn ( her scarce wak'd beams display'd ) with a scant face peep● shylie through the east , and seem'd as yet of the black world afraid . 3. but by increase of swift expansive light , the lost horizon was apparent grown , and many tow'rs salute at once their sight ; the distant boasts of an imperial town . 4. verona , spr●●g from ●oble vera's 〈◊〉 , whom careless time ( still 〈◊〉 old records where they are loosly gather'd up by ●ame ) proclaims the chief of ancient tuscan lords . 5. verona borders on that fatal plain ; whose barren thirst was quench'd with valiant blood , when the rough cy●●brians by ●ierce mari●● slain , left hills of bodies where their ensigns stood . 6. so safely proud this town did now appear , as if it but immortal dwellers lack'd ; as if theodorick had ne'r been there , nor attila her wealth and beauty sack'd . 7. here hurgonil might follow with his eye ( as with deep stream it through the city pass'd ) ▪ the fruitfull and the frighted adice , which thence from noise and nets to sea does haste . 8. and on her peopled bank they might behold the toyls of conquest paid with works of pride ; the palace of king agilulf the old , or monument , for ere 't was built , he dy'd . 9. to it that temple joyns , whose lofty head the prospect of a swelling hill commands ; in whose cool womb the city springs are bred : on dorique pillars this tall temple stands . 10. this to sooth heav'n the bloody clephes built , as if heav'ns king so soft and easie were , so meanly hous'd in heav'n , and kind to guilt , that he would be a tyrant's tenant here . 11. and now they might arrest their wa●d'ring ●ight with that which makes all other objects lost ; makes lombard greatness ●●a● to 〈◊〉 height , and modern builders bl●●● , that else would ●oast : 12. an amphy theater which has controll'd unheeded conquests of advancing age , winds which have made the trembling world look old , and the uncivil goth's malicious rage . 13. this great flaminius did in youth erect , where cities sat to see whole armies play death's serious part : but this we may neglect to mark the bus'ness which begins with day . 14. as day now op'ning fils the hemisphear , and all at once ; so quickly ev'ry street does by an instant op'ning full appear , when from their dwellings busie dwellers meet . 15. from wider gates oppressours sally there ; here creeps th' afflicted through a narrow door ; groans under wrongs he has not strength to bear , yet seeks for wealth to injure others more . 16. and here the early lawyer mends his pace , for whom the earlier cliant wai●ed long ; here greedy creditours their debtours chace , who scape by herding in th' indebted throng . 17. th' advent'rous merchant , whom a storm did wake , ( his ships on adriatick billows ●ost ) does hope of eastern winds from steeples take , and hastens there a currier to the coast. 18. here through a secret postern issues out the skar'd adult'rer , who out-slept his time ; day , and the husbands spie alike does doubt , and with a half hid face would-hide his crime . 19. there from sick mirth neglectful feasters ●eel ; who cares of want in wine's false l●the sleep . there anxious empty gamsters homeward steal , and fear to wake , ere they begin to sleep . 20. here stooping lab'rers slowly moving are ; beasts to the rich , whose strength grows rude with case ; and would usurp , did not their rulers care , with toile and tax their furious strength appease . 21. there th' aged walk , whose needless carefulness infects them past the mindes best med'cin , sleep ; there some to temples early vows address , and for th'ore busie world most wisely weep . 22. to this vast inn , where tydes of strangers flow , the morn and hurgonil together came ; the morn , whose dewy wings appear'd but slow , when men the motion mark'd of swifter fame . 23. for fame ( whose journeys are through waies unknown , tr●celess and swift , and changing as the wind ) the morn and hurgonil had much out-gone , whilst temp'rate truth mov'd patiently behind . 24 ▪ for some the combat ( to a batail grown ) did apprehend in such prodigious shape , as if their living to the dead were gone , and onely fame did by her wings escape . 25. some said this hunting falsely was design'd , that by pretence both factions might prepare their armies to contest for rhodalind , the crown 's chief jewel , and reward of war. 26. and some report ( so far they range from truth who for intelligence must follow fame ) that then from bergamo th'encamped youth , with gondibert , to this dire hunting came . 27. and some , that oswald had enlarg'd his train with the old troops by his bold father led ; and that of these the nobler half were slain , the rest were to their camp at brescia fled . 28. and as dire thunder rowling ore heav'ns vault , by murmure threatens , ere it kills aloud ; so was this fatal news in whisper brought , which menac'd , ere it struck the list'ning croud . 29. but rumour soon to high extreams does move , for first it oswald nam'd with dreadfull voice ; then said that death had widow'd truth and love , by making gondibert the second choice . 30. and to all hearts so dear was gondibert , so much did pitie , oswald's valour prise , that strait their early bus'ness they desert , and fix on wounded hurgonil their eyes . 31. him when by perfect day they sadly knew , through hiddē wounds , whose blood his beauty stain'd , even from the temples , angels soon withdrew , so sawcely th' afflicted there complain'd . 32. the people straight united clamour gave , shriek'd loud like sea-men split on a strange coast ; as if those pow'rs were deaf who should them save , and pray'rs no louder than the winds were lost . 33. now , with impatience urg'd , he does declare whom he so mournfully in fun'ral brought ; the publick losses of a private war , who living , love , and valour , dying taught . 34. for he does hugo and arnoldo name , to these ( said he ) ver●ra cradles gave , and since in forreign fields they rais'd her fame , they challenge here , though much too soon , a grave . 35. bring sprinklings , lamps , and th'altar's precious breath ; all rites which priests have prudently devis'd , who gratefully a rev'rence teach to death ; because they most by dying men are pris'd . 36. but though our loss we justly may complain , though even by priests authority we grieve ; yet heav'n's first bounty , life , let none disdain , since gondibert , our chief delight , does live . 37. th●●eard , as sea-men near a shore unknown , who their north guide lose in a stormy night , his absence with distracted silence moan , and loudly welcome his return to sight : 38. so when their great conductor seem'd to be retir'd to endless shades amongst the slain , with silent grief they seem'd as dead as he , but with new life welcom'd his life again . 39. and now that cold remainder valour left of these whom love had lost , and fate forsook ▪ the two that were of all but fame berefr , from hurgonil the weeping people took . 40. whilst of them both sad hurgonil takes leave , till th' universal meeting faith provides ; the day when all shall publickly receave those bodies , death does not destroy , but hides ▪ 41. then to his palace he retires by stealth , his wounds from his lov'd mistress to conceal , on whose dear joys so much depends his health ; the wounds her tears should touch would never heal . 42. to the chief temple straight the people bear the valiant rivals , who for love were slain ; whom all he peacefull priests behold with fear , and griev'd such guests they durst not entertain . 43. for soon the prior of their brotherhood ( who long serv'd heav'n with praise , the world with pray'r ) cry'd out , this holy house is shut to blood , to all that die in combat or despair . 44. these by their bloody marks in compar dy'd , through anger , the disease of beasts untam'd ; whose wrath is hunger , but in men 't is pride , yet theirs is cruelty , ours courage nam'd . 45. here the neglected lord of peace does live ; who taught the wrangling world the rules of love , should we his dwelling to the wrathfull give , our sainted dead would rise , and he remove . 46. well by his precepts may we punish strife , whose pitie knew that famine , plague , and time , are enemies enough to humane life , none need ore-charge death's quiver with a crime . 47. to unfrequented fields bear then your slain , where neither dirge nor requiem shall be giv'n ; to those who by usurp'd revenge disdain to take from men , neglects they put on heav'n . 48. but now the people's passions run too far ; their untaught love , artless extreams does wed ; of times they like the past , and since they are opprest still by the living , love the dead : 49. and now resolve these rivals shall not lose the rites of sprinkling , incense , lights , and song ; then as the voice of all their minds , they chuse an oratour , of rude , but ready tongue : 50. who at the temple gate thus pleads aloud ! we know , though priests are pensioners of heav'n , your flock which yields best rent , is this dull croud ; the learn'd examine why their fleece is giv'n . 51. though by the rich first shorn , to you they bear a second tribute , and by zeal support temples which kings for glory raise , and where the rich for fame , the learn'd as spies resort . 52. temples are yours , not god's lov'd palaces , where off'rings make not his , but your own feasts ; where you most wisely live , because at ease , and entertain your founders as your guests : 53. with ease you take what we provide with care ; and we ( who your legation must maintain ) find all your tribe in the commission are ; and none but heav'n could send so large a train . 54. but being all ambassadours from thence , the growing charge will soon exceed our rent , unless you please to treat at his expence who sent you ; not at ours , where you are sent . 55. the ancient laws liv'd in the peoples voice ; rites you from custom , not from canon draw ; they are but fashions of a graver choice , which yield to laws , and now our voice is law. 56. this tybalt heard with sorrow and disdain , ( who here with hurgonil a mourner came ) and strait the peacefull fathers strives to gain , and thus the peoples oratour reclaim . 57. most usefull fathers ! some trace secret things even to his closet , who is hid in heav'n ; vainly as nilus to his hidden springs , and not enjoy , but censure what is giv'n . 58. you with such temper their intemp'rance bear , to shew your solid science does rely so on it self , as you no trial fear ; for arts are weak that are of scepticks shie . 59. though in your office humane safety lies , which opes that hell the vicious vulgar fear , yet never can the people priesthood prise ; as if from heav'n your daily errands were . 60. not that your message , truth they disesteem , or think it comes from any other way , but that they taxes hate , and truth does seem brought as a tax , when they the bringers pay . 61. thus we to beasts , fall from our noble kind , making our pastur'd bodies all our care ; allowing no subsistence to the mind , for truth we grudge her as a costly fare . 62. but if they fear ( since daily you renew disputes ) your oracles are doubtfull still as those of old ; yet more reward is due to pains , where so uneasie is the skill . 63. or if no skill they think it , but suppose 't is faith ( & faith ne'r thinks heav'n's height too high yet faith 's so sev'ral be , that few are those can chuse right wings , when they to heav'n would flie . 64. or if they think , faith humane help transcends , and to your science is so strict a bound as death to valour is , where daring ends ; and none are farthest in that progress found ; 65. yet in our walk to our last home design'd , 't is safe by all the study'd guides to go ; lest we in death , too late , the knowledge find of what in life 't was possible to know . 66. your pomp , by which your pow'r in count'nance dures , though costly , costs much less than camps or laws ; and more than both , religion us secures ; since hell ( your prison ) more than dying aws . 67. for though the plain judge , conscience , makes no show , but silently to her dark session comes , not as red law does to arraignment go , or war to execution with loud drums ; 68. though she on hills sets not her gibbets high , where frightfull law sets hers ; nor bloody seems like war in colours spred , yet secretly she does her work , and many a man condemns . 69. chokes in the seed , what law , till ripe , ne'r sees ; what law would punish , conscience can prevent ; and so the world from many mischiefs ●●ees ; known by her cures , as law by punishment . 70. the weaker sighted ever look too nigh ; but their disputes have made your charter good ; as doubted tenures , which long pleadings trie , authentick grow by being much withstood . 71. these chiefs , for whom we holy rites desire , by well fought fields begot this cities peace ; oft with their blood have quench'd intestine fire ; and oft our famines chang'd to glad excess . 72. their rites let not the people be de●iy'd , though by untutor'd kindness rudely fought ; nor think they have in private comba● dy'd , where gondibert and mighty oswald fought . 73. both princes of the lombards royal blood ; for whom full thrice three hundred number'd are , whose anger strove to make their anger good ; number gives strife th'authentick name of war. 74. this said , wars cause these priests no more debate , they knew , war's justice none could ere decide ; at that more specious name they open strait , and sacred rites of fun'ral they provide . 75. how vain is custom , and how guilty pow'r ? slaughter is lawfull made by the excess ; earth's partial laws , just heav'n must needs abhor , which greater crimes allow , and damn the less . canto the second . the argument . fame's progress through verona , when she brings ill news enlarg'd , as her extended wings . the combat's cause shakes aribert's great mind ; and the effects more conquers rhodalind . meek orna's fears , proud gartha's bold disdain ; and laura kindly dying for the slain . 1. to streets ( the peoples region ) early fame first brought this grief , which all more tragick make ; and next , to the triumphant court she came , where prosp'rous pow'r sleeps long , though sutors wake ; 2. but yet the early king ( from childhood bred to dangers , toyls , and courser wants of war ) rose up to rule , and left soft love in bed , could conquer lands and love , but stoopt to care. 3. care , that in cloysters onely seals her eies , which youth thinks folly , age as wisdom owns ; fools by not knowing her , out live the wise ; she visits cities , but she dwells in thrones . 4. care , which king aribert with conquest gain'd , and is more sure to him than realms intail'd ; wak'd him to know why rumor thus complain'd , or who in battail bled , or who prevail'd ? 5. young hurgonil ( who does his wounds conceal , yet knew it did his dutious care import that some just witness should his cause reveal ) sent tybalt to appease , and tast the court. 6. to that proud palace which once low did lie in parian quarries , now on columes stands : ionique props that bear their arches high , which conquer'd treasure rais'd with tuscan hands . 7. so vast of heighth , to which such space did fit as if it were o're-cyz'd for modern men ; the ancient giants might inhabit it ; and there walk free as winds that pass unseen , 8. the monarch's wealth this shew'd in all the parts ; but the attendant guards denote him wise ; who on the weather of his peoples hearts , for a short course , not voyages , relies . 9. through many guards ( all watchful , calm , and bold ) tybalt did pass the first magnifick square ; and through ascents does enter to behold , where the states head and eies assembled are . 10. there sa● the king , on whose consid'rate brow sixtie experienc'd summers he discern'd , which made him ripe , and all of conduct know that from success is own'd , from losses learn'd . 11. near him the empire 's strict surveyors sate ; whose universal fight no object lose ; who see not crimes too soon , nor worth too late ; find dangers seed , and choke it ere it grows . 12. he wealth nor birth preferr'd to councels place ; for counsel is for use , not ornament ; souls are alike , of rich and ancient race ; though bodies claim distinctions by descent . 13. here boyling youth , nor frozen age can sit : it would in subjects scorn of ruling breed , if that great work should such small ayds admit , and make them hope that they no rulers need . 14. nature too oft by birth-right does prefer less perfect monarchs to a busie throne ; yet more than her , courts by weak counc'lers err , in adding cyphers where she made but one . 15. to this wise king , sage tybalt did relate the combats cause , with truth's severe extent ; reveals that fire which kindl'd oswald's hate : for which such precious valour was misspent . 16. gives gondibert a just record of praise ; first how unwilling , then how bold in fight ; and crowns the conquer'd with the victor's baies , when manhood bids him do their valour right : 17. at last recounts the wounded and the slain ; and how prince hubert and the duke retir'd ; from nothing brave or great he did refrain , but his own deeds , which doing were admir'd . 18. this arribert with outward patience hears , though wounded by the cause for which they fought ; with mod'rate joy the death of oswald bears ; yet justly to extreams it inward wrought . 19. tybalt he now with peacefull looks discharg'd ; and then his thoughts ( imprison'd in his breast ) he straight by libertie of tongue inlarg'd ; which thus unto his councel he addrest . 20. with what a diff'rence nature's pallate tasts the sweetest draught which art provides her , pow'r : since pow'r , pride's wine , but high in relish last whilst fuming new , for time does turn it sow'r ? 21. yet pow'r , earth's tempting fruit , heav'n first did plant from mans first serpent safe , ambition's reach ; else eden could not serve ambition's want ; whom no command can rule , nor precept teach . 22. pow'r is that luscious wine , which does the bold , the wise , and noble most intoxicate ; ads time to youth , and takes it from the old ; yet i by surfeit this elixer hate . 23. i curse those wars that make my glory last ; for which the tuscan widows curse me more ; t●e barren fields where i in arms did fast , that i might furfeit on iuxurious pow'r . 24. thou hermegild , who art for valour crown'd , for honour trusted , and for wisdom heard ; and you whom counsel has no less renown'd , observe how virtue against peace has err'd . 25. still i have fought , as if in beauty's sight , out-suffer'd patience , bred in captives breasts ; taught fasts , till bodies like our souls grew light ; out-watch'd the jealous , and out-labour'd beas●● . 26. these were my merits , my reward is pow'r ; an outward trifle , bought with inward peace ; got in an age , and rifled in an hour ; when feav'rish love , the people's fit , shall cease . 27. for did not pow'r on their frail love depend , prince oswald had not treated with that love ; whose glory did in hastie darkness end ; a spark which vanish'd , as it upward strove . 28. by scorn of dangers and of ease , he sought ▪ the lombards hearts , my rhodalind , and crown ; and much his youth had by his practice wrought , had gondibert not levell'd his renown : 29. had gondibert not staid the peoples eyes ( whose virtue stept 'twixt oswald and their sight ) who knows but rhodalind had been his prise , or war must have secur'd paternal right . 30. sad and uneasie is a long-kept throne ; not that the people think long pow'r unjust , but that for change , they wish best monarchs gone ; fond change , the people's soon repented lust ! 31. i did advance ( though with some jealous pain ) a forward virtue to my subjects love ; lest one less temp'rat should their favour gain ; whom their unstudy'd choice would more approve . 32. to thee sage hermegild my self i leave , my fame and pow'r : thee action cannot waste ; caution retard , nor promptitude deceave ; slowness belate , nor hope drive on too fast . 33. think hubert heir to oswald's bold pretence ; to whom the camp at brescia is inclin'd ; the duke at bergamo will seek defence ; and these are seeds of war for rhodalind . 34. this said , his councel he dismiss'd , who spy'd a growing rage , which he would fain conceal ; they durst but nicely search , what he would hide , lest they inflame the wound that else might heal . 35. they haste to sev'ral cares , some to allay court's hectick feaver , faction ( which does reign where luxury , the syre of want , does sway ) some to appease th' alliance of the slain . 36. but order now bids us again pursue th' unweary'd motion of unhappie fame ; from fields to streets , from streets to court she flew ; where first she to the kings apartment came . 37. thence through the palace she her wings did air ; and as her wings , her tongue too never ceas'd ; like restless swallows in an evening fair : at last does on a peacefull dwelling rest . 38. where sleep does yet that gentle sex possess , who ne'r should more of care 's rude wakings know , but what may help sad lovers to success ; or imp loves wings when hymen thinks them slow . 39. there lovers seek the royal rhodalind ; whose secret breast was sick for gondibert ; and orna , who had more in publick pin'd for hurgonil , the monarch of her heart . 40. and there the killing laura did reside ; see , of whose eyes the lombard youth complain ; yet often she for noble arnold di'd ; and knew not now her murderer was slain . 41. nor hugo , who was all with love indu'd ; whom still with tears the lombard ladies name ; esteeming modern lovers false , and rude , and poets falser when they sing their fame . 42. these beauties ( who could soften tyrant kings ) sleep now conceal'd within there curtains shade ; till rudely fame , by shaking loud her wings disturb'd their eyes , and their wak'd hearts dismay'd . 43. they heard in parcels by imperfect sound , a tale too dismal to be understood ; that all their lovers lay in hallow'd ground ; temples their bodies hid , the fields their bloud . 44. that this dire morn to sad verona brought the duke and oswald , of lov'd life depriv'd ; and that of all who their fierce battel fought , onely the mangled hurgonil surviv'd . 45. this tale , fam's course , officious friends convey'd , ( which are attendant slaves , and palace grooms ) who by the lover of some busie maid , from outward courts sent it to inward rooms . 46. such horrour brought , where love had onely us'd , did yet breed more amazement than belief ; whilst orna now , and laura flie confus'd to r●odalind , truth 's altar , for relief . 47. there with disorder'd voyces they compare , and then derive what each has loosly learn'd ; each hope applies , where others most despair ; as doubting all but where her self's concern'd . 48. this weeping conf'rence had not lasted long , when tybalt , free from aribert's commands , scapes the assembling court 's inquiring throng , and enters here ; where first he doubtfull stands . 49. for pitie , when he ruin'd laura spi'de . bids his discretion artfully complain ; and shew far off , what truth not long can hide : death at a distance seen , may ease fears pain . 50. their bus'ness now he can no more forbear ; for who on their urg'd patience can prevail , whose expectation is provok'd with fear ? he therefore thus their patience did assail . 51. kind heav'n that gave you virtue , give you peace ; delightfull as your beauties be your minds ; still may your lovers your renown increase , though he who honour seeks , first danger finds ! 52 still may your beauty bear that ancient rate , which beautie was chaste honours merchandice ; when valor was chief factor in love's state ; danger , love's stamp , and beautie 's currant price . 53. renown'd be oswald , who in high belief of rhodalind , her love with danger sought ; in love's records be gondibert the chief , who for her right , not for his own has sought . 54. though these for mighty minds deserve fame's voice ; yet orna needs must boast of hurgonil ; whose dangers well have justifi'd her choice , and might alone fame's publick trumpet fill . 55. enlarg'd be honor's throne , that arnold there and hugo may for ever sit and rest , free from their valor 's toyls , and laura's fear ; which more than wounds disorder'd eithers breast . 56. this said , he paws'd ; finds each distrusts his art ; for hope and doubt came and return'd apace , in chang'd complexion from th' uncertain heart , like frighted scowts for tidings to the face . 57. his eie seem'd most imploy'd on rhodalind ; whose love above her bashful caution sways ; for naming gondibert , he soon did find , her secret soul shew'd pleasure at his praise . 58. yet when she found her comforts did not last , and that as oracles , the future taught he hid truth 's face , and darkned what was past ; thus truth through all her mourning vails she sought . 59. why in these ladies do you lengthen pain , by giving them grief 's common med'cin , doubt ? ease those with death , whose lovers now are slain ; life's fire a feaver is , when love's is out . 60. yet think not that my cares peculiar are ; perhaps i from religious pitie learn'd , in virtue 's publick loss to take some share ; for there , all but the vicious are concern'd . 61. your prudence , royal maid ( he straight replies ) more than your birth , may claim the lombards crown ; who'ere in conquest of your favour dies ; for life's lost inch , shall find a long renown . 62. then happy oswald who is sure to gain , even by ambition that undoes the wise ; great was th' attempt for which he 's nobly slain ; and gets him praise , though he has mist the prize . 63. but happier gondibert , who does survive to beg your mercy , that he thus hath dar'd to own that cause , for which the world might strive ; and conq'ring , takes his wounds for his reward . 64. be hurgonil long distant from his grave , whose life was so important in this cause ; who for each wound he took , a wider gave , and live●t ' enjoy the pleasure of applause . 65. to say , how hugo and lord arnold strove for victory , and mention their event , were to provide such fun'ral rites for love , as death would be closs mourner , and repent . 66. now laura's blood back to her liv●● fled ; true beautie 's mint : for by her heart l●ve's throne , beautie 's call'd in , like coyn , when kings are dead as if not currant , now her lover's gone . 67. and like her beauty , she had darkned life ▪ but that with sprinkled water they restore ▪ ( by sudden cold , with sudden heat a●strife ) her spirits to those walks they us'd before . 68. she arnold calls , then lost that ●●●e again , which rhodalind , and orna's tears ●e●one , who busily would her spent strength sustain , though hope has scarcely yet brought back their own . 69. now they her temples chaf'd , and straight prepare hot eastern fumes to reach her brains cool'd sence ▪ with wine 's ●●erce spirits these extracted are , which warm but slowly , though of swift expence . 70. yet now again she breath'd lord arnold's name , which her apt tongue through custom best exprest ; then to stay life , that so unwilling came , with cordial epithems they bath'd her breast . 71. th' attendant maids , by tyhalt's ready aid , to stop her mourners tears , convey her now where she may ease in her own curtain 's shade her weary heart , and grief more tongue allow . 72. no sooner was this pity'd laura gone , but oswald's sister , gartha the renown'd ▪ enters , as if the world were overthrown , or in the tears of the afflicted drown'd . 73. unconquer'd as her beauty was her mind ; which wanted not a spark of oswald's fire ▪ ambition lov'd , but ne'r to love was kind ▪ vex'd thrones did more than quiet shades desire . 