The life and reigne of King Charls, or, The pseudo-martyr discovered with a late reply to an invective remonstrance against the Parliament and present government : together with some animadversions on the strange contrariety between the late Kings publick declarations ... compared with his private letters, and other of his expresses not hitherto taken into common observation.
Milton, John, 1608-1674.
1651
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The life and reigne of King Charls, or, The pseudo-martyr discovered with a late reply to an invective remonstrance against the Parliament and present government : together with some animadversions on the strange contrariety between the late Kings publick declarations ... compared with his private letters, and other of his expresses not hitherto taken into common observation.
Milton, John, 1608-1674.
[28], 228 p.
Printed for W. Reybold ...,
London :
1651.
Attributed to John Milton. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.).
First ed. Cf. NUC pre-1956.
Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.
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Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649.
Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649.
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THE
LIFE
AND
REIGNE
OF
King
CHARLS
,
Or
the
Pseudo-Martyr
discovered
.
With
a
late
Reply
to
an
Invective
Remonstrance
against
the
Parliament
and
present
Government
:
Together
with
some
Animadversions
on
the
strange
contrariety
between
the
late
Kings
publick
Declarations
,
Protestations
,
Imprecations
,
and
his
Pourtracture
,
compared
with
his
private
Letters
,
and
other
of
his
Expresses
not
hitherto
taken
into
common
Observation
.
Istud
est
sapere
,
non
solùm
ea
quae
ante
Pedes
videre
,
sed
futura
prospicere
.
Seneca
.
London
,
Printed
for
W.
Reybold
at
the
signe
of
the
Unicorn
in
Pauls
Church-yard
1651.
The
Preface
.
TO
write
the
Lives
of
Princes
,
in
another
world
,
and
fallen
,
through
their
owne
frailties
,
or
by
the
influence
of
others
counsells
from
the
high
pitch
of
Soveraignty
(
for
regality
is
a
slippery
precipice
)
in
charity
may
be
allowed
a
faire
and
favourable
memoriall
;
but
for
a
King
falling
by
the
high
hand
of
Justice
,
not
for
common
faults
and
frailties
(
incident
to
humane
nature
)
but
presumptuous
sins
,
sins
of
lood
,
perfidie
,
cruelty
,
rapine
,
wilfully
perpetrated
in
the
face
of
God
and
man
,
and
without
any
remorse
,
to
pursue
the
destruction
not
of
one
,
but
three
flourishing
Kingdoms
,
such
desperate
and
violent
Princes
,
deserve
no
other
favour
than
to
be
set
out
to
the
life
of
their
Tyrannous
actions
;
though
in
pitty
to
him
,
who
hath
already
paid
his
debt
to
Nature
,
and
his
offences
,
much
of
his
exorbitant
government
and
irregular
motions
might
,
and
doubtlesse
would
have
been
concealed
,
more
tenderly
intreated
,
and
himselfe
sufferered
to
rest
where
he
is
,
in
the
silent
grave
,
had
not
that
madnesse
of
his
defeated
surviving
party
by
their
indefatigable
instigations
,
given
frequent
occasion
of
taking
over
the
ashes
of
him
,
who
living
(
without
injury
to
truth
and
his
memory
it
may
be
said
)
that
rather
than
to
have
failed
in
the
accomplishing
of
his
designs
,
(
had
it
layn
in
in
his
power
)
he
would
have
set
the
World
on
fire
.
It
was
an
unhappy
and
no
iningenious
expression
of
*
him
,
who
hath
written
it
,
That
there
were
a
sort
of
men
borne
to
the
world
,
not
so
suffer
it
to
be
at
rest
;
a
sentence
not
more
true
,
than
made
good
in
this
most
unhappy
King
,
had
this
been
put
in
addition
(
neither
himselfe
to
take
his
owne
rest
,
and
sleep
(
as
he
could
not
)
quietly
and
peaceably
like
other
men
.
)
I
am
not
ignorant
what
senslesse
maxims
and
ridiculous
principles
have
gotten
credit
in
the
World
(
as
undoubted
Oracles
indisputably
to
be
obeyed
)
as
that
de
mortuis
nil
nisi
bona
,
but
by
no
means
to
tread
on
the
sacred
Urne
of
Princes
,
though
living
never
so
vicious
and
exorbitant
,
as
if
death
had
bequeathed
unto
them
a
supersedeas
for
the
covering
over
their
faults
and
licencious
reignes
,
and
to
close
them
up
in
the
Coffin
of
Oblivion
,
with
a
ne
plus
ultra
,
not
to
admit
of
the
least
mention
that
they
had
done
amisse
,
when
many
thousands
of
oppressed
and
desolated
families
must
stand
mute
,
whilest
the
malicious
partizans
of
an
irregular
King
,
take
a
liberty
to
themselves
,
to
vindicate
his
indefensible
actions
,
and
not
so
content
,
but
asperse
and
scandalise
those
that
opposed
him
in
his
cruelties
,
and
likewise
would
perswade
others
to
adore
him
for
a
Saint
,
and
an
innocent
martyr
,
whose
Fathers
,
Brothers
,
and
Friends
,
have
been
most
barbarously
slain
to
fulfill
the
lust
and
pleasure
of
one
wilfull
man
:
if
to
speake
truth
in
due
season
,
or
to
be
the
faithfull
witnesse
to
convey
the
verity
of
things
past
to
the
present
and
after
times
,
be
a
crime
unpardonable
,
or
an
injustice
done
to
the
memory
of
the
dead
,
the
Malignant
generation
of
this
age
may
on
the
same
reason
charge
it
as
a
fault
on
those
holy
and
inspired
pen-men
of
the
sacred
Scriptures
,
which
have
recorded
and
left
to
after
ages
the
wicked
reignes
of
Kings
,
leaving
an
everlasting
staine
and
taint
on
their
memories
;
how
prophane
would
it
be
to
tax
that
holy
man
(
the
meekest
of
men
)
Moses
,
for
leaving
to
posterity
the
fratricide
of
Cayne
?
the
mockery
of
that
wicked
Cam
?
what
madnesse
to
accuse
Samuel
,
and
the
Authors
of
the
Chronicles
of
the
Kings
of
Iuda
and
Israel
,
in
leaving
to
after
ages
the
Tyranny
of
Saul
,
in
murthering
at
once
eighty
of
Gods
priests
?
that
presumptuous
sin
and
perfidious
fact
of
David
,
in
plotting
the
death
of
Vriah
,
that
he
might
enjoy
his
Wife
which
lay
in
his
bosome
?
Rehoboams
Tyrannies
?
the
Cruelties
and
Idolatries
of
Ieroboam
,
who
stands
branded
,
as
the
Sonne
of
Nebat
,
which
made
Israel
to
sin
?
with
what
face
can
it
be
imputed
as
an
incharity
to
Tacitus
,
Livy
,
Florus
,
and
others
of
the
Roman
Historians
,
for
inserting
in
their
histories
,
the
rape
of
Lucretia
by
that
Tyrant
Tarquin
?
the
Tyrannies
of
Tiberius
and
his
privado
Scianus
?
those
of
Nero
,
that
Monster
of
Princes
,
and
the
condemnation
of
him
by
the
Senate
?
To
omit
Forraign
examples
,
what
offence
in
reason
can
be
charged
on
Matthew
Paris
,
Ho●eden
,
Sir
Th.
Moor
,
Daniell
,
and
infinite
others
,
of
our
owne
Historians
,
for
describing
the
vices
and
tyrannies
of
our
owne
Kings
both
ancient
and
moderne
?
What
injury
have
they
committed
in
their
Registers
,
in
setting
downe
that
William
the
first
of
our
Norman
Kings
,
was
a
known
Bastard
of
Robert
Duke
of
Normandy
,
an
usurper
,
and
from
which
spurious
root
all
our
Kings
since
his
usurpation
derive
their
deified
titles
,
and
that
most
of
his
descendants
ruled
tyrannically
,
and
that
amongst
them
all
King
Iohn
was
one
of
the
most
subtill
,
persideous
and
bloody
Princes
that
history
hath
afforded
?
That
Henry
the
third
his
sonne
(
admitted
by
the
indulgence
of
the
Barons
and
People
in
hopes
of
his
better
Government
)
proved
as
oppressive
and
bloody
to
the
Nation
as
any
of
the
rest
:
That
Richard
the
third
in
murthering
his
Brothers
sonnes
,
and
usurping
the
Crowne
,
was
more
wicked
than
the
worst
?
That
Henry
the
seventh
was
the
descendant
of
a
Bastard
sonne
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
,
begotten
on
Catherine
Swinford
another
mans
Wife
,
though
legitimated
by
act
of
Parliament
,
yet
had
no
other
title
to
the
Crowne
but
that
of
his
Sword
?
That
six
of
his
descendants
,
and
of
our
last
Princes
,
claym
their
rights
to
the
Crowne
from
his
spurious
stock
(
as
if
it
had
been
in
the
fate
of
the
English
Nation
,
to
be
perpetually
chaind
up
to
the
irregular
domination
of
a
race
of
Kings
,
transmitted
from
one
bastardized
roote
to
another
?
That
Henry
the
eighth
was
a
most
imperious
and
bloody
prince
,
the
pattern
and
Idea
of
all
Tyranny
,
and
one
that
neither
spared
any
man
in
his
wrath
,
or
woman
in
his
lust
?
That
his
daughter
Queen
Mary
was
the
spurious
issue
begotten
on
Catherine
of
Austria
his
elder
brother
Arthurs
Wife
,
that
Alecto
,
superstitious
and
bloody
Princesse
;
That
King
Iames
,
and
our
late
King
Charls
,
were
discendants
from
the
same
Stock
of
Henry
of
Richmond
,
the
one
who
most
of
all
our
Kings
secretly
,
cunningly
,
and
underhand
indeavoured
,
and
laid
the
plot
to
undermine
the
freedoms
of
the
english
nation
,
and
King
Charls
to
have
followed
the
design
with
more
plots
,
wiles
,
and
stratagems
,
than
any
of
our
former
Kings
,
raised
more
treasure
by
undue
exactions
,
and
spilt
more
innocent
blood
than
all
of
the
Norman
Kings
before
him
?
If
the
premisses
are
evident
truths
,
as
they
cannot
be
denyed
;
why
then
should
they
be
concealed
,
and
wrapt
up
from
the
sight
of
the
world
?
being
so
pertinent
to
be
left
as
Looking
glasses
for
their
Successours
to
behold
the
deformed
faces
of
their
Ancestors
,
so
fit
to
be
made
known
to
the
deluded
number
of
the
people
,
baffled
and
befool'd
with
flam's
and
Fig-leaves
?
what
injury
then
or
injustice
hath
the
Parliament
done
to
the
Nation
,
in
rescuing
their
Liberties
out
of
the
hand
of
a
King
,
which
nothing
would
content
,
but
their
Invassalage
?
what
have
they
done
more
in
cutting
off
him
with
his
Posterity
(
to
whom
he
had
entayled
his
designes
)
than
necessity
hath
inforc'd
them
to
do
,
in
preservation
of
the
Nation
from
that
inevitable
inthralldome
,
which
eminently
was
like
,
and
would
have
befallen
the
universall
people
,
had
they
not
taken
away
the
Effects
by
the
Cause
,
and
by
that
Law
of
Necessity
,
to
which
all
others
are
subservient
?
And
have
they
done
more
than
the
Romans
of
old
have
left
in
president
,
in
the
case
of
Tarquinius
,
and
the
expulsion
of
his
Posterity
for
lesse
Tyranny
,
and
to
change
the
Kingly
Government
into
a
Republick
,
when
as
this
most
willfull
Prince
stood
so
constantly
fix'd
to
his
depraved
Principles
,
that
no
perswasions
of
a
Court
of
Parliament
,
no
reason
but
his
will
could
prevaile
,
or
content
him
,
but
to
be
the
absolute
Master
of
such
an
immensity
of
power
,
as
that
at
his
own
time
and
pleasure
might
enable
him
,
not
only
to
destroy
himself
,
but
to
overpower
the
whole
Kingdom
,
which
to
his
uttermost
he
endeavoured
,
and
to
wade
all
over
in
blood
to
the
accomplishment
,
as
't
is
most
manifest
by
all
his
actions
,
and
the
sequell
of
his
owne
story
?
And
have
not
the
SCOTS
on
the
same
Reasons
of
State
,
in
divers
presidents
,
acted
the
like
on
their
Kings
,
when
they
found
them
perverse
and
intractable
to
any
reason
,
as
t
is
manifest
in
the
fatall
examples
of
Dardanus
their
20.
King
from
Fergus
,
in
Romacus
their
36
King
,
and
on
Alpinus
their
68
King
,
all
three
of
them
beheaded
for
their
Cruelties
and
Tyrannies
;
besides
twenty
more
of
their
Kings
,
either
put
to
death
or
deposed
for
their
exorbitant
Governments
?
and
hath
the
Parliament
in
this
necessitated
change
of
the
late
Kingly
domination
into
a
Common-wealth
done
more
than
the
Hollanders
were
compell'd
to
attempt
,
and
happily
accomplisht
in
the
very
like
case
,
when
as
on
their
many
(
though
fruitlesse
,
Petitions
to
Philip
the
second
of
the
invading
of
their
ancient
Immunities
,
and
slaughtering
of
100000
of
the
Natives
by
Don
Alvares
de
Toledo
,
and
others
of
his
Vice-Royes
,
and
themselves
utterly
deprived
of
all
hopes
of
redresse
of
their
grievances
,
but
only
to
make
head
against
his
Tyranny
?
This
question
I
take
the
liberty
to
move
to
the
most
rigid
Royalist
;
by
what
right
,
equity
,
or
Law
of
God
or
man
,
is
any
Nation
in
the
World
bound
up
to
such
a
blind
and
unnaturall
obedience
,
as
to
be
deprived
of
self-defence
,
and
to
sit
still
without
seeking
their
own
preservations
,
whilst
an
irregular
King
shall
either
cut
their
throats
,
inslave
,
or
denude
them
of
their
Freedomes
,
when
as
both
Scripture
and
the
Law
of
Nature
and
Nations
allows
it
them
?
and
that
Royalists
themselves
,
and
the
most
learned
Jurists
maintain
and
concur
in
one
joynt
opinion
,
that
Subjects
in
such
cases
,
both
by
Gods
Law
and
that
of
Nature
,
may
defend
themselves
,
contra
immanem
saevitiem
,
against
barbarous
hostility
,
as
*
Barclay
confesseth
,
&
*
Hugo
Grotius
avoucheth
it
for
Law
,
si
Rex
hostili
animo
in
totius
populi
exitium
feratur
,
amittit
Regnum
,
If
a
King
in
a
hostile
way
shall
attempt
to
destroy
his
people
,
he
loseth
his
Kingdome
,
and
this
stands
with
infallible
reason
;
but
leaving
this
Argument
as
that
which
already
is
in
the
way
of
decifion
by
the
sword
,
which
when
we
have
all
said
what
can
be
alleged
,
is
the
best
title
of
all
Kings
and
Common-wealths
,
and
the
same
on
which
all
or
most
of
the
Kings
in
the
world
have
founded
their
powers
and
Soveraignties
;
What
a
strange
passion
then
and
madnesse
possesses
his
surviving
party
,
which
during
the
life
time
and
height
of
their
masters
power
could
not
with
all
their
united
forces
,
their
many
plots
and
continued
practices
prevaile
against
the
Parliament
,
or
enable
him
to
attaine
to
any
peece
of
his
ends
,
whose
boundlesse
ambition
,
lead
him
(
as
we
may
safely
beleeve
)
to
fight
as
well
against
Heaven
as
his
own
Subjects
,
and
saw
it
not
,
or
would
not
,
but
pursued
his
designs
so
long
as
any
power
or
hopes
prompted
him
to
beleeve
,
that
happily
in
the
end
he
might
be
the
Conquerour
,
but
but
missing
of
all
his
aims
,
and
himself
in
another
world
,
that
there
should
still
remain
so
many
of
his
defeated
partizans
,
which
out
of
an
old
and
inbred
malice
have
found
out
a
way
(
as
they
vainly
conceive
)
how
to
be
revenged
on
their
Conquerors
,
(
is
the
wonder
of
the
times
)
by
presenting
his
Book
,
with
his
picture
praying
in
the
Frontispiece
,
purposely
to
catch
and
amuse
the
people
,
magnifying
all
his
misdeeds
for
pious
actions
,
canonizing
him
for
a
Saint
,
and
idolizing
his
memory
for
an
innocent
Martyr
,
an
imposture
without
other
parallell
than
that
of
Mahomet
;
considerations
which
for
the
generall
satisfaction
,
and
for
the
better
discovery
of
the
truth
of
all
affairs
between
the
King
and
Parliament
,
have
principally
induced
me
to
take
(
in
brief
)
the
true
dimensions
of
this
Sainted
King
and
innocent
Martyr
,
and
to
pull
off
that
false
vizzard
wherewith
his
juggling
partie
hath
deckt
his
Effigies
,
and
presented
him
to
the
publick
view
,
for
the
most
pious
Prince
of
this
age
,
that
so
the
people
may
behold
him
in
his
native
complexon
;
true
it
is
some
other
important
reasons
have
moved
me
to
undertake
this
task
,
as
having
seen
the
many
poor
,
easie
,
and
beleeving
people
of
this
Nation
,
too
long
mislead
,
and
cosened
out
of
their
understanding
by
his
usuall
protestations
,
which
God
willing
shall
be
made
evidently
cleer
by
the
Kings
own
hand
writing
,
and
by
the
self
same
artifices
wherewith
he
had
so
often
deluded
and
prevailed
on
the
belief
of
too
many
of
his
own
party
pretending
to
knowledge
above
the
ordinary
rank
of
the
vulgar
,
other
reasons
have
moved
me
hereunto
,
as
for
satisfaction
of
some
obstinate
Royalists
to
whom
I
have
wisht
well
,
and
with
whom
I
have
had
severall
disputes
on
such
particular
subjects
,
as
may
be
seene
in
the
subsequent
reply
;
ranckt
betweene
the
breviary
of
the
Kings
reign
,
and
the
observations
on
severall
of
his
own
Letters
and
Expresses
;
and
lastly
to
confute
a
new
sprung
up
scandall
most
ungratefully
and
maliciously
raised
against
the
Parliament
;
viz.
That
the
present
change
of
the
Government
both
Civill
and
Ecclesiasticall
,
the
cutting
off
the
King
and
his
Posterity
,
were
Plots
and
Contrivances
of
a
longer
date
and
standing
than
this
Parliament
,
though
pursued
and
accomplished
by
a
party
yet
sitting
at
Westminster
:
this
being
the
scope
and
method
of
the
whole
,
I
have
thought
it
not
impertinent
in
preparation
thereunto
here
to
adjoyn
some
thing
of
the
place
of
his
birth
,
and
manner
of
his
breeding
;
That
he
was
born
in
Scotland
,
1600.
and
remained
there
untill
the
second
year
of
his
Fathers
reigne
,
needs
no
further
attestation
;
That
on
the
ceasing
of
the
sicknesse
1602.
at
London
(
for
its
ominously
remarkable
,
that
two
most
furious
plagues
immediately
followed
the
very
ingresse
both
of
the
Father
and
the
Son
to
their
Crowns
)
under
the
stile
and
title
of
Duke
of
Yorke
,
he
was
conveyed
from
Edenborough
to
St.