74. her garments now in loose neglect she wore , as sured to her wild dis-shevell'd hair ; men in her shape might nature's work adore , yet ask , why art 's nice dress was absent there ? 75. but soon they found what made this change appear ; for meeting truth , which slowly follows fame , rage would not give her leasure for a tear to quench ( ere he thus spake ) her passions flame . 76. blasted be all your beauties rhodalind , till you a shame , and terrour be to light ; unwing'd be love , and slow as he is blind , who with your looks poyson'd my brothers sight ! 77. low and neglected be your father's throne , which like your beauty , oswald did ore-rate ; let luckless war take lands from his light crown , till those high cares he want that give it weight ! 78. let pow'rs consumption be his long disease , ( heav'ns vexing curb , which makes wild monarchs ●am ) and be he forc'd in froward age to please his favour 's monster , who devours his fame . 79. may you soon feel ( though secret in your love , as if your love were sin ) the publick scorn ! may gondibert , who is your glory , move your pitie , when none else but you shall mourn ! 80. to the dark inn ( where weary valour , free from thankless dangers rests ) brave oswald's gone ! but hubert may , though vanquish'd , live to see your victor with his victory undone ! 81. this said , she mounts ( with a tempestuous brow ) the chariot her calabrian coursers drew ; lifted by slaves ( who still about her bow ) as if with wings of swift revenge she flew . 82. to brescia's camp her course she had design'd ; and bids her tuscan cha●●ioter drive on , as if his steeds were dieted with wind ! slow seems their speed whose thoughts before them 〈◊〉 83. the pav'd streets kindle with her chariot wheels ! the omen of wars fire the citie spies , which with those sparks struck by her coursers heels , shine not so much as rage does in her eyes . 84. those that observ'd her anger , grief , and haste , with ancient roman melancholy mourn ; she seem'd their cities genius as she pass'd , who by their sins expell'd , would ne'r return . 85. the gentle ladies , she has left in tears , who no example need , nor cause to melt ; for soon even grief's alarms , our foremost tears , kill those whose pain by love's quick sence is felt . 86. and rhodalind her fatal love does blame , because she finds it now by gartha spy'd ; and does lament love's fire , which bashfull shame cannotreveal , nor her discretion hide . 87. she would not have it waste , nor publick grow , but last conceal'd like that in tullia's urn ; or that which prosp'rous chymists nicely show ; which as it thrives , must more in private burn . 88. yet straight ( grown valiant with her victors fate ) she would have hymen hold his torches high ; and love's fire priz'd , as vestals theirs did rate ; which none durst quench , though free to ev'ry eye . 89. resolves her love whilst this new valour lasts , shall undisguis'd her father's sight endure ; and orna now to her dear lover hastes ; whose outward wounds stay for her inward cure . 90. but here a wonder may arrest our thought , why tybalt ( of his usual pity void ) to such sost ears these direfull sorrows brought , since to the king he onely was employ'd ? 91. but these are ridles of mysterious love ! tybalt in private long for laura pin'd ; and try'd how arnold would her passion move in death , who living ever fill'd her mind ? 92. and by this trial how she arnold us'd , he gravely meant to urge or stay his heart ; but much by love the cautions are abus'd , who his wild ridles would reduce to art. canto the third . the argument . dead oswald to his camp by hubert brought ; the camp from pitie , are to furie wrought ; yet find , when gartha's looks does them surprise , their forward hands diverted by their eyes : till with her voice new urg'd , they deeds pursue which ever revenge would , had it eyes , eschew . 1. when from the fatal forrest hubert rode , to brescia he and borgie bent their way ; that their , though dead , yet much important load , they might with horrour to the camp convay . 2. revenge , impatient hubert proudly sought ▪ revenge , which even when just the wise deride ; for on past wrongs we spend our time and thought , which scarce against the future can provide . 3. but fame before him came , where those are b●ed who to her dismal tales , faint eredit give ; who could not think their mighty oswald dead , vvhilst they unconquer'd and unwounded live ▪ 4. nor could fame hope to make this camp her seat ; her tales , the talking , idle , fearfull , hear ; but these are silent as in sto●n retreat , busie as life , and like the dead , past fear . 5. near mela's flowry bank this army lay , vvhich oswald's syre , and oswald oft had led against the vandals king ; and twice the day they gain'd , whilst he from them and empire fled . 6. from youth expos'd , like 〈◊〉 in the field ; and not taught war ●●th , as citie infants are ; but colds and ●asts , to kill or to be kill'd ; like th' elements their birth began with war. 7. so rev'rend now , and strong in age appear , as if maintain'd by more than humane breath ; so grave , as if the councellours they were ▪ not executioners of tyrant death . 8. vvith silence ( order's help , and mark of ca●● ) they chid that noise which ●eedless youth effect ; still course for use , for health they cleanty were , and save in well fix'd arms , all niceness check'd . 9. they thought , those that unarm'd expos'd f●all life ; but naked nature valiantly betrai'd ; vvho was , though naked , safe , till pride made strife ; but made defence must use , now dangers made . 10. and those who toyl of armour cannot bide , lose nature's force , which these in custom find ; and make ( since strength 's but nature hou●ly try'd ) the body weak by softness of the mind . 11. they seem'd so calm , and with their age so grave , so just and civil in their killing trade , as if all life were crime but what they save ; or murder were by method lawfull made . 12. yet now that manhood which those victors makes ( so weak is man , where most he may be proud ) pitie , the tender'st of affections , shakes , and they become from order , loose , and loud . 13. for when they saw the brother of their chief led to their camp by a defeated train , they soon , too late scorn'd rumour , gave belief , and then by hubert's wounds thought oswald slain . 14. but when disguis'd in death they oswald saw , in a slow chariot brought , with fun'ral pace ; themselves in an united croud they draw ; and give all grief one universal face . 15. wonder ( which grows unactive by excess ) a while did their unruly passion stay ; the object lasting made their wonder less , which fled to give their grief and anger way . 16. yet first their grief ( which manhood should restrain ) they vent in womens sighs , with tears allay'd ; as if those women taught them to complain who by their swords are weeping widows made . 17. as icie rocks which frosts together bind , stand silent , till as silently they melt , but when they meet in currents unconfin'd , swell , and grow loud , as if they freedom felt ; 18. so these , unmov'd before , melt quietly in their first grief , till grief ( when tears meet tears , and sighs meet sighs from ev'ry breast and eye ) unruly grows , and danger's visage bears . 19. when hastily they heard by whose dire hand their gen'ral fell , they think it cold to pause till anger may be guided by command ; and vain to ask of cureless death the cause . 20. some would to bergamo their ensignes bear , against those youth which gondibert had led ; whom they in sacrifice would offer there , t' appease the living , and revenge the dead . 21. and some ( to shew their rage more eminent ( vvould to verona march , and there do deeds should make the shining court in blacks lament , and weep , whilst the victorious faction bleeds . 22. hubert ( who saw revenge advance so fast , vvhilst prudence , ●lower pac'd was left behind ) vvould keep their anger bent , yet slack their haste ; because the rash fall oftner then the blind . 23. he first their melting pity kindly prais'd , vvhich water'd anger 's forge , and urg'd their fire ; that like to meteors lasts by being rais'd , but when it first does sink , does strait expire . 24 commends their anger , yet that flame he prays may keep the temp'rate chymicks equal heat ; that they in surie might not need allays , nor charge so rashly as to want retreat . 25. begs they this dismal night would there remain , and make the hopeful morn their guid ; whilst grief ( which high revenge , as tameness should disdain ) sleep shall conceal , and give his wounds relief . 26 he vasco , paradine , and dargonet , vvith oswald , to the red pavilion sent ; ( death's equal pris'ners now for nature's debt ) and then retires with borgio to his sent . 27 this is the night the brescians so bemoan'd ; who left their beds , and on then walls appear'd ; as if th' oppressed world in earth-quakes groan'd , or that some ruin'd nation 's figh● they heard ; 28. admir'd what in that damp such griefs could raise , where serious death so oft had been abus'd , when even their sportive fencers monthly plays profan'd that shape , which states for terror us'd . 29 yet this loud mourning will no wonder breed , when we with life lay oswald's errors by , and use him as the living use the dead ; who first allow men virtue when they die . 30. still lib'ral of his life , of wealth as free ; by which he chief in fighting crowds became ; who must their leaders va●ors often see ; and follow them for bounty more than fame . 31. this gen'ral mourning was to loudness rais'd , by shewing gifts he gave , and wounds he took ; they chid at last his life which they had prais'd , because such virtue it so soon forsook . 32. now night , by grief neglected , hastes away ! and they the morn's officious usher spie , the closs attendant on the lord of day ; who shows the warmer of the world is nigh . 33 and now the drums , the camps low thunder , make war's thick united noise from ev'ry guard ; though they reveillees scorn , whom grief does wake , and sleep , think nature's curse , not toyls reward . 44. all night proud borgio ( chief in hubert's trust ) with haughtie hopes , the camp does waking keep : ambition is more vigilant than lust , and in hope 's feaver is too hot to sleep . 45. now day , and hubert haste to publick view ; his wounds ( unluckie more than dangerous ) are so refresh'd , that he the army drew to a wide gross , and urg'd their anger thus . 46. friends to my father ! in whose wounds i see they envy'd merit whence his triumphs came ; and fathers to my brother , and to me ; for onely you adopted us to fame ! 47. forgive me that i there have ●eebly ●ought , where oswald in your cause did nobly strive ; whence of his bloud these veins so much have brought , as makes me blush that i am still alive ! 48. gone is your fighting youth , whom you have bred from milkie childhood to the years of bloud ! by whom you joy'd so often to be led , where firm , as now your trophies , then you stood ! 49. gon is he now , who still with low regard bow'd to your age , your wounds as beautie kist ; knew age was of your temp'rance the reward ; and courts in beauty by your skars subsist . 50. yet was he not for mean pretensions slain , who for your int'rest , not his own has fought ; vex'd that the empire which your wounds did gain , was by a young unwounded army sought ! 41. for gondibert ( to whom the court must bow , now war is with your fav'rite overthrown ) will by his camp of boys at bergamo , wed her , who to your valour ows the crown . 42. blame not your chief for his ambitious fire ; who was but temp'rate , when he understood he might the empire in your right require ; the scant reward of your exhausted bloud . 43. thus hubert spake , but now so fierce they grow , that borgio strove to quench whom hubert warm'd ; to bergamo , they cry'd , to bergamo ! and as they soon were vex'd , as soon are arm'd . 44. for to distinct and spacions tents they hie , where quick as vests of persia shifted are , their arms ( which there in cleanly order lie ) they take from moving ward-robes of the war. 45. arm'd soon as porquipins ! as if like those , their very rage them with defence supplies ; as born with it , and must have winged foes that stoop from heav'n to harm them by surprise . 46. with ensigns now display'd , there force they draw to hastie order , and begin to move ; but are amus'd by something that they saw , which look'd like all that ere they heard of love. 47. unusual to their camp such objects were , yet this no ill effect from wonder wrought ; for it appeas'd them by approching near , and satisfi'd their eyes in all they sought . 48. and this was gartha in her chari'ot drawn ; who through the swarthie region of the night drove from the court ; and as a second dawn breaks on them like the morns reserve of light. 49. through all the camp she moves with fun'ral pace , and still bows meekly down to all she saw ; her grief gave speaking beautie to her face , which lowly look'd , that it might pitie draw . 50. when by her slaves her name they understood , her lines of feature heedfully they view , in her complexion track their gen'ral's bloud , and find her more than what by fame they knew . 51. they humbly her to that pavilion guide , where hubert his bold chiefs with furie fir'd ; but his ambition , when he gartha spy'd ( to give his sorrow place ) a while retyr'd . 52. with his respectfull help she does descend ; where they , with dear imbraces mingle tears , but now her male revenge would grief suspend ; revenge , through grief , too feminine appears . 53. but when her dear allies , dead paradine , and dargonet she saw : that manliness which her weak sex assum'd , she does decline ; as bred too soft , to mannage griefs excess . 54. then soon return'd , as loth to shew her eyes no more of oswald than she must forsake ; but sorrow's moisture heat of anger dries ; and mounted in her chariot , thus she spake : 55. if you are those of whom i oft have heard my father boast , and that have oswald bred ; ah , where is now that rage our tyrant fear'd ; whose darling is alive , though yours be dead ? 56. the court shines out at rhodalind's commands , to me ( your drooping flowre ) no beam can spare ; where oswald's name new planted by your hands , withers , as if it lost the planters care . 57. from rhodalind i thus disorder'd flie ; lest she should say , thy fate unpity'd comes ! go sing , where now thy fathers fighters lie , thy brothers requiem , to their conqu'ring drums ! 58. the happy fields by those grave warriours fought , ( which from the dictates of thy aged syre , oswald in high victorious numbers wrote ) thou shalt no more sing to thy silenc'd lyre ! 59. such scorns , pow'r on unlucky virtue throws , when courts with prosp'rous vices wanton are ; who your authentick age dispise for those , who are to you but infants of the war. 60. thus though she spake , her looks did more perswade ; like virtuous anger did her colour rise , as if th' injurious world it would invade , whilst tears of rage not pitie drown her eyes . 61. the sun did thus to threatned nature show his anger red , whilst guilt look'd pale in all ; when clouds of flouds did hang about his brow , and then shrunk back to let that anger fall . 62. and so she turn'd her face , not as to grieve at ruin , but to lisence what she rais'd ; whilst they ( like common throngs ) all tongues believe when courts are tax'd , but none when they are prais'd . 63. like commets , courts afflict the vulgar eye ; and when they largest in their glory blaze , people through ignorance think plag●es are nigh , and till they waste with mourning wonder gaze . 64. these scorn the courts dissertion for their age ; the active , ease impos'd , like pain endure ▪ for though calm rest does ages pains asswage , yet few the sickness own to get the cure . 65. to heav'n they lift their looks ! whose sun ne'r saw rage so agreed , as now he does behold ; their shining swords all at an instant draw , and bade him judge next day if they were old ! 66. and of verona wish'd him take his leave ; which ere his third return they will destroy , till none shall guess by ruins where to grieve , no more than phrygians where to weep for troy. 67. thus bergamo is soon forgot , whilst all aloud , verona cry ! verona must ( that reach'd the clouds ) low as her quaries fall ! they court they 'l bury in the cities dust . canto the fourth . the argument . at oswald's camp arrives wise her megild , whose presence does a new diversion yield ; in councel he reveals his secret breast ▪ would mingle love with empires interest : from rash revenge , 〈◊〉 ●●●c● the camp invites , who ▪ oswald's fun'ral grace with roman rites . 1. in this distemper whilst the humours strive t' assemble , they again diverted are ; for tow'rds their trenches twentie chariots drive , swiftly as syrians when they charge in war. 2. they hermegild with court attendants spy'd ; whose haste to hubert does advice intend ; to warn him that just fate can ne'r provide for rash beginnings a succesfull end . 3. but fate for hermegild provided well ; this story else ( which him the wise does call ) would here his private ruin sadly tell , in hastning to prevent the publick fall. 4. his noble bloud obscurely had been shed , his undistinguish'd limbs torn and unknown , as is the dust of victors long since dead , which march in april's watry eyes has blown . 5. such was their rage when on verona's way ( with his rich train ) they saw from court he came ; till some did their impetuous furie stay ; and gave his life protection for his fame , 6. told them his valour had been long allow'd , that much the lombards to his conduct ow ; and this preserv'd him , for the very crowd felt honour here , and did to valour bow . 7. vain wrath ! deform'd , unquiet child of pride ! which in a few the people madness call ; but when by number they grew dignify'd , what 's rage in one , is liberty in all . 8. through dangers of this lawless liberty , he like authentick pow'r does boldly pass ; and with a quiet and experienc'd eye , through death's foul vizard , does despise his face . 9. at hubert's tent alights , where hubert now with gartha of this torrent does advise ; which he believes does at the highest flow , and must like tides , sink when it cannot rise . 10. when hermegild he saw , he did disperse those cares assembled in his looks , and strove ( though to his master , and the court perverse ) to shew him all the civil signs of love. 11. for him in stormy war he glorious knew ; nor in calm counsels was he less renown'd ; and held him now to oswald's faction true , as by his love , the world's first tenure , bound . 12. for he ( though wasted in the ebb of blood , when man's meridian tow'rds his evening turns ) makes against nature's law , lov 's charter good , and as in raging youth for gartha burns . 13. who did his suit not onely disapprove , because the summer of his life was past ▪ and she fresh blown ; but that even highest love grows tasteless to ambition's higher taste . 14. yet now in such a great and single cause , with nice ambition , nicer loves complies ; and she ( since to revenge he usefull was ) perswades his hope with rhet'rick of her eyes . 15. a closs division of the tent they straight by outward guards secure from all resort ; then hermegild does thus the cause relate , which to the camp dispatch'd him from the court. 16. important prince ! who justly dost succeed to oswald's hopes , and all my loyal aid ; virtue as much in all thy wounds does bleed , as love in me , since wounded by that maid . 17. long have i sayl'd through times vexatious sea ; and first set out with all that youth is worth ; the tropicks pass'd of bloods hot bravery , with all the sayls , gay flags , and streamers forth ! 18. but as in hotter voyages , ships most decay their trim , yet then they chiefly gain by inward stowage , what is outward lost ; so men , decays of youth , repair in brain . 19. if i experience boast when youth decays , such vanity may gartha's pitie move , since so i seek your service by self-praise , rather than seem unusefull where i love . 20. and never will i ( though by time supply'd with such discretion as does man improve ) to shew discretion , wiser nature hide , by seeming now asham'd to say i love . 21. for love his pow'r has in grey senates shown , where he , as to green courts , does freely come ▪ and though loud youth , his visits makes more known , with graver age he 's poivately at home . 22. scarce oreece , or greater rome a victor shows , whom more victorious love did not subdue ; then blame not me who am so weak to those ; whilst gartha all exceeds , that ere they knew . 23. hope ( love's first food ) i ne'r till now did know ; which love , as yet but temp'rately devours , and claims not love for love , since gartha so for autumn leaves , should barter summer flowers . 24. i dare not vainly wish her to be kind , till for her love , my ar●s and pow'r bestow the crown on thee , ●dor●'d with rhodalind ; which yet for gartha is a price too low . 25. this said , he paws'd ; and now the hectick heat of oswald's blood , doubled their pul●es pace ; which high , as if they would be heard , did beat , and hot ambition shin'd in eithers face . 26. for hermegild they knew could much out-doe his words , and did possess great aribert , not in the courts cheap glass of civil show , but by a study'd tenure of the heart . 27. whilst this try'd truth does make their wishes sure , hubert on gartha looks , with suing eyes for hermegild , whose love she will endure , and make ambition yield what youth denies . 28. yet in this bargain of her self , she knows not how to treat ; but all her chief desires , bids hubert , as the twins of his , dispose to glory and revenge ; and then retires . 29. but with such blushes hermegild she leaves , as the unclouded evening's face adorn ; nor much he for her parting glory grieves , since such an evening bodes a happy morn . 30. now hermegild by vows does hubert binde , ( vows by their fate in lombard story known ) he gartha makes the price of rhodalind , and aribert his tenant to the crown . 31. he bids him now the armies rage allay ; by rage ( said he ) onely they masters are of those they chuse , when temp'rate to obay : against themselves th'impatient chiefly war. 32. we are the peoples pilots , they our winds ; to change by nature prone ; but art laveers , and rules them till they rise with stormy minds ; then art with danger against nature steers . 33. where calms have first amuz'd , storms most prevail ; close first with calms the courts suspicious eyes ; that whilst with all their ●rim they sleeping sail , a sudden gust may wrack them by surprize . 34. your army will ( though high in all esteem that ever rev'renc'd age to action gave ) but a small party to verona seem ; which yearly to such numbers yields a grave . 35. nor is our vast metropolis , like those tame towns , which peace has soft'ned into fears ; but death deform'd in all his dangers knows ; dangers , which he like frightfull vizards wears . 36. from many camps , who forreign winters felt , verona has her conqu'ring dwellers ta'ne ; in war's great trade , with richest nations dealt ; and did their gold and fame with iron gain . 37. yet to the mighty aribert it bows ; a king out-doing all the lombards line ! whose court ( in iron clad ) by courseness shows a growing pow'r , which fades when courts grow fine . 38. scorn not the youthfull camp at bergamo , for they are victors , though in years but young ; the war does them , they it by action know , and have obedient minds in bodies strong . 39. be slow , and stay for aids , which haste forsakes ! for though occasion still does sloth out-go , the rash , who run from help , she ne'r ore-takes , whose haste thinks time , the post of nature , slow . 40. this is a cause which our ambition fills ; a cause , in which our strength we should not waste , vainly like giants , who did heave at hills ; 't is too unwildy for the force of haste . 41. a cause for graver minds that learned are in mistick man ; a cause , which we must gain by surer methods than depend on war ; and respite valour , to employ the brain . 42. in the king's scale your merits are too light , who with the duke , weighs his own partial heart ; make then the gift of empire publick right , and get in rhodalind the peoples part . 43. but this rough side , the meeting multitude if we oppose , we make our voyage long ; yet when we with it row , it is subdu'd ; and we are wise , where men in vain are strong . 44. then to the people sue , but hide your force , for they believe the strong are still unjust ; never to armed sutors yield remorse ; and where they see the pow'r , the right distrust . 45. assault their pitie , as the weakest part , which the first plaintiff never fails to move ; they search but in the face to find the heart , and grief in princes , more than triumph , love . 46. and to prepare their pitie , gartha now should in her sorrows height with me return ; for since their eyes at all distresses flow , how will they at afflicted beauty mourn ? 47. much such a pledge of peace will with the king ( urg'd by my int'rest here ) my pow'r improve ; and much my power will to your int'rest bring , if from the watchfull court you hide my love. 48. if gartha deigns to love , our love must grow unseen , like mandrakes weeded under ground ; that i ( still seeming unconcern'd ) may know the kings new depths , which length of trust may sound ! 49. thus hermegild his study'd thoughts declar'd ; whilst hubert ( who believ'd , discover'd love . a solid pledge for hidden faith ) prepar'd ▪ to stay the camp so furious to remove . 50. and now their rage ( by correspondence spred ) borgio allays , that else like sparks of fire ( which drops at first might drown ) by matter fed , at last to quench the flame may seas require . 51. as with the sun they rose in wrath , their wrath so with his heat increas'd ; but now he hastes down heav'ns steep hill , to his atlantick bath , where he refreshes till his feaver wastes . 52. with his ( by borgin's help ) their heat declin'd ; so soon lov'd eloquence does throngs fubdue ; the common mistress to each private mind ; painted and dress'd to all , to no man true . 53. to court his gartha hermegild attends , and with old lovers vain poetick eyes , marks how her beauty , when the sun descends , his pity'd evening poverty supplies . 54. the army now to neighb'ring brescia bear , with dismal pomp , the slain : in hallow'd ground they paradine , and dargonet interr , and vasco much in painfull war renown'd . 55. to oswald ( whose illustrious roman mind shin'd out in life , though now in dying hid ) hubert these roman fun'ral rites assign'd , which yet the world's last law had not forbid . 56. thrice is his body clean by bathing made , and when with victor's oyl anointed ore , 't is in the palace gate devoutly laid , clad in that vest which he in battel wore . 57. whilst seven succeeding suns pass sadly by , the palace seems all hid in cypress boughs ; from ancient lore of man's mortalitie the type , for where 't is lopp'd it never grows . 58. the publick fun'ral voice , till these expire , cries out ; here greatness , tir'd with honour , rests ! come see what bodies are , when souls retire ; and visit death , ere you become his guests ! 59. now on a purple bed the corps they raise , whilst trumpets summon all the common quire in tune to mourn him , and disperse his praise ; and then move slowly tow'rds the fun'ral fire ! 60. they bear before him spoils they gain'd in war , and his great ancestours in sculpture wrought ; and now arrive , where hubert does declare how oft and well , he for the lombards fought . 