James's
known
to
many
yet
living
;
That
during
his
Infancy
,
then
fitter
for
the
oversight
of
the
female
sex
,
than
the
masculine
,
there
was
such
an
innated
,
incorrigible
,
obduracy
,
and
inflexibility
in
his
nature
,
that
his
Nurses
and
those
Gentlewomen
that
attended
him
could
very
rarely
devise
how
to
please
him
,
much
lesse
to
reclaim
that
intemperature
of
his
naturall
constitution
;
which
as
the
Gentlewomen
themselves
have
both
often
related
and
protested
,
so
are
there
yet
enough
alive
which
will
justifie
it
as
a
known
truth
,
and
of
which
his
mother
Queen
Anne
would
often
complain
,
usually
calling
him
her
perverse
and
obstinate
Son
,
and
his
Brother
Prince
HENRY
,
not
without
a
propheticall
judgement
to
befall
the
Kingdome
,
in
case
on
King
James
his
Father
and
his
own
decease
the
Crown
should
descend
on
him
;
God
knows
and
I
call
him
to
witnesse
that
I
shall
not
willingly
present
a
syllable
to
the
prejudice
of
his
memory
,
otherwise
then
for
truths
sake
(
abused
)
and
the
generall
satisfaction
of
such
as
would
be
rightly
informed
thereof
,
having
never
had
any
cause
given
me
to
write
more
or
lesse
than
becomes
me
in
sincerity
,
confessing
that
considering
the
distance
I
stood
in
to
be
a
pertaker
of
his
secrets
,
as
having
been
only
a
poor
servant
of
his
Fathers
,
untill
weary
of
the
Court
I
retired
,
having
seen
enough
of
the
vanity
thereof
,
and
of
both
raigns
,
though
on
some
urgent
occasions
,
in
my
Addresses
to
him
,
I
have
had
the
honour
of
his
gracious
aspect
;
and
sometimes
good
words
from
his
own
mouth
,
never
any
other
injury
,
than
in
my
particular
sufferings
,
involved
in
the
generall
calamity
proceeding
from
the
late
fatall
warre
,
of
which
I
cannot
in
justice
excuse
him
whose
ambition
and
wilfulness
to
rule
alone
,
and
without
controule
of
any
others
than
hers
,
which
had
too
long
and
imperiously
overruled
him
,
which
the
following
Animadversions
will
more
amply
manifest
;
Having
thus
made
my
Apology
,
that
neither
any
particular
spleen
or
quarrell
to
his
person
hath
incensed
me
to
write
,
as
in
justice
I
ought
;
I
come
to
his
education
as
he
arrived
to
riper
years
,
under
the
tutorship
of
Bishops
,
and
men
of
that
Garbe
(
known
to
many
who
they
were
)
how
he
was
seasoned
both
in
Learning
and
Religion
:
It
s
most
certain
that
he
attained
to
some
competent
measure
of
literature
(
for
a
Prince
)
and
as
I
have
some
reason
to
beleeve
suckt
in
with
the
most
of
the
Episcopall
leven
,
but
as
to
the
Religion
wherewith
afterward
he
was
seasoned
,
I
am
confident
he
was
more
beholding
to
his
honest
Secretary
Mr.
Murrey
,
than
to
any
other
of
his
Prelaticall
Tutors
,
though
he
after
proved
(
at
best
)
a
mere
formall
Protestant
;
an
enemy
to
the
Puritan
party
,
and
a
friend
to
Bishops
,
as
proceeding
from
the
instructions
of
his
own
Father
,
and
the
influence
of
his
Prelaticall
tetinue
;
It
s
a
known
truth
,
that
in
the
midst
of
that
long
,
fruitlesse
,
and
restlesse
pursute
of
the
old
Kings
for
a
marriage
with
the
Infanta
,
Secretary
Murrey
who
had
then
the
chiefest
influence
on
his
Counsells
,
had
privatly
diswaded
him
from
any
further
thought
thereof
,
as
a
Match
which
would
neither
be
well
pleasing
to
God
,
acceptable
to
the
generality
of
the
people
,
or
propitious
to
the
Kingdom
,
in
respect
of
the
disparity
of
their
religions
,
which
so
much
wrought
upon
him
,
what
by
the
Secretaries
owne
perswasions
,
and
the
reading
unto
him
of
Mr.
De
Molins
Tractate
on
the
17
of
Deutronomy
,
De
Illegitimes
Marages
,
that
he
was
altogether
averted
to
marry
in
any
papisticall
family
;
insomuch
as
the
old
King
making
diligent
inquiry
by
whose
infusions
he
was
so
much
alienated
from
the
Spanish
Match
,
it
was
at
last
found
out
to
be
Mr.
Murreys
workemanship
,
which
cost
the
honest
man
the
losse
of
his
place
,
and
expulsion
the
Court
:
Howsoever
the
King
out
of
his
restlesse
desire
to
match
his
Son
in
the
House
of
Austria
soone
turn'd
his
affection
,
and
sends
him
in
person
attended
with
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
,
privately
by
the
way
of
France
,
to
Madrid
;
where
after
an
expencefull
voyage
,
and
to
no
other
purpose
but
to
his
own
dishonour
,
and
disgrace
to
the
Prince
(
after
six
moneths
stay
in
Spain
)
he
returned
to
London
,
the
5
of
October
following
his
going
from
hence
,
and
about
5
moneths
after
his
arrivall
the
old
King
dyed
at
Theobalds
,
and
the
Crown
descended
upon
him
,
which
anon
we
shall
see
how
he
managed
it
:
That
he
had
then
so
much
applause
and
love
of
the
people
in
generall
,
even
to
a
kind
of
veneration
,
in
the
hopes
that
all
men
conceived
of
his
future
Government
is
known
to
thousands
yet
living
,
and
that
no
Prince
sooner
lost
it
,
is
also
not
unknown
,
most
men
wondering
how
so
suddenly
not
only
the
affections
of
the
people
were
withdrawn
from
him
,
but
to
fall
into
the
generall
obloquy
,
was
held
by
the
wisest
a
kind
of
Riddle
,
not
suspecting
and
indeed
then
not
knowing
,
or
not
observing
the
reasons
thereof
to
have
arisen
from
his
then
present
steerage
of
the
Helm
,
by
the
only
Compasse
of
the
old
Kings
delineation
,
whereof
more
hereafter
will
appear
in
his
carriage
at
his
first
Oxford
Parliament
;
where
I
must
give
this
caution
to
the
Reader
,
not
to
value
that
late
impartiall
and
flattering
Author
,
Aulicus
Coquinariae
,
neither
to
give
over
much
credit
to
King
Iames
his
Court
,
who
in
some
particulars
speakes
much
more
of
truth
than
the
other
babler
,
who
with
no
colour
at
all
of
sincerity
and
knowledge
of
those
times
talks
at
randome
,
palpably
and
ridiculously
rendring
King
Iames
for
the
only
Platonicall
,
Politick
,
Peaceable
and
pious
King
of
his
time
,
a
Prince
as
he
would
have
it
beleeved
,
the
Paragon
for
his
wisdome
and
care
,
the
fruits
whereof
no
rationall
man
could
ever
yet
discerne
,
when
the
plain
truth
was
,
and
the
right
measure
of
his
peaceable
reigne
was
well
known
to
all
Europe
,
to
be
the
onely
occasion
of
all
the
after
Wars
throughout
Germany
,
and
the
root
of
all
those
of
his
Successors
throughout
his
Dominions
,
those
in
Germany
,
to
the
utter
undoing
of
his
Son-in-Law
the
Count
Palatyne
,
and
all
those
Princes
which
assisted
him
in
the
Cause
of
Bohemia
,
whilst
himself
refused
,
or
durst
not
draw
his
Sword
,
through
meer
fear
of
offending
the
SPANIARD
in
the
least
punctilio
,
but
sate
musing
at
home
how
to
improve
his
Soveraignty
,
to
devise
projects
how
to
raise
moneyes
to
satiate
his
needy
and
greedy
Scotch
Courtiers
,
by
privy
seals
,
benevolences
,
sale
of
Forrest
lands
,
asserts
,
woods
,
and
Crowne
Lands
,
and
to
pick
quarrels
with
his
Parliaments
,
and
to
entaile
them
to
his
heirs
Generall
;
his
successor
proving
no
ill
scholler
in
putting
in
practice
his
Fathers
precepts
,
and
for
the
better
invading
of
the
libertyes
of
the
Subjects
,
to
suppresse
Parliaments
,
which
never
offended
him
,
but
in
refusing
to
supply
his
prodigalities
,
when
himselfe
had
wasted
treble
the
treasure
in
an
idle
Peace
,
than
his
predecessor
the
Queen
spent
in
a
continued
and
furious
War
,
with
the
greatest
Prince
of
Christendome
,
and
yet
to
leave
him
the
richest
King
of
the
Westerne
World
,
which
if
the
plain
truth
of
the
affairs
of
those
times
may
without
offence
be
made
manifest
,
were
the
only
frutes
of
his
so
much
magnified
and
peaceable
raigne
,
for
I
may
in
sincerity
say
it
over
and
over
againe
,
and
no
other
than
a
knowne
truth
,
that
the
not
drawing
of
his
Sword
,
in
the
Count
Palatines
quarrell
,
to
which
he
was
so
often
importuned
,
by
most
of
the
Germaine
Princes
,
invited
,
yea
prest
by
his
own
Councell
of
State
,
yet
would
he
not
,
but
hindered
in
what
possibly
he
could
,
those
that
would
and
did
,
to
their
utter
undoing
by
his
many
expencefull
,
and
fruitlesse
Embasseys
,
and
to
the
greatning
of
the
Austrian
Familie
,
which
had
long
befoold
and
baffled
him
even
to
the
derision
and
scorne
of
all
the
Princes
of
Europe
;
as
to
his
Justice
of
which
the
Court
Cook
tattels
,
the
whole
Kingdom
can
witnesse
,
how
he
measured
it
out
,
by
suffering
the
rigor
and
uttermost
penalty
of
the
Law
,
to
fall
on
the
accessaries
in
Sir
Tho.
Overbuties
case
,
and
to
take
the
Principalls
into
his
mercy
,
t
is
true
(
not
Somerset
into
his
former
favour
)
yet
sure
we
are
to
stop
his
mouth
from
telling
of
tales
,
he
gave
him
at
once
in
pure
gift
so
much
of
the
Crowne
Lands
,
as
were
well
worth
to
be
sold
100000
pounds
,
though
it
melted
away
like
wax
in
the
Sun
,
and
himselfe
to
dye
a
stark
begger
,
and
in
infamy
,
and
as
to
that
his
most
excellent
chast
Lady
,
and
Virgin
Bride
,
let
the
ghosts
of
Sir
Iames
Stuart
,
Sir
George
Wharton
,
and
Prince
Henry
speak
,
and
not
him
,
this
is
most
manifest
,
that
by
divine
justice
,
she
was
knowne
to
dye
living
,
and
of
so
loathsome
a
disease
,
that
her
own
Gentlewomen
,
have
often
protested
it
before
many
credible
witnesses
,
they
could
not
indure
the
Chamber
where
she
lay
,
neither
scarce
the
next
adjacent
for
the
horrible
stinke
that
a
long
time
before
she
expired
,
issued
from
her
carcase
,
and
polluted
the
ayre
;
I
could
speak
much
more
of
the
cariage
of
that
foule
businesse
,
and
of
others
,
not
pertinent
to
this
place
,
and
so
can
many
more
persons
of
honour
yet
alive
,
which
will
tell
the
tatler
to
his
face
that
which
he
hath
either
with
impudence
or
out
of
ignorance
published
;
are
both
false
and
abominable
adulatious
,
both
in
reference
to
the
old
King
,
Somerset
,
and
his
Lady
,
and
others
of
that
tribe
,
Sir
Walter
Rawly
,
the
Archbishop
Abbot
,
and
that
of
the
records
,
on
which
he
would
build
the
fabrick
of
his
untruths
,
were
known
forgeryes
of
their
owne
making
;
and
as
to
the
Archbishops
particular
,
he
comes
not
near
the
truth
,
that
honest
man
alone
,
as
it
is
well
knowne
,
withstood
the
King
alone
and
the
other
Bishops
,
in
their
base
complyance
in
that
nullity
;
insomuch
that
the
King
took
upon
him
to
convince
thê
said
Archbishop
in
a
treatise
,
dedicated
to
the
unbelieving
Thomas
,
yet
to
be
seene
,
passages
,
which
as
it
seems
,
the
talking
tatler
knew
not
,
neither
little
of
truth
,
which
he
assumes
to
relate
,
and
howsoever
he
hath
farc't
up
a
Pamphlet
,
as
to
the
matter
(
happily
his
own
or
not
)
yet
in
good
manners
he
might
have
forborne
,
to
make
use
of
another
mans
phrase
,
which
in
divers
places
of
his
relation
it
appears
he
hath
stolen
out
of
the
Fragmenta
Regalia
,
though
varied
to
the
worse
,
&
by
him
as
much
vitiated
,
as
by
the
printer
.
But
I
now
both
leave
him
and
his
theaft
,
untill
I
may
have
the
happiness
to
hear
further
from
him
,
then
doubtlesse
I
shall
not
faile
to
give
him
a
fuller
answer
;
in
the
mean
time
I
shall
advise
him
to
remember
,
that
he
which
justifieth
the
wicked
,
and
condemneth
the
just
,
even
they
both
are
an
abomination
to
the
Lord
,
a
text
that
will
become
both
of
us
,
to
take
into
our
serious
consideration
,
and
as
I
have
good
reason
to
believe
,
best
of
the
two
befits
himselfe
to
look
to
,
who
takes
upon
him
with
such
palpable
flattery
to
present
King
Iames
for
such
a
Saint-like
Prince
,
when
as
had
he
either
knowne
a
peece
of
his
life
and
conversation
,
or
the
least
of
his
secrets
and
Counsels
(
as
of
those
I
well
know
him
not
to
be
guilty
)
surely
he
would
have
been
ashamed
so
to
have
written
of
a
King
,
who
left
behind
so
little
evidence
of
piety
,
true
Religion
,
temperance
,
and
care
of
the
Subjects
welfare
,
and
so
much
of
the
structure
of
absolute
Monarchy
to
his
successor
,
a
study
to
which
he
had
wholy
devoted
himselfe
,
and
left
it
to
his
Sonne
as
an
infelicious
legacy
,
and
three
Kingdoms
destruction
,
which
were
without
all
question
,
the
fruits
and
effects
of
his
pe
ceable
reigne
.
But
briefly
now
to
his
only
Sonne
,
and
the
heire
of
his
fathers
unhappy
peace
,
and
the
prosecutor
of
his
owne
,
his
posterities
,
and
the
Kingdomes
ruine
.
THE
REIGNE
OF
KING
CHARLS
,
Or
the
pseudo-Martyr
discovered
,
&c.
KING
CHARLS
,
then
Prince
of
Wales
,
began
his
unfortunate
Reigne
on
the
expiration
of
his
Father
King
Iames
at
Theobalds
the
27
of
March
1627.
At
his
very
first
entry
to
the
Crowne
,
and
after
the
consummation
of
the
ceremonies
of
his
Inauguration
,
and
the
reception
of
the
Queen
from
France
,
he
was
(
as
his
Father
before
him
at
hi
accession
)
driven
away
from
the
Metropolis
of
the
Kingdom
(
London
)
by
the
increase
and
rage
of
the
Pestilence
,
as
an
ill
omen
both
to
the
Father
and
the
Sonne
,
but
of
a
more
ominous
portent
to
the
three
Kingdoms
.
A
Parliament
at
that
time
was
summoned
,
and
sitting
at
Westminster
,
but
hastily
adjourned
to
Oxford
,
on
the
former
reason
of
the
increase
of
the
Sicknesse
,
and
a
War
likewise
was
then
in
preparation
,
and
in
design
for
Spayn
,
as
an
ill
presage
of
the
after
improsperity
in
all
others
which
this
unfortunate
Prince
undertook
;
for
what
in
this
kinde
was
ever
enterprised
by
him
,
was
both
inauspicious
and
fatall
,
losse
of
Honour
to
himselfe
,
reputation
and
destruction
to
the
English
Nation
.
During
the
Parliament
at
Oxford
,
the
King
by
his
Speaker
,
the
Lord
Keeper
Williams
,
moved
the
Assembly
for
a
present
supply
of
moneys
in
relation
to
the
intended
War
,
the
Parliament
in
reply
to
the
Kings
desires
,
as
they
were
to
be
Contributors
to
the
War
,
so
they
humbly
moved
to
be
made
partakers
of
the
design
;
this
so
reasonable
a
motion
was
very
ill
taken
,
yea
scorned
by
the
King
,
for
it
even
then
evidently
appeared
,
that
he
meant
to
rule
alone
,
and
at
will
and
pleasure
.
Hence
we
may
observe
the
first
distaste
,
or
rather
indeed
a
pickt
quarrel
against
his
first
Parliament
,
which
shews
out
unto
us
,
on
how
small
,
or
no
cause
at
all
,
he
would
be
quarrelsome
with
his
Great
Councels
,
and
what
he
would
be
to
all
other
Parliaments
.
And
the
more
to
shew
the
regret
he
took
at
this
motion
,
he
commands
Glanvile
a
Lawyer
,
a
Gentleman
of
choice
education
and
elocution
,
then
a
Member
of
that
House
,
to
attend
the
Fleet
at
Plymouth
,
(
as
he
then
said
,
to
let
him
understand
what
he
so
much
desired
to
know
,
as
to
the
design
)
and
upon
this
miffe
abruptly
breaks
up
the
Assembly
without
their
assistance
,
which
on
all
honourable
and
fitting
terms
was
not
denyed
him
.
The
Crown
at
this
time
was
exceedingly
indigent
,
and
indeed
so
beggarly
and
indebted
,
that
the
Royall
Revenues
suffised
not
to
defray
the
Court
expences
;
yet
so
high
and
haughty
was
the
Kings
heart
,
that
rather
than
to
be
beholding
to
the
Parliament
,
he
was
resolved
to
run
any
hazard
that
might
befall
him
,
and
in
the
midst
of
this
extreme
necessity
,
sends
Sir
Sackvil
Crow
with
the
Crown
jewels
(
a
Gentleman
of
high
esteem
with
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
)
to
pawn
them
in
the
Low-Countreys
.
Wise
men
might
then
well
beleeve
,
that
the
King
could
not
possibly
be
so
wanting
to
himself
,
or
so
poor
in
treasure
,
as
to
be
put
on
so
dishonourable
a
streight
,
when
as
with
a
good
word
or
two
in
compliance
with
the
Parliament
,
he
might
have
had
before
what
in
reason
he
would
have
desired
,
and
that
at
that
instant
the
major
part
of
the
Queens
Dowry
was
received
;
but
the
truth
was
,
it
was
as
soon
spent
as
taken
,
in
the
gayety
of
the
English
Lords
,
attendants
then
on
the
new
Queen
at
Paris
;
where
especially
the
Duke
,
amongst
others
,
out
vyed
all
the
French
Lords
in
the
sumptuousnesse
of
his
expences
,
and
bravery
of
his
apparrell
;
so
that
how
rich
soever
the
Queen
and
her
attendants
were
then
in
their
Wardrobes
,
sure
it
is
,
they
came
home
poor
enough
in
purse
to
the
English
Court.
The
Queens
French
attendants
and
dependants
of
both
sexes
being
numerous
,
were
doubtlesse
far
too
many
to
be
maintained
with
any
ordinary
expence
:
She
was
then
not
only
(
in
comparison
)
a
meer
child
,
but
childish
in
her
carriage
,
and
A
la
Francoise
,
petulant
in
her
comportment
;
the
King
was
then
no
more
but
her
Tutor
,
she
his
Pupil
,
what
after
they
both
were
in
relation
to
each
other
,
and
how
those
offices
were
inverted
,
time
and
a
little
patience
will
shew
,
but
most
certain
it
is
,
that
Madam
Nurse
(
like
an
other
Philippina
the
Cajetan
to
Joan
Queen
of
Naples
)
was
both
her
Oracle
and
Governess
,
her
only
attendants
,
(
or
better
may
it
be
said
)
her
many
nasty
French
appurtenances
were
more
in
number
than
ever
were
known
to
follow
such
an
Emperours
Governesse
(
for
so
she
then
was
to
the
Queen
)
and
such
vermin
they
were
as
that
the
English
Ladies
(
but
in
respect
to
the
Queen
)
held
them
to
be
little
better
then
as
Scullions
for
the
Kitchin
;
yet
were
these
the
Locusts
which
then
and
a
long
time
after
devoured
all
in
the
English
Court
,
which
was
at
that
time
with
much
adoe
prodigally
maintained
at
Salisbury
,
whilst
the
King
and
the
Lords
of
his
Councell
were
all
to
seek
how
to
defray
his
own
expences
,
and
the
wantonness
of
a
Court
,
promiscuously
pestered
,
both
with
domestick
,
forrein
,
idle
,
and
useless
numbers
of
both
sexes
.
I
was
then
in
that
Progresse
,
and
usually
in
the
Court
,
and
a
sad
witnesse
into
what
streights
the
King
was
reduced
,
and
were
it
not
within
the
remembrance
of
many
yet
alive
,
the
relation
might
seem
strange
,
what
in
so
new
and
greene
a
Reigne
was
both
attempted
,
and
with
boldnesse
put
in
execution
:
The
prodigality
of
the
Court
then
so
much
out-went
the
Royal
Revenues
,
that
the
Kings
Officers
and
Purveyors
had
not
wherewithall
to
defray
the
expence
of
the
King
and
Queens
Tables
.
The
King
,
to
begin
the
first
President
of
his
arbitrary
Governmen
,
sends
for
the
Farmers
of
the
Customes
,
and
gaines
what
possibly
he
could
from
them
,
which
by
reason
of
the
sicknesse
,
and
damp
of
Trade
at
London
,
would
then
have
put
backe
their
contract
upon
him
,
however
money
he
had
,
and
would
have
it
of
them
;
but
that
served
not
the
turn
,
some
other
course
must
be
taken
for
present
supply
of
the
Kings
wants
;
Sir
James
Ley
then
newly
made
Earl
of
Marlborow
was
then
Lord
Treasurer
,
VVeston
and
Cottington
,
(
all
new
men
and
of
very
small
beginings
)
were
the
men
shortly
after
under
the
Duke
,
which
principally
then
and
after
managed
the
Kings
Treasury
,
and
were
those
which
he
had
chosen
and
picked
out
as
fit
Ministers
to
be
employed
in
his
after
arbitrary
designes
,
yet
I
am
confident
none
of
them
all
durst
advise
him
for
any
thing
which
they
found
not
suitable
to
his
inclination
.
The
Kings
next
project
then
was
,
how
he
might
raise
present
moneys
(
for
from
London
he
could
not
expect
farther
supplyes
,
the
Merchants
and
the
a
blest
Citizens
being
fled
the
City
,
by
reason
of
the
rage
of
the
Pestilence
)
whereupon
he
resolved
to
take
it
where
he
could
find
it
,
the
City
of
Salisbury
a
place
of
small
circuit
,
and
of
less
trade
,
was
first
prest
with
a
loan
of
1000
l.
the
City
of
Bristol
(
as
I
remember
)
with
3000
l.
which
was
(
by
some
Aldermen
of
that
City
sent
to
the
Court
in
excuse
of
their
then
present
disabilityes
)
denied
,
but
that
served
not
their
turns
,
for
they
were
presently
laid
by
the
heels
,
untill
the
said
sum
was
sent
unto
him
;
this
President
being
a
caveat
sufficient
to
all
other
of
the
Western
Cities
and
Towns
to
send
in
what
sums
were
skonced
on
them
;
neither
would
this
serve
the
Kings
indigency
,
but
he
borrowed
of
all
the
principall
Gentlemen
of
the
West
,
which
were
known
or
conceived
to
be
monyed
men
:
it
is
most
evident
that
even
then
,
and
at
his
first
accesse
to
the
Crowne
he
stood
not
on
terms
of
love
or
hatred
of
his
people
;
for
what
he
intended
,
it
appeared
plainly
he
would
do
,
and
what
he
acted
he
held
it
sufficiently
legall
,
as
a
piece
of
his
birth-right
,
and
of
right
belonging
to
him
as
a
King
,
without
looking
into
the
nature
of
the
English
Soveraignty
,
his
will
was
the
law
he
intended
to
rule
by
;
as
to
Parliaments
,
his
meaning
as
it
appears
was
the
same
with
Lewes
the
eleventh
of
France
,
and
in
imitation
of
him
to
take
them
down
together
with
their
power
,
as
he
had
opportunity
;
notwithstanding
some
few
he
called
,
more
for
the
supply
of
his
present
necessity
,
than
the
good
he
intended
to
the
publick
,
and
in
the
future
as
time
should
enable
him
to
be
his
own
carver
of
his
Subjects
estates
and
fortunes
,
as
that
shortly
after
followed
.
We
have
thus
laid
down
in
sincerity
the
beginnings
of
this
unhappy
Reign
.
Now
this
pestilentiall
Summer
being
well
spent
,
upon
the
approach
of
the
Winter
,
and
decrease
of
the
Sicknesse
,
the
King
,
and
the
young
Queen
,
with
all
her
French
train
,
drawes
nearer
to
the
City
of
London
,
and
being
still
in
his
wonted
predicament
of
want
,
in
supply
of
the
Court
expences
,
be
pursues
the
game
he
was
resolved
to
play
,
for
raising
of
Treasure
(
without
consent
of
Parliament
)
by
arbitrary
projects
,
whereof
amongst
many
which
followed
,
he
begins
with
that
of
Knighthood
,
and
calls
to
account
(
under
colour
of
an
old
obsolete
Law
)
all
such
Gentlemen
and
others
,
within
the
limitation
of
that
Statute
,
as
attended
not
his
Coronation
,
though
by
his
own
Proclamation
,
he
had
before
forbidden
their
attendance
.
Shortly
after
comes
in
to
his
service
Sir
Thomas
VVentworth
,
who
to
shew
what
he
would
be
,
and
how
serviceable
to
the
Kings
designes
he
might
be
,
was
imployed
into
the
North
,
where
he
rigorously
levyed
a
very
considerable
summe
on
the
Gentlemen
and
Yeomen
of
those
parts
:
VVeston
(
another
of
these
Arbitrary
beagles
)
as
an
overseer
to
the
Earle
of
Pembroke
,
and
other
Commissioners
,
was
imployed
into
the
West
;
the
treasure
which
was
by
this
lawlesse
project
raised
being
come
together
,
was
a
very
vast
sum
,
but
it
was
as
soon
issued
as
levyed
,
and
served
not
to
defray
the
moity
of
the
Court
expences
;
insomuch
as
being
still
necessitated
,
very
shortly
thereupon
another
Parliament
was
thought
fit
to
be
summoned
,
this
was
no
sooner
assembled
,
but
the
House
of
Commons
on
the
tenth
of
May
,
1626.
Charged
the
Duke
of
Buckingham
with
the
late
Kings
death
,
and
sent
up
their
Charge
to
the
Lords
;
the
King
being
well
acquainted
therewith
,
comes
into
the
Peers
House
,
and
tels
them
,
that
he
could
be
a
witnesse
to
clear
the
Duke
in
evry
particular
of
that
charge
,
and
thereupon
in
terrour
to
the
lower
House
,
by
his
Warrant
under
his
hand
,
attacheth
and
sendeth
to
prison
Sir
Dudly
Diggs
,
and
Sir
John
Elliot
,
as
those
which
had
the
managery
of
that
affair
,
notwithstanding
the
House
of
Commons
having
the
proofes
and
examinations
in
preparation
against
the
Duke
,
the
King
to
make
all
sure
,
and
in
arrest
of
farther
proceedings
against
his
chief
privado
,
the
15
of
Iune
following
in
a
great
rage
dissolves
that
Parliament
,
and
on
dis-robing
himself
,
said
in
a
very
stern
comportment
,
That
it
should
be
the
last
time
he
would
ever
put
them
on
.
And
here
we
may
take
into
observation
,
the
lamentable
effects
of
that
innated
duritie
,
that
naturall
obstinacy
and
perversnesse
of
the
violent
will
of
this
most
unhappy
Prince
,
who
in
affront
and
despight
of
the
Iustice
of
a
Court
of
Parliament
,
would
not
suffer
his
own
Fathers
death
to
be
called
to
accompt
,
or
any
further
examination
thereof
to
be
taken
for
clearing
the
Duke
;
But
Gods
Iudgments
may
not
be
arested
,
and
it
is
he
,
that
mauger
the
teeths
of
all
humane
powers
,
will
in
his
own
good
time
bring
to
light
,
and
to
Iudgment
,
that
crying
sinne
of
Blood
;
and
have
we
not
seen
this
verified
,
to
our
amazement
?
the
Duke
shortly
thereupon
to
have
dyed
,
by
the
stab
of
a
knife
,
with
no
other
words
or
prayers
in
his
mouth
,
than
Gods
wounds
I
am
slaine
;
and
this
most
unhappy
Prince
to
have
ended
his
dayes
at
his
own
Gates
,
by
the
axe
of
Gods
just
judgment
,
and
as
we
may
say
in
fear
and
trembling
,
to
have
taken
his
leave
and
last
farewell
of
this
world
with
no
other
acknowledgment
of
his
faults
,
and
of
those
crying
sinnes
of
bloodshed
throughout
the
three
Kingdomes
,
but
that
of
a
Pharasaicall
justifying
of
himself
and
his
innocency
,
insisting
to
his
last
,
without
any
repentance
or
sensibilitie
of
so
much
innocent
blood
spilt
through
his
only
willfulnesse
,
but
only
of
one
wicked
*
mans
,
having
throughout
the
whole
course
of
the
late
and
lamentable
contest
between
him
and
the
Parliament
,
evermore
covered
over
that
stubbornnesse
of
his
naturall
inclination
with
those
false
colours
and
delusive
umbrages
,
of
his
Conscience
,
Constancy
,
and
Reason
,
as
if
his
Conscience
,
by
divine
appointment
,
had
been
the
Master
Conscience
of
all
the
Kingdom
,
and
his
Reason
that
ipse
dixit
,
that
must
overballance
and
regulate
the
sense
and
Iudgment
of
a
Court
of
Parliament
.
And
have
we
not
seen
those
bold
and
principall
instruments
of
his
,
whom
he
imployed
in
all
his
arbitrary
projects
,
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
and
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
for
the
enslaving
of
the
three
Kingdoms
,
condemned
to
the
block
,
as
misleaders
of
their
incorrigible
Master
,
and
to
have
taken
their
leaves
of
the
world
in
the
same
pharasaicall
way
of
justifying
their
innocency
,
and
without
so
much
as
one
word
of
the
repentant
Publican
,
God
be
mercifull
to
me
a
sinner
?
and
yet
all
of
them
,
by
the
seduced
Malignant
party
held
still
in
a
kind
of
veneration
,
and
I
know
not
by
what
strange
delusion
,
reputed
for
innocents
and
martyrs
;
would
they
but
look
upon
them
as
they
were
the
actors
and
known
fomenters
of
all
the
miseries
we
have
suffered
,
yea
the
only
ingines
and
instruments
whereby
to
have
wound
up
soveraignty
to
the
highest
pitch
of
Tyranny
,
and
to
make
their
Master
instead
of
a
King
over
Gentlemen
and
Freemen
,
a
Tyrant
over
slaves
.
But
having
brought
the
King
and
his
young
Queen
neere
to
the
metropolis
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
sicknesse
decreasing
,
I
shall
in
a
short
narration
describe
the
after
deportmeut
of
this
most
unfortunate
prince
;
Instead
of
Prayers
and
humiliations
to
God
for
his
great
mercy
,
in
the
miraculous
stay
of
that
raging
pestilence
,
whereby
3.
4.
and
5000
weekly
died
that
summer
only
in
London
,
the
Court
notwithstanding
was
instantly
in
Iolity
,
Masques
,
Dancings
,
Playes
,
and
Banquets
(
all
in
expencefull
and
sumptuous
ostentations
)
were
the
frequent
and
assiduall
exercises
of
the
Court
;
on
the
one
side
(
as
to
devotion
)
the
Queene
had
her
Masse
,
and
Masse-Priests
,
on
the
other
side
the
King
with
his
Laodicean
luke-warme
and
fawning
Prelates
,
in
a
meer
formality
in
shew
of
Godlinesse
,
God
knowes
without
the
power
thereof
,
and
in
as
neer
a
complyance
one
to
the
other
,
as
possibly
their
different
devotion
could
permit
.
And
here
I
must
not
omit
,
neither
exempt
out
of
the
scene
that
part
which
the
Bishops
and
Prelates
acted
in
this
interlude
,
Comicall
we
may
call
it
,
as
to
the
beginning
thereof
,
but
God
knowes
tragicall
enough
in
the
close
.
The
Bishops
which
in
the
former
reigne
had
for
divers
reasons
of
State
been
admitted
to
the
old
Kings
privacies
,
and
had
speciall
Influence
on
his
Counsells
,
were
likewise
transmitted
to
the
favour
and
indulgency
of
this
King
,
but
more
especially
in
reference
to
the
Presbytery
of
Scotland
so
averse
to
absolute
Soveraignty
,
so
much
affected
by
either
King
,
(
A
Generation
of
Vipers
which
on
any
terms
would
have
eaten
the
way
to
preferment
through
the
entrayls
of
either
Church
or
State
)
these
were
the
men
(
the
better
to
ingratiate
themselves
into
the
Kings
favour
)
that
spared
not
to
insinuat
how
dangerous
the
Puritan
party
here
in
England
was
(
as
of
a
fraternity
with
the
Presbyterians
of
Scotland
)
&
would
be
(
if
not
timely
lookt
unto
)
to
the
advance
of
Soveraignty
:
apprehensions
,
which
as
they
soon
took
fire
with
the
father
,
so
as
much
if
not
more
with
the
sonne
;
hence
it
was
that
the
most
active
of
them
were
admitted
either
to
his
favour
or
Councel
of
State
,
but
especially
Doctor
Laud
the
Bishop
of
London
,
after
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
a
person
of
a
very
subtill
and
winding
spirit
,
proud
(
as
one
raised
out
of
the
dust
)
haughty
and
imperious
in
his
place
,
and
as
fit
an
instrument
for
the
Kings
turne
as
possibly
he
could
chose
out
of
the
26.
Prelates
.
There
was
also
about
this
time
(
as
before
is
intimated
)
taken
into
the
Kings
favour
,
or
rather
brought
in
by
the
alurement
of
preferment
,
Sir
Thomas
Wentworth
,
whom
the
King
immediately
created
a
Baron
,
and
(
on
the
decease
of
Weston
the
Treasurer
)
Earl
of
Strafford
,
a
Gentleman
of
great
parts
and
patrimony
;
a
Common-wealths-man
he
had
been
,
and
one
that
formerly
in
all
Parliaments
as
much
thwarted
,
and
withstood
the
arbitrary
power
of
both
Kings
,
as
any
one
whatsoever
;
the
King
having
won
this
Gentleman
to
be
his
owne
,
bethought
himselfe
that
these
two
(
with
some
others
of
the
same
stamp
)
would
be
sufficient
to
whom
to
impart
his
grand
designs
,
the
one
for
Church
affairs
,
the
other
for
the
State
,
but
both
suitable
to
the
ends
he
had
in
hand
;
the
last
being
of
as
high
,
bould
,
and
haughty
a
spirit
as
he
could
possibly
have
pickt
out
of
all
the
nobility
:
Time
will
shew
us
,
and
our
own
lamentable
experience
may
better
demonstrate
,
how
the
one
in
Church
affairs
,
the
other
in
civill
administrations
,
behaved
themselves
,
to
the
after
prejudice
and
destruction
of
the
three
Kingdoms
;
But
as
we
have
already
said
in
the
end
to
their
own
ruine
and
their
Masters
.
To
leave
this
digression
,
we
have
left
the
King
and
Queen
at
the
Court
,
let
us
returne
where
we
left
them
in
their
different
devotions
;
the
truth
was
,
how
little
care
soever
there
was
then
taken
either
by
the
King
or
his
time-serving
Prelates
,
of
Gods
service
and
true
worship
,
otherwise
than
in
a
formality
or
shew
of
Godlinesse
,
either
in
the
Court
or
throughout
the
Kingdom
;
sure
we
are
,
that
the
Queenes
superstitious
worship
was
specially
provided
for
,
and
a
sort
of
Locusts
there
were
(
in
addition
to
her
own
Chaplins
)
admitted
the
Kingdome
,
styled
by
the
name
of
Capuchins
(
but
cunning
knaves
)
and
for
these
a
new
Chappell
was
erected
,
with
an
habitation
,
and
large
maintenance
allowed
them
,
even
in
the
face
of
the
Court
,
and
eye
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
to
please
the
Queen
,
Masses
and
Masse
Priests
were
frequently
permitted
throughout
the
Land
,
not
only
in
a
tacite
connivence
,
but
in
an
open
way
of
tolleration
,
and
in
contempt
of
Gods
true
worship
.
We
may
well
admit
,
that
the
wayes
which
the
King
then
took
could
not
be
welpleasing
to
him
,
which
was
never
yet
pleased
with
an
Idolatrous
,
mixt
,
and
halfe-fac'd
worship
;
or
that
the
gayety
and
wantonnesse
of
a
promiscuous
Court
,
could
be
maintained
without
an
excessive
charge
;
neither
that
a
perfidious
shew
and
offer
of
a
warre
with
France
in
the
defence
of
the
French
Protestants
,
would
in
the
conclusion
be
well
thought
of
either
from
abroad
or
at
home
,
when
the
King
during
the
treaty
of
the
marriage
with
the
Queen
,
on
the
earnest
request
of
the
princes
of
the
Religion
,
had
engaged
himself
to
protect
them
,
and
to
raise
the
siedge
then
before
the
Town
of
R●chell
,
neither
that
feigned
preparation
which
the
King
made
by
sea
in
their
assistance
will
in
time
come
to
light
,
when
evident
it
was
afterwards
to
all
the
World
,
that
in
stead
of
defending
them
,
they
were
not
onely
slaughtered
at
Sea
by
the
Kings
shipping
,
but
by
plain
Treachery
both
their
Cause
undone
,
and
their
forces
defeated
by
Land
;
a
sinne
,
which
God
in
his
justice
could
not
passe
over
unpunished
,
yet
carryed
on
in
such
a
mysticall
way
;
&
in
that
attempt
on
the
Isle
of
Rea
,
to
the
losse
of
honour
and
blood
of
some
of
the
bravest
men
of
the
Nation
;
insomuch
that
the
World
to
this
very
day
hath
been
held
in
suspence
,
to
what
Religion
the
King
himself
stood
most
inclyned
or
whether
the
Father
or
the
Son
,
which
with
such
ardency
sought
the
Alliance
of
Spaine
and
France
,
(
or
else
no
where
)
Families
,
if
not
incestous
,
yet
of
Idolatrous
and
Supersticious
Religions
,
which
hath
left
the
world
in
another
amaze
,
and
in
a
puzzle
to
find
out
others
inclination
,
or
whether
to
any
Religion
devoted
,
if
it
be
rightly
considered
,
as
either
Prince
made
and
continued
their
secret
addresses
to
the
Apostolick
see
,
and
that
his
Holinesse
in
both
reigns
had
his
Agents
and
Nuntioes
here
resident
(
reciprocally
and
in
interchange
of
the
Kings
Agents
at
Rome
)
many
clandestine
conferences
both
with
the
King
and
Queene
,
and
the
state
of
the
Protestant
Religion
here
,
(
howsoever
openly
profest
by
both
Kings
)
reduced
to
the
next
step
of
conformity
with
Rome
;
when
as
that
sordid
and
base
complyance
of
the
Bishops
and
Court-Clergy
,
which
if
grace
(
more
than
hopes
of
preferment
)
had
prevailed
with
them
might
have
been
a
Remora
or
stay
to
either
King
,
and
to
have
told
them
plainly
how
dangerous
it
was
to
their
well-being
,
if
they
attempted
to
make
Religion
the
stalking-horse
to
their
irregular
designs
,
and
to
bethink
themselves
that
God
was
not
to
be
deluded
,
and
how
unsafe
it
would
be
for
them
Ludere
cum
sanctis
;
But
these
were
the
men
who
even
from
the
beginning
of
both
reigns
,
had
only
studied
the
inclinations
of
these
Princes
,
and
rather
took
upon
them
to
comply
and
incourage
them
than
to
have
withstood
either
of
them
in
the
least
of
their
many
irregularities
,
&
loosness
in
Religion
;
&
such
was
the
basenesse
of
these
fawning
Sycophants
,
that
the
common
theams
of
the
Court
Pulpits
,
throughout
both
reigns
,
were
purposely
pickt
out
where
on
to
draw
conclusions
and
doctrines
of
arbitrary
power
,
which
was
the
usuall
ladder
most
of
them
clim'd
to
preferment
;
whence
also
we
may
observe
Gods
judgments
,
both
to
have
been
shortly
after
powred
out
on
the
persons
themselves
and
their
functions
,
in
their
extirpation
,
and
totall
irradication
of
them
,
without
hopes
of
their
restauration
.
Hitherto
we
have
deduced
the
History
of
this
unfortunate
Prince
to
the
3d.
year
of
his
Reign
;
we
shall
now
runne
over
the
rest
with
as
much
brevity
as
the
nature
of
the
subject
will
permit
.
The
King
at
this
time
was
in
his
wonted
condition
of
want
,
as
his
Father
before
him
ever
was
,
so
would
he
be
in
the
same
predicament
:
Two
millions
of
annuall
Treasure
or
very
neer
,
could
not
serve
their
turns
,
neither
would
it
content
them
,
though
in
Scotl.
50000
l.
per
annum
was
more
than
ever
King
James
could
possibly
raise
,
without
the
assistance
of
the
Estates
assembled
.
We
may
see
the
difference
,
and
what
oprations
change
of
Clymates
can
worke
upon
the
nature
of
Princes
comming
out
of
poor
Kingdomes
into
richer
,
and
with
what
Conscience
they
could
dispence
the
care
of
their
own
souls
,
to
become
as
spunges
to
suck
up
the
fruits
of
the
poor
passive
people
of
England
,
gained
out
of
the
labour
of
their
hands
and
sweat
of
their
browes
,
when
they
had
enough
,
and
more
than
ever
any
of
the
Kings
of
England
did
raise
,
and
in
retribution
of
their
love
and
loyalty
towards
them
,
as
by
divers
manifestations
may
be
made
appeare
,
with
how
many
slights
and
wyles
,
with
how
much
care
,
trouble
and
vexation
of
spirit
,
with
what
expence
of
blood
and
treasure
did
this
King
labor
to
inslave
the
English
Nation
,
and
to
reduce
the
poor
people
(
as
naturalized
vassalls
)
under
the
bondage
of
his
lawlesse
will
and
lust
?