61. here , in an altar's form , a pile is made of unctious fir , and sleepers fatal yew ; on which the body is by mourners laid , who there sweet gums ( their last kind tribute threw . ) 62. hubert his arm , westward , aversly stretch'd ; whilst to the hopefull east his eyes were turn'd ; and with a hallow'd torch the pyle he reach'd ; vvhich seen , they all with utmost clamour mourn'd . 63. vvhilst the full flame aspires , oswald ( they crie ) farewell ! we follow swiftly as the hours ! for with time's wings , tow'rds death , even cripples flie ! this said , the hungrie flame its food devours . 64. now priests with vvine the ashes quench , and hide the rev'renc'd reliques in a marble urn. the old dismissive ilicet is cry'd by the town voice , and all to feasts return . 65. thus urns may bodies shew ; but the fled mind the learn'd seek vainly ; for whose quest we pay , vvith such success as cosen'd shepherds find , vvho seek to vvizards when their cattel stray . canto the fifth . the argument . the house of astragon ; where in distress of nature , gondibert , for art's redress was by old ulfin brought : where arts hard strife , in studying nature for the ayd of life , is by full wealth and conduct easie made ; and truth much visited , though in her shade . 1. from brescia swiftly ore the bord'ring plain , return we to the house of astragon ; where gondibert , and his succesfull train , kindly lament the victorie they won . 2. but though i fame's great book shall open now , expect a while , till she that decad reads , which does this dukes eternal story show , and aged ulfin cites for special deeds . 3. where friendship is renown'd in ulfinore ; where th' ancient musick of delightfull verse ; does it no less in goltho's breast adore , and th' union of their equal hearts rehearse . 4. these wearie victors the descending sun led hither , where swift night did them surprise ; and where , for vatiant toils , wise astragon , with sweet rewards of sleep , did fill their eyes . 5. when to the need●e world day did appear , and freely op'd her treasurie of light , his house ( where art and nature tenants were ) the pleasure grew , and bus'ness of their sight . 6. where ulfin ( who an old domestick seems , and rules as master in the owners breast ) leads goltho to admire what he esteems ; and thus , what he had long observ'd , exprest . 7. here art by such a diligence is serv'd , as does th' unwearied planets imitate ; whose motion ( life of nature ) has preserv'd the world , which god vouchsaf'd but to create . 8. those heights , which else dwarf-life could never reach , here by the wings of diligence they climb ; truth ( skar'd with terms frō canting schools ) they teach ; and buy it with their best sav'd treasure , time. 9. here all men seem recov'rers of time past ; as busie as intentive emmets are ; as alarm'd armies that intrench in haste ; or cities , whom unlook'd-for sieges skare . 10. much it delights the wise observers eye , that all these toils direct to sev'ral skils ; some from the mine to the hot fornace hie , and some from flowrie fields to weeping stils. 11. the first to hopefull chymicks matter bring , where med'cine they extract for instant cure ; these bear the sweeter burthens of the spring ; whose virtues ( longer known ) though slow , are sure . 12. see there wet divers from fossone sent ! who of the seas deep dwellers knowledge give ; which ( more unquiet than their element ) by hungrie war , upon each other live . 13. pearl to their lord , and cordial coral these present ; which must in sharpest liquids melt ; he with nigella cures that dull disease they get , who long with stupid fish have dwelt . 14. others through quarries dig , deeply below where desart rivers , cold , and private run ; where bodies conservation best they know , and mines long growth , and how their veins begun . 15. he shews them now tow'rs of prodigious height , where nature's friends , philosophers , remain , to censure meteors in their cause and flight ; and watch the wind 's authoritie on rain . 16. others with optick tubes the moons scant sace ( vast tubes , which like long cedars mounted lie ) attract through glasses to so near a space , as if they came not to survey , but prie . 17. nine hastie centuries are now fulfill'd , since opticks first were known to astragon ; by whom the moderns are become so skill'd , they dream of seeing to the maker's throne . 18. and wisely astragon thus busie grew , to seek the stars remote societies ; and judge the walks of th' old , by finding new ; for nature's law in correspondence lies . 19. man's pride ( grown to religion ) he abates , by moving our lov'd earth ; which we think fix'd ; think all to it , and it to none relates ; with others motion scorn to have it mix'd : 20. as if 't were great and stately to stand still whilst other orbs dance on ; or else think all those vast bright globes ( to shew god's needless skill ) were made but to attend our little ball. 21. now near a sever'd building they discern'd ( which seem'd , as in a pleasant shade , retir'd ) a throng , by whose glad diligence they learn'd , they came frome toils which their own choice desir'd . 22. this they approch , and as they enter it their eyes were stay'd , by reading ore the gate , great natures office , in large letters writ ; and next , they mark'd who there in office sa●● . 23. old busie men , yet much for wisdom fam'd ; hastie to know , though not by haste beguild ; these fitly , natures registers were nam'd ; the throng were their intelligencers styl'd : 24. who stop by snares , and by their chace oretake all hidden beasts the closser forrest yields ; all that by secret sence their rescue make , or trust their force , or swiftness in the fields . 25. and of this throng , some their imployment have in fleeting rivers , some fixed lakes beset ; where nature's self , by shifts , can nothing save from trifling angles , or the swall'wing net. 26. some , in the spacious ayr , their prey oretake , cos'ning , with hunger , faulcons of their wings ; whilst all their patient observations make , which each to natures office duely brings . 27. and there of ev'ry fish , and foul , and beast , the wil●s those learned registers record , courage , and fears , their motion and their rest ; which they prepare for their more learned lord. 28. from hence to nature's nurserie they go ; where seems to grow all that in eden grew ; and more ( if art her mingled species show ) tha● th'hebrew king , nature's historian , knew . 29. impatient simplers climb for blossoms here : when dews ( heav'n's secret milk ) in unseen showrs first feed the early childhood of the year ; and in ripe summer , stoop for hearbs and flowers . 30. in autumn , seed , and berries they provide ; where nature a remaining force preserves ; in winter dig for roots , where she does hide that stock , which if consum'd , the next spring stervs . 31. from hence ( fresh nature's flowrishing estate ! ) they to her wither'd receptacle come : where she appears the loathsome slave of fate ; for here her various dead possess the room . 32. this dismall gall'ry , lofty , long and wide ; was hung with s●●litons of ev'ry kind ; humane , and all that learned humane pride thinks made t' obey man's high immortal mind . 33. yet on that wall hangs he too , who so thought ; and she dry'd by him , whom that he obay'd ; by her an el'phant that with heards had fought , of which the smallest beast made her afraid . 34. next it , a whale is high in cables ty'd , vvhose strength might herds of elephants controul ; then all , ( in payres of ev'ry kind ) they spyd , vvhich death's wrack leaves , of fishes , beasts & fowl. 35. these astragon ( to watch with curious eie the diff'rent tenements of living breath ) collects , with what far travailers supplie ; and this was call'd , the cabinet of death . 36. vvhich some the monument of bodies , name ; the ark , which saves from graves all dying kinds ; this to a structure led , long known to fame , and call'd , the monument of vanish'd minds . 37. vvhere , when they thought they saw in well sought books , th' assembled souls of all that men held wise , it bred such awful rev'rence in their looks , as if they saw the buryd writers rise . 38. such heaps of written thoughts ( gold of the dead ▪ vvhich time does still disperse , but not devour ) made them presume all was from deluge free'd , which long-liv'd authours writ ere noah's showr . 39. they saw egyptian roles , which vastly great , did like faln pillars lie , and did display the tale of natures life , from her first hear , till by the flood o're-cool'd , she felt decay . 40. and large as these ( for pens were pencils then ) others that egypts chiefest science show'd ; vvhose river forc'd geometry on men , vvhich did distinguish what the nyle o're-flow'd . 41. near them , in piles , chaldean cos'ners lie ; who the hid bus'ness of the stars relate ; who make a trade of worshipp'd prophesie ; and seem to pick the cabinet of fate . 42. there persian magi stand , for wisdom prais'd ; long since wise states-men , now magicians thought ; altars and arts are soo● to fiction rais'd , and both would have , that miracles are wrought . 43. in a dark text , these states-men left their minds ; for well they knew , that monarch's misterie ( like that of priests ) but little rev'rence finds , when they the curtain ope to ev'ry eye . 44. behind this throng , the talking greeks had place ; who nature turn'd to art , and truth disguise , as skill does native beautie oft deface ; with terms they charm the weak , and pose the wise . 45. now they the hebrew , greek , and roman spie ; who for the peoples ease , yoak'd them with law ; whom else , ungovern'd lusts would drive awrie ; and each his own way frowardly would draw . 46. in little tomes these grave first lawyers lie , in volumes their interpreters below ; who first made law an art , than misterie ; so clearest springs , when troubled , cloudie grow . 47. but here , the souls chief book did all precede ; our map tow'rds heav'n to common crowds deny'd ; vvho proudly aym to teach , ere they can read ; and all must stray , where each will be a guide . 48. about this sacred little book did stand unwieldy volumes , and in number great ; and long it was since any readers hand had reach'd them from their unfrequented seat. 49. for a deep dust ( which time does softly shed , where onely time does come ) their covers bear ; on which , grave spiders , streets of webs have spred ; subtle , and slight , as the grave writers were . 50. in these , heav'ns holy fire does vainly burn ; nor warms , nor lights , but is in sparkles spent , where froward authours , with disputes , have torn the garment seamless as the firmament . 51. these are the old polemicks , long since read , and shut by astragon ; who thought it just , they , like the authours ( truth 's tormentors ) dead , should lie unvisited , and lost in dust . 52. here the arabian's gospel open lay , ( men injure truth , who fiction nicely hide ) where they the monk's audacious stealth survay , from the world's first , and greater second guide . 53. the curious much perus'd this , then , new book ; as if some secret ways to heav'n it taught ; for straying from the old , men newer look , and prise the found , not finding those they sought . 54. we , in tradition ( heav'ns dark map ) descrie heav'n worse than ancient maps far indian show ; therefore in new , we search where heav'n does lie ; the minds sought ophir , which we long to know . 55. or as a planter , though good land he spies , seeks new , and when no more so good he finds , doubly esteems the first ; so truth men prise ; truth , the discov'ry made by trav'ling minds . 56. and this false book , till truly understood by astragon , was openly display'd as counterfeit , false princes , rather shou'd be shewn abroad , than in closs prison laid . 57. now to the old philosophers they come ; who follow'd nature with such just despair , as some do kings far off ; and when at home , like courtiers boast , that they deep secret share . 58. near them are grave dull moralists ; who give counsel to such , as still in publick dwell ; at se● , at courts , in camps , and cities live , and scorn experience from th'unpractis'd cell . 59. aesop with these stands high , and they below ; his pleasant wisdom mocks their gravitie ; who virtue like a tedious matron show , he dresses nature to invite the eye . 60. high skill their ethicks seems whilst he stoops down to make the people wise ; their learned pride makes all obscure , that men may prise the gown , with ease lie teaches , what with pain they hide . 61. and next ( as if their bus'ness rul'd mankind ) historians stand , big as their living looks ; who thought swift time they could in fetters bind ; till his confessions they had ta'ne in books . 62. but time oft scap'd them in the shades of night ; and was in princes closets oft conceal'd , and hid in battels smoke ; so what they write of courts and camps , is oft by guess reveal'd . 63. near these , physitians stood ; who but reprieve life like a judge , whom greater pow'r doe● aw ▪ and cannot an almighty pardon give ; so much yields subject art to nature's law. 64. and not weak art , but nature we upbraid , when our frail essence proudly we take ill ; think we are rob'd , when first we are decay'd , and those were murder'd whom her law did kill . 65. now they refresh , after this long survay , with pleasant poets , who the soul sublime ; fame's her auids , in whose triumphs they make way ; and place all those whom honour helps to climb . 66. and he , who seem'd to lead this ravish'd race , was heav'ns lov'd la●reat , that in jewry writ ; whose harp approach'd gods ear , though none his face durst see , and first made inspiration , wit. 67. and his attendants , such blest poets are , as make unblemish'd love , courts best delight ; and sing the prosp'rous battels of just war ; by these the loving , love , and valiant , fight . 68. o hireless science ! and of all alone the liberal ! meanly the rest each state in pension treats , but this depends on none ; whose worth they rev'rendly forbear to rate . canto the sixth . the argument . how astragon to heav'n his duty pays in pray'r , and penitence , but most in praise : to these he sev'ral temples dedicates : and ulfin their distinguish'd use relates . religion's rites , seem here , in reasons sway ; though reason must religion's laws obay . 1. the noble youths ( reclaim'd by what they saw ) would here unquiet war , as pride , for sake ; and study quiet nature's pleasant law , which schools , through pride , by art uneasie make . 2. but now a sudden shout their thoughts diverts ! so chearfull , general , and loud it was , as pass'd through all their ears , and fill'd their hearts ; which lik'd the joy , before they knew the cause . 3. this ulfin by his long domestick skill does thus explain , the wise i here observe , are wise tow'rds god ; in whose great service still , more than in that of kings , themselves they serve . 4. he who this building 's builder did create , as an apartment here triangular ; where astragon three fanes did dedicate , to days of praise , of penitence , and pray'r . 5. to these , from diff'rent motives , all proceed ; for when discov'ries they on nature gain , they praise high heav'n which makes their work succe 〈…〉 but when it falls , in penitence complain . 6. ●f after praise , new blessings are not giv'n , nor mourning penitence can ills repair , like practis'd beggers , they solicite heav'n , and will prevail by violence of pray'r . 7. the temple built for pray'r , can neither boast the builder's curious art , nor does declare by choice materials he intended cost ; to shew , that nought should need to tempt to pray'r . 8. no bells are here ! unhing'd are all the gates ! since craving in distress is natural , all lies so ope that none for ent'rance waits , and those whom faith invites , can need no call . 9. the great have by distinction here no name ; for all so cover'd come , in grave disguise , to shew none come for decency or fame ) that all are strangers to each others eyes . 10. but penitence appears unnatural ; for we repent what nature did perswade ; and we lamenting men's continu'd fall , accuse what nature necessary made . 11. since the requir'd extream of penitence seems so severe , this temple was design'd , ●olemn and strange without , to catch the sense , and dismal shew'd within , to aw the mind . 12. of sad black marble was the outward frame , a mourning monument to distant sight ) ●ut by the largeness when you near it came , it seem'd the palace of eternal night . 13. black beauty ( which black meroens had prais'd above their own ) gravely adorn'd each part ; in stone , from nyle's head quarries , slowly rais'd , and slowlyer polish'd by numidi an art. 14. hither a loud bells tole , rather commands , than seems t' invite the persecured ear ; a summons nature hardly understands ; for few , and flow are those who enter here . 15. within a dismal majesty they find ! all gloomy great , all silent does appear ! as chaos was , ere th' elements were design'd ; man 's evil fate seems hid and fashion'd here . 16. here all the ornament is rev'rend black ; here , the check'd sun his universal face stops bashfully , and will no enterance make ; as if he spy'd night naked through the glass . 17. black curtains hide the glass ; whilst from on high a winking lamp still threatens all the room ; as if the lazy flame just now would die : such will the sun's last light appear at doom ! 18. this lamp was all , that here inform'd all eyes ; and by refléx , did on a picture gain some few false beams , that thence from sodom rise ; where pencils seign the fire which heav'n did rain . 19. this on another tablet did reflect , where twice was drawn the am'rous magdaline ; whilst beauty was her care , then her neglect ; and brightest through her tears she seem'd to shine . 20. near her , seem'd crncifi'd , that lucky thief ( in heav'ns dark lot'ry prosp'rous , more than wife ) who groap'd at last , by chance , for heav'ns relief , and throngs undoes with hope , by one drawn prize . 21. in many figures by reflex were sent , through this black vault ( instructive to the mind ) that early , and this tardy penitent ; for with obsidian stone 't was chiefly lin'd . 22. the seats were made of ethiops swarthy wood , abstersive ebony , but thinly fill'd ; for none this place by nature understood ; and practise , when unpleasant , makes few skill'd . 23. yet these whom heav'ns mysterious choice fetch'd in , quickly attain devotion 's utmost scope ; for having softly mourn'd away their sin , they grow so certain , as to need no hope . 24. at a low door they enter'd , but depart through a large gate , and to fair fields proceed ; where astragon makes nature last by art , and such long summers shews , as ask no seed . 25. whilst ulfin this black temple thus exprest to these kind youths , whom equal soul endeers ; goltho and ulfinore , ( in friendship blest ) a second gen'ral shout salutes their ears . 26. to the glad house of praise this shout does call ! to pray'r ( said he ) no summons us invites , because distress does thither summon all ) as the loud tole to penitence excites . 27. but since dull men , to gratitude are slow , and joy'd consent of hearts is high heav'ns choice ; to this of praise , shouts summon us to go ; of hearts assembled , the unfeigned voice . 28. and since , wise astragon , with due applause , kind heav'n , for his success , on nature pays ; this day , victorious art , has given him cause , much to augment heav'ns lov'd reward of praise . 29. for this effectual day his art reveal'd , what has so oft made nature's spies to pine , the load-stones mystick use , so long conceal'd in closs allyance with the courser mine . 30. and this in sleepy vision , he was bid to register in characters unknown ; which heav'n will have from navigators hid , till saturn's walk be twenty circuits grown . 31. for as religion ( in the warm east bred ) and arts ( which next to it most needfull were ) from vices sprung from their corruption , fled ; and thence vouchsaf'd a cold plantation here ; 32. so when they here again corrupted be , ( for man can even his antidotes insect ) heav'ns reserv'd world they in the west shall see ; to which this stone 's hid virtue will direct . 33. religion then ( whose age this world upbraids , as scorn'd deformitie ) will thither steer ; serv'd at fit distance by the arts , her maids , which grow too bold , when they attend too neer . 34. and some , whom traffick thither tempts , shall thence in her exchange ( though they did grudge her shrines , and poorly banish'd her to save expence ) bring home the idol , gold , from new-found mines . 35. till then , sad pilots must be often lost , vvhilst from the ocean's dreaded face they shrink ; and seeking safetie near the cos'ning coast , vvith winds surpris'd , by rockie ambush sink . 36 or if success rewards , what they endure , the vvorlds chief jewel , time , they then ingage and forfeit ( trusting long the cynosure ) to bring home nought but wretched gold , and age. 37. yet when this plague of ignorance shall end , ( dire ignorance , with which god plagues us most , whilst we not feeling it , him most offend ) then lower'd sayls no more shall tie the coast. 38. they with new tops to fore-masts and the main , and misens new , shall th' ocean's breast invade ; stretch new sayls out , as arms to entertain those winds , of which their fathers were afraid . 39. then ( sure of either pole ) they will with pride , in ev'ry storm , salute this constant stone ! and scorn that star , which ev'ry cloud could hide ; the sea-men's spark ! which soon , as seen , is gone ! 40. 't is sung , the ocean shall his bonds untie , and earth in half a globe be pent no more ; typhis shall sail , till thube he discrie , but a domestick step to distant shore ! 41. this astragon had read ; and what the greek , old ●r●ti●s in egyptian books had found ; by which , his travail'd soul , new worlds did seek , and div'd to find the old atlantis drown'd . 42. grave ulfin thus discours'd ; and now he brings the youths to view the temple built for praise ; where olive , for th' olimpian victor springs ; mirtle , for love's ; and for war's triumph , bays . 43. these , as rewards of praise about it grew ; for lib'ral praise from an aboundant mind does even the conqueror of fate subdue ; since heav'n's good king is captive to the kind . 44. dark are all thrones to what this temple seem'd , whose marble veins out-shin'd heav'n's various bow ; and would ( eclipsing all proud rome esteem'd ) to northern eies , like eastern mornings show . 45. from paros i●le , was brought the milkie white ; from sparta , came the green , which cheers the view ; from araby , the blushing ●ni●hite , and from the misnian hills , the deeper blew . 46. the arched front did on vast pillars fall ; where all harmonious instruments they spie drawn out in boss ; which from the astrigall to the flat e●ise in apt resemblance lie . 47. toss'd cymbals ( which the sullen jews admir'd ) were figur'd here , with all of ancient choice that joy did ere invent , or breath inspir'd , or flying fingers touch'd into a voice . 48. in statue o're the gate , god's fav'rite-king the author of celestial praise ) did stand ; his quire ( that did his sonnets set and sing ) in niches rang'd , attended either hand . 49. from these , old greeks sweet musick did improve ; the solemn dorian did in temples charm , the softer lydian sooth'd to bridal love , and warlick phrygian did to battail warm ! 50. they enter now , and with glad rev'rence saw glory , too solid great to taste of pride ; so sacred pleasant , as preserves an awe ; though jealous priests , it neither praise nor hide , 51. tapers and lamps are not admitted here ; those , but with shadows , give false beauty grace ; and this victorious glory can appear unvayl'd before the sun's meridian face : 52. whose eastern lusture rashly enters now ; where it his own mean infancy displays ; where it does man's chief obligation show , in what does most adorn the house of praise ; 53. the great creation by ●old pencils drawn ; where a feign'd curtain does our eies forbid , till the sun's parent , light , first seem to dawn from quiet chaos , which that curtain hid . 54. then this all-rev'renc'd sun ( god's hasty spark struck out of chaos , when he first struck light ) flies to the sphears , where first he found all dark , and kindled there th'unkindled lamps of night . 55. then motion , nature's great preservative , tun'd order in this world , life's restless inn ; gave tydes to seas , and caus'd stretch'd plants to live ; else plants but seeds , and seas but lakes had bin . 56 but this fourth fiat , warming what was made , ( for light ne'r warm'd , till it did motion get ) the picture fills the world with woodie shade ; to shew how nature thrives by motion's heat . 57. then to those woods the next quick fiat brings the feather'd kind ; where merrily they fed , as if their hearts were lighter than their wings ; for yet no cage was fram'd , nor net was spred . 58. the same fifth voice does seas and rivers store ; then into rivers brooks the painter powres , and rivers into seas ; which ( rich before ) return their gifts , to both exhal'd in showrs . 59. this voice ( whose swift dispatch in all it wrought , seems to denote the speaker was in haste , as if more worlds were framing in his thought ) ads to this world one fiat , as the last . 60. then straight an universal herd appears ; first gazing on each other in the shade ; wond'ring with levell'd eyes , and lifted ears , then play , whilst yet their tyrant is unmade . 61. and man , the painter now presents to view ; haughtie without , and busie still within ; whom , when his furr'd and horned subjects knew , their sport is ended , and there fears begin . 62. but here ( to cure this tyrant's sullenness ) the painter has a new false curtain drawn ; where beauty 's hid , creation to express ; from thence , harmless as light , he makes it dawn . 63. from thence breaks lovely forth , the worlds first maid ; her breast , love's cradle , where love quiet lies ; nought yet had seen so soul , to grow afraid , nor gay , to make it crie with longing eyes , 64. and thence , from stupid sleep , her monarch steals ; she wonders , till so vain his wonder grows , that it his feeble sov'reigntie reveals ; her beautie then , his manhood does depose . 65. deep into shades the painter leads them now ; to hide their future deeds ; then storms does raise ore heav'n's smooth face , because their life does grow too black a storie for the house of praise . 66. a noble painted vision next appears ; where all heav'ns frowns in distant prospect waste ; and nought remains , but a short showre of tears , shed , by its pitie , for revenges past . 67. the worlds one ship , from th ▪ old to a new world bound , fraighted with life ( chief of uncertain trades ! ) after five moons at dri●t , lies now aground ; where her frail stowage , she in haste unlades . 68. on persian caucasus the eight descend , and seem their trivial essence to deplore , griev'd to begin this world in th' others end , and to behold wrack'd nations on the shore . 69. each humbled thus his beasts led from aboard , as fellow-passengers , and heirs to breath ; joynt tenants to the vvorld , he not their lord ; such likeness have we in the glass of death . 70. yet this humilitie begets their joy ; and taught , that heav'n ( which fully sin survays ) vvas partial where it did not quite destroy ; so made the whole vvorld's dirge their song of praise . 71. this first redemption to another led , kinder in deeds , and nobler in effects ; that but a few did respit from the dead , this all the dead from second death protects . 72. and know , lost nature , this resemblance was thy frank redeemer in ascension shown ; vvhen hell he conquer'd in thy desp'rate cause ; hell , which before man's common grave was grown . 