Can
we
make
any
other
Comment
on
this
subject
,
but
that
which
wise
men
have
long
since
observed
,
that
these
two
Princes
never
loved
the
English
Nation
,
but
in
an
odium
altissimum
,
had
aforehand
designed
to
oppresse
them
,
and
utte
rly
to
extinguish
the
memory
of
their
ancient
Freedoms
?
and
can
we
imagine
they
intended
otherwise
,
by
the
whole
course
of
their
Government
?
When
it
appears
what
favours
,
what
large
concessions
,
and
with
what
complyance
and
commiseration
the
late
King
took
care
of
the
Irish
Rebells
,
without
the
least
retrospect
how
much
English
bloud
had
been
most
barbarously
spilt
by
them
(
if
he
were
not
conscious
that
no
man
was
more
guilty
thereof
than
himself
)
surely
it
may
well
amuse
the
world
,
why
he
should
be
so
pitifull
and
solicitous
to
have
them
spared
,
and
to
brand
the
Parliament
with
cruelty
for
pursuing
so
just
a
revenge
.
If
we
look
Northward
,
and
examine
what
Favours
,
Privileges
,
and
Countyes
were
without
asking
offered
to
be
conferr'd
on
the
Scots
,
1641.
as
he
went
unto
them
,
on
the
onely
conditions
,
that
they
would
engage
with
him
against
the
English
Parliament
.
On
these
considerations
,
can
it
sink
into
any
rationall
mans
conception
,
but
that
he
was
an
inexorable
enemy
to
the
Nation
?
kinde
to
his
own
(
if
they
would
have
served
his
turn
)
and
an
indeered
Friend
to
those
bloudy
Irish
,
and
that
on
all
opportunities
his
intent
was
to
ruine
and
invassalate
the
English
Nation
,
though
he
and
his
perished
,
(
as
they
did
)
in
the
attempt
.
But
to
return
to
our
relation
.
The
King
was
now
in
the
15
yeare
of
his
Reign
,
and
notwithstanding
the
many
wayes
by
which
he
had
raised
no
small
treasure
,
yet
was
he
still
indigent
and
bare
in
money
,
the
Court
and
the
French
spent
it
before
it
came
in
,
and
as
to
any
supply
by
Parliament
,
it
suited
neither
to
the
Kings
good
liking
,
or
his
grand
designe
;
the
discontinuance
of
Parliaments
conduced
more
to
the
advance
of
what
he
intended
to
raise
by
power
,
than
he
could
expect
by
the
ayde
of
Parliament
,
since
he
had
but
even
then
closed
up
all
ruptures
with
France
and
Spuin
;
and
no
War
in
being
or
in
expectation
,
and
consequently
no
ground
left
him
that
might
presse
or
induce
a
Court
of
Parliament
to
be
over-liberall
with
the
purses
of
their
Electors
;
yet
in
this
exigent
and
streight
he
suddenly
resolves
to
call
a
Parliament
,
where
amongst
many
passages
and
debates
,
Finch
the
Speaker
of
the
lower
house
,
plaid
his
first
prise
,
in
his
assiduall
disclosing
to
the
King
what
soever
past
in
the
House
;
insomuch
as
being
discovered
,
and
on
his
usuall
moving
out
of
his
Chair
and
the
House
,
he
was
at
length
withstood
at
the
door
by
divers
bold
Gentlemen
and
Members
of
the
Parliament
,
and
inforced
to
keep
his
seat
;
this
miscarriage
was
instantly
made
known
to
the
King
,
who
took
it
as
an
affront
done
to
his
own
person
,
and
presently
hereupon
he
not
only
dissolves
the
Parliament
,
but
commits
to
the
Tower
,
Hammond
and
Hubbard
,
Knights
,
Long
,
Curreton
,
and
some
others
of
the
Members
:
Neither
could
he
be
a
long
time
pacified
by
the
Lords
of
his
Councell
(
on
the
first
hearing
of
this
broil
)
but
needs
he
would
with
his
guard
have
then
fallen
upon
them
in
the
house
(
as
a
presage
of
that
violence
which
he
offered
after
to
this
Assembly
in
his
owne
person
;
)
upon
the
instant
of
this
dissolution
of
the
Parliament
,
he
publisheth
a
Proclamation
,
prohibiting
the
people
not
so
much
as
to
talk
of
more
Parliaments
,
and
injoyn'd
the
Lords
of
his
Councell
,
on
any
conditions
not
to
mention
the
word
Parliament
unto
him
;
a
lesson
which
they
all
for
ten
years
together
at
least
punctually
observed
;
insomuch
as
all
wise
men
then
conjectured
,
that
the
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
were
then
buried
together
in
the
interment
of
all
Parliaments
.
Ten
if
not
more
years
past
between
this
Parliament
,
and
the
dissolution
of
that
quinto
Maij
,
1639.
during
this
intervall
;
the
King
begins
roundly
with
all
sorts
of
pro●ects
,
and
to
raise
mony
both
without
the
leaves
of
the
Subjects
,
and
against
the
known
Lawes
of
the
Kingdome
;
privy
Seals
and
Loans
were
the
first
which
he
put
in
execution
,
as
a
Tax
(
if
we
may
so
call
them
)
that
concerned
not
so
much
the
Subject
in
generall
,
as
private
,
reputed
moneyed
men
;
other
levies
had
likewise
their
course
in
their
torns
;
and
in
policy
not
to
rush
in
,
and
too
hastily
on
the
subjects
propriety
,
he
falls
on
the
sale
of
the
Crown
lands
in
Pe●farm
,
with
the
old
rents
,
or
those
doubled
,
reserved
to
the
Exchequer
;
neither
could
all
these
projects
,
though
amounting
to
a
very
vast
sum
,
serve
to
defray
the
wastefullnesse
of
the
Court
,
which
indeed
as
to
his
own
side
,
was
in
some
proportion
of
moderation
,
yet
on
the
Queens
side
it
was
so
excessively
profuse
,
that
I
aver
it
on
knowledge
(
besides
her
Joynture
)
(
then
newly
consigned
)
one
hundred
thousand
pound
Per
Annum
sufficed
not
for
to
defray
her
own
expences
,
and
confident
I
am
,
what
by
sales
procured
by
her
solicitations
,
as
much
more
was
yearly
drayned
out
of
the
Kings
purse
to
satisfie
that
nasty
trayn
of
her
French
followers
;
Madam
Nurse
,
as
to
her
own
particular
,
besides
an
expencefull
way
of
living
here
,
at
the
Kings
charge
,
was
well
known
to
have
transported
at
several
times
into
France
100000
pound
,
in
good
gold
;
and
certaine
it
is
,
that
that
Pigmy
Mountebanck
(
Mountague
)
the
Queens
dancing
Master
,
not
worth
one
groat
at
his
coming
over
,
inricht
himself
to
the
least
value
of
40000
pound
;
it
would
be
wearisome
to
recount
what
summes
her
Priests
and
Jesuits
,
Musitians
,
Fidlers
,
and
others
of
her
retinue
got
and
amassed
by
her
onely
sute
to
the
King
,
who
then
denyed
her
nothing
that
she
desired
;
for
it
is
most
true
,
that
before
she
attained
the
age
of
twenty
years
,
she
began
of
a
Pupill
to
be
the
Kings
Regent
,
and
the
after-story
will
assure
it
,
she
became
a
fatall
participant
with
him
in
most
of
his
Counsells
,
and
his
directrix
in
the
Government
,
but
after
her
Mothers
arivall
both
of
them
to
have
gained
an
interest
in
his
inmost
secrets
and
principall
transactions
of
State
;
an
evident
truth
,
and
more
than
stood
with
the
Kings
honour
,
much
less
than
suited
with
the
welfare
of
the
Nation
.
These
prodigall
expences
at
Court
could
not
choose
but
impoverish
the
Kings
exchequer
,
whether
very
little
of
the
Royall
Revenue
arrived
,
as
commonly
prevented
aforehand
by
assignations
to
one
or
other
of
the
Courtiers
,
hence
followed
the
multiplicity
of
Monopolies
,
the
ingrossing
of
all
the
Pouder
into
the
Kings
store
,
and
that
to
be
no
otherwise
vendible
but
at
double
rates
,
to
the
former
and
usuall
prises
;
In
order
to
these
followed
the
preemption
of
all
Tobacoes
,
to
the
extreme
beggering
of
the
adventurers
and
planters
in
the
West-Indian
Islands
;
Coat
and
Conduct
money
had
likewise
it's
turne
,
and
by
degrees
the
Kings
Pattents
incircuited
and
extended
to
Salt
,
Butter
,
Sope
,
Leather
,
Wine
,
Sugar
,
Allum
,
Sea-coale
,
Malt
,
Cards
and
Dice
,
and
what
not
.
In
order
to
these
,
that
notable
project
of
shipmoney
,
a
device
of
Finches
invention
,
and
shaped
for
the
nonce
suitable
to
the
Kings
designs
,
it
extenden
to
such
a
latitude
,
as
that
by
this
one
illegall
power
he
might
rayse
moneys
in
what
proportion
he
would
,
where
and
when
he
pleased
,
without
Parliaments
,
and
so
was
it
stated
by
the
terrour
which
that
fluttering
bird
Finch
imprest
on
the
Iudges
to
declare
it
legall
,
by
their
extrajudiciall
sentences
,
though
(
for
their
honour
be
it
spoken
)
three
of
them
as
Crook
,
Hutton
,
and
Denham
withstood
it
as
a
most
illegall
and
unheard-of
taxation
against
and
destructive
to
the
fundamentall
Lawes
of
the
Land
,
and
Liberties
of
the
People
.
We
shall
now
passe
it
over
,
though
it
was
an
invention
which
of
it selfe
would
require
a
story
not
unworthy
to
be
left
to
posterity
;
how
ever
,
as
long
as
it
was
on
foot
the
King
made
use
of
it
to
the
purpose
,
and
in
two
if
not
three
yeares
whilest
it
was
put
in
practice
,
raised
not
so
little
at
1000000
of
poundes
.
It
is
without
question
that
what
by
monopolies
,
the
inhancing
of
the
Customes
and
Rate
Books
,
Knighthood
money
,
and
projects
of
this
nature
,
as
the
Fines
in
the
Star-Chamber
,
High
Commission
,
and
depopulations
,
with
the
sale
of
the
Crowne
Lands
,
besides
Subsidies
,
and
the
Royall
standing
Revenue
,
with
divers
other
incomes
most
oppressive
to
the
people
,
the
King
within
the
space
of
ten
or
twelve
years
raised
more
Treasure
than
any
two
of
his
Predecessors
in
fourty
years
,
and
yet
none
of
our
Kings
had
lesse
occasion
,
and
this
King
more
wanting
,
as
having
for
twelve
years
together
no
warres
considerable
,
neither
any
in
expectation
,
more
than
such
as
wilfully
and
most
unjustly
he
undertook
about
the
15th
.
year
of
his
reign
against
the
Scots
,
and
that
to
no
other
end
,
but
to
advance
his
grand
designe
of
invassalating
the
3.
Kingdomes
,
as
hereafter
more
evidently
may
be
made
to
appear
.
The
King
having
thus
far
waded
into
the
depth
of
his
arbitrary
strains
,
to
the
great
regret
of
the
people
,
and
having
for
ten
or
twelve
years
together
laid
aside
all
thoughts
of
making
use
of
Parliament
,
which
might
controule
so
many
of
his
illegall
and
irregular
exactions
,
in
farther
advance
of
his
grand
designe
,
both
to
rule
,
and
raise
money
at
will
and
pleasure
having
by
so
long
a
tract
of
time
taught
the
people
to
forget
Parliaments
,
or
not
to
hope
for
them
,
and
as
he
conceived
,
well
to
have
forwarded
his
greater
work
by
the
experience
he
had
made
of
the
passivenesse
both
of
his
English
and
Irish
Subjects
,
by
the
activity
of
his
chief
Instruments
,
Strafford
,
Canterbury
,
and
Cottington
,
which
principally
then
carried
on
the
design
in
either
Kingdom
,
both
in
the
Church
and
State
,
which
by
time
and
degrees
had
so
amated
the
spirits
of
the
people
,
as
they
seemed
patiently
to
bear
(
though
unwillingly
,
and
not
without
some
publike
murmuration
)
what
loads
might
in
the
future
be
laid
upon
them
,
but
evermore
(
in
the
midst
of
their
resentments
)
to
cast
the
odium
of
their
oppressions
rather
on
the
Kings
ministers
than
on
himself
,
with
the
retention
of
a
reverent
esteem
towards
him
,
as
the
least
author
of
their
sufferings
,
when
as
himself
alone
was
principall
,
which
invited
him
with
the
more
boldnesse
,
and
lesse
fear
,
to
the
perfecting
and
speedy
accomplishment
of
his
mayn
designe
.
We
may
in
the
way
of
our
relation
avouch
it
,
and
that
for
truth
,
that
both
the
Father
and
the
Sonne
were
the
most
carelesse
Courtiers
of
their
people
of
any
of
our
Kings
,
and
as
regardlesse
of
the
love
and
reverent
esteem
the
universall
Nation
carried
towards
them
;
an
inexcusable
error
,
and
shewes
out
unto
us
what
in
probability
were
and
would
be
the
issues
of
their
Ingratitude
.
We
all
know
,
that
popularity
in
private
persons
,
and
the
applause
of
the
people
,
are
the
ingredients
of
suspition
,
and
an
errour
which
al
wise
and
cunning
Statists
shun
and
avoid
,
as
tending
to
obscure
the
worth
and
dignity
of
their
Master
,
but
in
Princes
it
is
a
Vertue
,
that
most
of
all
other
their
deportments
takes
most
and
soonest
in
the
peoples
affections
;
we
may
boldly
say
it
,
that
neither
of
these
two
Princes
were
ever
guilty
of
that
attractive
Vertue
,
onely
it
hath
beene
since
observed
,
that
at
his
comming
out
of
Scotl.
1641.
he
was
very
prodigall
in
putting
off
his
hat
,
as
he
past
the
streets
.
But
omitting
Paraphrases
,
we
have
but
even
now
said
it
,
that
as
to
the
Queens
side
in
Court
it
was
excessively
profuse
,
the
Kings
more
moderate
;
yet
not
so
frugall
,
but
that
there
were
a
sort
about
his
person
to
whom
he
participated
his
secrets
,
and
committed
the
managery
of
his
arbitrary
worke
,
which
did
sufficiently
lick
their
fingers
:
We
shall
omit
the
Duke
,
for
he
died
within
two
years
of
the
Kings
accesse
,
Digby
and
Cottington
,
which
in
the
former
reign
had
laid
the
foundations
of
their
after
greatnesse
;
but
they
which
in
this
reign
,
(
and
in
the
midst
of
the
Kings
necessities
)
spent
lavishly
,
lived
at
high
rates
,
and
amassed
most
,
were
VVeston
the
Treasurer
,
Manchester
,
Strafford
,
Goring
,
and
the
Gentlemen
of
the
Bed-chamber
,
neither
did
the
farmers
of
the
Customs
go
away
empty
handed
,
yet
we
may
see
,
that
as
all
or
most
of
these
had
a
time
of
getting
and
filching
from
the
Crown
,
so
likewise
did
their
Master
in
the
end
administer
a
sad
occasion
to
rid
most
of
them
of
their
ill-gotten
gains
.
Having
thus
brought
the
King
to
the
15th
.
year
of
his
most
unhappy
reign
,
and
shewed
out
by
what
means
,
wayes
and
instruments
he
raised
monyes
to
supply
his
necessities
,
and
prodigallities
of
the
Court
;
what
hitherto
he
acted
,
was
in
calme
and
peaceable
times
,
though
not
without
murmuration
;
We
shall
anoncome
to
the
hostile
,
that
fatall
and
sanguinary
part
of
his
unfortunate
reigne
.
He
had
hitherto
led
on
his
designe
in
a
fore-game
,
yet
still
in
his
wonted
way
of
want
,
the
Queen-mother
arriving
,
holp
on
his
expences
,
Strafford
the
Archbishop
,
and
Cotington
,
as
the
Kings
prime
agents
had
fitted
all
necessaries
in
a
readinesse
;
both
the
English
and
Irish
patient
in
what
formerly
they
had
suffered
,
and
ready
to
be
ridden
and
spur'd
to
the
quick
;
the
mode
of
the
French
Goverment
being
stil
in
the
eye
of
the
Kings
design
(
as
left
unto
him
by
his
Fathers
legacy
)
and
now
again
revived
and
quickned
by
the
Queen
Mothers
instigation
,
a
Lady
fatall
to
all
places
wheresoever
she
resided
;
Strafford
having
raised
in
Ireland
an
Army
of
Papists
,
to
helpe
on
,
and
at
a
deah
lift
:
and
about
this
time
there
were
divers
Commissions
issued
out
to
certain
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
with
power
to
impose
new
and
unheard
▪
of
Imposts
on
all
the
commodities
of
the
Land
,
and
in
addition
to
these
,
Commissions
were
granted
to
the
Earl
of
Arundell
to
take
the
military
charge
of
the
Northern
parts
into
his
hands
,
another
to
the
Earle
of
Worcester
to
raise
an
army
of
Papists
in
Wales
,
as
it
is
well
known
,
to
master
the
West
marches
&
to
assist
the
Irish
Army
landing
at
Milford
as
need
should
require
;
and
the
President
my
Lord
of
Bridgewater
commanded
to
wave
that
place
for
his
Majesties
speciall
service
,
a
person
as
it
seems
,
that
was
too
honest
to
be
wrought
upon
:
At
the
same
time
his
Lordship
Cottington
was
likewise
made
Lord
Warden
of
the
Tower
,
with
authority
to
take
in
Souldiers
,
and
to
fortifie
that
piece
,
which
accordingly
was
put
in
execution
,
and
the
White-Tower
planted
with
many
great
Ordnance
,
with
their
mouths
forced
against
the
City
,
to
the
great
amazement
of
the
Citizens
and
the
whole
Kingdom
.
What
the
King
meant
or
intended
by
these
irregular
and
prodigious
acts
of
his
,
let
the
most
willfull
Malignant
make
his
own
judgement
,
when
as
the
whole
Kingdom
was
never
in
a
greater
calme
of
peace
,
loyalty
and
quietnesse
,
or
in
any
appearance
of
insurrection
.
The
Excise
at
that
instant
was
likewise
in
agitation
,
and
the
very
same
house
,
wherein
now
that
office
is
erected
in
Broadstreet
taken
by
Cottington
to
the
same
purpose
,
and
Strafford
much
a-about
that
time
dispatcht
into
Ireland
,
there
to
call
a
Parliament
for
assistance
in
relation
to
the
intended
Scotch
War
,
where
he
musters
a
new
the
Irish
army
,
gets
four
Subsidies
,
&
presently
returns
for
Engl.
where
a
Parl.
for
the
same
end
was
likewise
summoned
;
not
any
thing
now
stood
as
Remora
,
in
the
way
of
the
Kings
great
designe
,
but
those
refractory
Scots
,
this
was
the
block
that
in
the
first
place
must
be
removed
;
to
begin
this
work
of
darknesse
,
first
fomented
by
the
Bishops
,
especially
Canterbury
here
,
and
that
pragmattick
Prelat
of
Scotland
,
Maxwell
;
with
Hamilton
and
Traquair
on
the
by
.
These
two
assisted
by
Strafford
,
had
the
whole
managery
of
that
affair
.
We
must
not
too
much
insist
on
every
particular
,
this
Scotch
work
alone
requiring
a
volume
to
derive
it
from
its
first
fountain
and
originall
,
as
a
project
of
the
old
Kings
,
to
introduce
the
Episcopal
power
and
Church
Government
there
conformable
to
that
of
England
,
and
to
suppresse
or
master
that
of
the
Kirk
&
Presbyterian
power
,
as
the
only
obstruction
to
absolute
Soveraignty
.
Gods
providence
and
his
wayes
are
insearchable
,
and
the
carriage
of
this
work
of
darknesse
is
very
remarkeable
,
it
hath
left
the
world
in
a
maze
how
the
Kings
designs
by
this
Scotch
enterprize
should
turne
and
overthrow
the
whole
frame
and
fabrick
of
all
his
former
projections
,
and
of
so
faire
a
fore-game
,
so
to
bring
it
about
,
as
on
the
very
nick
of
the
accomplishment
,
to
lose
both
it
,
his
reputation
and
life
,
and
at
a
time
when
all
wise
men
had
given
the
freedoms
of
the
English
nation
utterly
lost
,
and
meerly
by
the
wilfulnesse
of
his
own
irregular
motions
,
more
beloved
,
reverenced
and
obeyed
,
than
any
of
his
Predecessors
.