73. by an imperial pencil this was wrought ; ronnded in all the curious would behold ; vvhere life came out , and met the painters thought ; the force was tender , though the strokes were bold . 74. the holy mourners , who this lord of life ascending saw , did seem with him to rise ; so well the painter drew their passions strife , to follow him with bodies , as with eyes . 75. this was the chief which in this temple did , by pencils rhethorick to praise perswade ; yet to the living here , compar'd , seems hid ; vvho shine all painted glory into shade . 76. lord astragon a purple mantle wore , where nature's storie was in colours wrought ▪ and though her ancient text seem'd dark before , 't is in this pleasant comment clearly taught . 77. such various flowrie wreaths th' assembly wear , as shew'd them wisely proud of natures pride ; which so adorn'd them , that the cour●est here did seem a prosp'rous bride-groom , or a bride . 78. all shew'd as fresh , and ●all , and innocent , as virgins to their lovers first survay ; joy'd as the spring , when march his sighs has spent , and april's sweet rash tears are dry'd by may. 79. and this confed'rate joy so swell'd each breast , that joy would turn to pain without a vent ▪ therefore their voices heav'n's renown exprest ; though tongues ne'r reach , what minds so nobly ment . 80. yet musick here shew'd all her art 's high worth ; whilst virgin-trebbles , ●eem'd , with bashfull grace , to call the bolder marry'd tenor forth ; whose manly voice challeng'd the giant base . 81. to these the swift soft instruments reply ; whisp'ring for help to those whom winds inspire ; whose louder notes , to neighb'ring forrests flie , and summon nature's voluntarie quire. 82. these astragon , by secret skill had taught , to help , as if in artfull consort bred ; who sung , as if by chance on him they thought , whose care their careless merry fathers fed. 83. hither , with borrow'd strength , duke gondibert was brought , which now his rip'ning wounds allow ; and high heav'ns praise in musick of the heart , he inward sings , to pay a victor's vow . 84. praise , is devotion fit for mightie minds ! the diff'ring world's agreeing sacrifice ; vvhere heav'n divided faiths united finds ; but pray'r in various discord upward flies . 85. for pray'r the ocean is , where diversly men steer their course , each to a sev'ral coast ; vvhere all our int'rests so discordant be , that half beg winds by which the rest are lost . 86. by penitence , when we our selves forsake , 't is but in wise design on pitious heav'n ; in praise we nobly give , what god may take , and are without a beggers blush forgiv'n . 87. it s utmost force , like powder 's , is unknown ! and though weak kings excess of praise may fear , yet when 't is here , like powder , dang'rous grown , heav'ns vault receives , what would the palace tear . canto the seventh . the argument . the duke 's wish'd health in doubtfull wounds assur'd ; who gets new wounds before the old are cur'd : nature in birtha , art's weak help derides , which strives to mend , what it at best but hides ; shews nature's courser works , so hid , more course , as sin conceal'd and uncon●es●'d , grows worse . 1. let none our lombard authour rudely blame , who from the story has thus long digrest ; but for his righteous pains , may his fair fame for ever travel , whilst his ashes rest . 2. ill could he leave art's shop of nature's store ; where she the hidden soul would make more known ; though common faith seeks souls , which is no more than long opinion to religion grown . 3. a while then let this sage historian stay with astragon , till he new wounds reveals , and such ( though now the old are worn away ) as balm , nor juice of pyr●l , never heals . 4. to astragon , heav'n for succession gave one onely pledge , and birtha was her name ; whose mother slept , where flowers grew on her grave , and she succeeded her in face , and fame . 5. her beauty , princes , durst not hope to use , unless , like poets , for their morning theam ; and her minds beauty they would rather chuse , which did the light in beautie 's lanthorn seem . 6. she ne'r saw courts , yet courts could have undone with untaught looks , and an unpractis'd heart ; her nets , the most prepar'd , could never shun ; for nature spred them in the scorn of art. 7. she never had in busie cities bin , ne'r warm'd with hopes , nor ere allay'd with fears ; not seeing punishment , could guess no sin ; and sin not seeing , ne'r had use of tears . 8. but here ▪ her father's precepts gave her skill , which with incessant bus'ness fill'd the hours ; in spring , she gather'd blossoms for the still , in autumn , berries ; and in summer , flow'rs . 9. and as kind nature with calm diligence her own free virtue silently employs , whilst she , unheard , does rip'ning growth dispence , so were her virtues busie without noise . 10. whilst her great mistress , nature , thus she tends , the busie houshold waits no less on her ; by secret law , each to her beauty bends ; though all her lowly mind to that prefer . 11. gracious and free , she breaks upon them all with morning looks ; and they when she does rise , devoutly at her dawn in homage fall , and droop like flow'rs , when evening shuts her eyes . 12. the sooty chymist ( who his sight does waste , attending lesser fires ) she passing by , broke his lov'd lymbick , through enamour'd haste , and let , like common dew , th' elixar flie . 13. and here the grey ▪ philosophers resort , who all to her , like crafty courtiers , bow ; hoping for secrets now in nature's court ▪ which onely she ( her fav'rite maid ) can know . 14. these , as the lords of science , she respects , and with famillar beams their age she chears , yet all those civil forms seem but neglec●s to what she shews , when astragon appears . 15. for as she once from him her being took , she hourly takes her law● reads with swift sight his will , even at the op'ning of his look , and shews , by haste , obedience her delight ▪ 16. she makes ( when she at distance to him bows ) his int'rest in her mother's beauty known , for that 's th' orig'nal whence her copy ' grows , and near orig'nals , copies are not shown . 17. and he , with dear regard , her gifts does wear of flow'rs , which she in mystick order ties , and with the sacrifice of many a tear salutes her loyal mother in her eyes . 18. the just historians , birtha thus express , and tell how by her syres example taught , she serv'd the wounded duke in life's distress , and his fled spirits back by cordials brought . 19. black melancholy mists , that fed despair through wounds long rage , with sprinkled vervin cleer'd strew'd leaves of willow to refresh the air , and with rich fumes his sullen sences cheer'd . 20. he that had serv'd ▪ great love with rev'rend heart , in these old wounds , worse wounds from him endures , for love , makes birtha shift with death , his dart , and she kills faster than her father cures . 21. her heedless innocence as little knew ▪ the wounds she gave , as those from love she took ; and love lifts high each secret sha●t he drew ; which at their stars he first in triumph shook ! 22. love he had lik'd , yet never lo●g'd before ; but finds him now a bold unquier guest ; who climbs to windows , when we shut the door ; and enter●d , never lets the master rest . 23. so strange disorder ; now he pines for health , makes him conceal this revelle● with shame ; she not the robber knows , yet feels the stealth , and never but in songs had heard his name . 24. yet then it was , when she did smile at hearts which countrey lovers wea● in bleeding seals ▪ ask'd where his pretty godhead found such da●●s , as make those wounds that onely hymen heals . 25. and this , her ancient maid , with sharp complaint● heard , and rebuk'd ; shook her experienc'd head , with tears ●osought her not to jest at saints , nor mock those martyrs , love had captive led . 26. nor think the pions poets ere would waste ▪ so many tears in ink , to make maids mourn , i● injur'd lovers had in ages past ▪ the lucky mirtle , more than willow worn . 27. this grave rebuke , officious memory presents to birtha's thought ; who now believ'd such sighing songs , as tell why lovers die , and prais'd their faith , who wept , when poets griev ' 28. she , full of inward questions , walks alone , to take her heart aside in secret shade ; but knocking at her breast , it seem'd , or gone , or by confed'racie was useless made ; 29. or else some stranger did usurp its room ▪ one so remote , and new in ev'ry thought , as his behaviour shews him not at home , nor the guide sober that him thither brought . 30. yet with this forreign heart , she does begin to treat of love , her most unstudy'd theam ; and like young conscienc'd casuists , thinks that sin , which will by talk and practise lawfull seem . 31. with open ears , and ever-waking eyes , and flying feet , love's fire she from the sight of all her maids does carry , as from spies ; jealous , that what burns her , might give them light . 32. beneath a mirtle covert now does spend in maids weak wishes , her whole stock of thought ; fond maids ! who love , with minds fine stuff would mend , which nature purposely of bodies wrought , 33. she fashions him she lov'd of angels kind , such as in holy story were employ'd to the first fathers from th' eternal mind , and in short vision onely are enjoy'd . 34. as eagles then , when nearest heav'n they flie ; of wild impossibles soon weary grow ; feeling their bodies find no rest so high , and therefore pea●ch on earthly things below : 35. so now she yields ; him she an angel deem'd shall be a man ; the name which virgins fear ; yet the most harmless to a maid he seem'd , that ever yet that fatal name did beat . 36. soon her opinion of his hurtless heart , affection turns to faith ▪ and then loves fire to heav'n , though bashfully , she does impart ; and to her mother in the heav'nly quire. 37. if i do love , ( said she ) that love ( o heav'n ! ) your own disciple , nature , bred in me ; why should i hide the passion you have given , or blush to shew effects which you decree ? 38. and you , my alter'd mother ( grown above great nature , which you read , and rev'renc'd here ) chide not such kindness , as you once call'd love , when you as mortal as my father were . 39. this said , her soul into her breasts retires ! with love's vain diligence of heart she dreams her self into possession of desires , and trusts unanchor'd hope in fleeting streams . 40. already thinks , the duke her own spous'd lord , cur'd , and again from bloody battel brought , where all false lovers perish'd by his sword , the true to her for his protection sought . 41. she thinks how her imagin'd spouse and she , so much from heav'n , may by her virtues gain ; that they by time shall ne'r oretaken be , no more than time himself is overta'ne . 42. or should he touch them as he by does pass , heav'ns favour may repay their summers gone , and he so mix their sand in a slow glass , that they shall live , and not as two , but one. 43. she thinks of eden-life ; and no rough wind , in their pacifique sea shall wrinkles make ; that still her lowliness shall keep him kind , her cares keep him asleep , her voice awake . 44. she thinks , if ever anger in him sway ( the youthfull warriours most excus'd disease ) such chance her tears shall calm , as showres allay the accidental rage of winds and seas . 45. she thinks that babes proceed from mingling eyes , or heav'n from neighbourhood increase allows , as palm , and the mamora fructifies ; or they are got , by closs exchanging vows . 46. but come they ( as she hears ) from mothers pain , ( which by th' unlucky first-maids longing , proves a lasting curse ) yet that she will sustain , so they be like this heav'nly man she loves . 47. thus to her self in day-dreams birtha talks ; the duke ( whose wounds of war are healthfull grown ) to cure love's wounds , seeks birtha where she walks ▪ whose wandring soul , seeks him to cure her own . 48. yet when her solitude he did invade . shame ( which in maids is unexperienc'd fear ) taught her to wish night's help to make more shade , that love ( which maids think guilt ) might not appear . 49. and she had fled him now , but that he came so like an aw'd , and conquer'd enemy , that he did seem offenceless , as her shame ; as if he but advanc'd for leave to flie . 50. first with a longing sea-mans look he gaz'd , who would ken land , when seas would him devour ; or like a fearfull scout , who stands amaz'd to view the foe , and multiplies their pow'r . 51. then all her knowledge which her father had he dreams in her , through purer organs wrought ; whose soul ( since there more delicately clad ) by lesser weight , more active was in thought . 52. and to that soul thus spake , with trembling voice , the world will-be ( o thou , the whole world's maid ! ) since now 't is old enough to make wise choice , taught by thy mind , and by thy beauty sway'd . 53. and i a needless part of it , unless you 'd think me for the whole a delegate , to treat , for what they want of y●●● excess , virtue to serve the universal state. 54. nature ( our first example ) and our queen , whose court this is , and you her minion maid , the world , thinks now , is in her sickness seen , and that her noble influence is decay'd . 55. and the records so worn of her first law , that men , with art's hard shifts , read what is good ; because your beautie many never saw , the text by which your mind is understood . 56. and i with the apostate world should grow , from sov'reign nature , a revolted slave , but that my luckie wounds brought me to know , how with their cure , my sicker mind to save . 57. a mind still dwelling idly in mine eyes , where it from outward pomp could ne'r abstain ; but even in beautie , cost of courts did prise , and nature unassisted , thought too plain . 58. yet by your beautie now reform'd , i find all other onely currant by false light ; or but vain visions of a feav'rish mind ; too slight to stand the test of waking sight . 59. and for my healthfull mind ( diseas'd before ) my love i pay ; a gift you may disdain , since love to you , men give not , but restore ; as rivers to the sea restore the rain . 60. yet eastern kings , who all by birth possess , take gifts , as gifts , from vassals of the crown ; so think in love , your propertie not less , by my kind giving what was first your own . 61. lifted with love ▪ thus he with lovers grace , and love's wild wonder , spake ; and he was rais'd so much with rev'rence of this learned place , that still he fear'd to injure all he prais'd . 62. and she in love unpractis'd and unread , ( but for some hints her mistress , nature , taught ) had it , till now , like grief with silence fed ; for love and grief are nourish'd best with thought . 63. but this closs diet love endures not long ; he must in sighs , or speech , take ayr abroad ; and thus , with his interpreter , her tongue , he ventures forth , though like a stranger aw'd . 64. she said , those virtues now she highly needs , which he so pow'rfully does in her praise , to check ( since vanitie on praises feed ) that pride , which his authentick words may raise . 65. that if her pray'rs , or care , did ought restore of absent health , in his bemoan'd distress ; she beg'd , he would approve her duty more , and so commend her feeble virtue less , 66. that she , the payment he of love would make , less understood , than yet the debt she knew ; but coyns unknown suspitiously we take , and debts , till manifest , are never due . 67. with bashfull looks besought him to retire , lest the sharp ayr should his new health invade ; and as she spake , she saw her reverend syre approach to seek her in her usual shade . 68. to whom with filial homage she does how ; the duke did first at distant duty stand , but soon imbrac'd his knees ; whilst he more low does bend to him , and then reach'd birtha's hand . 69. her face , o recast with thought , does soob● tray th' assembled spirits , which his eies detect ●y her pale look , as by the milkie way , men first did the assembled stars suspect . 70. ●r as a pris'ner , that in prison pines , still at the utmost window grieving lies ; even so her soul , imprison'd , sadly shines , as if it watch'd for freedom at her eys ! 71. this guides him to her p●lse , th' alarum bell , which waits the insurrections of desire ; and rings so fast , as if the cittadell , her newly conquer'd breast , were all one fire ! 72. then on the duke , he casts a short survay ; whose veins , his temples , with deep purple grace ; then love's dispair gives them a pale allay ; and shifts the whole complexion of his face . 73. nature's wise spie does outward with them walk ; and finds , each in the midst of thinking starts ; breath'd short , and swiftly in disoder'd talk , to cool , beneath love's torrid zone , their hearts , 74. when all these symptones he observ'd , he knows from alga , which is rooted deep in seas , to the high cedar that on mountains grows , no sov'raign hearb is found for their disease . 75. he would not nature's eldest law resist , as if wise nature's law could be impure ; but birtha with indulgent looks dismist , and means to counsel , what he cannot cure . 76. with mourning gondibert he walks apart , to watch his passions force , who seems to bear by silent grief , two tyrants ore his heart , great love , and his inferiour tyrant , fear . 77. but astragon such kind inquiries made , of all which to his art 's wise cares belong , as his sick silence he does now disswade , and midst love's fears , give courage to his tongue . 78. then thus he spake with love's humilitie ; have pitie father ! and since first so kind , you would not let this worthless bodie die , vouchasafe more nobly to preserve my mind ! 79. a mind so lately luckie , as it here has virtue 's mirrour found , which does reflect such blemishes as custom made it wear , but more authentick nature does detect . 80. a mind long sick of monarchs vain disease ; not to be fill'd , because with glorie fed ; so busie it condemn'd even war of ease , and for their useless rest despis'd the dead . 81. but since it here has virtue quiet sound , it thinks ( though storms were wish'd by it before ) all sick at least at sea , that scape undrown'd , whom glory serves as wind to leave the shore . 82. all virtue is to yours but fashion now , religion , art ; internals are all gone , or outward turn'd , to satisfie with show , not god , but his inferiour eye , the sun. 83. and yet , though virtue be as fashion sought , and now religion rules by art's prais'd skill ; fashion is virtue 's mimmick , falsly taught , and art , but nature's ape , which plays her ill . 84. to this blest house ( great nature's court ) all courts compar'd , are but dark closets for retreat of private minds , battels but childrens sports ; and onely simple good , is solid great . 85. let not the mind , thus freed from errour 's night , ( since you repriev'd my body from the grave ) perish for being how in love with light , but let your virtue , virtue 's lover save . 86. birtha i love ; and who loves wisely so , steps far tow'rds all which virtue can attain ; but if we perish , when tow'rds heav'n we go , then have i learnt that virtue is in vain . 87. and now his heart ( extracted through his eyes in love's elixar , tears ) does soon subdue old astragon ; whose pitie , though made wise with love's false essences , likes these as true . 88. the duke he to a secret bowr does lead , where he his youths first storie may attend ; to guesse , ere he will let his love proceed ; by such a dawning , how his day will end . 89. for virtue , though a rarely planted flow'r , was in the seed now by this florist known ; who could foretel , even in springing hour , what colours she shall wear when fully blown . canto the eighth . the argument . birtha her first unpractis'd love bewails , whilst gondibert on astragon prevails , by shewing , high ▪ ambition is of use , and glory in the good needs no excuse . goltho a grief to ulfinore reveals , whilst he a greater of his own conceals . 1. birtha her griefs to her apartment brought , where all her maids to heav'n were us'd to ra●●● their voices , whilst their busie fingers wrought to deck the altar of the house of praise . 2. but now she finds their musick turn'd to care ; their looks allay'd , like beautie over-worn ; silent and sad as with ring fav'rites are , who for their sick indulgent monarch mourn . 3. thula ( the eldest of this silenc'd quire ) when birtha at this change astonish'd was , with hastie whisper , begg'd her to retire ▪ and on her knees thus tells their sorrows cause . 4. forgive me such experience , as too soon , shew'd me unluckie love ; by which i guess how maids are by their innocence undone , and trace those sorrows that them first oppress . 5. forgive such passion as to speech perswades , and to my tongue my observation brought ; and then forgive my tongue , which to your maids , too rashly carry'd , what experience taught . 6. for since i saw this wounded stranger here , your inward musick still untun'd has been ; you , who could need no hope , have learnt to feat , and practis'd grief , ere you did know to sin. 7. this being love , to agatha i told ; did on her tongue , as on still death reli● but winged love , she was too young to hold , and , wanton-like , let it to others flie . 8. love , who in whisper scap'd , did publick grow ; which makes them now their time in silence waste ; makes their neglected beedles move so slow , and through their eyes , their hearts dissolve so fast . 9. for oft , dire tales of love has fill'd their heads ; and while they doubt you in that tyrant's pow'r , the spring ( they think ) may visit woods and meads , but scarce shall hear a bird , or see a flow'r . 10. ah how ( said birtha ) shall i dare confess my griefs to thee , love's rash , impatient spie ; thou ( thula ) who didst r●● to tell thy guess , with secrets known , wilt to confession flie . 11. but if i love this prince , and have in heav'n made any friends by vows , you need not fear he will make good the feature , heav'n has given ▪ and be as harmless ●s his looks appear . 12. yet i have heard , that men whom maids think kind , calm , as forgiven saints , at their last hour , oft prove like seas , inrag'd by ev'ry wind , and all who to their bosoms trust , devour . 26. howere heav'n knows , ( the witness of the mind ) my hear●bears men nomalice , nor esteems young princes of the common cruel kind , nor love so foul as it in story seems . 27. yet if this prince brought love , what ere it be , i must suspect , though i accuse it not ; for since he came , my med●'nal huswiserie , confections , and my stils , are all forgot . 28. blossoms in winds , berries in frosts may fall ! and flow'rs sink down in rain ! for i no more shall maids to woods , for early gath'rings call , no● haste to gardens to prevent a showre . 29. this said , retires ; and now a lovely shame that she reveal'd so much , possess'd her cheeks ; in a dark lanthorn she would bear love's flame , to hide her self , whilst she her lover seeks . 30. and to that lover let our song return ▪ whose tale so well was to her father told , as the philosopher did seem to mourn that youth had reach'd such worth , and he so old . 31. yet birtha was so precious in his eyes , her vanish'd mother still so near his mind , that farther yet he thus his prudence tries , ere such a pledge he to his trust resign'd . 32. whoere ( said he ) in thy first story looks , shall praise thy wise conversing with the dead ; for with the dead he lives , who is with books , and in the camp ( death's moving palace ) bred . 20. wise youth , in books and battels early finds what thoughtless lazy men perceive too late ; books shew the utmost conquests of our minds ; battels , the best of our lov'd bodies fate . 21. yet this great breeding , joyn'd with kings high blood ( whose blood ambition's feaver over-heats ) may spoil digestion , which would else be good , as stomachs are deprav'd with highest meats . 22. for though books serve as diet of the mind , if knowledge , early got , self-value breeds , by false digestion it is turn'd to wind ; and what should nourish , on the eater feeds . 23. though wars great shape best educates the sight , and makes small soft'ning objects less our care ; yet war , when urg'd for glory , more than right , shews victors but authentick murd'rers are . 24. and i may fear that your last victories , where glory's toyls , and you will ill abide . ( since with new trophies still you fed your eyes ) those little objects which in shades we hide . 25. could you in fortunes smiles , foretel her frowns , our old foes slain , you would not hunt for new ; but victors , after wreaths , pretend at crowns , and such think rhodalind their valour 's due . 26. to this the gentle gondibert replies ; think not ambition can my duty sway , look on rhodalin'd with subjects eyes , whom he that conquers , must in right obay . 27. and though i humanely have heretofore all beauty lik'd , i never lov'd till now ; nor think a crown can raise his value more , to whom already heav'n does love allow . 28. though , since i gave the hunns their last defeat , i have the lombards ensigns outward led , ambition kindled not this victors heat , but 't is a warmth my fathers prudence bred . 29. who cast on more than wolvish man his eye , man's necessary hunger judg'd , and saw that caus'd not his devouring maladie ; but like a wanton whelp he loves to gnaw . 30. man still is sick for pow'r , yet that disease nature ( whose law is temp'rance ) ne'r inspires ; but 't is a humour , does his manship please , a luxury , fruition onely tires . 31. and as in persons , so in publick states , the lust of pow'r provokes to cruel war ; for wisest senates it intoxicates , and makes them vain , as single persons are . 32. men into nations it did first divide ; whilst place , scarce distant , gives them diff'rent stiles ; rivers , whose breadth inhabi●ants may stride , parts them as much as continents , and isles . 33. on equal , smooth , and undistinguish'd ground , the lust of pow'r does liberty impair , and limits by a border and a bound , what was before as passable as air. 34. whilst change of languages oft breeds a war , ( a change which fashion does as oft obtrude as womens dress ) and oft complexions are , and diff'rent names , no less a cause of fou● . 35. since men so causelesly themselves devour , ( and hast'ning still , their else too hasty fates , act but continu'd massacres for pow'r , ) my father meant to chastise kings , and states . 36. to overcome the world , till but one crown ▪ and universal neighbourhood he saw ; till all were rich by that alliance grown , and want no more should be the cause of law. 37. one family the world was first design'd , and though some fighting kings so sever'd are , that they must meet by help of seas and wind , yet when they fight , 't is but a civil war. 38. nor could religions heat , if one rul'd all , to bloody war the unconcern'd allure ; and hasten us from earth , ere age does call ; who are ( alas ) of heav'n so little sure . 39. religion , ne'r till divers monarchies , taught that almighty heav'n needs armies aid ; but with contentious kings she now complies , who seem for their own cause , of god's afraid . 40. to joyn all sever'd pow'rs ( which is to end the cause of war ) my father onward fought ; by war the lombard scepter to extend till peace were forc'd , where it was slowly sought . 41. he lost in this attempt his last dear blood ; and i ( whom no remoteness can deterre , if what seems difficult , be great and good ) thought his example could not make me erre . 