The
state
of
the
three
Kingdomes
,
as
abovesaid
,
but
a
little
before
this
Scotch
enterprise
(
as
to
a
any
Warre
from
abroad
,
mutinies
and
insurrections
at
home
)
was
well
known
to
be
in
as
great
a
calme
of
Peace
and
quietnesse
as
in
any
reign
since
the
Conquest
,
the
subject
passive
,
loyall
and
obedient
to
the
Kings
will
and
pleasure
,
himfelf
at
peace
and
amity
with
all
his
Allyes
,
Confederates
,
and
Neighbour-Princes
;
nothing
could
be
Imagined
to
have
troubled
him
but
his
own
ambition
,
and
those
restlesse
appetites
of
his
which
would
not
suffer
him
to
enjoy
content
in
the
mid'st
of
prosperity
,
and
to
rest
satisfied
in
the
fruition
of
more
abundance
than
ever
any
King
of
England
attain'd
unto
;
In
this
requiem
(
could
he
have
seen
it
)
was
his
soule
restlesse
,
and
as
we
may
of
truth
say
,
by
no
instigation
more
troubled
than
by
hers
which
had
the
honour
of
his
Bed
;
an
unhappy
unquietnesse
which
his
principall
privadoes
rather
added
fewell
to
the
fire
thereof
than
water
to
quench
it
;
they
had
studied
his
inclination
,
which
was
the
rule
they
walkt
by
,
not
how
to
apply
wholsome
medicines
to
cure
the
raging
malady
of
his
ambition
,
which
by
none
was
more
cherish'd
than
by
the
Bishops
and
his
formal
clergy
,
in
the
way
wherein
his
will
and
lust
had
predominance
over
his
reason
,
such
as
had
not
only
taken
the
same
fiery
infection
,
but
as
much
laboured
therein
,
as
himself
,
whose
sunction
and
office
(
if
grace
had
guided
them
)
it
properly
was
rather
to
have
applyed
antidotes
than
venome
to
their
Masters
disease
,
and
to
have
told
him
plainly
where
the
fault
lay
.
But
to
returne
to
the
relation
of
this
Scotch
enterprise
;
the
King
as
before
is
intimated
,
through
meer
necessity
was
induced
to
call
a
Parliament
(
not
to
reforme
abuses
crept
into
the
Common-wealth
(
better
it
may
be
said
violently
introduced
through
his
ill
Government
and
discontinuance
of
Parliaments
,
the
ancient
remedies
of
publick
grievances
)
but
to
supply
his
own
wants
in
reference
to
the
war
intended
;
the
Kings
wants
being
more
pressing
than
ever
,
the
servants
of
his
own
side
in
Court
,
a
good
space
before
debard
of
their
Wages
,
purposely
to
scrape
up
moneys
towards
this
needlesse
Warre
;
the
Queens
Servants
on
the
other
side
were
notwithstanding
exactly
paid
.
It
would
be
superfluous
and
impertinent
to
describe
the
whole
story
of
this
designe
,
so
obvious
and
generally
knowne
to
all
the
Kingdom
;
how
first
this
affair
was
carryed
on
by
sending
a
new
Litturgy
to
EDINBVRGH
,
as
an
experiment
how
the
Scots
would
swallow
the
first
bayt
to
their
inthraldome
;
how
there
the
Litturgy
was
resented
,
and
with
what
after
disgusts
it
was
not
only
refused
but
detested
,
How
that
Traquire
and
Hamilton
one
after
the
other
were
Commissioned
with
power
&
instructions
to
inforce
their
conformity
;
what
Flames
,
Invectives
,
and
Comments
flew
here
abroad
of
the
Bishops
penning
of
their
Rebellion
;
how
againe
the
Scots
stood
upon
their
punctillioes
,
in
defence
of
themselves
and
their
Covenant
against
this
innovation
;
how
many
Petitions
and
Messages
past
between
them
and
the
King
;
how
at
last
on
dispute
between
their
Commissioners
and
his
Majesties
,
at
their
first
Treaty
in
the
North
,
and
the
aversnesse
of
the
Kings
souldiers
to
imbrace
the
quarrel
,
the
King
granted
them
his
royall
Pascification
,
and
sent
them
home
well
satisfied
;
how
againe
on
his
Majesties
returne
,
his
act
of
Pascification
was
here
in
Court
resented
,
by
the
Queen
and
the
Bishops
,
and
with
what
Language
the
King
was
affronted
to
have
brought
home
a
dishonourable
Peace
,
and
obstructive
to
his
own
designes
;
how
then
this
needlesse
and
willfull
quarrell
was
revived
,
and
the
Kings
Pacification
vilified
and
burnt
by
the
hands
of
the
common
Hangman
,
and
the
King
easily
brought
on
anew
to
muster
a
second
Army
,
to
subdue
those
stubborn
and
rebellious
Scots
,
as
generally
then
,
especially
by
the
Bishops
they
were
stiled
:
when
as
by
the
Free-quarter
of
his
first
Army
,
most
parts
of
the
County
of
York
were
beggered
and
the
Soldiery
unpaid
,
how
the
Parliament
and
generally
the
people
abhor'd
this
war
,
and
refused
to
contribute
towards
it
,
how
thereupon
quinto
Maij
1649.
it
was
suddenly
dissolved
,
how
on
the
very
same
day
the
Cabinet
Councell
sate
in
close
consultation
at
White-Hall
how
to
raise
moneys
to
defray
the
charge
of
this
second
war
,
how
that
Paper
(
the
results
of
that
Councell
)
after
(
stiled
,
The
Juncto
)
came
to
be
preserved
by
the
means
of
Sir
Henry
Vane
the
younger
,
and
Mr.
Pym
,
who
imparted
it
the
ensuing
Parliament
,
as
the
star
which
guided
them
to
know
the
authors
and
projectors
of
this
&
other
wilfull
designes
;
what
preparations
the
Scots
made
to
defend
themselves
,
and
how
with
a
puissant
Army
they
first
entred
the
Kingdom
under
the
Command
of
Lesley
,
who
made
his
way
by
force
,
with
some
losse
of
blood
on
both
sides
at
Newburn
,
and
after
that
marched
peaceably
to
Newcastle
,
which
he
fortifyed
,
and
from
thence
sent
a
Petition
in
the
name
of
the
whole
Nation
to
the
King
,
that
their
cause
might
be
heard
,
before
more
bloud
should
be
drawn
,
which
before
was
utterly
denied
them
,
with
contemptuous
acerbity
,
The
particulars
whereof
shall
God
willing
in
all
sincerity
be
anon
amply
declared
,
together
with
such
discoveries
as
are
not
yet
publikely
known
,
and
so
particularly
manifested
in
many
points
,
as
in
the
following
Reply
and
Animadversions
may
appear
,
both
for
the
generall
satisfaction
,
and
such
Royalists
to
whom
I
have
heartily
addrest
them
,
as
well
for
their
own
conversion
,
as
also
in
vindication
and
farther
manifestation
of
Truth
,
and
to
the
everlasting
honour
of
this
Parliament
,
whom
God
hath
visibly
enabled
with
courage
both
to
foresee
and
withstand
the
violences
of
a
Prince
,
who
in
all
his
Expresses
,
Protestations
,
and
overtures
for
Peace
and
Accommodation
with
the
Parliament
,
were
inseparably
accompanyed
with
dissemblings
,
fraud
,
wiles
and
reservations
,
may
be
further
manifested
by
the
evident
proofs
of
his
Letters
under
his
own
hand
writing
,
his
Commissions
,
Missives
,
and
many
other
authentick
Testimonies
,
though
many
of
them
noted
,
and
long
since
exposed
and
set
out
to
the
world
,
and
answered
in
the
Parliaments
Declarations
,
especially
manifested
in
that
of
No
more
Addresses
;
yet
not
so
vulgarly
seen
,
as
they
may
be
on
a
more
exact
veiw
,
and
a
diligent
perusall
,
and
comparing
the
Kings
publick
expresses
with
his
private
practises
,
as
may
apparently
be
seen
by
any
that
wil
but
take
the
pains
either
to
read
them
in
his
own
Character
,
or
mine
.
Whence
ariseth
the
great
wonder
of
the
times
,
how
,
and
with
what
face
,
either
the
King
himselfe
living
should
with
such
boldnesse
stand
on
his
justification
,
or
that
any
since
his
death
(
indued
with
common
sense
and
reason
)
can
have
the
Impudence
to
defend
him
dead
,
who
living
so
willfully
,
fraudulently
,
and
obstinately
persevered
in
pursuance
of
his
own
lustfull
and
pernitious
designes
,
in
invassalating
the
poor
people
,
which
,
untill
himselfe
gave
,
and
prosecuted
the
occasion
of
their
falling
from
him
,
and
were
inforced
to
withstand
his
violent
courses
,
was
more
beloved
,
honoured
,
and
obeyed
than
any
of
our
Kings
.
A
Prince
that
raised
and
wasted
more
Treasure
,
wilfully
spilt
more
Innocent
blood
,
devasted
more
the
lands
and
habitations
of
his
Subjects
,
ruined
more
families
,
and
more
imbroyled
three
flourishing
Kingdoms
,
than
all
of
his
Progenitors
;
and
yet
for
all
these
his
prodigious
cruelties
and
misdemeanors
to
be
inshrin'd
(
dead
)
for
a
martyr
,
both
alive
and
dead
adored
for
a
Saint
.
We
shal
now
close
up
the
first
part
of
our
Breviary
,
as
it
relates
to
his
reign
,
&
designs
before
he
erected
his
Standard
,
the
manner
&
managery
of
the
hostile
part
of
his
life
(
though
both
long
since
sufficiently
known
,
and
felt
by
many
thousands
of
the
poor
innocent
people
of
three
Kingdomes
,
yet
for
avoiding
of
repetitions
and
some
other
motives
)
I
have
taken
the
leave
to
insert
a
short
description
thereof
in
the
subsequent
reply
;
leaving
out
the
manner
of
his
arraignment
by
his
Judges
,
all
of
them
to
be
adjudg'd
a
new
at
the
great
Tribnnall
of
the
King
of
Kings
,
whether
the
one
(
as
his
Vice-gerent
)
hath
ruled
and
judged
the
people
committed
to
his
protection
for
their
defence
,
and
hath
dealt
uprightly
with
them
,
or
not
,
and
whether
the
others
(
as
ordained
by
divine
providence
to
do
justice
on
him
for
his
cruelties
)
have
condemned
this
King
for
his
Tyranny
and
unrighteous
dealing
with
three
nations
,
to
whose
justice
,
in
feare
and
trembling
we
must
all
submit
.
Where
we
may
with
good
reason
make
this
Quaere
,
Whether
the
cutting
off
of
our
bloody
and
blood-thirsty
Prince
,
together
with
the
exclusion
of
his
whole
posterity
,
can
be
a
sufficient
expiation
in
the
eye
of
heaven
,
for
the
blood
of
a
million
of
poor
innocent
soules
slaughtered
for
the
satiating
of
one
Princes
lustfull
will
and
pleasure
,
since
he
that
repents
not
hath
said
it
,
that
the
Land
shall
not
be
clensed
until
the
blood
of
one
murtherer
be
shed
,
this
we
may
say
and
safely
believe
,
that
Almighty
God
(
for
the
sins
of
the
Nations
)
in
his
wrath
and
just
indignation
,
sent
this
most
unhappy
King
(
as
his
rod
of
judgement
)
to
reign
over
us
,
and
in
his
justice
hath
likewise
burnt
it
,
and
brought
that
fatall
end
upon
him
,
and
his
Fathers
house
,
according
to
his
owne
and
often
Imprecations
:
We
shall
conclude
this
first
scene
of
our
Narrative
with
the
Kingdoms
fate
:
Iratus
Deus
dedit
ijs
Regem
.
The
Authors
reply
to
an
invective
Remonstrance
against
the
Parliament
and
present
Government
,
wherein
the
whole
managery
of
the
late
War
is
exactly
described
.
SIR
,
HAving
diligently
perused
the
replication
you
sent
me
,
I
perceive
that
you
are
no
changeling
,
but
one
and
the
self
same
man
in
your
opinion
,
both
in
justifying
the
late
Kings
Actions
,
and
in
aspersing
the
Parliament
with
raysing
the
late
War
against
him
,
as
a
premeditated
Plot
long
since
hatch't
by
a
factious
party
amongst
them
,
and
to
change
the
Government
,
and
pull
up
Monarchy
and
Episcopacy
by
the
roots
;
Strange
Chimaeras
indeed
,
that
dropt
lately
out
of
the
Clouds
and
Vapours
of
your
own
and
your
parties
gyddy-braines
;
neither
doe
you
rest
there
,
but
you
proceed
to
charge
those
which
now
sit
at
Westminster
with
many
other
fowle
Calumnies
;
to
all
which
in
their
proper
place
I
shall
not
faile
to
give
you
a
particular
answer
;
though
I
could
have
wisht
,
that
you
had
fixt
your
cogitations
on
some
other
subject
suitable
to
truth
,
and
the
ingenuity
you
pretend
unto
,
and
not
after
ten
years
revolution
of
time
to
fall
flat
on
a
meer
suggestion
of
your
owne
without
any
other
proof
than
a
bare
allegatiou
,
and
that
so
destitute
of
possibility
,
either
of
thought
or
intent
in
the
Parliament
to
effect
,
as
that
the
affirmation
seems
to
me
a
meer
malicious
fiction
of
your
own
rather
than
a
simple
verity
,
and
so
unbecoming
a
Gentleman
of
your
quality
,
as
that
in
plainnesse
I
take
the
boldnesse
to
tell
you
,
you
might
on
better
reason
with
Copernicus
his
Disciples
,
have
aver'd
another
world
to
be
in
the
Moon
,
th●n
to
have
devised
and
broached
so
vaine
and
senselesse
an
untruth
;
But
since
t
is
more
of
your
will
than
chance
,
to
fall
on
so
groundlesse
a
fable
and
on
a
theam
so
old
and
over-worne
;
might
I
have
advised
,
you
should
have
turn'd
your
tone
(
which
would
have
been
much
more
for
your
honour
)
and
aver'd
,
that
the
King
,
even
from
the
very
first
entrance
of
his
reigne
(
answerable
to
his
Fathers
instructions
)
began
his
arbitrary
worke
,
and
in
pursuance
thereof
had
laid
sundry
destructive
and
darke
plots
,
how
to
invassalate
the
three
Nations
,
and
by
degrees
to
reduce
them
all
under
one
Intire
,
arbitrary
and
absolute
soveraignty
;
and
when
they
took
not
the
effect
he
desired
,
being
discovered
and
opposed
by
this
Parliament
,
then
to
set
up
his
Standard
and
array
the
poore
people
against
themselves
,
which
never
any
King
of
England
durst
attempt
,
otherwise
than
by
publick
consent
,
and
against
a
forraigne
enemy
,
and
at
last
to
wage
open
Narre
against
his
owne
subjects
,
and
the
representative
of
the
Nation
,
Plundering
,
Fyring
,
and
desolating
the
Kingdom
to
the
utmost
of
his
power
;
had
you
avouched
thus
much
,
you
had
hit
on
the
right
,
and
shewed
your selfe
both
a
friend
to
truth
and
your
Country
;
but
it
seems
you
still
stand
close
to
your
old
destructive
principles
,
as
at
first
you
sided
with
the
King
living
,
so
dead
you
persist
to
make
good
his
cause
,
whether
right
or
wrong
it
mattered
not
much
,
with
most
of
your
party
,
the
truth
is
,
how
good
or
bad
soever
his
cause
was
,
it
was
the
bare
name
of
a
King
and
hopes
of
preferment
which
drew
your
Iron
into
the
field
,
and
t
is
the
very
same
at
present
which
invites
all
of
you
to
flatter
and
sooth
up
your selves
with
the
empty
name
of
Loyalty
to
bring
in
the
new
Crown'd
King
of
Scots
on
the
old
score
,
without
looking
to
the
preservation
of
the
Liberty
of
your
Country
,
and
proprieties
of
your
own
posterity
and
the
sad
consequence
thereof
,
as
if
the
publick
interest
ought
to
be
given
up
,
for
the
fulfilling
of
your
desires
,
and
of
one
mans
wilfull
pleasure
,
a
strange
dotage
that
hath
possest
you
,
and
more
strange
it
is
,
that
you
should
now
fall
a
fresh
on
a
subject
that
loathes
any
man
of
ingenuity
to
think
on
it
,
much
more
to
treat
on
a
theam
so
stale
,
were
it
but
in
reference
to
the
memory
of
him
who
is
at
rest
:
But
since
I
find
that
a
kind
of
confidence
possesses
your
intellectuals
,
that
all
your
allegations
are
unanswerable
,
and
that
your
provocations
amounts
to
a
challenge
,
the
fault
must
be
yours
not
mine
,
If
in
vindication
of
truth
,
I
lay
open
the
grossnesse
of
all
your
errors
,
in
the
manifestation
of
his
which
with
such
eagernesse
and
confidence
you
think
your self
able
to
defend
being
forced
through
your
importunity
,
and
the
nature
of
the
taske
you
put
upon
me
,
to
run
over
the
whole
progres
and
managery
of
all
the
late
Kings
designs
,
visible
and
long
since
very
well
knowne
to
all
men
of
common
understanding
;
though
I
confesse
,
I
do
not
much
marvell
that
your selfe
(
amongst
the
rest
of
the
facill
beliefe
)
have
been
deceived
by
the
Kings
woonted
and
plausible
protestations
,
especially
as
he
handled
the
matter
,
in
the
cunning
and
umbragious
carrying
on
of
all
his
close
and
hidden
designs
:
for
I
very
well
know
many
knowing
▪
Gentlemen
which
have
had
a
long
conflict
with
themselves
,
what
judgment
to
make
on
the
first
difference
arising
between
the
King
and
Parliament
,
his
Majesty
so
often
protesting
,
how
much
he
intended
the
welfare
of
all
his
subjects
,
how
unwilling
to
embrew
the
Kingdom
with
blood
,
how
willing
to
embrace
and
conserve
the
peace
of
the
Land
,
how
resolved
to
maintaine
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
how
carefull
and
studious
to
uphold
the
Lawes
and
Liberties
of
the
People
,
how
ready
to
preserve
inviolable
the
privileges
of
Parliaments
,
and
how
forward
to
supply
his
distressed
Protestant
Subjects
in
Ireland
;
all
which
(
as
a
Copy
of
his
counterfeit
Countenance
)
he
so
often
protested
,
and
confirmed
with
Imprecations
,
that
truely
the
spirits
of
many
wise
men
were
amazed
and
a
long
time
stood
staggering
what
to
be
.