42. no place i merit in the book of fame ! whose leaves are by the greeks and romans fill'd ; yet i presume to boast , she knows my name , and she has heard to whom the hunns did yield . 43. but let not what so needfully was done , though still pursu'd , make you ambition fear ; for could i force all monarchies to one , that universal crown i would not wear . 44. he who does blindly ●oar at rhodalind , mounts like feel'd doves , still higher from his ease ; and in the lust of empire he may find , high hope does better than fruition please . 45. the victor's solid recompence is rest ; and 't is unjust , that chiefs who pleasure shun , toyling in youth , should be in age opprest with greater toyls , by ruling what they won . 46. here all reward of conquest i would find , leave shining thrones for birtha in a shade , with nature's quiet wonders fill my mind ; and praise her most , because she birtha made . 47. now astragon ( with joy suffic'd ) perceiv'd how nobly heav'n for birtha did provide ; o●t had he for her vanish'd mother griev'd , ●ut ●an this joy , less than that sorrow hide . 48. with tears , bids gondibert to heav'ns eye make all good within , as to the world he seems ; and in gain'd birtha then from hymen take all youth can wish , and all his age esteems . 49. straight to his lov'd philosophers he hies , who now at nature's counsel busie are to trace new lights , which some old gazer spies , whilst the duke seeks more busily his star. 50. but in her search , he is by goltho stay'd , who in a closs dark covert folds his arms ; his eyes with thought grow darker than that shade , such thought as brow and breast with study warms . 51. fix'd to unheeded object is his eye ▪ his sences he calls in , as if t' improve by outward absence inward extasie , such as makes prophets , or is made by love. 52. awake ( said gondibert ) for now in vain thou dream'st of sov'reignty ▪ and war's success ; hope , nought has left , which worth should wish to gain ; and all ambition is but hope's excess . 53. bid all our worthies to unarm , and rest ! for they have nought to conquer worth their care ; i have a father's right in birtha's breast , and that 's the peace for which the wise make war. 54. at this starts goltho , like some armie 's chief , whom unintrench'd , a midnight larum wakes , by pawse then gave disorder'd sence relief , and this reply with kindled passion makes : 55. what means my prince to learn so low a boast , whose merit may aspire to rhodalind ? for who could birtha miss if she were lost , that shall by worth the others treasure find ? 56. when your high blood , and conquests shall submit to such mean joys , in this unminded shade , let courts , without heav'ns lamps , in darkness sit , and war become the lowly shepheard's trade . 57. birtha , ( a harmless cottage ornament ! ) may be his bride , that 's born himself to serve ; but you must pay that blood your anny spent , and wed that empire which our wounds deserve . 58. this brought the dukes swi●t anger to his eyes ; which his consid'rate heart rebuk'd as fast ; he goltho chid , in that he nought replies ; leaves him , and birtha seeks with lovers haste . 59. now goltho mourns , yet not that birtha's fair ; or that the duke shuns empire for a bride , but that himself must joyn love to despair ; himself who loves her , and his love must hide . 60. he curs'd that him the wounded hither brought from oswald's field ; where though he wounds did scape in tempting death , and here no danger sought , yet here met worse than death in beauty's shape . 61. he was unus'd to love , as bred in wars , and not till now for be●uty leasure had ; yet bore love's load , as youth bea●s other c●res ; till now despair makes love's old weight too ●ad . 62. but ulfinore , does hither aptly come , his second breast , in whom his griefs excess he may ebb out , when they ore-flow at home ; such griefs , as thus in throngs for utt'rance press . 63. forgive me that so falsly am thy friend ! no more our hearts for kindness shall contest ; since mine i hourly on another spend , and now imbrace thee with an empty brest . 64. yet pard'ning me , you cancel nature's fault ; who walks with her first force in birtha's shape , and when she spreads the net to have us caught , it were in youth presumption to escape . 65. when birtha's grief so comly did appear , whilst she beheld our wounded duke's distress ; then first my alter'd heart began to fear , lest too much love should friendship dispossess ; 66. but this whilst ulfinore with sorrow hears , him goltho's busier sorrow little heeds ; and though he could reply in sighs and tears , yet governs both , and goltho thus proceeds . 67. to love's new dangers i have gone unarm'd ; i lack'd experience why to be afraid , was too unlearn'd to read how love had harm'd , but have his will as nature's law obay'd . 68. th'obedient and defenceless , sure ; no law afflicts , for law is their defence , and pow'r ; yet me , loves sheep , whom rigour needs not aw , wolf-love , because defenceless , does devour : 69. gives me not time to perish by degrees , but with despair does me at once destroy ; for none who gondibert a lover sees , thinks he would love , but where he may enjoy . 70. birtha he loves ; and i from birtha fear death that in rougher figure i despise ▪ this ulfinore did with distemper hear , yet with dissembled temp'rance thus replies : 71. ah goltho ! who love's feaver can asswage ? for though familiar seems that old disease ; yet like religion's fit , when peoples rage , few cure those evils which the patient please . 72. natures religion , love , is still perverse ; and no commerce with cold discretion hath , for if discretion speak when love is fierce , 't is wav'd by love , as reason is by faith. 73. as gondibert left goltho when he heard ▪ his saint profan'd , as if some plague were nigh ; so goltho now leaves ulfinore , and fear'd to share such veng'ance , if he did not flie . 74. how each at home ore-rates his miserie , and thinks that all are musical abroad , unfetter'd as the winds , whilst onely he of all the glad and licenc'd world is aw'd ? 75. and as cag'd birds are by the fowler set to call in more , whilst those that taken be , may think ▪ ( though they are pris'ners in the net ) th'incag'd , because they ne'r complain , are free . 76. so goltho ( who by ulfinore was brought here where he first love's dangers did perceive in beautie 's field ) thinks though himself was caught , th' inviter safe , because not heard to grieve . 77. but ulfinore ( whom neighbourhood led here ) impressions took before from birtha's sight ; ideas , which in silence hidden were , as heav'n's designs before the birth of light. 78. this from his father ulfin he did hide , who , strict to youth , would not permit the best reward of worth , the bosom of a bride , should be but after virtuous toils possest . 79. for ulfinore ( in blooming honour yet ) though he had learnt the count'nance of the foe , and though his courage could dull armies whet , the care ore crouds , nor conduct could not know ; 80. nor varie battels shapes in the foes view ; but now in forreign fields means to improve his early arts , to what his father knew , that merit ●o might get him leave to love . 81. till then , check'd passion , shall not venture forth : and now retires with a disorder'd heart ; griev'd , lest his rival should by early'r worth get love's reward , ere he can gain desert . 82. but stop we here , like those who day-light lack ; or as misguided travellers that rove , oft find their way by going somewhat back ; so let 's return , thou ill conductour love ▪ 83. thy little grecian godhead as my guide i have attended many a winter night ; to seek whom time for honour's sake would hide , since in mine age sought by a wasted light : 84. but ere my remnant of life's lamp be spent , whilst i in lab'rinths stray amongst the dead ; i mean to recollect the paths i went ▪ and judge from thence the steps i am to tread . 85. thy walk ( though as a common deitie the croud does follow thee ) misterious grows : for rhodalind may now closs mourner die , since gondibert , too late , her sorrow knows . 86. young hurgonil above dear light prefers calm orna , who his highest love out-loves ; yet envious clouds in lombard registers orecast their morn , what ere their evening proves . 87. for fatal laura trustie tybalt pines ; for haughtie gartha , ●ubtle hermegild ; whilst she her beautie , youth , and birth declines ; and as to fate , does to ambition yield . 88. great gondibert , to bashfull birtha bends ; whom she adores like virtue in a throne ; whilst ulfinore , and goltho ( late vow'd friends by him ) are now his rivals , and their own . 89. through ways thus intricate to lovers urns , thou lead'st me , love , to shew thy trophies past ; where time ( less cruel than thy godhead ) mourns in ruins , which thy pride would have to last . 90. where i on lombard monuments have read old lovers names , and their fam'd ashes spy'd ; but less can learn by knowing they are dead , and such their tombes ; than how they liv'd and dy'd . 91. to paphos flie ! and leave me sullen here ! this lamp shall light me to records , which give to future youth , so just a cause of fear , that it will valour seem to dare to live . the end of the second book . gondibert . the third book . written by the authour during his imprisonment . canto the first . the argument . the people , left by gartha , leave to mourn ; and worship hermegild for her return . the wounded hurgonil by orna cur'd : their loyal loves by marriage plight assur'd . in laura's hasty change , love's pow'r appears , and tybalt seeks the kindness which he fears . 1. when sad verona saw in gartha's shape ( prais'd ; departed peace brought back , the court they and seem'd so joy'd as cities which escape a siege , even by their own brave sallys rais'd . 2. and hermegild , to make her triumph long , through all the streets his chariot slowly drove ; whilst she endures the kindness of the throng , though rude , as was their rage , is now their love . 3. on hermegild ( so longingly desir'd from hubert's camp ) with childish eyes they gaze ; they worship now , what late they but admir'd , and all his arts to mightie magick raise . 4. on both they such a 〈…〉 t bl●●●ings throw , as if those num'rous priests who here reside , ( loath to out-live this joy ) assembled now in haste to bless the ●ayti● e'r● they ●yd ▪ . 5. thus dignify'd , and ●rown'd through all the streets to court they come ; where them wi●e aribert not weakly with a publick passion meets ; but in his open'd face conceal'd his heart . 6. with mod'rate joy he took this pledge of peace , because great joys infer to judging eys ▪ the mind distress'd before ; and in distress , thrones , which are jealous forts , think all are spies . 7. yet , by degrees , a soul delighted shows to gartha , whom he leads to rhodalind ; and soon to hermegild as artless grows as maids , and like succesfull lovers kind . 8. and rhodalind , though bred to daily sight of courts feign'd faces , and pretended hearts , ( in which disguises courts take no delight , but little mischiefs shun by little arts. ) 9. she , when she gartha●aw ●aw , no kindness faign'd ; but faithfully her former rage excus'd ; for now she others sorrows entertain'd , as if to love , a maid's first sorrow us'd , 10. yet did her first with cautious gladness meet ; then soon from grave respect to fondness grew ; to kisses in their taste and odour sweet , as hybla hony , or arabian dew . 11. and gartha like an eastern monarch's bride , this publick love with bashfull homage took , for she had learn'd from hermegild to hide a rising heart , behind a falling look . 12. thus , mask'd with meekness , she does much intreat a pardon for that storm her sorrow rais'd ; which rhodalind more fues she would forget , unless to have so just a sorrow prais'd . 13. soon is this joy through all the court dispers'd ; so high they vallue peace , who daily are in prides invasions , private faction , vers'd ; the small , but fruitfull seed of publick war. 14. whilst thus sweet peace had others joys assur'd , orna with hopes of sweeter love was pleas'd ; for of war's wounds brave hurgonil was cur'd ; and those of love , which deeper reach'd , were ●as'd . 15. in both these cures her sov'raign help appears , since as her double patient he receiv'd for war's wounds , balm , dropp'd in her precious tears , and love's , her more accepted vows , reliev'd . 16. she let no medc'nal flow'r in quiet grow , no art lie hid , nor artist ease his thought , no fane be shut , no priest from altars go , nor in heav'n's quire no saint remain unsought , 17. nor more her eys could ease of sleep esteem than sleep can the world's eye , the sun , conceal ; nor breath'd she but in vows to heav'n , or him , till heav'n , and she , his diff'rent wounds did heal . 18. but now she needs those ayds she did dispence ; for scarce her cures were on him perfect grown , e're shame afflicts her for that diligence , which love had in her fits of pity shown . 19. when she ( though made of shunning bashfulness ) whilst him in wounds a smarting feaver burn'd , invok'd remotest aydes to his redress , and with a loud ungovern'd kindness mourn'd . 20. when o're him then , whilst parting life she ru'd , her kisses saster ( though unknown before ) then blossoms fall on parting spring , she strew'd ; than blossoms sweeter , and in number more . 21. but now when from her busie maid she knew how wildly grief had led her love abroad , unmask'd to all , she her own pris'ner grew ; by shame , a virgin 's native conscience , aw'd . 22. with undirected eies which careless rove , with thoughts too singly to her self confin'd , she blushing starts at her remember'd love , and grievs the world had eyes , when that was blind . 23. sad darkness , which does other virgins fright , now boldly and alone , she entertain'd ; and shuns her lover , like the traytor , light , till he her curtains drew , and thus complain'd . 24. why , bashfull maid , will you your beauty hide , because your fairer mind , your love , is known ? so jewellers conceal with artfull pride their second wealth , after the best is shown . 25. in pity's passion you unvail'd your mind ; let him not fall , whom you did help to climb ; nor seem by being bashfull so unkind , as if you think your pity was a crime . 26. o useless shame ! officious bashfulness ! virtues vain sign , which onely there appears where virtue grows erroneous by excess , and shapes more sins , than frighted conscience fears . 27. your blushes , which to meer complexion grow , you must , as nature , not as virtue own ; and for your open'd love , you but blush so as guiltless roses blush that they are blown . 28. as well the morn ( whose essence poets made , and gave her bashfull eyes ) we may believe does blush for what she sees through night's thin shade , as that you can for love discover'd grieve . 29. arise ! and all the flow'rs of ev'ry mead ( which weeping through your stils my health restor'd ) ●ring to the temple to adorn your head , and there where you did worship , be ador'd . 30. ●his with a low regard ( but voice rais'd high by joys of love ) he spake ; and not less kind ●as now ( ent'ring with native harmony , like forward spring ) the blooming rhodalind : 31. ●●ke summer , goodly gartha , fully blown ; laura , like autumn , with as ripe a look ; ●●t shew'd , by some chill griefs , her sun was gone , arnold , from whom she life 's short glory took . 32. like winter , hermegild ; yet not so gray and cold , but that his fashion seem'd to boast , that even weak winter is allow'd some day , and the air clear , and healthfull in a frost . 33. all these , and tybalt too ( unless a spie he be , watching who th●ives in laura's sight ) came hither , as in kind conspiracy , to hasten orna to her marriage plight . 34. and now the priests prepare for this high vow all rites that to their laws can adde a grace ; to which the sequent knot they not allow , till a spent morn recovers all her face . 35. and now the streets like summer me●ds appear ! for with sweet strewings maids left gardens bare , as lovers wish their sweeter bosoms were , when hid unkindly by dis ▪ shevell'd hair. 36. and orna now ( importun'd to possess ▪ her long wish'd joys ) breaks through her blushes so , as the fair morn breaks through her rosyness ; and from a like guilt did their blushes grow . 37. she thinks her love 's high sickness now appears a fit so weak , as does no med'cine need ; so soon societie can cure those fears on which the coward , solitude , does feed . 38. they with united joy blest hurgonil and orna to the sacred temple bring ; whilst all the court in triumph shew their skill , as if long bred by a triumphant king. 39. such days of joy , before the marriage day , the l●●bards long by custom had embrae't ; custom , which all , rather than law obay , for laws by force , customs , by pleasure last . 40. and wisely ancients by this needfull snare of guilded joys , did hide such bitterness as most in marriage swallow with that care , which bashfully the wise will ne'r confess . 41. 't is sates-mens musick , who states fowle●s be , and singing birds , to catch the wilder , set ; so bring in more to tame societie ; for wedlock , to the wild , is the states net. 42. and this loud joy , before the marriage rites , like battels musick which to fights prepare , many to strise and sad success invites ; for marriage is too oft but civil war. 43. a truth too amply known to those who read great hymen's roles ; though he from lovers eyes hides his most tragick stories of the dead , lest all , like goths , should 'gainst his temples rise . 44. and thou ( what ere thou art , who dost perchance with a hot reader 's haste , this song pursue ) may'st find , too soon , thou dost too far advance , and wish it all unread , or else untrue . 45. for it is sung ( though by a mourning voice ) that in the ides before these lovers had , with hymens publick hand , confirm'd their choice , a cruel practise did their peace invade . 46. for hermegild , too studiously foresaw the counts alliànce with the duke 's high blood , might from the lombards such affection draw , as could by hubert never be withstood . 47. and he in haste with gartha does retire , where thus his breast he opens to preyent , that hymen's hallow'd torch may not take fire , when all these lesser lights of joy are spent . 48. high heav'n ( from whose best lights your beauty grows , born high , as highest minds ) preserve you still from such , who then appears resistless foes , when they allyance joyn to arms and skill ! 49. most by conjunction planets harmfull are ; so rivers joyning overflow the land , and forces joyn'd make that destructive war , which else our common conduct may withstand . 50. their knees to hurgonil the people bow and worship orna in her brothers right ; they must be sever'd , or like palms will grow , which planted near , out-climb their native hight . 51. as winds , whose violence out-does all art , act all unseen : so we as secretly these branches of that cedar gondibert must force , till his deep root in rising die . 52. if we make noise whilst our deep workings last , such rumour through thick towns unheeded flies , as winds through woods , and we ( our great work past ) like winds will silence tongues , and scape from eyes . 53. ere this dark lesson she was clearer taught , his enter'd slaves place at her rev'renc'd feet a spacious cabinet , with all things fraught , which seem'd for wearing artfull , rich , and sweet . 54. with leisurely delight , she by degrees lifts ev'ry till , does ev'ry drawer draw , but nought which to her sex belongs she sees ; and for the male all nice adornments saw . 55. this seem'd to breed some strangeness in her eyes , which like a wanton wonder there began ; but straight she in the lower closet spies th'accomplish'd dress , and garments of a man. 56. then starting , she her hand shrunk nicely back , as if she had been stung ; or that she fear'd this garment was the skin of that old snake , which at the fatal tree like man appear'd . 57. th' ambitious maid at scornfull distance stood , and bravely seem'd of love's low vices free ; though vicious in her mind , not in her blood : ambition is the minds immodestie ! 58. he knew great minds disorder'd by mistake , defend through pride , the errours they repent ; and with a lovers fearfulness he spake thus humbly , that extreams he might prevent . 59. how ill ( delightfull maid ! ) shall i deserve my life's last flame , fed by your beauty's fire , if i shall vex your virtues , that preserve others weak virtues , which would else expire . 60. how , more than death , shall i my life despise , when your fear'd srowns , make me your service fear ; when i scarce dare to say , that the disguise you shrink to see , you must vouchsafe to wear . 61. so rude a law your int'rest will impose ; and solid int'rest must not yield to shame : vain shame , which fears you should such honour lose , as lasts but by intelligence with fame . 62. number , which makes opinion law , can turn this shape to fashion , which you scorn to use , because not by your sex as fashion worn ; and fashion is but that which numbers chuse . 63. if you approve what numbers lawfull think , be bold , for number cancels bashfulness ; extreams , from which a king would blushing shrink , unblushing senates act as no excess . 64. thus he his thoughts ( the picture of his mind ) by a dark vayl to sudden sight deny'd ; that she might prise , what seem'd so hard to find ; for curtains promise worth in what they hide . 65. he said her manhood would not strange appear in court , where all the fashion is disguise ; where masquerades are serious all the year , none known but strangers , nor secure but spies . 66. all rules he reads of living great in courts , which some the art of wise dissembling call ; for pow'r ( born to have foes ) much weight supports by their false strength who thrust to make it fall . 67. he bids her wear her beauty free as light ; by ears as open be to all endeer'd ; for the unthinking croud judge by their sight , and seem half eas'd , when they are fully heard . 68. he shuts her breast even from familiar eyes ; for he who secrets ( pow'rs chief treasure ) spends to purchase friendship , friendship dearly buys : since pow'r seeks great confed'rates , more than friends . 69. and now with counsels more particular , he taught her how to wear tow'rds rhodalind her looks , which of the mind false pictures are , and then how orna may believe her kind . 70. how laura too may be ( whose practis'd eyes can more detect the shape of forward love ) by treaty caught , though not by a surprize ; whose aid would precious to her faction prove . 71. but here he ends his lecture , for he spy'd ( adorn'd , as if to grace magnifick feasts ) bright rhodalind , with the elected bride ; and with the bride , all her selected guests . 72. they gartha in their civil pitie sought , whom they in midst of triumphs mis'd , and fear lest her full breast ( with huberts sorrows fraught ) she , like a mourner , came to empty here . 73. but she , and hermegild , are wild with haste , as traitors are whom visitants surprise ; decyphring that which searfully they cast in some dark place , where worser treason lies . 74. so open they the fatal cabinet , to shut things slighter with the consequent ; then soon their rally'd looks in posture set ; and boldly with them to their triumphs went. 75. tybalt , who laura gravely ever led , with ceaseless whispers laggs behind the train ; tries , since her wary governour is dead , how the fair fort he may by treaty gain . 76. for now unhappy arnold she forsakes ; yet he is blest that she does various prove , when his spent heart for no unkindness akes ; since from the light as sever'd as from love. 77. yet as in storms and sickness newly gone , some clouds a while , and strokes of faintness last ; so , in her brow , so much of grief is shown , as shews a tempest , or a sickness past . 78. but him no more with such sad eyes she seeks , as even at feasts would make old tyrants weep ; nor more attempts to wake him with such shreek● ▪ as threatned all where death's deaf pris'ners 〈…〉 ▪ 79. hugo and him , as leaders 〈…〉 ▪ not much as lovers does their ●ame approve ; nor her own fate , but chance of battel blames ; as if they dy'd for honour , not for love . 80. this tybalt saw , and finds that the turn'd stream came fairly flowing to refresh his heart ; yet could he not forget the kind esteem she lately had of arnold's high desert . 81. nor does it often scape his memorie , how gravely he had vow'd , that if her eyes , after such show'rs of love , were quickly drie , he would them more than lamps in tombs despise . 82. and whilst he watch'd like an industrious spie her sexes changes , and revolt of youth ; he still reviv'd this vow as solemnly , as senates count'nance laws or synods , truth . 83. but men are frail , more glass than women are ! tybalt who with a stay'd judicious heart would love , grows vain amidst his gravest care : love , free by nature , scorns the bonds of art ! 84. laura ( whose fort he by approch would gain ) with a weak sigh blows up his mine , and smiles ; gives fire but with her eye , and he is slain ; or treats , and with a whisper him beguiles . 85. nor force of arms or arts ( o love ! ) endures thy mightiness ; and since we must discern diseases fully ere we studie cures ; and our own force by othes , weakness learn ; 86. let me to courts and camps thy agent be , where all their weakness and diseases spring from their not knowing , and not honouring thee in those who nature in thy triumphs sing . canto the second . the argument . whilst birtha and the duke their joyes pursue in conqu'ring love , fate doth them both subdue with triumphs , which from court young orgo brought ; and have in goltho greater triumphs wrought : whose hopes the quiet ulfinore does bear with patience feigne'd , and with a hidden fear . 1. the prosp'rous gondibert from birtha gains all bashfull plights a maids first bounties give ; fast vows , which bind love's captives more than chains , yet free love's saints in chosen bondage live . 2. few were the days , and swiftly seem'd to waste , which thus he in his minds ●tuition spent ; and lest some envious cloud should overcast his lov 's fair morn , oft to his camp he sent 3. to bergamo , where still intrenched were those youth , whom first his father's army bred ; who ill the rumour of his wounds did bear , though he that gave them , of his own be dead . 4. and worse those haughtie threat'nings they abhor , which fame , from brescia's ancient fighters brought ; vain fame , the peoples trusted orator , whose speech ( too fluent ) their mistakes has wrought . 5. oft goltho with his temp'rate counsels went , to quench whom fame to dang'rous furie warm'd ; till temp'rately his dangers they resent , and think him safest in their patience arm'd . 6. and safe now is his love , as love could be , if all the world like old arcadia were ; honour the monarch , and all lovers free from jealosie , as safetie is from fear . 7. and birtha's heart does to his civil breast as much for ease and peace , as safetie , come ; for there 't is serv'd and treated as a guest , but watch'd , and taught , and often chid at home . 8. like great and good confed'rates , whose design invades not others , but secures their own : so they in just and virtuous hopes combine , and are , like new confed'rates , busie grown . 9. with whisper earnest , and now grave with thought they walk consulting , standing they debate ; and then seek shades , where they in vain are sought , by servants who intrude , and think they wait . 10. in this great league , their most important care was to dispatch their rites ; yet so provide , that all the court might think them free as air , when fast as faith , they were by hymen ty'd . 