lieve
in
the
case
,
and
doubtfull
whether
the
Kings
cause
or
the
Parliaments
was
most
just
,
which
party
gave
the
first
offence
,
which
began
the
Warre
,
and
of
this
number
I
confesse
my self
to
be
one
,
which
stood
sometimes
diffident
in
a
controversy
so
variously
attested
;
but
having
made
a
diligent
search
into
all
the
passages
,
and
transactions
between
both
parties
,
both
from
before
the
Sword
was
drawn
,
and
after
to
the
year
1645
,
when
the
Kings
Cabinet
Letters
were
taken
at
Naseby
,
and
other
manifests
elsewhere
,
I
then
began
to
bethink
my self
(
that
which
before
I
only
admitted
in
a
kind
of
Ambitious
beliefe
)
that
the
Parliament
had
then
to
deal
with
a
King
(
howsoever
heretofore
valued
as
a
Prince
of
no
deep
reach
)
who
was
not
to
seek
without
the
help
and
influence
of
a
malicious
Councell
)
to
play
his
owne
part
,
I
shall
not
say
better
,
but
more
dextrous
and
cunningly
for
his
owne
ends
,
and
to
the
reducing
of
the
Kingdomes
under
his
absolute
power
,
than
any
of
those
could
direct
him
,
whom
he
most
trusted
with
the
mannagery
of
his
designs
and
secrets
;
truely
,
Sir
,
on
that
discovery
(
on
the
publishing
of
his
Letters
)
let
me
tell
you
there
were
many
thousands
which
fell
off
,
and
from
the
opinion
they
held
of
his
integrity
and
the
Iustice
of
his
Cause
,
it
being
in
the
next
degree
to
a
miracle
that
after
so
full
a
disclosure
of
the
Kings
juglings
and
dissemblings
there
should
any
remaine
to
take
his
part
,
and
the
wonder
is
the
more
remarkeable
that
since
his
death
any
man
should
believe
him
to
be
a
Martyr
,
but
whom
God
hardens
they
shall
be
hardened
,
let
the
Charmer
Charme
never
so
wisely
some
will
be
deafe
and
diffident
of
visible
truthes
never
so
clearly
manifested
,
of
which
number
that
you
should
perceveere
to
make
one
,
as
by
your
sundry
invectives
it
appears
,
surely
it
hath
not
a
little
troubled
me
,
to
see
the
excrescencies
of
your
inveterate
malignancy
to
break
out
even
to
obstinacy
,
and
so
long
to
have
blinded
your
judgment
,
from
discerning
of
truth
from
falshood
,
and
to
have
bard
you
from
the
right
use
of
distinguishing
between
reason
well
weighed
,
and
fraud
umbrated
and
attested
,
with
the
usuall
artifices
of
the
royall
protestations
,
a
faculty
(
by
your
favour
)
too
too
common
with
the
King
and
those
quaint
pen-men
which
attended
him
;
with
plausible
Declarations
,
frequently
sent
abroad
,
ad
faciendum
populum
,
to
catch
fools
,
and
as
the
Kings
usuall
phrase
was
to
undeceive
the
people
,
(
prepossest
with
the
reality
of
the
Parliaments
Remonstrances
)
when
in
truth
the
Kings
ends
were
no
other
than
to
decoy
the
poor
credulous
Annimalls
into
an
opinion
of
his
good
meaning
towards
them
,
when
he
intended
them
most
harme
,
as
we
find
it
evident
in
the
silly
devises
and
quaint
impresses
of
his
money
coyned
at
Oxford
,
pretending
that
he
took
up
arms
in
defence
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
People
,
and
the
Priviledges
of
Parliament
,
when
the
direct
contrary
appeared
by
all
his
Actions
;
and
when
as
it
was
manifest
,
that
before
he
began
to
quarrell
with
the
Scots
,
he
tacitely
intended
,
and
even
then
designed
to
suppress
Parliaments
,
or
so
to
qualify
them
,
that
they
should
be
onely
usefull
to
his
own
ends
,
not
to
the
people
,
and
likewise
to
invade
the
Liberties
of
the
subject
,
&
adulterate
the
true
Protestant
Religion
with
the
superstitious
mixture
of
Popery
,
as
it
manifestly
appeared
by
his
admittance
of
a
Jesuiticall
crew
into
his
own
Court
,
&
Cappuchins
at
Somerset-house
with
large
maintenance
,
even
in
the
face
of
the
Court
,
and
eye
of
the
Kingdom
,
with
a
generall
connivence
,
amounting
to
a
tacite
toleration
to
all
Papists
,
together
with
idolatrous
Masses
,
both
in
his
own
house
permitted
,
andused
throughout
the
Kingdom
in
most
Papists
houses
without
controule
,
&
in
imitation
of
Solomon
,
after
that
by
his
Wives
he
was
turn'd
Idolater
,
to
set
up
the
abomination
of
*
Ashteroth
,
even
in
the
face
of
Jerusalem
:
And
as
to
his
invading
of
the
Libertyes
of
the
people
,
with
his
many
other
oppressions
and
irregularities
,
we
all
know
,
and
have
good
cause
to
remember
them
.
The
Breviary
of
his
Life
and
unfortunate
Reigne
,
manifestly
declares
as
to
his
intent
of
suppressing
of
Parliaments
,
and
future
oppression
of
the
people
,
the
observations
I
intend
to
send
you
,
with
his
own
Letters
sufficiently
demonstrates
,
&
by
whose
motion
and
Counsels
those
exorbitances
were
first
by
his
own
Fathers
Instructions
pursued
,
found
in
his
Cabinet
at
Theobalds
immediately
after
his
departure
,
and
whereof
one
was
to
quit
himself
by
degrees
of
all
Parliaments
,
as
too
bold
Co-partners
in
the
Government
with
their
Kings
,
&
to
run
the
future
course
of
his
government
answerable
to
that
of
France
;
and
to
verifie
this
I
shall
point
you
to
King
James
his
own
Speech
in
open
Parliament
,
1609.
March
21.
Where
you
may
see
what
preparations
he
had
provided
for
his
Successor
to
rule
by
:
parallelling
himself
with
God
who
he
saith
,
Hath
power
to
create
or
destroy
,
make
,
or
un
make
at
his
pleasure
,
to
give
life
,
or
send
death
,
to
judge
all
,
and
to
be
judged
or
to
be
accomptable
to
none
,
to
raise
low
things
,
and
to
make
high
things
low
at
pleasure
,
and
to
God
are
both
Soul
and
Body
due
;
the
like
power
,
saith
this
King
,
have
Kings
,
they
make
and
unmake
their
Subjects
,
they
have
power
of
raising
and
casting
down
,
of
life
and
death
,
Iudges
over
all
their
Subjects
,
and
in
all
causes
,
and
yet
accomptable
to
none
but
God
alone
,
they
have
power
to
exalt
low
things
,
and
abase
high
things
,
and
to
make
of
their
Subjects
like
men
at
Chess
,
a
pawn
to
take
a
Bishop
,
or
a
Knight
,
and
to
cry
up
and
down
their
Subjects
,
as
they
doe
their
money
.
Whence
you
may
observe
this
Kings
Principles
,
which
in
the
Speech
it selfe
every
where
extant
you
may
find
,
that
even
this
King
,
whom
the
world
stiled
the
Platonicall
King
,
and
was
reputed
a
pious
Prince
,
took
the
hint
of
his
tyrannicall
principles
from
a
*
Bishop
,
who
in
the
very
face
and
audience
of
a
Court
of
Parliament
,
preacht
all
these
fine
arbitrary
doctrines
,
and
yet
in
the
Speech
it self
,
fol.
quarto
,
you
shall
find
the
King
defends
him
:
Hence
you
way
perceive
by
whose
counsells
the
late
King
steered
all
the
course
of
his
government
after
his
accession
to
the
Crown
,
with
the
reason
of
his
seldome
calling
of
Parliaments
,
and
his
often
dissolving
of
such
as
he
did
call
without
their
due
effects
.
I
shall
now
faithfully
relate
the
whole
progresse
of
the
War
,
and
by
what
female
advice
he
was
directed
to
the
reducing
of
all
the
three
Kingdomes
under
his
absolute
power
,
and
for
your
better
satisfaction
shall
by
the
way
present
you
with
the
orignall
cause
of
his
hatred
against
this
Parl.
and
by
what
strange
means
it
was
summoned
,
and
at
a
time
when
all
wise
men
had
given
all
Parliaments
for
lost
,
which
although
long
since
,
and
by
many
more
able
pens
than
mine
have
been
sufficiently
manifested
to
the
world
,
yet
for
your
sake
,
I
shall
adventure
to
present
them
a
new
,
as
having
little
more
in
addition
to
the
elabourate
pains
of
others
,
than
in
some
particulars
which
I
find
not
as
yet
produced
to
the
light
of
the
world
:
Briefly
then
,
It
is
a
knowne
truth
that
the
King
in
that
his
unnecessary
raising
of
a
warre
against
the
SCOTS
,
and
through
the
prodigality
of
the
Court
,
especially
the
petulancy
and
lavishnesse
of
the
Queens
side
,
had
so
exceedingly
exhausted
both
his
Exchequer
and
Credit
,
and
reduced
himself
to
that
extreme
Indigence
,
that
he
knew
not
whither
to
turn
himself
,
neither
(
as
in
the
Breviary
of
his
Reigne
is
exactly
laid
down
)
could
that
great
head-piece
,
&
the
grand
Master
for
carrying
on
of
all
his
Arbitrary
work
,
shew
him
how
to
dis-intangle
himselfe
out
of
that
harle
,
wherein
his
owne
wilfull
Inclinations
had
incumbred
him
:
We
all
know
,
that
the
King
on
the
entrance
of
the
Scots
at
Newborne
,
in
August
1640.
took
a
posting
journey
Northward
to
his
Army
,
Strafford
being
Commissioned
Generall
in
the
room
of
the
Earl
of
Northumberland
,
whither
they
were
no
sooner
arrived
,
but
they
found
the
Souldiery
in
little
better
than
mutiny
for
want
of
their
pay
;
the
whole
army
then
lying
on
Free-quarter
on
the
County
of
York
,
and
the
King
without
so
much
money
as
would
pay
halfe
a
Regiment
,
the
Scots
possest
of
the
Town
of
Newcastle
,
the
Nobility
having
been
exhausted
in
their
attendance
the
Summer
before
,
yet
to
shew
their
loyalty
,
they
again
repair
to
York
;
amongst
the
rest
,
the
Earls
of
Hartford
and
Essex
in
their
journey
take
an
occasion
by
the
way
to
addresse
themselves
to
the
Queen
,
to
whom
they
declare
the
sad
condition
wherein
both
the
King
and
Kingdome
were
then
reduced
,
and
that
they
saw
no
possible
means
,
other
then
a
Parliament
,
whereby
to
repair
the
State
,
relieve
the
King
,
and
peece
up
the
rents
and
breaches
between
both
Nations
;
on
this
expostulation
they
prevailed
with
the
Queen
to
write
her
Letters
to
his
Majesty
,
to
move
him
to
condescend
to
the
summons
of
this
Parliament
,
the
mention
whereof
they
very
well
knew
without
such
a
mediatrix
would
be
very
displeasing
unto
him
;
these
Lords
being
thus
provided
with
her
Majesties
Letters
,
repair
to
Yorke
,
and
presented
them
to
the
King
,
and
upon
consultation
with
the
rest
of
the
Lords
then
attending
his
Majesty
,
five
and
twenty
of
them
joyn
in
a
Petition
to
that
purpose
:
The
Scots
likewise
,
and
200
Gentlemen
of
the
County
of
York
concurring
in
the
same
sute
for
a
present
summons
of
a
Parliament
.
Thus
was
his
Majesty
(
as
I
may
say
)
beleaguered
on
all
hands
,
not
anyone
but
Strafford
dissenting
;
in
the
end
,
what
between
the
Kings
urgent
necessities
,
and
a
concurrency
of
Petitions
,
together
with
the
Queens
Letters
(
which
weigh'd
most
with
the
King
)
was
this
Parliament
contrary
to
the
expectation
of
all
men
,
produced
,
to
the
admiration
of
the
Kingdom
,
though
against
the
Kings
expresse
vow
,
taken
at
the
putting
off
his
robes
(
as
before
is
mentioned
)
when
he
dissolved
his
second
Parliament
,
and
in
a
contemptuous
deportment
,
threw
them
from
him
,
protesting
that
it
should
be
the
last
time
of
their
putting
off
or
on
:
Hence
we
may
discern
through
what
difficulties
and
streights
this
Parliament
took
it's
beginning
,
we
may
well
say
,
by
Gods
speciall
providence
,
and
by
hers
principally
as
the
instrumentall
cause
thereof
,
which
soon
after
was
it's
greatest
Enemy
,
and
not
by
the
Kings
choise
and
inclination
,
as
it
is
shamefully
averr'd
in
his
Pourtraicture
,
whereas
,
the
bare
name
and
mention
of
a
Parliament
was
well
known
to
be
odious
unto
him
,
and
the
very
motion
of
calling
any
more
prohibited
,
by
his
own
expresse
charge
to
all
of
his
Councell
of
State
,
as
that
which
he
foresaw
would
be
the
onely
impediment
to
the
accomplishment
of
all
his
arbitrary
designes
so
meerly
brought
to
their
ends
,
but
the
summer
before
he
waged
the
first
warre
against
his
native
subjects
the
Scots
,
an
enterprise
which
the
World
knowes
was
the
only
Remora
that
checkt
and
choaked
all
his
projections
in
the
maturity
of
their
birth
,
which
to
recover
on
sight
,
and
his
sense
of
the
Parliaments
proceedings
he
soon
found
he
had
no
other
way
left
him
but
by
open
War
and
force
to
suppresse
them
,
the
mannagery
whereof
I
shall
now
briefly
present
unto
you
.
The
Parliament
had
its
Summons
from
Yorke
(
as
all
the
Kingdom
knows
)
and
the
third
of
November
1640.
sate
downe
at
Westminster
,
where
according
to
the
usuall
Ceremonies
,
the
King
in
his
own
person
,
in
a
set
speech
made
a
very
gracious
protestation
,
viz.
That
he
was
fully
resolved
to
put
himself
wholy
on
the
love
of
his
People
and
Parliament
,
which
if
it
proved
not
prosperous
and
a
happy
Parliament
the
fault
should
be
none
of
his
,
and
that
he
was
fully
determined
to
commit
the
reformation
of
all
things
amisse
to
their
regulation
.
A
profession
which
both
took
much
with
the
House
and
all
the
Kingdom
,
which
had
he
been
pleased
to
have
performed
,
and
to
have
made
good
his
word
,
in
not
protecting
the
many
delinquents
,
questioned
within
a
few
moneths
after
the
Parliaments
first
sitting
downe
,
as
with
justice
,
honour
,
and
his
Coronation
oath
he
was
obliged
,
and
in
reference
to
his
owne
profit
he
might
very
well
have
forborne
,
such
tragicall
issues
could
never
have
befallen
himself
and
the
3.
Kingdoms
:
but
having
then
entertained
other
designs
,
and
perceiving
the
Parliament
to
fly
high
,
and
at
his
chief
Ministers
and
woork-masters
of
his
former
arbitrary
projects
,
and
on
those
which
had
fomented
that
unnecessary
Warre
against
the
Scots
,
as
the
Earl
of
Straf
ford
and
the
Arch-bishop
(
principally
)
the
Prelates
and
dissolute
Clergy
,
most
of
the
Iudges
and
the
Farmers
of
the
Customes
,
(
not
for
common
faults
,
but
very
high
misdemeanours
)
the
King
to
crosse
them
,
most
ignobly
and
against
the
justice
of
the
Kingdome
,
not
only
provoked
,
but
openly
shewed
himselfe
both
a
defendor
and
protector
of
their
Delinquencies
,
and
upon
the
distast
he
took
on
the
commitment
of
Strafford
,
was
instantly
known
to
have
laid
sundry
plots
and
practises
,
how
he
might
dissolve
the
Parliament
,
or
utterly
to
destroy
it
,
which
the
Parliament
perceiving
,
and
that
the
Queen
under
colour
of
accompanying
the
Princesse
Mary
into
Holland
,
was
sent
thither
with
the
Crowne
Jewels
to
buy
Arms
,
and
procure
forces
to
be
sent
him
,
and
Digby
employed
to
the
same
purpose
;
whereupon
in
prevention
of
the
storme
which
they
evidently
then
saw
was
like
to
fall
on
themselves
and
the
Kingdom
from
beyond
sea
,
they
moved
his
Majesty
that
the
Kingdom
might
be
put
into
a
posture
of
defence
,
and
the
militia
deposited
in
such
hands
,
as
they
might
confide
in
,
which
he
utterly
refused
to
grant
them
as
inseparables
to
the
Crowne
(
as
he
alleaged
)
he
was
resolved
to
keep
solely
in
his
own
power
;
The
Parliament
in
answer
to
this
,
insist
,
That
the
Kings
power
therein
,
by
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
was
only
fiduciary
,
allwayes
in
reference
to
trust
,
&
the
publik
good
&
safety
of
the
Kingdō
;
hence
the
contest
by
degrees
grew
to
a
separation
,
and
in
furtherance
of
the
dispute
,
he
also
denyed
the
house
to
disband
the
Irish
Army
,
raised
long
before
by
Strafford
,
and
compos'd
of
Papists
,
a
storm
which
could
not
otherwise
be
expected
but
would
(
if
not
timely
prevented
)
fall
on
them
from
Ireland
,
whereof
the
*
Juncto
at
their
very
first
sitting
down
had
sufficiently
informed
them
out
of
Straffords
own
mouth
for
what
use
and
end
that
Army
was
raised
,
viz.
where
he
tels
the
King
,
you
have
an
Army
in
IRELAND
to
reduce
this
Kingdome
,
when
it
was
manifestly
known
to
the
world
,
that
it
never
was
in
a
greater
calm
of
peace
and
quietnes
,
and
the
universall
people
in
a
more
absolute
obedience
,
and
as
ready
to
be
ridden
as
any
slaves
under
the
Grand
Signior
.
During
this
conflict
,
the
King
would
needs
take
a
journey
into
Scotland
,
notwithstanding
the
House
by
sundry
petitions
had
earnestly
moved
him
,
either
to
lay
it
aside
,
or
at
least
for
some
time
to
retard
it
,
(
but
howsoever
the
King
carried
on
his
plots
&
intentions
in
the
dark
,
&
with
as
much
cunning
as
possibly
could
be
devised
)
yet
they
had
then
good
reason
to
suspect
,
that
his
journey
Northward
was
to
some
other
end
,
than
in
leaving
them
to
visit
his
Scotch
Parliament
,
as
it
after
proved
;
but
on
he
would
for
Scotland
,
and
before
he
took
his
journey
,
in
a
seeming
providence
to
disburthen
the
Kingdome
of
the
charge
of
the
Scotch
Army
,
he
first
prest
the
house
to
disband
(
with
all
their
expedition
)
that
Army
,
and
to
pay
pay
that
of
his
own
raising
in
the
North
,
but
not
a
word
of
disbanding
it
;
upon
this
motion
the
House
took
it
into
their
serious
consideration
(
apprehending
it
for
a
provident
,
carefull
,
and
timely
motion
of
the
Kings
)
and
thereupon
bethought
themselves
,
how
first
to
disband
and
quit
the
Kingdome
of
the
Scots
untill
Mr.
Stroude
standing
up
,
told
the
Speaker
,
That
they
ought
not
in
such
haste
to
depart
with
the
Scotch
Army
,
lest
the
sonnes
of
Zerviah
(
in
their
absence
)
would
be
too
hard
for
them
,
this
speech
the
house
soon
apprehended
,
and
instantly
resolved
not
to
disband
the
one
without
the
other
army
,
which
the
King
perceiving
,
&
being
daily
prest
with
Petitions
of
the
Officers
of
his
own
Army
fot
their
pay
,
and
himselfe
not
possibly
able
to
content
them
,
as
also
,
that
25000
l.
per
mensem
,
allowed
to
the
Scots
Army
,
with
300000
l.
by
way
of
brotherly
love
given
them
by
the
Parliament
in
compensation
of
their
losses
through
the
Kings
needlesse
and
unnecessary
molesting
them
,
during
the
two
Summers
before
,
amounted
in
the
totall
to
so
vast
a
sum
,
as
that
neither
himself
was
able
to
contribute
a
groat
,
or
the
Parliament
otherwise
to
discharge
,
but
by
borrowing
it
on
the
Publique
Faith.
It
would
amaze
those
which
are
happily
ignorant
of
the
managery
of
this
work
,
if
I
should
tell
them
in
what
extremity
of
want
the
King
was
then
reduced
,
and
how
he
durst
adventure
to
struggle
,
and
after
to
trip
up
the
heels
of
a
Court
of
Parliament
,
which
,
without
the
least
upraiding
him
with
his
profusions
,
and
irregular
Regality
were
not
only
willing
and
ready
to
pay
all
those
vast
scores
of
debts
contracted
through
his
own
wilful
misgovernment
,
but
then
had
it
in
agitation
,
how
to
improve
his
Revenues
,
and
to
inable
him
to
live
of
himself
without
squeezing
his
Subjects
,
in
honour
,
splendour
and
plenty
beyond
any
of
his
Progenitors
as
it
is
well
known
to
many
of
his
own
party
who
were
of
that
Committee
,
*
touching
the
improving
of
an
annuall
revenue
to
be
setled
upon
him
by
act
of
Parliament
,
out
of
one
particular
,
the
Customes
amounting
to
400000
li.
per
annum
,
proposed
by
old
Mr.
Turner
the
Farmer
of
the
Allom
works
,
and
the
same
so
much
forwarded
,
that
it
was
committed
by
Votes
of
the
Parliament
,
to
a
select
number
of
Members
,
to
be
considered
,
and
shortly
after
was
stated
to
a
proportion
of
200000
l.
more
per
annum
than
ever
he
received
out
of
the
great
and
petty
farms
,
but
that
the
world
may
know
the
wilfulnesse
of
this
King
,
after
that
he
was
gon
from
the
Parliament
,
and
had
erected
his
Standard
at
Nottingham
,
he
sent
word
by
Master
Levison
by
name
,
and
one
of
his
Bedchamber
,
to
Turner
,
That
if
ever
he
medled
with
the
Parliament
about
that
businesse
thenceforth
,
not
to
look
him
in
the
face
;
whence
it
evidently
appears
,
that
he
meant
not
to
take
any
thing
of
the
Parliament
by
way
of
gift
,
having
it
in
design
to
take
what
he
pleased
,
as
power
should
inable
him
.