11. for if the king ( said he ) our love surprise , his stormie rage will it rebellion call ; who claims to chuse the brides of his allies ; and in that storm our joys in blossom fall . 12. our love , your cautious father , onely knows ( on whose safe prudence , senates may depend ) and golth● , who to time few reck'nings ows , yet can discharge all duties of a friend . 13. such was his mind , and hers ( more busie ) shows that bonds of love does make her longer fast than hymen's knot , as plain religion does , longer than rites ( religion's fashions ) last . 14. that her discretion somewhat does appear , since she can love , her minds chief beautie , hide ; which never farther went than thula's ear , who had ( alass ) but for that secret dy'd . 15. that she alreadie had disguises fram'd , and sought out caves where she might closs reside ; as being , nor unwilling nor asham'd to live his captive , so she die his bride . 16. full of themselves , delight them onward leads , where in the front was to remoter view exalted hills , and nearer prostrate meads , with forrests flanck'd , where shade to darkness grew . 17. beneath that shade , two rivers slily steal , through narrow walks , to wider adice , who swallows both , till she does proudly swel , and hasts to shew her beautie to the sea. 18. and here , whilst forth he sends his raging eye , orgo he spies , who plies the spur so fast , as if with news of vict'rie he would flie to leave swift fame behind him by his haste . 19. if ( said the duke ) because the boy is come , i second gladness shew , do not suppose i spread my breast to give new comforts room , that were to welcome rain where nilus flows . 20. though the unripe appearance of a page for weightie trust , may render him too weak , yet this is he , who more than cautious age , or like calm death , will bury what we speak . 21. this , birtha , is the boy , whose skilless face is safe from jealousie of oldest spies ; in whom , by whisper , we from distant place may meet , or wink our meaning to his eyes . 22. more had he said to gain him her esteem , but orgo enters speechless with his speed ; and by his looks more full of haste did seem , than when his spurs provok'd his flying steed . 23. and with his first recover'd breath he cries , hail my lov'd lord , whom fame does value so , that when she swift with your successes ●●ies , she fears to wrong the world in being flow . 24. i bring you more than tasts of fortune's love , yet am afraid i err , in ha●ing dar'd to think her favours could your gladness move ; who have more worth than fortune can reward . 25. the duke , with smiles , forewarns his hastie tongue ; as loth he should proceed in telling more ; kindly afraid to do his kindness wrong , by hearing what he thought he knew before . 26. thy diligence ( said he ) is high desert ; it does in youth supply defects of skill ; and is of dutie the most usefull part ; yet art thou now but slow to hurgonil . 27. who hither by the moons imperfect light came and return'd , without the help of day , to tell me he has orna's virgin plight , and that their nuptials for my presence stay . 28. orgo reply'd , though that a triumph be where all false lovers are , like savage kings , led captive after love's great victorie , it does but promise what your triumph brings . 29. it was the eve to this your holy-day , and now verona mishess does appear of lombardy ; and all the flow'rs which may ere wore , does as the countrie 's favours wear . 30. the wearie eccho from the hills makes hastes vex'd that the bells still calls for her replies when they so many are , and ring so fast ; yet oft are ●ilenc'd by the peoples cries : 31. who send to heav'n the name of rh●dalind , and then duke gondibert as high they raise , to both with all their publick passion kind , if kindness shine in wishes and in praise . 32. the king this day made your adoption known , proclaim'd you to the empire next ally'd , as heir to all his conquests and his crown , for royal rhodalind must be your bride . 33. not all the dange●s valour finds in war , love meets in courts , or pride to courts procures , when sick with peace the hot in faction are , can make such fears as now the duke endures . 34. nor all those fears which ev'ry maid has found , on whose first guards , love by surprises steals , ( whose sightless arrow makes a c●reless wound ) are like to this which doubtfull birtha feels . 35. he from his looks wild wonder strives to chace ; strives more to teach his manhood to resist death in her eyes , and then with all the grace of seeming pleasure , orgo he dismist . 36. and orgo being gone , low as her knees could fall , she fell ; and soon he bends as low with weight of heart ; griev'd that no grave he sees , to sink , where love no more can sorrow know . 37. her sighs as show'rs lay winds , are calm'd with tears ; and parting life seems stay'd awhile to take a civil leave , whilst her pale visage wears a clearie skie , and thus she weeping spake . 38. since such a prince has forfeited his pow'r , heav'n give me leave to make my dutie less , let me my vows , as sudden oaths abhor , which did my passion , not my truth express . 39. yet yours i would not think were counterfeit , but rather ill and rashly understood ; for 't is impossible i can forget so soon , that once you fatally were good . 40. though cruel now as beasts where they have pow'r ; chusing , like them to make the weakest bleed ; for weakness soon invites you to devour , and a submission gives you ease to feed . 41. to fighting fields , send all your honour back , to courts your dang'rous tongue and civil shape , that country maids may men no more mistake , nor seek dark death , that they may love escape . 42. now soon to heav'n her soul had found the way , ( for there it o●t had been in pray'r and praise ) but that his vows did life with loudness stay , and life's warm help did soon her body raise . 43. and now he gently leads her ; for no more he lets th'unhallow'd ground a fal● flow'● wear , sweeter than nature's bosom ever wore ; and now these vows sends kindly to her e●r . 44. if ( birtha ) i am false , think none too blame for thinking truth ( by which the soul subsists ▪ ) no farther to be found than in the name ; think humane kind betraid ev'n by their priests . 45. think all my sex so vile , that you may chide those maids who to your mothers nuptials ran ; and praise your mother who so early dy'd , remembring whom she marry'd was a man. 46. this great court miracle you strait receive from orgo , and your faith the whole allows ; why since you orgo's words so soon believe ▪ will you less civilly suspect my vows ? 47. my vows , which want the temples seal , will bind ( though private kept ) surer than publick laws ; for laws but sorce the body , but my mind your virtue counsels , whilst your beauty draws . 48. thus spake he , but his mourning looks did more attest ▪ his grief , and fear does hers renew ; now losing ( were he lost ) more than before , for then she fear'd him false , now thinks him true . 49. as sick physicians seldom their own art dare trust to cure their own disease ; so these were to themselves quite useless , when apart ; yet by consult , each can the other ease . 50. but from themselves they now diverted stood ; for orgo's news ( which need not borrow wings , since orgo for his lord believ'd it good ▪ ) to astragon the joyfull houshold brings . 51. but astragon , with a judicious thought , this days glad news took in the dire portent ; a day , which mourning nights to birtha brought ; and with that fear in search of birtha went. 52. and here he finds her in her lovers eyes , and him in hers ; both more afflicted grown at his approach ; for each his sorrow spies ; who thus would counsel theirs , and hide his own . 53. though much this fatal joy to anger moves , yet reason's aids shall anger's force subdue ; i will not chide you for your hasty loves , nor ever doubt ( great prince ) that yours is true . 54. in chiding love , because he hasty was , or urging errours , which his swiftness brings , i find effects , but dare not tax the cause ; for poets were inspir'd , who gave him wings . 55. when low i dig , where desart-rivers run , dive deep in seas , through forrests follow winds , or reach with optick tubes the ragged moon , my sight no cause of love's swift motion finds . 56. love's fatal haste , in yours , i will not blame , because i know not why his wings were giv'n ; nor doubt him true , not knowing whence he came , nor birtha chide , who thought you came from heav'n . 57. if you lay snares , we erre when we escape ; since evil practise learns men to suspect where falshood is , and in your noble shape , we should by finding it , our skill detect . 58. yet both your griefs i 'le chide , as ignorance ; call you unthankfull ; for your great griefs show that heav'n has never us'd you to mischance , yet rudely you repine to feel it now . 59. if your contextures be so weak , and nice , weep that this windy world you ever knew ; you are not in those calms of paradice , where slender flow'rs as safe as cedars grew . 60. this which your youth calls grief , was frowardness in flatter'd infancy , and as you bear unkindly now amidst youth's joys distress , so then , unless still rock'd , you froward were . 61. griefs conflicts gave these hairs their silver shine ; ( torn ensigns which victorious age adorn ) youth is a dress too garish , and too fine to be in foul tempestuous weather worn . 62. grief's want of use does dang'rous weakness make ; but we by use of burdens are made strong ; and in our practis'd age can calmly take those sorrows , which like feavers , vex the young . 63. when you in love's fair books ( which poets keep ) read what they hide , his tragick history , you will rejoyce that half your time is sleep , and smile at love when nature bids you die . 64. learn then that love's diseases common are ; do not in sickness known ( though new to you ) whilst vital hear does last , of cure despair : love's vital heat does last , whilst love is true . 65. thus spake the kind and prudent astragon : and much their kind impatience he appeas'd , for of his griefs ( which heavier than their own were born by both ) their duteous fears are eas'd . 66. she begs that he would pardon her distress , thought that even sin which did her sorrows move ; and then with all her mothers lowliness , his pardon craves for asking leave to love . 67. the duke who saw fair truth so undisguis'd , and love in all , but love so unconcern'd , pity'd the studious world , and all despis'd who did not here unlearn , what they had learn'd . 68. i am reform'd ( said he ) not that before i wanted love , or that my love was ill ; but i have learnt to perfect nature more by giving innocence a little skill . 69. for 't is some skill in innocence to bear with temper the distempers of our stars ; not doubting griefs already come by fear of more , for fears but hasten threat'ned wars . 70. but we will bravely suffer to inure our strength to weights against the new are laid ; that when 't is known how much we can endure , our sufferings may make our foes afraid . 71. this comet glory shines but in portent ; which from the court does send her threatning beams ; and looks as if it were by malice meant to hasten oswald's faction to extreams . 72. since hurgonil , who just fore-ran the boy could not instruct us , we as much may know of the first light , as of these fires of joy ; which is , that both did out of darkness grow . 73. yet this the king might hide in kingly skill , wisely to make his bounty more his own : kings stoop for counsel , who impart their will ; his acts , like heav'ns , make not their causes known . 74. yet with as plain a heart as love untaught in birtha wears , i here to birtha make a vow , that rhodalind i never sought , nor now would with her love her greatness take . 75. love's bonds are for her greatness made too straight ; and me ambition's pleasures cannot please ; ev'n priests , who on the higher altar wait ; think a continu'd rev'rence loss of ease . 76. let us with secrecy our love protect ; hiding such precious wealth from publick view ; the proffer'd glory i will first suspect as false , and shun it when i find it true . 77. they now retire , because they goltho saw , who hither came to watch with ulfinore if much the duke 's woo'd mistress did him aw ; since love woo'd him , and in the shape of pow'r . 78. but when he mark'd that he did from them move with sudden shyness , he suppos'd it shame of being seen in chase of birtha's love ; as if above it grown since orgo came . 79. goltho by nature was of musick made , chearfull as victors warm in their success ; he seem'd like birds created to be glad , and nought but love could make him taste distress . 80. hope , which our cautious age scarce entertains , or as a flatt'rer gives her cold respect , he runs to meet , invites her , and complains of one hours absence as a years neglect . 81. hope , the world 's welcome , and his standing guest , fed by the rich , but feasted by the poor ; hope , that did come in triumph to his breast , he thus presents in boast to ulfinore . 82. well may i ( friend ) auspicious love adore , seeing my mighty rival takes no pride to be with birtha seen ; and he before ( thou knowst ) enjoyn'd that i his love should hide . 83. nor do i break his trust when 't is reveal'd to thee , since we are now so much the same , that when from thee , it is from me conceal'd , for we admit no diff'rence but in name . 84. but be it still from ev'ry other ear preserv'd , and strictly by our mutual vow : his laws are still to my obedience dear , who was my gen'ral , though my rival now . 85. and well thou knowst how much mine eyes did melt when our great leader they did first perceive love's captive led ; whose sorrows then i felt , though now for greater of mine own i grieve . 86. nor do i now by love in duty erre ; for if i get what he would fain possess , then he a monarch is , and i preferre him who undoes the world in being less . 87. when heav'n ( which hath preferr'd me to thy brest where friendship is inthron'd ) shall make it known that i am worth thy love , which is exprest by making heav'nly birtha all mine own . 88. then at this quiet eden thou wilt call , and stay a while , to mark if love 's prais'd plant have after spring a ripeness , and a fall , or never of the first abundance want . 89. and i shall tell thee then if poets are in using beauty's pencil false , or blind ; for they have birtha drawn but sweet and fair ; stiles of her face , the curtain of her mind ! 90. and thou at parting shalt her picture wear , for nature's honour , not to shew my pride ; try if like her , the teeming world does bear , then bring that copy hither for thy bride . 91. and they shall love as quietly as we ; their beauty's pow'r no civil war will raise ; but flourish , and like neighb'ring flow'rs agree ; unless they kindly quarrel in our praise . 92. then we for change will leave such luscious peace ; in camps their favours shall our helms adorn ; for we can no way else our joys increase , but by beholding theirs at our return . 93. thus cloath'd in feathers , he●on steeples walks ; not guessing yet , that silent ulfinore , had study'd her of whom he loosly talks , and what he likes , did solidly adore . 94. but ulfinore with cold discretion aw'd his passion , and did grave with love become ; though youthfully he sent his eyes abroad , yet kept with manly care , his tongue at home . 95. these rival's hopes , he did with patience hear ; his count'nance not uneasie seem'd , nor strange ; yet meant his cares should more like love appear , if in the duke ambition bred a change . 96. but as the duke shun'd them for secrecy , so now they from approaching org● move , made by discretion ( love's strict tutor ) shy , which is to lovers painfull as their love. 97. but orgo they did ill suspect , whose youth and nature yielded lovers no offence ; us'd by his lord for kindness and for truth ; both native in him as his innocence : 98. and here pass'd by in haste , to court employ'd , that birtha may no more have cause to mourn : full was his little breast , and over-joy'd that much depended on his quick return ! 99. many like orgo , in their manhoods morn , as pages , did the noble duke attend ; the sons of chiess , whom beauty did adorn , and fairer virtue did that beauty mend . 100. these in his heroe's schools he bred ( which were in peace his palace , and in war his tent ) as if time's self had read sage lecture there how he would have his hours ( life's treasure ) spent . 101. no action , though to shorten dreaded war , nor needfull counsels , though to lengthen peace , nor love , of which wise nature takes such care , could from this usefull work his cares release . 102. but with the early sun he rose , and taught these youths , by growing virtue to grow great ; shew'd greatness is without it blindly sought , a desp'rate charge which ends in base retreat . 103. he taught them shame , the sudden sence of ill ; shame , nature's hasty conscience , which forbids weak inclination ere it grow to will , and stays rash will , before it grow to deeds . 104. he taught them ▪ honour , virtue 's bashfulness ; a fort so yieldless , that it fears to treat ; like pow'r , it grows to nothing , growing less ; honour , the moral conscience of the great ! 105. he taught them kindness , souls civilitie ; in which , nor courts , nor cities have a part ; for theirs is fashion , this from falshood free ; where love , and pleasure , know no lust nor art. 106. and love he taught ; the soul 's stoln visit made , though froward age watch hard , and law forbid ; her walks no spie has trac'd , nor mountain staid ; her friendship's cause , is as the loadstone's hid . 107. he taught them love of toyl , toyl which does keep obstructions from the mind , and quench the bloud ; ease but belongs to us like sleep , and sleep like opium , is our med'cine , not our food . 108. to dangers us'd them , which death's visards are , more uglie than himself , and often chace from battel coward-life ; but when we dare his vizard see , we never fear his face . canto the third . the argument . the poet takes the wise aside , to prove ev'n them concern'd in all he writes of love. the duteous orgo from the court returns with joys , at which again fair birtha mourns . the duke with open arms does entertain those guests whom he receives with secret pain . 1. thou , whom some ages hence these roles dost read ( kept as records by lovers of love's pow'r ) thou who dost live , when i have long been dead , and feed'st from earth , when earth does me devour . 2. who liv'st , perhaps , amidst some cities joys , where they would fall asleep with lazie peace , but that their triumphs make so great a noise , and their loud bells cannot for nuptials cease : 3. thou , who perhaps , proudly thy bloomie bride lead'st to some temple , where i withered lie ; proudly , as if she age's frosts desy'd ; and that thy springing self could never die : 4. thou , to whom then the chearfull quire will sing , whilst hallow'd lamps , and tapers , brave the sun as a lay-light ; and bells in triumph ring , as when from sallies the besiegers run . 5. then when the priest has ended , if thine eyes can but a little space her eyes forbear , to shew her where my marble co●●in lies ; her virgin garlands she will offer there : 6. confess , that reading me she learnt to love ; that all the good behaviour of her heart , even tow'rds thy self , my doctrine did improve ; where love by nature is forewarn'd of art. 7. she will confess , that to her maiden state this storie shew'd such patterns of great life , as though she then could those but imitate , they an example make her now a wife . 8. and thy lif 's fire could she a while out-live ( which were , though lawfull , neither kind nor good ) then , even her sorrows would examples give ; and shine to others through dark widowhood . 9. and she will boast , how spite of cynick age , of bus'ness , which does pow'r uncivil make , of ruder cells , where they love's fire asswage by studying death , and fear for virtue take : 10. and spite of courts ( where loving now is made an art , as dying is in cells ) my laws did teach her how by nature to perswade , and hold by virtue whom her beautie draws . 11. thus when by knowing me , thou know'st to whom love ows his eyes , who has too long been blind ▪ then in the temple leave my bodies tomb , to seek this book , the mon'ment of my mind . 12. where thou may'st read ; who with impatient eyes for orgo on the guilded tarras stay ; which high , and golden shews , and open lies , as the morn's window when she lets out day . 13. whose heighth two rising forrests over-looks ; and on pine-tops the eye-sight downward cast ; where distant rivers seem bestrided brooks , churches but anchor'd ships , their steeples , masts . 14. hence , by his little regian courser brought , orgo they spie , with diligence indu'd , as if he would oretake fore-running thought ; and he by many swiftly seem'd pursu'd . 15. but his light speed left those awhile behind ; whilst with rais'd dust , their swiftness hide the way ; yet birtha will , too soon , by orgo find what she by distance lost in this survay . 16. orgo a precious casket did present to his dear lord , of podian saphyr wrought ; for which , unknown to birtha , he was sent , and a more precious pledge was in it brought . 17. then thus proclaim'd his joy , long may i live ! sent still with blessings from the heav'nly powers ; and may their bounties shew what they can give ; and full as fast as long expected showers ! 18. behold the king , with such a shining train as dazles sight , yet can inform the blind ; but there the rich , and beauteous shine in vain , unless they d●stance keep from rhodalind . 19. m● thinks , they through the middle region come ; their chariots hid in clouds of dust below ; and ore their heads , their coursers scatter'd fome does seem to cover them like falling snow . 20. this birtha heard , and she on orgo cast a pitious look ( for she no anger knew ) but griev d he knows not , that he brings too fast such joys , as fain she faster would eschew . 21. so gondibert this gust of glorie took , as men whose sayls are full , more weather take ; and she so gaz'd on him , as sea-men look on long sought shore , when tempests drive them back . 22. but now these glories more apparent be ; and justly all their observation claim'd ; great , as in greatest courts less princes see , when entertain'd to be eclips'd , and sham'd , 23. west from verona's road , through pleasant meads , their chariots cross , and to the palace steer ; and aribert this winged triumph leads ; which like the planets progress did appear . 24. so shin'd they , and so noiseless seem'd their speed ; like spartans , touching but the silken reins , was all the conduct which their coursers need , and proudly to sit still , was all their pains . 25. with aribert sat royal rhodalind ; calm orna by the count , by hermegild ( silver'd with time ) the golden gartha shin'd ; and tybalt's eyes were full by laura fill'd . 26. the lesser beauties , numberless as stars , shew'd ●ickly and far off , to this noon-day ; and lagg'd like baggage treasure in the wars ; or onely seem'd another milkie-way . 27. the duke perceiv'd , the king design'd to make this visit more familiar by surprise ; and with court art , he would no notice take of that which kings are willing to disguise . 28. but as in heedless sleep , the house shall seem new wak'd with this alarm ; and vlfin strait ( whose ●ame was precious in the courts esteem ) must , as with casual sight , their entrance wait . 29. to astragon he doubles all his vows ; to birtha , through his eies , his heart reveal'd ; and by some civil jealousies he shows her beauty from the court must be conceal'd . 30. prays her , from envy's danger to retire ; the palace war ; which there can never cease , till beauty's force in age or death expire : a war disguis'd in civil shapes of peace . 31. still he the precious pledge kept from her view ; who guess'd not by the casket his intent ; and was so willing not to fear him true , that she did fear to question what it ment . 32. now hasts she to be hid ; and being gon , her lover thinks the planet of the day ; so leaves the mourning world to give the moon ( whose train is mark'd but for their number ) way . 33. and entring in her closet ( which took light full in the palace front ) she finds her maids gather'd to see this gay unusuall sight ; which commet-like , their wondring eyes invades 34. where thula would by climbing highest be , though ancient grown , and was in stature short ; yet did protest , she came not there to see , but to be hid from dangers of the court. 35. their curious longing birtha durst not blame ( boldness , which but to seeing did aspire ) since she her self , provok'd with courts great fame , would fain a little see what all admire . 36. then through the casement ventur'd so much face , as kings depos'd shew when through grates they peep to see deposers in their crowding pass ; but strait shrink back , and at the triumph weep . 37. soon so her eyes did too much glory find ; for ev'n the first she saw was all ; for she no more would view , since that was rhodalind ; and so much beauty could none others be . 38. which with her virtue weigh'd ( no less renown'd ) afflicts her that such worth must fatal prove ; and be in tears of the possessor drown'd , or she depose her lover by her love . 39. but thula ( wildly earnest in the view of such gay sights as she did ne'r behold ) mark'd not when birtha her sad eyes withdrew ; but dreamt the world was turn'd again to gold. 40. each lady most , till more appear'd , ador'd ; then with rude liking prais'd them all aloud ; yet thought them foul and course to ev'ry lord ; and civilly to ev'ry page she bow'd . 41. the objects past , out-sigh'd ev'n those that woo ; and strait her mistris at the window mist ; then finding her in grief , out-sigh'd her too ; and her fair hands with parting passion kist : 42. did with a servants usual art profess that all she saw was , to her beauty , black ; confess'd their maids well bred , and knew to dress , but said those courts are poor which painting lack . 43. thy praise ( said birtha ) poyson'd is with spite ; may blisters seiz on thy uncivil tongue , which strives so wickedly to do me right , by doing rhodalind and orna wrong . 44. false fame , thy mistris tutor'd thee amiss ; who teaches school in streets , where crowds resort ; fame , false , as that their beauty painted is ; the common country slander on the court. 45. with this rebuke , t●ula takes gravely leave ; pretends she 'll better judge ere they be gon ; at least see more , though they her sight deceive ; whilst birtha finds wilde fear feeds best alone . 46. ulfin receives , and through art's palace guides the king ; who owns him with familiar grace ; though twice seven years from first observance hides ▪ those marks of valour which adorn'd his face . 47. then astragon with hasty homage bows : and says , when thus his beams he does dispence in lowly visits , like the sun he shows kings made for universal influence . 48. him with renown the king for science pays , and virtue ; which gods likest pictures bee drawn by the soul , whose onely hire is praise ; and from such salary not heav'n is free . 49. then kindly he inquires for gondibert ; when , and how far his wounds in danger were ? and does the cautious progress of his art alike with wonder and with pleasure hear . 50. now gongibert advanc'd , but with delay , as fetter'd by his love ; for he would fain dissembled weakness might procure his stay , here where his soul does as in heav'n remain . 51. him , creature like , the king did boldly use with publick love ; to have it understood that kings , like god , may chuse whom they will chuse ; and what they make , judge with their own eyes good . 52. this grace the duke at bashfull distance takes ; and rhodalind so much concern'd is grown , that his surprisal she her trouble makes ; blushing , as if his blushes were her own . 53. now the bright train with astragon ascend ; whilst hermegild , with gartha moves behind ; whom much this gracious visit did offend ; but thus he practis'd to appease her mind . 54. judge not you strangely in this visit show ; as well in courts think wise disembling new ; nor think the kindness strange , though to your foe , till all in courts where they are kind are true . 55. why should your closser mourning more be worn ! poor priests invented blacks for lesser cost ; kings for their syres in regal purple mourn , which shews what they have got , not what they lost . 56. though rough the way to empire be , and steep , you look that i should level it so plain , as babes might walk it barefoot in their sleep ; but pow'r is the reward of patient pain ! 57. this high hill pow'r , whose bowels are of gold , shews near to greedy and unpractis'd sight ; but many grow in travel to it , old , and have mistook the distance by the height . 58. if those old travellers may thither be your trusted guides , they will your haste reform ; and give you fears of voyages by sea ; which are not often made without a storm . 59. yet short our course shall prove , our passage fair , if in the steerage you will quiet stand , and not make storms of ev'ry sigh of air ; but think the helm safe in the pilots hand . 60. you , like some fatal king ( who all men hears , yet trusts entirely none ) your trust mistake , as too much weight for one : one pillar bears weight that would make a thousand shoulders ake . 61. your brothers storm i to a calm have turn'd ; who lets this guilded sacrifice proceed to hymen's altar , by the king adorn'd , as priests give victims garlands ere they bleed . 62. hubert to triumph would not move so fast ; yet you ( though but a kind spectator ) mean to give his triumph laws , and make more haste to see it pass , than he does to be seen . 63. with patience lay this tempest of your heart ! for you , ere long , this angels form shall turn to fatal man's ; and for that shape of art , some may , as i for yours of nature , mourn ! 64. thus by her love-sick states-men she was taught ; and smil'd with joy of wearing manly shape ; then smil'd , that such a smile his heart had caught ; whose nets camps break not through , nor senates scape . canto the fourth . the argument . the king to gondibert is grown so kind , that he prevents the bounteous rhodalind in giving of her love ; and gondibert laments his breast , holds but a single heart ; which birtha grieves her beauty did subdue , since he undoes the world in being true . 1. full grows the presence now , as when all know some stranger prince must be receiv'd with state , when courts shew those , who come to see the show ; and all gay subjects like domesticks wait . 2. nor vlfinore nor goltho absent were ; whose hopes expect what lift'ning birtha ( hid in the adjoyning closet ) fears to hear ; and begs kind heav'n in pitie would forbid . 3. the king ( who never time nor pow'r mispent in subjects bashfulness , whiling great deeds like coward councels , who too late consent ) thus to his secret will aloud proceeds . 4. if to thy same ( brave youth ) i could adde wings , or make her trumpet louder by my voice , i would ( as an example drawn for kings ) proclaim the cause , why thou art now my choice . 5. but this were to suspect the world asleep , or all our lombards with their envy blind , or that the hunns so much for bondage weep , as their drown'd eyes cannot thy trophies find . 6. when this is heard , none dare of what i give presume their equal merit might have shar'd ; and to say more , might make thy foes believe , thy dang'rous worth is grown above reward . 7. reward even of a crown , and such a crown , as by heav'n's model ancient victors wore ; when they , as by their coyn , by laws were known ; for laws but made more currant victors pow'r . 8. a crown soon taught , by whom pow'r first was given ; when victors ( of dominion cautious made by hearing of that old revolt in heaven ) kept pow'r too high for subjects to invade . 9. a crown , which ends by armies their debate , who question height of pow'r ; who by the law ( till plain obedience they make intricate ) would not the people , but their rulers aw . 10. to pow'r , adoption makes thy title good ; preferring worth , as birth gives princes place ; and virtue 's claim exceeds the right of blood , as souls extraction does the bodies race . 11. yet for thy bloods long walk through princes veins , thou maist with any lombard measure time ; though he his hidden house in illium feigns ; and not step short , when hubert self would climb . 12. and hubert is of highest victors breed ; whose worth i shall for distant empire chuse ; if he will learn , that you by fate precede , and what he never had , he cannot lose . 13. his valour shall the gothick conquest keep : and would to heav'n that all your mighty minds as soon were pleas'd , as infants are with sleep , and you had musick common as the winds . 14. that all the year your seasons were like spring ; all joy'd as birds , and all as lovers kind ; that ev'ry famous fighter were a king , and each , like you , could have a rhodalind . 15. for she is yours , as your adoption , free ; and in that gift my remnant life i give ; but 't is to you , brave youth ! who now are she ; and she that heav'n where secondly i live . 16. and richer than that crown ( which shall be thine , when life's long progress i am gone with fame ) take all her love ; which scarce forbears to shine and own thee , through her virgin-curtain , shame . 17. thus spake the king , and rhodalind appear'd through publish'd love , with so much bashfulness , as young kings shew , when by surprize ore-heard , moaning to fav'rite ears a deep distress . 18. for love is a distress , and would be hid like monarchs grief , by which they bashfull grow ; and in that shame beholders they forbid ; since those blush most , who must their blushes show . 19. and gondibert with dying eyes did grieve at her vail'd love ( a wound he cannot heal ) as great minds mourn , who cannot then relieve the virtuous , when through shame they want , conceal . 20. and now cold birtha's rosie looks decay ; who in fear 's frost had like her beauty dy'd , but that attendant hope perswades her stay a while , to hear her duke , who thus reply'd : 21. victorious king ! abroad your subjects are like legats safe , at home like altars free ! ev'n by your fame they conquer as by war ; and by your laws safe from each other be . 22. a king you are ore subjects , so as wise and noble husbands seem ore loyal wives ; who claim not , yet confess their liberties , and brag to strangers of their happy lives . 23. to foes a winter storm ; whilst your friends how like summer trees , beneath your bounty's load ; to me ( next him whom your great self , with low and chearfull duty serves ) a giving god. 24. since this is you , and rhodalind ( the light by which her sex fled virtue find ) is yours ; your diamond , which tests of jealous sight , the stroke , and fire , and oisel's juice endures ; 25. since she so precious is , i shall appear all counterfeit , of art's disguises made ; and never dare approach her lustre near ; who can scarce hold my value in the shade . 26. forgive me that i am not what i seem ; but falsly have dissembled an excess of all such virtues as you most esteem ; and now grow good but as i ills confess . 27. far in ambition's feaver am i gone ! like raging flame aspiring is my love ; like flame destructive too , and like the sun does round the world tow'rds change of objects 28. nor is this now through virtuous shame confess'd ; but rhodalind does force my conjur'd fear , as men whom evil spirits have possess'd , tell all when saintly votaries appear . 29. when she will grace the bridal dignitie , it will be soon to all young monarchs known ; who then by posting through the world , will trie who first can at her feet present his crown . 30. then will verona seem the inn of kings ; and rhodalind shall at her palace gate smile , when great love these royal sutors brings ; who for that smile would as for empire wait . 31. amongst this ruling race she choice may take for warmth of valour , coolness of the mind , eyes that in empires drowsie calms can wake , in storms look out , in darkness dangers find . 32. a prince who more inlarges pow'r than lands ; whose greatness is not what his map contains ; but thinks that his , where he at full commands , not where his coyn does pass , but pow'r remains . 33. who knows that pow'r can never be too high when by the good possest ; fo● 't is in them the swelling nyle ; from which , though people flie , they prosper most by rising of the stream . 34. thus ( princess ) you should chuse , and you will find , even he , since men are wolves , must civilize ( as light does ●ame some beasts of savage kind ) himself yet more , by dwelling in your eyes . 35. such was the duk 's reply , which did produce thoughts of a divers shape through sev'ral ears : his jealous rivals mourn at his excuse ; but astragon it cures of all his fears . 36. birtha his praise of rhodalind bewails ; and now her hope a weak physician seems , for hope , the common comforter prevails like common med'cines , slowly in extreams . 37. the king ( secure in off'rd empire ) takes this forc'd excuse , as troubled bashfulness , and a disguise which suddain passion makes , to hide more joy than prudence should express . 38. and rhodalind ( who never lov'd before , nor could suspect his love was giv'n away ) thought not the treasure of his breast so poor , but that it might his debts of honour pay . 39. to hasten the rewards of his desert , the king does to verona him command ; and kindness so impos'd , not all his art can now instruct his dutie to withstand . 40. yet whilst the king does now his time dispose in seeing wonders , in this palace shown , he would a parting kindness pay to those who of their wounds are yet not perfect grown . 41. and by this fair pretence , whilst on the king lord astragon through all the house attends , young orgo does the duke to birtha bring ; who thus her sorrows to his bosom sends . 42. why should my storm your life 's calm voyage vex ? destroying wholly virtues race in one ; so by the first of my unluckie sex , all in a single ruin were undone . 43. make heav'nly rhodalind your bride ! whilst i your once lov'd maid , excuse you , since i know that virtuous men forsake so willingly long cherish'd life , because to heav'n they go . 44. let me her servant be ! a dignitie ; which if your pitie in my fall procures ; i still shall value the advancement high , not as the crown is hers , but she is yours . 45. ere this high sorrow up to dying grew , the duke the casket op'ned , and from thence ( form'd like a heart ) a chearfull emrauld drew ; chearfull , as if the lively stone had sence . 46. the thirti'th charract it had doubled twice ; not taken from the at●ick silver mine , nor from the brass , though such ( of nobler price ) did on the necks of parthian ladies shine : 47. nor yet of those which make the ethiop proud ; nor taken from those rocks where bactrians climb ; but from the scithian , and without a cloud ; not sick at fire , nor languishing with time . 48. then thus he spake , this ( birtha ) from my male progenitours , was to the loyal she on whose kind heart they did in love prevail , the nuptial pledge , and this i give to thee ! 49. seven centuries have pass'd since it from bride to bride did first succeed ; and though 't is known from ancient lore , that gems much virtue hide , and that the emrauld is the bridal stone . 50. though much renown'd because it chastens loves , and will , when worn by the neglected wife , shew when her absent lord disloyal proves , by faintness , and a pale decay of life ; 51. though emraulds serve as spies to jealous brides , yet each compar'd to this does counsel keep ; like a false stone , the husbands falshood hides , or seems born blind , or feigns a dying sleep . 52. with this take orgo , as a better spy ; who may in all your kinder fears be sent to watch at court , if i deserve to die by making this to fade , and you lament . 53. had now an artfull pencil birtha drawn ( with grief all dark , then straight with joy all light ) he must have ●ancy'd first in early dawn , a sudden break of beautie out of night . 54. or first he must have mark'd what paleness , fear , like nipping frost , did to her visage bring ; then think he sees , in a cold backward year , a rosie morn begin a sudden spring . 55. her joys ( too vast to be contain'd in speech ) thus she a little spake , why stoop you down , my plighted lord , to lowly birtha's reach , since rhodalind would lift you to a crown ? 56. or why do i , when i this plight imbrace , boldly aspire to take what you have given ? but that your virtue has with angels place , and 't is a virtue to aspire at heav'n . 57. and as tow'rds heav'n all travel on their knees , so i tow'rds you , though love aspire , will move : and were you crown'd , what could you better please than aw'd obedience led by bolder love ? 58. if i forget the depth from whence i rise , far from your bosom banish'd be my heart ; or claim a right by beautie to your eyes , or proudly think my chastitie desert . 59. but thus ascending from your humble maid to be your plighted bride , and then your wife , will be a debt that shall be hourly paid , till time my dutie cancel with my life . 60. and fruitfully if heav'n ere make me bring your image to the world , you then my pride no more shall blame , than you can tax the spring for boasting of those flowr's she cannot hide . 61. orgo , i so receive as i am taught by dutie to esteem what ere you love ; and hope the joy he in this jewel brought , will luckier than his former triumphs prove . 62. for though but twice he has approach'd my ●ight , he twice made haste to drown me in my tears : but now i am above his planets spite , and as for sin beg pardon for my fears . 63. thus spake she ; and with fix'd continu'd sight , the duke did all her bashfull beauties view ; then they with kisses seal'd their sacred plight ; like flowr's still sweeter as they thicker grew . 64. yet must these pleasures feel , though innocent , the sickness of extreams , and cannot last ; for pow'r ( love's shun'd impediment ) has sent to tell the duke , his monarch is in hast : 65. and calls him to that triumph which he fears so as a saint forgiven ( whose breast does all heav'n's joys contain ) wisely lov'd pomp for bears , lest tempted nature should from blessings fall . 66. he often takes his leave , with love's delay ; and bids her hope , he with the king shall find , by now appearing forward to obay , a means to serve him less in rhodalind . 67. she weeping to her closet-window hies ; where she with tears does rhodalind survay ; as dying men , who grieve that they have eyes , when they through curtains spie the rising day . 68. the king has now his curious sight suffic'd with all lost arts , in their revival view'd ; which when restor'd , our pride thinks new devis'd : fashions of minds , call'd new when but renew'd ! 69. the busie court prepares to move ; on whom their sad offended eyes the countrey cast ; who never see enough where monarchs come , and nothing so uncivil seems as haste . 70. as men move slow , who know they lose their way , ev'n so the duke tow'rd rhodalind does move ; yet he does duteous fears , and wonder pay , which are the first , and dang'rous signs of love. 71. all his addresses much by goltho were and ulfinore observ'd , who distant stand , not daring to approch his presence near ; but shun his eyes to scape from his command : 72. lest to verona he should both require ; for by remaining here , both hope to light their hymen's torches at his parting fire , and not despair to kindle them to night . 73. the king his golden chariot now ascends ; which near fair rhodalind the duke contains ▪ though to excuse that grace he lowly bends ; but honour so refus'd more honour gains . 74. and now their chariots ( readie to take wing ) are ev'n by weakest breath , a whisper stay'd ; and but such whisper as a page does bring to laura's woman from a houshold maid . 75. but this low voice did raise in laura's ear an eccho , which from all redoubled soon ; proclaiming such a countrey beautie here , as makes them look like ev'ning to her noon . 76. and laura ( of her own high beautie proud , yet not to others cruel ) softly prays she may appear ! but gartha , bold , and loud , with eyes impatient as for conquest , stays . 77. though astragon now owns her , and excus'd her presence , as a maid but rudely taught , infirm in health , and not to greatness us'd ; yet gartha still calls out to have her brought ! 78. but rhodalind ( in whose relenting breast compassion's self might sit at school , and learn ) knew bashfull maids with publick view distrest ; and in their glass , themselves with fear discern ; 79. she stopt this challenge which court beautie made to countrey shape , not knowing nature's hand had birtha dress'd , nor that her self obay'd in vain , whom conqu'ring birtha did command . 80. the duke ( whom virtuous kindness soon subdues ) though him his bonds from birtha highly please , yet seems to think , that luckie he , who sues to wear this royal maid's , will walk at ease . 81. of these a brief survey sad birtha takes ; and orgo's help directs her eye to all ; shews her for whom grave tybalt nightly wakes ; then at whose feet wise hermegild does fall . 82. and when calm orna with the count she saw , hope ( who though weak , a willing painter is , and busily does ev'ry pattern draw ) by that example could not work amiss . 83. for soon she shap'd her lord and her so kind , so all of love ; till fancie wrought no more when she perceiv'd him sit with rhodalind ; but froward-painter-like the copie tore . 84. and now they move ; and she thus robb'd , believes ( since with such haste they bear her wealth away ) that they at best are but judicious thieves , and know the noble value of their prey . 85. and then she thus complain'd , why royal maid ! injurious greatness ! did you hither come where pow'r's strong nets of wire were never laid ? but childish love took cradle as at home . 86. where can we safe our harmless blessings keep , since glorious courts our solitude invade ? bells which ring out , when th' unconcern'd would sleep ; faise lights to scare poor birds in countrey shade ! 87. or if our joys their own discov'rie make , envie ( whose tongue first kills whom she devours ) calls it our pride ; envie , the poys'nous snake , whose breath blasts maids , as innocent as flow'rs ! 88. forgive me beautious greatness , if i grow distemper'd with my fears , and rudely long to be secure ; or praise your beautie so as to believe that it may do me wrong . 89. and you my plighted lord , forgive me too , if since your worth and my defects i find , i fear what you in justice ought to do ; and praise your judgement when i doubt you kind . 90. now suddain fear ore all her beauty wrought the pale appearance of a killing frost ; and carefull orgo , when she started , thought she had her pledge , the precions emrauld , lost . 91. but that kind heart , as constant as her own , she did not miss ; 't was from a suddain sence , lest in her lover's heart some change was grown , and it grew pale with that intelligence . 92. soon from her bosom she this emrauld took ; if now ( said she ) my lord my heart deceives , this stone will by dead paleness make me look pale as the snowy skin of lilly leaves . 93. but such a chearfull green the gem did sling where she oppos'd the rays , as if she had been dy'd in the complexion of the spring , or were by nimphs of brittain valleys clad . 94. soon she with earnest passion kist the stone ; which ne'r till then had suffer'd an eclips ; but then the rays retir'd , as if it shone in vain , so near the rubies of her lips. 95. yet thence remov'd , with publick glory shines ! she orgo blest , who had this relique brought ; and kept it like those reliques lock'd in shrines , by which the latest miracles were wrought . 96. for soon respect was up to rev'rence grown ; which fear to superstition would sublime , but that her father took fear 's ladder down ; lose steps by which distress to heav'n would climbe . 97. he knew , when fear shapes heav'nly pow'r so just , ( and terrible parts of that shape drawn true ) it vails heav'n's beauty , love ; which when we trust our courage honours him to whom we sue ! canto the fifth . the argument . the deep designs of birtha in distress ; her emrauld's virtue shews her love's success . wise astragon with reason cures despair , and the afflicted chides for partial pray'r . with grief the secret rivals take their leave , and but dark hope for hidden love receive . 1. to shew the morn her passage to the east , now birtha's dawn , the lover's day , appears ! so soon love beats revellies in her breast , and like the dewy morn , she rose in tears : 2. so much she did her jealous dreams dislike , her maids straight kindle by her light their eyes ; which when to hers compar'd , poets would strike such sparks to light their lamps , ere day does rise . 3. but , o vain jealousie ! why dost thou haste to find those evils which too soon are brought ? love's frantick valour ! which so rashly fast seeks dangers , as if none would come unsought . 4. as often fairest mo●●s soon cover'd be , so she with dark'ning thoughts is clouded now ; looks so , as weaker eyes small objects see ; or studious states-men who contract the brow. 5. or like some thinking sybill that would find the sence of mystick words by angels giv'n ! and this fair politick bred in her mind ( restless as seas ) a deep designe on heav'n . 6. to pray'rs plain temple she does hast unseen ; which though not grac'd with curious cost for show , was nicely kept ; and now must be as clean , as tears make those who thence forgiven go . 7. for her own hands ( by which best painter drew the hands of innocence ) will make it shine ; penance , which newly from her terrors grew ; and was ( alas ! ) part of her deep designe . 8. and when this holy huswifry was past , her vows she sends to heav'n , which thither fly intire ; not broken by unthinking hast ; like sinners sparks that in ascending dye . 9. thence she departs ; but at this temple gate a needy crowd ( call'd by her summons there ) with such assurance for her bounty waite ; as if ne'r failing heav'n their debtor were . 10. to these she store of antique treasure gave ( for she no money knew ) medals of gold , which curious gath'rers did in travell save , and at high worth were to her mother sold. 11. figures of fighting chiefs , born to orecome those who without their leave would all destroy ; chiefs , who had brought renown to athens , rome , to carthage , tyre , and to lamented troy. 12. such was her wealth , her mothers legacy ; and well she knew it was of special price ; but she has begg'd what heav'n must not deny ; so would not make a common sacrifice . 13. to the black temple she her sorrow bears ; where she out-begg'd the tardy begging thief ; made weeping magdaline but poor in tears , yet silent as their pictures was her grief . 14. her purpos'd penance she did here fulfill ; those pictures dress'd , and the spent lamp reliev'd with fragrant oyls , dropp'd from her silver still ; and now for those that there sat mourning , griev'd . 15. those penitients , who knew her innocence , wonder what parents sin she did bemoan ; and venture ( though they go unpardon'd thence ) more sighs for her redress than for their own . 16. now jealousie no more benights her face , her courage beauteous grows , and grief decays ; and with such joy as shipwrack'd men imbrace the shore , she hastens to the house of praise . 17. and there the gem she from her bosom took , ( with which till now she trembled to advise ) so far from pale , that gondibert would look pale , if he saw , how it out-shin'd her eyes . 18. these rays she to a miracle prefers ; and lustre that such beauty so defies , had poets seen ( love's partial jewellers , who count nought precious but their mistress eyes ) 19. they would with grief a miracle confess ! she enters straight to pay her gratitude ; and could not think her beauty in distress , whilst to her love , her lord is still subdu'd . 20. the altar she with imag'ry array'd ; where needles boldly , as a pencil , wrought the story of that humble syrian mayd , who pitchers bore , yet kings to juda brought . 21. and there she of that precious linnen spreds , which in the consecrated moneth is spun by lombard brides ; for whom in empty beds their bridegrooms sigh till the succeeding moon . 22. 't is in that moon , bleach'd by her fuller light ; and wash'd in suds of amber , till it grow clean as this spreaders hands , and those were white as rising lilies , or as falling snow . 23. the voluntary quire of birds she feeds , which oft had here the virgin-consort fill'd ; she diets them with aromatick seeds ; and quench'd their thirst with rainbowe-dew distill'd . 24. lord astragon , whose tender care did wait her progress , since her morn so cloudy broke , arrests her passage at this temple gate , and thus , he with a father's license , spoke . 25. why art thou now , who hast so joyfull liv'd ere love thou knewst , become with love so sad ? if thou hast lost fair virtue , then be griev'd ; else shew thou know'st her worth , by being glad . 26. thy love 's high soaring cannot be a crime ; nor can we , if a spinster loves a king , say that her love ambitiously does climb : love seeks no honour , but does honour bring ; 27. mounts others value , and her own lets fall ! kings honour is but little , till made much by subjects tongues ! elixar-love turns all to pow'rfull gold , where it does onely touch . 28. thou lov'st a prince above thine own degree : degree is monarch's art ; love , nature's law ; in love's free state all pow'rs so levell'd be , that there , affection governs more than aw . 29. but thou dost love where rhodalind does love ; and thence thy griefs of jealousie begin ; a cause which does thy sorrow vainly move ; since 't is thy noble fate , and not thy sin. 30. this vain and voluntary load of grief ( for fate sent love , thy will does sorrow bear ) thou to the temple carry'st for relief , and so to heav'n art guided by thy fear . 31. wild fear ! which has a common-wealth devis'd in heav'n's old realm , and saints in senates fram'd ; such as by which , were beasts well civilliz'd , they would suspect their tamer man , untam'd . 32. wild fear ! which has the indian worship made , where each unletter'd priest the godhead draws in such a form , as makes himself afraid ; disguising mercy 's shape in teeth and claws . 33. this false guide , fear , which does thy reason sway , and turns thy valiant virtue to despair , has brought thee here , to offer , and to pray ; but temples were not built for cowards pray'r . 34. for when by fear thy noble reason's led ( reason , not shape gives us so great degree above our subjects , beasts ) then beasts may plead a right in temples helps as well as we . 35. and here , with absent reason thou dost weep to beg success in love ; that rhodalind may lose , what she as much does beg to keep , and may at least an equal audience find . 36. mark birtha , this unrighteous war of prayer ! like wrangling states , you ask a monarch's aid , when you are weak , that you may better dare lay claim , to what your passion would invade . 