God
knowes
I
send
you
no
Fables
,
but
shall
willingly
be
accomptable
of
any
thing
which
you
shall
find
herein
inserted
,
if
it
suit
not
with
the
naked
truth
and
sincerity
of
him
,
who
would
not
that
your self
and
so
many
of
the
English
Nation
should
be
any
longer
deluded
and
flamm'd
with
untruthes
,
and
nurst
up
in
a
belief
of
want
of
the
Parliaments
good
and
loyall
intentions
towards
him
,
untill
he
had
wilfully
and
desperately
made
himself
uncapable
of
the
love
and
loyalty
of
his
people
;
and
such
was
the
ingratitude
of
this
unhappy
King
,
for
proofe
whereof
amongst
many
instances
that
I
could
present
,
and
of
his
carelesse
paying
where
he
borrowed
,
and
ruining
of
many
of
his
servants
,
let
this
one
suffice
of
Mr.
Turner
,
tow
hom
he
owed
no
small
sums
,
promised
much
and
often
,
as
he
did
to
many
others
,
but
performed
nothing
,
when
it
was
the
least
thought
of
his
heart
;
the
after-story
,
as
a
known
truth
,
will
both
shew
forth
his
ingratitude
,
and
the
extremity
of
his
want
,
with
those
sordid
shifts
he
was
put
unto
,
both
at
the
sitting
down
of
this
Parliament
and
long
before
,
when
the
poor
old
man
petitioned
him
for
the
nomination
of
a
Baron
,
which
is
most
true
,
that
the
King
granted
him
without
scrupie
,
provided
he
named
a
Gent.
&
of
worth
;
in
short
,
it
was
my
Lord
Capel
,
and
he
was
to
give
him
in
ready
money
,
10000
l.
but
the
King
sending
for
the
old
man
,
told
him
of
his
want
,
and
that
he
would
gratifie
him
otherwise
with
double
that
sum
;
so
the
King
as
it
is
well
known
flattered
the
good
old
man
out
of
his
money
,
which
was
presently
given
to
the
Queen
Mother
for
her
Transportation
hence
into
Germany
,
and
the
old
Gentleman
left
to
seek
his
bread
,
and
to
die
a
very
poor
man
;
many
instances
of
this
kinde
I
could
relate
,
but
to
returne
to
our
relation
:
the
Parliament
then
moved
the
City
for
the
loan
of
so
much
present
money
as
might
serve
to
discharge
the
arrears
due
to
both
Armies
,
which
the
Citizens
denyed
,
unless
an
act
might
passe
for
the
Parliaments
sitting
during
pleasure
;
the
Citizens
well
remembring
the
Kings
wonted
and
sudden
dissolving
of
all
the
Parliaments
of
his
Reigne
.
The
King
then
finding
where
the
Remora
lay
,
readily
past
that
bill
in
relation
to
his
own
debt
,
which
hath
been
since
both
by
himselfe
and
his
party
so
much
magnified
for
an
Act
of
Grace
surpassing
all
of
his
Progenitors
,
and
shortly
thereupon
takes
his
journey
towards
Scotland
,
which
considering
his
own
hidden
designes
,
was
chosen
in
so
fit
a
conjuncture
of
time
,
as
that
he
overtooke
the
Scotch
Army
in
their
march
before
they
past
the
borders
,
where
what
overtures
he
made
to
the
Commanders
to
joyn
with
him
against
the
Parliament
,
best
appears
by
the
notice
thereof
given
and
sent
by
them
to
the
Parliament
and
their
own
Commissioners
here
then
residing
The
King
then
finding
that
neither
the
English
or
Scotch
Armies
would
be
wrought
upon
,
answerable
to
his
designes
,
posts
to
Edinburgh
,
where
he
very
well
understood
,
that
to
keep
the
Scots
quiet
,
necessarily
he
should
be
compell'd
to
give
that
Parliament
all
the
content
they
desired
,
as
t
is
maifestly
known
he
did
in
all
things
they
demanded
,
and
in
many
Acts
of
Grace
,
which
to
the
English
Parliament
he
utterly
denyed
,
and
stood
upon
even
to
the
last
,
as
the
Militia
,
the
choice
of
their
Admirall
,
Chancellour
,
Judges
,
&c.
During
the
Kings
abode
in
Scotland
,
which
was
near
upon
foure
moneths
,
it
is
well
known
the
Irish
Rebellion
brake
forth
in
October
1641.
and
that
rising
authorised
under
the
great
Seale
of
Scotland
,
as
both
the
Rebels
themselves
aver'd
,
and
that
attested
by
divers
witnesses
of
credit
,
which
had
seene
it
under
Seal
:
the
Parliament
here
at
that
time
had
a
recesse
,
only
so
many
of
the
Members
as
might
keep
up
the
reputation
of
a
Parliament
resided
at
Westminster
,
the
rest
were
retired
unto
their
habitations
untill
November
following
,
when
by
order
of
the
Houses
they
were
all
to
re-assemble
,
in
the
mean
time
,
whilest
most
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
were
in
the
Country
hapned
that
Rebellion
;
the
Parliament
by
this
time
and
at
their
coming
together
,
had
to
their
old
,
a
new
worke
cut
out
to
their
hands
,
what
the
King
could
not
accomplish
either
in
England
or
Scotland
,
by
the
way
of
insurrections
and
disturbances
in
both
those
Kingdomes
,
he
had
fore-laid
the
way
to
do
it
in
Ireland
,
howsoever
grosly
palliated
and
denyed
in
his
Pourtracture
,
yet
so
suspicious
of
fowle
play
,
as
that
on
a
right
understanding
of
the
mannagery
of
the
peace
,
and
the
slye
carrying
on
of
the
whole
businesse
,
between
himselfe
and
the
Marquesse
of
Ormond
,
(
to
be
seen
in
his
own
Letters
)
makes
it
plain
that
he
had
a
perfidious
hand
therein
.
Now
as
to
his
preparations
from
France
and
Holland
,
wherewith
to
Invade
the
Parliament
,
its
manifest
he
had
then
in
readinesse
a
very
considerable
proportion
of
all
sorts
of
ammunition
,
and
many
men
,
at
least
in
expectation
,
to
be
sent
him
at
a
call
.
About
the
beginning
of
December
following
the
King
(
having
(
as
he
conceived
)
made
sure
worke
with
the
Scots
)
comes
to
London
,
where
at
his
first
comming
to
the
House
,
he
makes
open
profession
,
what
content
he
had
given
to
his
Scotch
Parliament
,
even
to
a
kind
of
ostentation
,
and
as
to
this
Parliament
some
dislikes
he
was
pleased
to
take
against
them
for
that
in
his
absence
they
had
no
better
forwarded
their
worke
;
and
as
to
his
reception
in
the
City
it
was
magnificent
,
and
as
it
seemed
very
well
pleasing
to
himselfe
,
sure
it
was
to
the
people
and
all
the
spectators
,
which
suspected
nothing
of
his
ill
meaning
towards
the
Parliament
.
The
King
by
this
time
having
been
at
home
much
about
20
dayes
had
a
new
and
another
kind
of
game
to
play
than
that
of
meriment
,
he
found
that
the
Parliament
was
then
much
distracted
(
as
good
reason
they
had
)
with
the
apprehension
of
the
Irish
insurrection
,
and
that
horrible
slaughter
there
committed
on
the
poor
English
Protestants
,
and
that
they
stood
not
a
little
in
jelousie
and
affrighted
at
their
assiduall
intell
igence
received
from
beyond
sea
of
the
Kings
preparations
,
and
that
his
heart
was
not
right
towards
them
;
but
of
this
he
had
determined
to
put
them
soon
out
of
doubt
,
and
the
more
to
confuse
them
,
conceiving
that
the
Citizens
would
on
all
occasions
be
wholly
for
him
,
having
in
his
approach
to
the
City
in
his
returne
from
Scotland
,
and
his
entry
into
the
Suburbs
,
and
throughout
all
the
City
,
courteously
saluted
the
people
by
the
often
puting
off
his
Hat
(
as
before
is
intimated
)
a
favour
which
till
then
neither
himselfe
or
his
Father
before
him
had
never
bestowed
upon
the
vulgar
(
when
(
as
it
after
appeared
)
his
designe
was
to
make
use
of
them
,
having
in
readinesse
,
and
shortly
after
fild
whitehall
with
the
forlorn
Officers
of
his
Casheered
Army
,
he
takes
an
occasion
under
pretence
of
suspicion
of
Treason
to
send
for
Sir
Arthur
Hasterigge
,
Mr
'
Hollis
,
Mr.
Pym
,
Mr.
Stroude
,
and
Mr.
Hamden
,
of
the
Commons
House
,
and
my
Lord
Kimboulion
of
the
Lords
House
,
by
one
of
his
Serjeants
at
Arms
,
which
being
denyed
him
by
the
House
(
as
a
plain
breach
of
their
privileges
.
)
The
very
next
day
being
the
fourth
of
January
,
he
comes
attended
with
his
guards
,
and
those
armed
Cavaleers
,
and
entred
into
the
House
of
Commons
,
sits
downe
in
the
Speakers
Chaire
,
and
demands
the
foresaid
six
Members
,
which
,
upon
private
intelligence
given
them
of
the
Kings
intent
,
had
absented
themselves
;
the
King
missing
his
prey
grew
exceedingly
into
choller
,
and
vow'd
that
he
would
have
them
wheresoever
they
were
;
his
own
comportment
and
the
demeanour
of
the
Cavallers
,
both
in
desperate
words
and
big
looks
was
so
terrible
to
the
Parliament
that
they
forsook
the
House
and
sate
in
the
City
,
sending
out
a
Declaration
of
the
high
breach
of
their
Privileges
,
together
with
a
Petition
to
his
Majesty
that
he
would
be
pleased
to
grant
them
a
guard
for
the
security
of
their
persons
and
sitting
,
which
true
it
is
it
,
was
granted
them
,
but
with
such
a
person
for
the
command
,
as
that
they
durst
not
accept
of
him
,
but
were
compelled
to
remaine
for
their
safety
a
longer
space
in
the
City
,
untill
the
Lord
Major
and
the
Citizens
readily
assisted
them
,
and
for
their
better
security
brought
them
in
Coaches
strongly
guarded
to
Westminster
,
whither
also
resorted
a
considerable
party
dayly
passing
along
by
Whitehall
Gates
to
their
rescue
in
case
the
Cavaleers
should
have
againe
disturbed
their
consultations
,
on
this
party
the
Cavaleers
falls
a
beating
them
whereof
some
they
kill'd
,
even
at
the
Court
gate
,
untill
a
greater
number
came
to
their
assistance
.
The
King
finding
himself
then
deceived
in
his
expectation
,
and
that
the
people
were
generally
devoted
to
the
Parliament
,
he
makes
severall
visits
into
the
City
,
where
in
a
publike
audience
be
partly
complains
of
the
affronts
done
to
him
by
the
Parliament
in
their
detaining
the
six
Members
,
and
partly
excusing
his
unadvisednesse
in
his
entring
the
house
in
that
manner
as
he
did
(
which
is
evident
by
his
own
Declaration
)
but
finding
at
last
,
that
his
hopes
failed
him
to
have
any
assistance
out
of
the
City
against
the
Parliament
,
he
stood
some
time
in
doubt
what
course
to
take
,
but
in
the
end
resolves
under
the
specious
pretexts
of
his
Insafety
by
reason
of
the
Tumults
,
(
as
since
himself
stiles
them
)
not
to
stay
at
Whitehall
any
longer
;
thereupon
he
departs
from
his
own
Court
and
the
Parliament
,
as
more
fully
hereafter
I
shall
take
occasion
to
remember
.
Hitherto
I
have
presented
you
with
nothing
but
that
which
is
obvious
,
and
long
since
knowne
to
all
the
Kingdome
,
having
as
briefly
as
I
could
,
deduced
the
story
,
from
the
third
of
November
1640.
which
was
the
very
day
that
the
Parliament
sate
down
,
to
January
1641
,
neer
about
the
latter
end
whereof
the
King
removed
from
Whitehall
to
Hampton-Court
,
Windsor
,
and
Theobalds
,
accompanyed
with
his
wonted
guard
of
Ruffians
;
the
Parliament
continuing
still
to
petition
him
for
his
returne
,
and
concurrence
with
them
;
but
no
perswasions
or
arguments
would
prevail
,
but
on
he
goes
Northward
,
and
makes
his
residence
at
York
,
whither
he
draws
by
degrees
many
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
from
the
Parliament
,
most
of
the
Delinquent
party
resorting
unto
him
,
together
with
my
Lord
Digby
from
beyond
sea
,
though
with
his
own
approbation
long
before
proclaimed
Traytor
;
thither
also
(
notwithstanding
the
severall
affronts
done
to
the
Parliaments
Messages
and
Messengers
)
they
ceased
not
to
importune
his
return
;
but
nothing
could
move
him
against
his
will
and
inclinations
,
for
now
he
had
another
game
to
play
,
having
hitherto
failed
in
all
his
practises
,
and
(
as
he
conceived
)
his
designes
then
grown
to
maturity
,
his
next
plot
was
to
seize
on
the
Town
of
Hull
,
by
the
Earle
of
Newcastle
,
where
a
very
great
Magazine
of
Arms
and
Ammunition
had
been
deposited
the
Summer
before
,
which
the
King
had
also
refused
to
return
to
the
Tower
;
and
the
Towne
of
Newcastle
by
Colonell
Legge
was
likewise
to
be
seized
on
,
both
maritime
towns
and
of
great
importance
for
the
letting
in
of
all
strangers
to
his
assistance
;
whereof
the
Parliament
having
certain
intelligence
,
and
by
all
the
Kings
former
courses
being
more
fully
assured
from
abroad
apprehending
the
dangerous
consequence
therof
thought
then
it
more
than
high
time
in
what
possibly
they
could
,
(
for
the
safety
of
themselves
and
the
Kingdom
)
to
prevent
the
mischiefs
,
which
they
then
evidently
perceived
threatned
the
universall
Nation
,
and
thereupon
they
suddenly
dispatched
the
two
Hothams
with
Commission
to
pre-possesse
the
Town
by
the
Trained
Bands
of
those
parts
:
here
you
may
see
the
first
armes
that
ever
the
Parliament
appeared
in
,
unlesse
you
shall
urge
the
guards
which
the
City
sent
them
for
securing
their
persons
from
the
fury
of
the
Cavaliers
,
which
admit
,
it
was
onely
defensive
,
to
preserve
themselves
and
the
Kingdome
,
in
what
possibly
they
might
,
and
in
prevention
of
future
storms
,
which
they
inevitably
saw
were
sure
to
fall
upon
them
from
abroad
;
and
had
they
not
gone
farther
,
in
seizing
on
the
Navy
,
the
Tower
,
Forts
,
Castles
,
and
Ammunition
,
together
with
the
Crown
Revenues
,
which
are
the
Nerves
and
strengths
of
the
Kingdome
,
which
had
they
neglected
,
no
man
can
make
doubt
but
they
would
have
been
perverted
from
their
proper
use
,
and
turned
against
the
Kingdom
;
surely
then
when
they
perceived
that
nothing
would
worke
upon
the
Kings
obstinacy
,
but
that
he
was
resolved
to
make
Warre
,
and
to
embroyle
the
whole
Kingdom
,
and
let
in
strangers
,
they
would
have
been
deemed
unworthy
of
the
places
they
held
in
the
behalf
of
their
Countreys
,
had
they
not
done
as
they
did
.
But
as
to
the
Kings
part
,
please
you
to
look
over
all
the
progresse
of
his
designes
,
and
take
them
once
more
into
your
second
consideration
,
and
you
cannot
in
any
reason
beleeve
,
but
that
from
the
very
first
commitment
of
the
Earl
of
Strafford
to
the
lower
,
whose
escape
he
had
privatly
plotted
,
and
to
send
him
into
Ireland
,
(
as
in
part
is
before
noted
)
but
that
he
intended
to
force
the
Parliament
to
his
will
,
or
utterly
to
annihillate
it
,
especially
when
he
found
that
the
Earl
was
condemned
,
and
his
execution
prest
(
as
a
publick
example
)
to
dye
,
after
which
its
most
certain
he
meditated
nothing
more
than
war
,
and
to
be
revenged
on
the
Parliament
as
it
evidently
appears
by
his
sending
over
the
Queen
into
Holland
to
buy
arms
,
Cockram
into
Denmarke
,
and
Digby
in
the
same
errand
,
as
also
by
his
practising
of
the
Army
in
the
North
to
fall
upon
the
Parliament
,
together
with
the
flight
of
Percy
,
Jermin
,
and
Suckling
,
as
the
onely
persons
first
engaged
in
that
Plot
,
which
durst
not
stand
to
the
Test
,
and
in
order
to
these
,
his
peremptory
denyall
to
disband
the
Irish
Army
,
and
his
private
addresses
to
other
forreign
Princes
and
States
to
supply
him
with
men
,
money
,
and
arms
,
all
which
his
practises
were
visibly
known
to
the
Kingdom
,
to
have
been
in
agitation
some
of
them
before
the
Earle
of
Straffords
execution
,
other
shortly
thereupon
,
which
evidently
shews
,
that
he
was
resolved
at
any
rate
,
and
by
force
of
arms
to
suppresse
the
Parliament
.
In
the
universal
disturbance
of
the
whole
Kingdome
,
you
may
further
observe
,
how
in
pursuance
of
his
mischievous
designes
,
notwithstanding
the
dislike
the
Parliament
had
of
his
determination
to
goe
into
Scotland
,
and
their
humble
motions
to
him
to
lay
that
journey
aside
,
or
at
least
for
some
time
to
retard
it
,
as
before
is
laid
down
,
yet
would
he
needs
goe
,
and
the
reasons
thereof
are
perspicuous
,
considered
as
he
made
choise
of
his
time
to
overtake
the
Scotch
Army
before
they
came
to
the
borders
,
and
to
attempt
to
corrupt
the
Commanders
to
turn
to
him
,
and
if
that
failed
,
yet
to
give
his
Scotch
Parliament
all
the
content
they
would
desire
;
take
the
design
farther
;
What
worke
was
made
there
concerning
the
Irish
Rebellion
?
what
after
his
return
home
he
made
here
,
in
his
assaulting
the
House
in
a
warlike
posture
,
and
his
accusing
the
six
Members
(
as
the
most
noted
Common-wealths-men
)
in
terrour
to
the
rest
,
upon
no
other
ground
but
on
a
vaine
surmise
of
his
own
making
,
of
suspition
of
Treason
,
where
the
proof
is
so
plain
by
the
first
shedding
of
bloud
at
his
own
dores
,
and
the
hostile
manner
of
his
entring
the
House
attended
with
300
armed
men
,
and
most
of
them
of
desperate
and
forlorn
Fortunes
,
that
the
very
bare
deniall
that
the
King
made
not
the
first
Ware
doth
surpasse
even
impudence
it self
:
I
am
not
ignorant
that
the
Kings
many
protestations
,
and
not
a
few
of
them
fortified
with
imprecations
,
hath
taken
a
firme
footing
in
the
belief
of
many
half-witted
men
,
that
his
Cause
was
much
better
than
it
was
,
but
the
wiser
sort
make
their
judgements
of
men
by
their
actions
,
not
by
their
professions
,
and
they
believe
by
the
testimony
of
their
sences
,
what
they
see
and
feele
they
are
bound
to
believe
,
especially
when
a
King
in
his
private
inditements
which
are
the
dictates
of
the
Soule
,
&
those
addrest
to
a
person
which
had
gained
an
absolute
power
over
the
faculties
of
his
reason
and
understanding
,
such
unbeleevers
are
not
fit
for
humane
society
.
But
omitting
repetitions
and
further
Comments
,
wee
have
left
the
King
at
Yorke
,
where
for
your
better
satisfaction
it
is
fit
that
I
put
you
in
remembrance
how
there
hee
pursued
the
War
,
in
raising
the
people
,
and
inviting
the
Counties
both
farre
and
near
to
rise
and
side
with
him
against
the
Parliament
,
which
in
the
Observations
I
shall
send
you
will
be
made
more
manifest
.
But
that
it
may
more
fully
appear
upon
what
further
grounds
the
King
forsooke
his
owne
house
and
the
Parliament
besides
the
pretended
fear
of
Tumults
(
of
his
own
causing
)
it
was
suggested
unto
him
,
and
he
was
made
to
believe
,
That
without
his
presence
and
concurrence
with
the
Parliament
they
could
not
,
neither
durst
they
vote
or
act
any
thing
,
though
never
so
relative
to
the
safety
of
themselves
and
the
Kingdome
,
so
that
its
apparent
,
that
either
by
fraud
or
force
he
was
resolved
to
put
an
end
to
this
Parliament
,
and
for
farther
proof
of
this
I
refer
you
to
the
Observations
.