37. long has th' ambitious world rudely preferr'd their quarrels , which they call their pray'rs , to heav'n ; and thought that heav'n would like themselves have err'd , depriving some , of what 's to others giv'n . 38. thence modern faith becomes so weak and blind , thinks heav'n in ruling other worlds employ'd , and is not mindfull of our abject kind , because all sutes are not by all enjoy'd . 39. how firm was faith , when humbly sutes for need , not choice were made ? then ( free from all despair as mod'rate birds , who sing for daily seed ) like birds , our songs of praise included pray'r . 40. thy hopes are by thy rivals virtue aw'd ; thy rival rhodalind , whose virtue shines on hills , when brightest planets are abroad ; thine privately , like miners lamps , in mines . 41. the court ( where single patterns are disgrac'd ; where glorious vice , weak eyes admire ; and virtue 's plainness is by art out-fac'd ) she makes a temple by her vestal fire . 42. though there , vice sweetly dress'd , does tempt like bliss even cautious saints ; and single virtue seem fantastick , where brave vice in fashion is ; yet she has brought plain virtue in esteem . 43. yours is a virtue of inferiour rate , herein the dark a pattern , where 't is barr'd from all your sex that should her imitate , and of that pomp which should her foes reward : 44. retir'd , as weak monasticks flie from care ; or devout cowards steal to forts , their cells , from pleasures , which the worlds chief dangers are : hers passes yours , as valour fear excels . 45. this is your rival in your suit to heav'n : but heav'n is partial if it give to you what to her bolder virtue should be giv'n ; since yours , pomps , virtue 's dangers , never knew . 46. your suit would have your love with love repay'd ; to which arts conquests , when all science flows , compar'd , are students dreams ; and triumphs made by glorious courts and camps , but painted shows . 47. even art 's dictators , who give laws to schools , are but dead heads ; states-men , who empire move , but prosp'rous spies ; and victors , fighting fools , when they their trophies rank with those of love. 48. and when against your fears i thus declame , ( yet make your danger more , whilst i decry your worth to hers ) then wisely fear i blame ; for fears are hurtfull'st when attempts are high . 49. and you should think your noble dangers less , when most my praise does her renown prefer ; for that takes off your hasty hope 's excess ; and when we little hope , we nothing fear . 50. now you are taught your sickness , learn your cure ; you shall to court , and there serve rhodalind ; trie if her virtue's force you can endure in the same sphear , without eclipse of mind . 51. your lord may there your souls compare ; for we , though souls , like stars , make not their greatnes known ; may find which greater than the other be ; the stars are measur'd by comparison ▪ 52. your plighted lord shall you ere long prefer to near attendance on this royal maid : quit then officious fear ! the jealous fear they are not fearfull , when to death afraid . 53. these words he clos'd with kindness , and retir'd ; in which her quick ey'd hope three blessings spy'd ; with joy of being near her lord , inspir'd , with seeing courts ' , and having virtue try'd . 54. she now with jealous questions utter'd fast , fils orgo's ear , which there unmark'd are gon , as throngs through guarded gates , when all make haste , not giving warders time t' examine one . 55. she ask'd if fame had render'd rhodalind with favour , or in truth 's impartial shape ? if orna were to humble virtue kind , and beauty could from gartha's envy scape ? 56. if laura ( whose faire eyes those but invites who to her wit ascribe the victory ) in conquest of a speechless mayd delights ? and ere to this prompt orgo could reply , 57. she ask'd , in what consist the charms of court ? whether those pleasures so resistless were as common country travailers report , and such as innocence had cause to fear ? 58. what kind of angels shape young fav'rites take ? and being angels , how they can be bad ? or why delight so cruelly to make fair country mayds , return from court so sad ? 59. more had she ask'd ( for study warm'd her brow , with thinking how her love might prosp'rous be ) but that young ulfinore approach'd her now , and goltho , warmer with designe than she . 60. though goltho's hope ( in indian feathers clad ) was light , and gay , as if he meant to flie ; yet he no farther than his rival had advanc'd in promise , from her tongue , or eye . 61. when distant , talk'd , as if he plighted were ; for hope in love , like cowards in the war , talks bravely till the enterprise be near ; but then discretion dares not venture far . 62. he never durst approch her watchfull eye with studious gazing , nor with sighs her ear ; but still seem'd frolick , like a states-man's spie ; as if his thoughtfull bus'ness were not there . 63. still , superstitious lovers beauty paint , ( thinking themselves but devils ) so divine , as if the thing belov'd , were all a saint ; and ev'ry place she enter'd , were a shrine . 64. and though last night were the auspitious time when they resolv'd to quit their bashfull fears ; yet soon ( as to the sun when eaglets climbe ) they stoop'd , and quench'd their daring eyes in tears . 65. and now ( for hope , that formal c●ntry , stands all winds and showrs though there but vainly plac'd , they to verona beg her dear commands ; and look to be with parting kindness grac'd . 66. both dayly journies meant , 'twixt this and court : for taking leave is twice love's sweet repast ; in being sweet , and then in being short ; like manna , ready still , but cannot last . 67. her favours not in lib'ral looks she gave , but in a kind respectfull lowliness , them honour gives , yet did her honour save ; which gently thus she did to both express . 68. high heav'n that did direct your eyes the way to chuse so well , when you your friendship made , still keep you joyn'd , that daring envie may fear such united virtue to invade ! 69. in your safe breasts , the noble gondibert does trust the secret treasure of his love ; and i ( grown conscious of my low desert ) would not , you should that wealth for me improve . 70. i am a flow'r that merit not the spring ! and he ( the world 's warm sun , ) in passing by should think , when such as i leave flourishing , his beams to cedars haste , which else would die . 71. this from his humble maid you may declare to him , on whom the good of humane kind depends ; and as his greatning is your care , so may your early love successes find ! 72. so may that beauteous she , whom eithers heart for virtue and delight of life shall chuse , quit in your siege the long defence of art , and nature's freedom in a treatie lose . 73. this gave cold ulfinore in love's long night some hope of day ; as sea-men that are run far north-ward , find long winters to be light , and in the cynosure adore the sun. 74. it shew'd to goltho , not alone like day , but like a wedding noon , who now grows strong enough to speak , but that her beauties stay his eyes , whose wonder soon arrests his tongue . 75. yet something he at parting seem'd to say , in prettie flow'rs of love's wild rhetorick ; which mov'd not her , though oratours thus ●way assemblies , which since wild , wild musick like . canto the sixth . the argument . here ulfin reads the art to ulfinore of wisely getting , and increasing pow'r . the rivals to verona haste , and there young goltho's frailtie does too soon appear . black dalga's fatal beautie is reveal'd ; but her descent and storie ●s conceal'd . 1. old ulfin parting now with ulfinore , his study'd thoughts , and of a grave import thus utter'd , as well read in ancient lore ; when prudence kept up greatness in the court. 2. heav'n guide thee son , through honour's sl●pp'ry way ; the hill , which warie painfulness must climbe ; and often rest , to take a full survay of ev'ry path trod by experienc'd time. 3. rise glorious with thy master 's hopefull morn ! his favour calls thee to his secret breast ; great gondibert ! to spatious ▪ empire born ; whose carefull head will in thy bosom rest . 4. be good ! and then in pitie soon be great ! for virtuous men should toil to compass pow'r , lest when the bad possess dominion's seat , we vainly weep for those whom they devour . 5. our virtue without pow'r but harmless is ! the good , who lazily are good at home , and safely rest in doing not amiss , flie from the bad , for fear of martyrdome . 6. be in thy greatness easie , and thy brow still clear , and comforting as breaking light ; the great , with bus'ness troubled , weakly bow ; pow'r should with publick burdens walk upright ! 7. we chearfulness , as innocence commend ! the great , may with benign and civil eyes the people wrong , yet not the wrong'd offend ; who feel most wrong from those who them despise ! 8. since wrongs must be , complaints must shew the grie and favourites should walk still open ear'd ; for of the suing croud , half are reliev'd with the innate delight of being heard : 9. thy greatness be in arms ! who else are great , move but like pageants in the people's view ; and in ●oul weather make a scorn'd retreat ; the greeks their painted gods in armour drew ! 10. yield not in storms of state to that dislike , which from the people does to rulers grow ; pow'r ( fortun 's sail ) should not for threatnings strike ; in boats bestorm'd all check at those that row . 11. courts little arts contemn dark holes to save retreated pow'r , when fear does friendship feign ; poor thieves retire to woods ! chiefs , great and brave , draw out their forces to the open plain ! 12. be by thy virtue bold ! when that sun shines , all art 's false lights are with disgrace put out ; her streitness shews it self in crooked lines ; and her plain txet the scepticks dare not doubt . 13. revenge ( weak women's valour , and in men the ruffians cowardise , ) keep from thy breast , the factious palace is that serpent's den ; whom cowards there , with secret slaughter feast . 14. revenge is but a braver name for fear , 't is indians furious fear , when they are fed with valiant foes ; whose hearts their teeth must tear before they boldly dare believe them dead . 15. when thou giv'st death , thy banners be display'd ! and move not till an open foe appears ! courts lurking war shews justice is afraid ; and no broad sword , but a closs ponyard wears . 16. to kill , shews fear dares not more fears endure ! when wrong'd , destroy not with thy foes thy fame , the valiant by forgiving mischief , cure ; and it is hea●'n's great conquest to reclaim ? 17. be by thy bountie known ! for since the needs of life , so rudely press the bold and wise ; the bounteous heart , all but his god exceeds ; whom bountie best makes known to mortal eyes ! 18. and to be bountefull , be rich ! for those fam'd talkers who in schools did wealth despise , taught doctrine , which at whom would empire lose , if not believ'd first by their enemies . 19. and though in ruling ministers of state , the people wretched povertie adore , ( which fools call innocence , and wise men hate as ▪ sloth ) yet they rebel for being poor . 20. and to be rich , be diligent ! move on like heav'ns great movers that inrich the earth ; whos 's moments sloth would shew the world undone , and make the spring straight bury all her birth . 21. rich are the diligent ! who can command time , natures stock ! and could his hour glass fall , would , as for seed of stars , stoop for the sand ; and by incessant labour gather all . 22. be kind to beautie ! that unluckie shrine ! where all love's thieves come bowing to their p●● ; and honour steal ; which beautie makes divine : be thou still kind , but never to betray ! 23. heav'n studie more in nature , than in schools ! let nature's image never by thee pass like unmark'd time ; but those unthinking fools despise , who spie not godhead through her glass . 24. these precepts ulfinore , with duteous care , in h●s hearts closet lock'd , his faithfull brest ! and now the rival-friends for court prepare ; and much their youth , is by their haste exprest . 25. they yet ne'r saw verona , nor the court ; and expectation lengthens much their way ; since by that great inviter urg'd , report ; and thither flie on coursers of relay . 26. ere to his western mines the sun retir'd , they his great mint for all those mines behold , verona , which in tow'rs to heav'n aspir'd , guilt doubly , for the sun now guilt their gold . 27. they make their entry through the western gate ! a gothick arch ! where , on an elephant bold clephes , as the second founder , sate ; made to mock life , and onely life did want . 28. still strange , and divers seem their objects now , and still increase , where e're their eyes they cast ; of lazy pag'ant-greatness , moving slow , and angry bus'ness , rushing on in haste . 29. all strange to them , as they to all appear ; yet less like strangers gaz'd than those they see ; who this glad day the duke's spectatours were ; to mark how with his fame his looks agree . 30. and guess that these are of his fighting train , renown'd in youth : who by their wonder stay'd , and by their own , but slowly passage gain ; but now much more their progress is delay'd : 31. for a black beauty did her pride display through a large window , and in jewels sho● , as if to please the world , weeping for day , night had put all her starry jewels on . 32. this beauty gaz'd on both , and ulfinore hung down his head , but yet did lift his eyes ; as if he fain would see a little more : for much , though bashful , he did beauty prise . 33. goltho did like a blushless statue stare ; boldly her practis'd boldness did out-look ; and even for fear she would mistrust her snare , was ready to cry out , that he was took ! 34. she , with a wicked woman's prosp'rous art , a seeming modesty , the window clos'd ; wisely delay'd his eyes , since of his heart she thought , she had sufficiently dispos'd . 35. and he thus straight complain'd ! ah ulfinore , how vainly glory has our youth misled ? the wind which blows us from the happy shore , and drives us from the living to the dead : 36. to bloudy slaughters , and perhaps of those who might beget such beauties as this maid ; the sleepy here are never wak'd with foes ; nor are of ought but ladies frowns afraid . 37. ere he could more lament , a little page , clean , and perfum'd ( one whom this dame did breed to guess at ills , too manly for his age ) steps swiftly to him , and arrests his s●eed . 38. with civil whisper cries , my lady si● ! — at this , goltho alights , as swiftly post as posters mount ; by ling'ring loath to erre , as wind-bound men , whose sloth their first wind lost . 39. and when his friend advis'd him to take care ; he gravely , as a man new potent grown , protests he shall in all his fortunes share ; and to the house invites him as his own . 40. and , with a rival's wisdom , ulfinore does hope , since thus blind love leads him astray , where a false saint he can so soon adore , that he to birtha ne'r will find the way . 41. they enter , and ascend ; and enter then where dalga with black eyes does sinners draw ; and with her voice holds fast repenting men ; to whose warm jett , light goltho is but straw . 42. nicely as bridegrooms was her chamber drest , her bed , as brides ; and richer than a throne , and sweeter seem'd than the circania's nest , though built in eastern groves of cinamon . 43. the price of princes pleasure , who her love ( though but false ware ) at rates so costly bought the wealth of many , but may hourly prove spoils to some one , by whom her self is caught . 44. she sway'd by sinfull beauties destiny , finds her tyrannick pow'r must now expire , who meant to kindle goltho in her eye , but to her breast has brought the raging fire . 45. yet ev'n in simple love she uses art , though weepings are from looser eyes but leaks ; yet eldest lovers scarce would doubt her heart , so well she weeps , and thus to goltho speaks : 46. i might , if i would ask your pardon , sir , suspect that pitie which the noble feel when women fail , but since in this i erre to all my sex , i would to women kneel . 47. yet happy were our sex , could they excuse all breach of modestie , as i can mine , since 't is from passion which a saint might use , and not appear less worthy of a shrine . 48. for my brave brother you resemble so throughout your shape , who late in combat fell , as you in that an inward virtue show , by which to me you all the world excell . 49. all was he which the good of greatness see , or love can like , in judgement match'd by none ; unless it fail'd in being kind to me , a crime forbid to all , since he is gone . 50. for though i send my eyes abroad in hope amongst the streams of men still slowing here , to find ( which ▪ is my passion 's utmost scope ) some one that does his noble image bear . 51. yet still i live recluse , unless it seem a liberty too rude , that i in you his likeness at so high a rate esteem , as to believe your heart is kind and true . 52. she casts on ulfinore a sudden look , starts like a mountebank , who had forgot his viol , and the cursed poison took , by dire mistake before his antidote . 53. pray'd goltho that his friend may straight forbear her presence , whom ( she said ) resembled so her noble brother's cruel murtherer , as she must now expire , unless he go . 54. goltho still gravely vain , with formal face bids ulfinore retire , and does pretend almost to know her parents , and the place , and ev'n to swear her brother was his friend . 55. but warie ulfinore ( who beauteous truth did never but in plainest dress behold ) smiles , and remembers tales to forward youth in winter nights by countrey matrons told : 56. of witches towns , where ●eeming beauties dwell , all hair , and black within , maids that can flie : whose palaces at night are smoaky hell , and in their beds their slaughter'd lovers lie . 57. and though the sun now setting , he no lights saw burning blue , nor steam of sulphur smelt , nor took her two black mer●on maids for sp'rites , yet he a secret touch of honour felt . 58. for not the craft of rivalship ( though more than states wise rivals study interest ) can make him leave his friend , till he restore some cold discretion to his burning breast . 59. though to his fears this cause now serious shows , yet smiles heat his solemn loving eye : for lust in reading beautie seldom grows , as old physitians in anatomie . 60. goltho ( said he ) 't is easie to discern that you are grave , and think you should be so ; since you have bus'ness here of great concern , and think that you this house and lady know . 61. you 'l stay , and have your sleep with musick fed , but little think to wake with mandrakes groans , and by a ghost be to a garden led at midnight , strew'd with simple lovers bones . 62. this goltho is enchantment , and so strange , so subt'ly false , that whilst i tell it you , i fear the spell will my opinion change , and make me think the pleasant vision true . 63. her dire black eyes are like the oxes eye , which in the indian ocean tempests brings : let 's go before our horses learn to ●lie , ere she shew ●loven feet , and they get wings . 64. but high rebellious love , when counsell'd , soon as sullen as rebuk'd ambition , grows and goltho would pursue what he should shun , but that his happier fa●e did interpose . 65. for at the garden gate a summons , loud enough to shew authority and haste , brought cares to dalga's brow , which like a cloud , did soon her shining beauty over cast . 66. like thieves surpriz'd whilst they divide their prize , her maids run and return through ev'ry room ; still seeming doubtfull where their safety lies , all speaking with their looks , and all are dumb . 67. she , who to dangers could more boldly wake , with words , swift as those errands which her heart sends out in glances , thus to goltho spake : my mother , sir , alas ! you must depart . 68. she is severe , as dying confessours , as jealous as unable husbands are , she youth in men , like age in maids abhors , and has more spies than any civil war. 69. yet would you but submit to be conceal'd , i have a closet secret as my brest , which is to men , nor day , no more reveal'd , than a closs swallow in his winters nest. 70. to this good goltho did begin to yield , but ulfinore ( who doubts that it may tend to base retreat , unless they quit the field ) does by example govern , and descend . 71. and now his eyes ev'n wake with longingness , ready to break their strings to get abroad , to see this matron , by whose sole access dalga in all her furious hopes is aw'd . 72. and as he watch'd her civil mercurie , the hopefull page , he saw him entrance give , not to a matron still prepar'd to die , but to a youth wholly design'd to l●ve . 73. he seem'd the heir to prosp'rous parents toyls , gay as young kings , who sue in forreign courts , or youthfull victors in their persian spoyls , he seem'd like love and musick made for sports : 74. but wore his clothing loose , and wildly cast , as princes high with feasting , who to win are seldom us'd , shew'd warm , and more unbrac'd than ravishers oppos'd in their design . 75. this ulfinore observ'd , and would not yet in civil pitie undeceive his friend ; but watch the signs of his departing fit , which quickly did in bashfull silence end . 76. to the duke's palace they enquir'd the way , and as they slowly rode , a grave excuse griev'd goltho frames , vowing he made this stay , for a discov'ry of important use . 77. if sir ( said he ) we heedlesly pass by great towns , like birds that from the countrey come but to be skar'd , and on to forrests flie ; let 's be no travell'd fools , but roost at home . 78. i see ( reply'd his friend ) you nothing lack of what is painfull , curious , and discreet in travellers , else would you not look back so often to observe this house and street . 79. drawing your citie map with coasters care , not onely marking where safe channels run , but where the shelves , and rocks , and dangers are , to teach weak strangers what they ought to shun . 80. but , goltho , flie from lust's experiments , whose heat we quench much sooner than asswage , to quench the fornace-lust stop all the vents , for give it any air the flames will rage . finis . post-script to the reader . i am here arriv'd at the middle of the third book , which makes an equal half of the poem ; and i was now by degrees to present you ( as i promised in the preface ) the several keys of the main building ; which should convey you through such short walks as give an easie view of the whole frame . but 't is high time to strike sail , and cast anchor ( though i have run but half my course ) when at the helm i am threatened with death ; who , though he can visit us but once , seems troublesom ; and even in the innocent may beget such a gravitie , as diverts the musick of verse . and i beseech thee ( if thou art so civil as to be pleas'd with what is written ) not to take it ill , that i run not on till my last gasp . for though i intended in this poem to strip nature naked , and clothe her again in the perfect shape of virtue , yet even in so worthy a design i shall ask leave to desist , when i am interrupted by so great an experiment as dying : and 't is an experiment to the most experienc'd ; for no man ( though his mortifications may be much greater than mine ) can say , he has alreadie dy'd . it may be objected by some ( who look not on verse with the eyes of the ancients , nor with the reverence which it still preserves amongst other nations ) that i beget a poem in an unseasonable time . but be not thou , reader , ( for thine own sake , as well as mine ) a common spectator , that can never look on great changes but with tears in his eyes : for if all men would observe , that conquest is the wheels of the world , on which it has ever run , the victorious would not think they have done so new , and such admirable actions , as must draw men from the noble and beautiful ▪ arts , to gaze wholly upon them ; neither would the conquer'd continue their wonder , till it involve them in sorrow ; which is then the mind 's incurable disease , when the patient grows so sullen , ▪ as not to listen to remedie : and poesie was that harp of david , which remov'd from saul , the melancholly spirit , that put him in a continual remembrance of the revolution of empire . i shall not think i instruct militarie men , by saying , that with poesie in heroick songs , the wiser ancients prepar'd their battels ; nor would i offend the austeritie of such , as vex themselves with the mannage of civil affairs , by putting them in mind , that whilst the plays of children are punish'd , the plays of men are but excus'd under the title of business . but i will gravely tell thee ( reader ) he who writes an heroick poem , leaves an estate entayl'd ; and he gives a greater gift to posteritie , than to the present age ; for a publick benefit is best measured in the number of receivers ; and our contemporaries are but few , when reckon'd with those who shall succeed . nor could i sit idle , and sigh with such as mourn to hear the drum ; for if this age be not quiet enough to be taught virtue a pleasant way , the next may be at leisure : nor could i ( like men that have civilly slept , till they are old in dark cities ) think war a noveltie : for we have all heard , that alexander walk'd after the drum from macedon into india ; and i tell thee ( reader ) he carry'd homer in his pocket ; and that after augustus , by many battels had chang'd the government of the world , he and mecoenas often feasted very peaceably with horace : and that the last wi●e cardinal ( whilst he was sending armies abroad , and preparing against civil invasion ) took virgil & tasso aside under the louvre gallerie , and at a great expence of time and treasure , sent them forth in new ornaments . and perhaps , if my poem were not so severe a representation of virtue ( undressing truth even out of those disguises , which have been most in fashion throughout the world ) it might arrive at fair entertainment , though it make now for a harbour in a storm . if thou art a malicious reader , thou wilt remember , my preface boldly confessed , that a main motive to this undertaking , was a desire of fame ; and thou mayst likewise say , i may very possibly not live to enjoy it . truly i have some years ago consider'd , that fame , like time , onely gets a reverence by long running ; and that like a river , 't is narrowest where 't is bred , and broadest afar off : but this concludes it not unprofitable ; for he whose writings divert men from indiscretion & vice , becomes famous as he is an example to others endeavours : and exemplary writers are wiser than to depend on the gratuities of this world ; since the kind looks and praises of the present age , for reclaiming a few , are not mentionable with those solid rewards in heaven , for a long and continual conversion of posteritie . if thou ( reader ) art one of those , who has been warm'd with poetick fire ▪ i reverence thee as my judge , and whilst others tax me with vanitie , as if the preface argued my good opinion of the work , i appeal to thy conscience , whether it be more than such a necessarie assurance , as thou hast made to thy self in like undertakings ? for when i observe that writers have many enemies , such inward assurance ( me thinks ) resembles that forward confidence in men of arms , which makes them proceed in great enterprise ; since the right examination of abilities , begins with inquiring whether we doubt our selves . cowes . castle in the isle of wight , october 22. 1650. will. d'avenant . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a37179-e930 gondibert lib. 2. can. 10 6.