Now
as
to
the
main
of
your
accusations
,
the
taking
away
of
the
Kings
life
,
and
dis-inheriting
of
his
Posterity
,
I
crave
leave
to
defer
this
point
to
the
last
,
and
to
the
conclusion
of
my
animadversions
,
where
hapyily
you
will
find
the
true
reasons
thereof
;
and
shall
now
proceed
to
the
Change
of
the
Government
which
you
charge
on
the
Parliament
to
be
so
long
since
plotted
,
and
as
a
power
usurped
and
exercised
by
them
in
a
dispotical
way
way
of
Tyranny
,
in
raising
of
money
,
imposing
of
taxes
,
and
intollerable
contributions
on
the
whole
Nation
;
to
take
them
apart
I
shall
begin
with
the
change
of
the
Government
as
it
is
now
established
in
the
nature
of
a
Republick
,
which
you
know
to
be
gotten
by
the
Sword
,
and
likely
so
it
is
to
hold
,
by
the
same
weapon
as
the
Romans
,
Saxons
,
Danes
and
Normans
got
their
Dominions
here
by
Conquest
,
and
as
the
late
King
on
that
mere
foundation
intended
to
make
his
power
absolute
and
A
la
Francoys
,
in
the
needlesse
endeavour
wherof
,
and
to
be
more
than
stood
with
the
constitution
of
the
English
Soveraignty
,
you
know
how
he
lost
all
,
together
with
his
life
;
if
your
conscience
cannot
brook
the
present
government
as
now
it
is
established
,
I
see
no
other
remedy
left
you
,
but
to
quit
the
place
you
now
live
in
(
and
quietly
if
you
would
)
it
suffiseth
my
Conscience
that
I
live
under
it
,
in
the
enjoyment
of
somewhat
wherewith
to
subsist
,
which
I
am
sure
was
more
than
my self
and
many
thousands
more
could
do
,
when
and
weresoever
the
late
Kings
armies
were
prevalent
;
as
to
the
Taxes
and
Contributions
,
whereat
you
so
much
repine
as
insufferable
,
and
most
illegally
imposed
on
the
people
,
all
that
I
shall
say
to
it
is
that
we
which
suffer
them
,
may
all
of
us
thank
your
party
for
it
,
as
inforced
on
the
States
by
your
only
means
,
for
the
defence
of
the
common
freedome
of
the
Nation
,
which
as
in
the
beginning
of
the
late
Warres
,
your
party
under
the
royall
Commissions
invaded
,
so
you
continually
indeavour
to
subvert
them
,
by
all
the
secret
plots
and
practices
you
possibly
can
invent
,
whereas
could
that
malicious
tumor
of
yours
,
and
that
unquietnesse
of
your
spirits
by
allayed
,
and
your selves
perswaded
by
reason
,
before
it
invades
you
,
the
taxes
you
may
be
sure
on
't
,
would
soon
be
abated
,
why
then
can
you
not
rest
content
with
that
change
and
government
,
which
,
were
you
not
hood-winkt
,
you
might
manifestly
see
Gods
high
and
over-ruling
providence
to
have
carried
on
the
worke
both
in
a
series
of
the
many
and
miraculous
victories
of
the
Parliaments
,
as
also
in
disappointing
all
the
late
Kings
designs
,
and
in
discovering
all
your
plots
and
practises
,
even
from
the
very
beginning
of
the
warre
to
the
present
,
which
although
they
weigh
not
with
you
,
as
men
bewitched
,
and
as
I
may
say
,
besotted
with
an
incapacity
or
hardnesse
of
heart
not
to
be
convinced
by
any
force
of
reason
,
or
arguments
,
though
providence
it selfe
visibly
shews
it
out
unto
you
,
that
not
only
Gods
special
hand
is
in
this
great
change
of
affairs
,
but
that
he
hath
yet
some
greater
worke
depending
on
this
,
which
in
his
own
good
time
he
will
bring
to
passe
,
in
throwing
down
that
proud
papall
Monarchy
,
and
utterly
to
confound
that
man
of
sin
who
sits
in
the
temple
exaulting
himselfe
above
God.
Sir
,
Here
may
you
be
pleased
to
take
in
your
more
serious
consideration
by
whom
Kings
reigne
,
and
cease
to
reigne
,
and
soberly
to
observe
for
what
sins
almighty
God
usually
striks
down
the
prowd
Septers
of
Kings
,
and
binds
their
Nobles
in
chains
of
Iron
,
and
you
may
without
presumption
say
,
and
find
it
most
true
,
throughout
all
the
sacred
Scriptures
,
that
where
Idolatry
,
Injustice
,
Oppression
,
and
Bloodshed
have
had
predominance
,
there
Gods
wrath
hath
inseparably
attended
the
Authors
,
and
favorers
,
and
most
severely
punished
those
sins
above
all
others
,
and
what
in
these
sins
have
been
either
permitted
,
acted
,
or
connived
at
by
the
late
King
(
howsoever
faced
out
and
denyed
by
himselfe
)
and
most
of
your
party
,
and
his
cause
shamefully
defended
,
yet
I
suppose
you
cannot
but
acknowledge
that
they
have
not
only
been
winked
at
,
but
backt
and
authorised
cnm
privilegio
.
And
here
give
me
leave
to
tell
you
,
that
I
have
stood
amazed
at
the
impudence
of
your
royal
bookmen
,
I
shall
only
instance
(
amongst
ma
ny
)
in
a
sew
,
as
Judge
Jenkins
his
Lex
Terrae
,
and
other
of
his
jugling
fragments
,
the
Regall
Apologie
,
the
Reliquiae
Sacrae
Carolinae
;
but
especially
in
that
grand
imposture
of
the
Kings
Pourtracture
;
in
all
which
,
that
they
should
give
the
plain
lye
to
truth
,
conceale
and
smother
the
true
intent
of
the
lawes
of
the
Land
,
and
contradict
the
Kings
own
Letters
and
expresses
written
with
his
own
hand
,
augments
the
admiration
,
and
much
the
more
that
they
should
with
such
acerbity
exclaime
against
the
ripping
up
of
the
faults
of
the
dead
,
when
they
themselves
give
the
occasion
,
in
their
frequent
invective
Pamphlets
against
the
Parliament
,
and
in
their
justifications
of
a
Prince
,
whose
inclinations
lead
him
to
the
fulfilling
of
his
own
will
,
though
to
the
apparent
losse
of
his
Crowne
,
and
his
dearest
friends
,
so
violently
were
his
inclinations
driven
on
to
the
accomplishing
of
his
designs
,
when
as
neither
the
junctoes
of
France
,
Spaine
,
Denmarke
,
the
States
of
Holland
,
or
scarce
any
Prince
Christian
,
(
though
most
of
them
of
his
nearest
allyes
,
and
solicited
by
all
the
artifices
that
man
could
invent
)
would
owne
owne
him
when
they
understood
the
wayes
and
enterprises
he
most
wilfully
undertook
,
and
all
of
them
(
upon
due
examination
)
as
unnecessarily
undertaken
,
and
needlesly
pursued
with
as
much
violence
and
craft
,
as
if
they
had
some
necessary
dependence
on
his
own
salvation
,
and
the
safety
of
his
people
,
when
as
God
knowes
,
they
were
most
destructive
,
the
mishapen
,
and
illegitimat
births
of
his
own
willful
inclinations
.
Now
it
would
not
be
much
impertinent
to
the
subject
you
have
sent
me
,
if
I
should
tell
you
that
I
find
not
any
one
Nation
in
the
world
that
hath
had
any
great
reason
to
be
overmuch
inamored
with
their
Kings
,
sure
I
am
neither
of
us
both
(
how
different
soever
in
our
principles
)
have
had
any
great
cause
given
us
to
dote
on
our
last
,
considered
,
as
he
raigned
in
blood
and
oppression
,
and
handled
the
matter
both
with
his
friends
and
foes
whether
forraigne
or
domestick
;
witnesse
those
needlesse
Warres
he
ingaged
himselfe
against
Spayn
and
France
in
the
entrance
of
his
reigne
,
afterwards
with
the
Scots
,
but
espetially
with
this
Parliament
and
the
subjects
of
three
Kingdoms
,
not
only
to
the
beggering
of
them
,
but
the
ruine
of
himselfe
and
his
posterity
;
and
yet
is
this
most
willfull
and
bloudy
Prince
the
only
King
which
your
party
have
so
much
admired
,
defended
and
believed
living
,
and
dead
,
adored
and
esteemed
for
a
Saint
and
a
Martyr
.
Sir
,
You
are
a
Gentleman
well
verst
in
History
,
I
shall
therefore
take
the
boldnesse
to
advise
you
,
to
take
the
right
demensions
of
all
the
Kings
you
have
read
of
,
either
in
the
sacred
scriptures
or
prophane
,
observe
well
all
their
actings
,
and
I
dare
be
bold
to
say
that
you
shall
very
rarely
find
any
of
them
which
have
strictly
tyed
themselves
to
the
duty
of
their
office
or
to
have
executed
their
powers
otherwise
than
to
the
extream
detriment
of
their
Subjects
,
take
them
wheresoever
they
have
been
admitted
either
by
the
suffrage
of
the
people
(
as
that
hath
been
the
best
means
to
keep
them
within
the
bounds
of
moderation
)
or
permitted
by
the
absurdity
of
succession
,
whether
wisemen
or
fools
,
whether
Children
or
of
mature
years
or
assuming
their
Soveraignties
by
the
power
of
their
Swords
,
and
doubtlesse
you
shall
find
few
of
them
which
have
been
over-mindfull
of
the
good
and
welfare
of
their
people
,
neither
to
have
had
any
due
retrospect
to
the
right
ends
of
Government
,
and
that
salus
populi
the
safety
and
good
of
their
Subjects
,
for
which
all
Kings
had
their
powers
originally
ordained
and
given
them
from
God
,
never
for
their
own
private
interests
,
which
most
of
the
Kings
of
the
World
have
evermore
studied
to
advance
,
and
generally
per
fas
et
nefas
right
or
wrong
,
indeavoured
to
inforce
,
as
in
this
point
we
have
all
of
us
had
a
late
and
a
lamentable
experience
;
where
take
this
in
the
way
,
that
,
without
all
dispute
,
all
Kingly
power
,
and
that
despoticall
domination
of
that
great
hunter
Nimrod
,
which
was
first
by
him
usurped
by
force
,
and
from
him
as
the
first
pattern
of
Royalty
,
dispersed
throughout
most
parts
of
the
World
,
yet
we
find
not
in
all
the
Scriptures
any
vestigia
or
authentick
proof
,
that
the
succeeding
Kings
of
the
Nations
,
came
to
their
powers
by
any
immediate
institution
from
God
,
but
only
permissive
,
though
it
is
most
true
,
that
when
such
powers
were
in
being
,
and
how
usurpatiously
soever
obtained
,
yet
submission
hath
been
by
God
himself
enjoyned
to
those
which
lived
under
them
,
untill
for
their
injustice
and
extreme
Tyranny
God
in
his
justice
determined
to
transferre
their
powers
to
others
,
as
you
may
transparently
see
he
hath
done
in
our
late
change
;
since
then
other
powers
than
Kingly
are
now
with
us
in
being
,
you
and
I
both
,
which
live
under
them
,
are
bound
in
conscience
to
submit
and
obey
them
,
for
all
*
powers
are
of
God.
And
let
me
remember
you
,
for
its
worth
your
observation
,
that
the
Israelites
for
a
long
time
had
no
Kingly
Government
,
but
in
Egypt
,
in
the
Wildernesse
,
and
after
in
the
Land
of
Canaan
,
for
many
hundred
years
together
were
no
other
than
Ambulans
Respublica
,
a
walking
Common-wealth
,
and
onely
governed
by
Judges
and
the
Princes
of
their
respective
Tribes
,
never
by
the
absolute
power
of
any
one
man
,
Moses
himself
having
his
assistants
,
even
the
Princes
of
the
People
,
untill
through
their
own
wantonnesse
and
contempt
of
that
Government
which
God
had
set
over
them
,
and
in
his
providence
and
love
towards
them
,
knew
to
be
fittest
for
them
,
they
obstinately
rejected
the
gentle
government
of
*
Samuel
,
and
weary
of
their
own
happinesse
(
surfeiting
as
they
did
in
the
Wildernesse
on
that
delicious
food
of
Quails
and
Manna
,
and
wishing
for
the
flesh-pots
of
Egypt
)
in
imitation
of
the
Heathen
,
they
thirsted
after
a
King
,
and
not
unlike
to
Esops
Frogs
,
they
prest
Samuel
to
change
their
quiet
and
peaceable
Block
into
a
furious
and
devouring
Stork
,
their
freedom
into
slavery
,
as
first
with
these
Arguments
,
That
thy
sonnes
walke
not
in
thy
wayes
,
but
have
turn'd
aside
after
lucre
,
took
bribes
,
and
perverted
judgement
,
(
foul
faults
indeed
and
happily
too
true
)
for
wheresoever
power
(
without
grace
)
is
invested
,
faults
there
will
be
,
and
many
times
foul
ones
too
;
But
this
was
not
all
that
they
resented
,
it
was
their
ambition
and
desire
of
novelty
in
a
vain-glorious
affectation
that
swayed
with
them
to
be
like
their
Neighbour
Nations
,
and
to
have
an
illustrious
and
pompous
domination
over
them
;
but
how
this
pleased
God
that
Chapter
with
others
shews
us
in
a
very
sad
dialect
;
for
,
God
in
his
wrath
gave
them
a
King
according
to
their
desires
;
yet
he
commands
Samuel
to
shew
them
what
would
be
the
manner
of
a
King
,
and
what
Tyrannies
he
would
exercise
over
them
;
howsoever
their
hearts
being
set
on
a
Kingly
Goverment
(
a
glorious
thing
indeed
in
the
outward
shew
and
splendor
thereof
)
have
a
King
they
would
without
more
dispute
,
alleging
other
Arguments
to
Samuel
,
viz.
That
he
may
judge
over
us
,
go
out
before
us
,
and
fight
our
battels
;
But
how
most
of
their
Kings
executed
judgement
,
and
what
needlesse
battles
they
fought
for
them
,
and
how
much
bloud
of
theirs
was
in
many
of
their
Kings
reignes
willfully
and
profusely
spilt
by
most
of
the
Kings
of
Judah
and
Israel
,
as
also
what
taxes
and
tributes
were
unnecessarily
imposed
on
them
,
their
own
Chronicles
will
best
inform
you
,
and
all
this
Kingly
work
,
what
doth
it
amount
unto
,
more
than
to
fullfill
the
will
and
pleasure
,
and
to
maintain
the
pompe
and
splendor
of
one
man
and
his
whole
family
,
in
the
open
and
privileged
oppression
of
a
whole
Nation
?
Now
if
the
History
of
the
Kings
of
Iudah
and
Israel
be
not
sufficient
to
inform
your
judgement
of
the
oppressions
and
Tyrannies
exercised
by
most
of
their
Kings
as
a
just
judgement
of
God
on
the
whole
Nation
,
(
for
I
may
of
truth
aver
,
that
they
were
a
stubborn
generation
,
and
God
answerable
to
their
own
hearts
desires
gave
them
their
belly
full
of
Kings
when
it
was
too
late
for
their
repentance
)
then
you
may
pick
and
chuse
amongst
all
the
Kings
of
the
World
,
and
you
shall
find
the
best
of
them
little
better
than
Tyrants
(
yea
David
himself
a
a
man
of
blood
,
and
most
perfideous
in
the
case
of
honest
Vriah
)
and
as
the
greater
Fish
in
the
Sea
which
eats
up
the
lesser
,
so
Kings
on
the
Land
are
commonly
no
more
than
Canniballs
,
man-eaters
,
and
as
a
good
Author
describes
them
to
be
ex
genere
bestiarum
rapacium
,
a
sort
of
ravenous
beasts
(
an
undenyable
truth
)
especially
where
absolute
Soveraignty
is
usurped
by
any
one
man
,
and
that
derived
in
a
succession
,
which
is
the
evill
of
all
evils
,
and
the
very
same
which
your
malignant
party
so
vehemently
drives
at
,
to
introduce
on
the
English
Nation
,
and
to
inslave
a
free
borne
people
,
when
your self
being
a
rationall
man
,
very
well
knows
that
no
man
ab
origine
was
born
a
slave
,
but
either
by
his
own
consent
,
or
by
the
ambition
and
pleasure
of
Tyrants
was
made
so
;
for
who
koows
not
that
all
men
are
of
the
self-same
mold
as
Kings
;
neither
were
Kings
ever
ordaind
of
God
to
govern
their
people
,
otherwise
than
for
their
*
good
,
never
to
be
opprest
and
trampled
on
at
theit
own
wills
and
lustfull
pleasures
:
But
happily
you
may
here
charge
me
to
intrench
,
and
presse
with
the
most
on
the
Honour
and
Power
of
Kings
,
I
answer
,
I
honour
them
as
Gods
own
Ordinance
amongst
other
Powers
,
and
am
commanded
by
the
Apostle
to
make
prayers
and
supplications
for
them
all
,
especially
for
Kings
,
(
and
great
reason
we
all
have
so
to
do
,
lest
they
devoure
us
alive
)
but
if
they
presume
to
break
over
those
limits
and
boundaries
which
Almighty
God
hath
set
unto
them
,
(
as
of
those
,
and
what
they
are
you
may
best
instruct
your
felfe
out
of
*
Deutronomy
and
*
Ezekiel
,
where
you
shall
finde
the
King
to
be
tyed
up
to
strict
rules
,
as
to
read
the
law
,
and
to
observe
it
all
the
dayes
of
his
life
,
that
his
heart
be
not
lifted
up
above
his
brethren
;
and
as
the
Prophet
tels
them
,
take
away
your
exactions
from
my
people
,
remove
violence
and
spoyl
,
and
execute
judgement
and
justice
,
&c.
)
Vpon
these
considerations
I
hope
you
will
not
blame
me
,
though
I
have
not
made
one
amongst
so
many
which
have
sided
with
our
late
King
in
raising
of
war
against
his
people
and
their
Representative
,
neither
in
plundring
and
desolating
the
Kingdom
,
which
howsoever
those
exorbitances
(
amongst
other
of
his
faults
)
have
been
palliated
with
as
much
finenesse
of
wit
,
as
the
art
of
man
could
possibly
devise
yet
I
beseech
you
let
truth
appear
,
which
with
a
little
of
your
patience
you
may
more
fully
understand
,
and
then
happily
you
will
adjudge
him
guilty
of
much
more
than
hath
beene
yet
vulgarly
charged
on
his
accompt
;
in
the
mean
time
remember
our
blessed
Saviours
oracle
,
That
it
is
fit
offences
should
be
,
but
woe
to
those
which
occasion
them
:
Excuse
me
then
,
though
I
tell
you
,
that
I
know
none
more
guilty
of
the
occasion
of
all
our
barbarous
and
brutish
wars
,
bloodshed
,
rapine
,
and
of
the
imminent
danger
and
utter
desolation
,
which
at
present
threatens
and
hangs
over
three
late
flourishing
Kingdoms
,
than
he
who
ended
his
vexatious
dayes
at
his
own
gates
,
and
she
which
had
the
Honour
of
his
bed
,
together
with
her
which
was
the
mother
,
and
of
all
the
mischiefs
which
befell
all
the
places
wheresoever
she
made
her
abode
.
But
happily
you
may
again
reply
,
that
I
speak
as
a
loser
,
and
true
,
and
so
may
you
and
one
hundred
thousand
more
of
poore
innocent
sufferers
speake
in
the
same
sad
dialect
,
as
having
felt
the
fearfull
effects
of
the
perversity
of
one
mans
will
,
who
in
the
power
of
a
moderate
SOVERAIGNTY
and
the
love
of
his
people
,
by
whom
,
and
by
this
very
Parliament
(
so
hatefull
unto
him
)
never
any
King
of
England
was
more
honoured
,
beloved
,
obeyed
,
and
more
courted
;
and
when
time
was
might
have
been
what
a
just
Prince
would
have
desited
;
and
should
I
aske
you
what
might
he
not
have
been
had
he
either
at
first
,
and
long
after
this
Parliament
late
downe
,
yea
and
long
after
the
Warre
began
complyed
with
them
(
as
great
reason
there
was
he
should
have
done
)
and
not
to
have
protected
Delinquents
,
neither
to
have
sided
with
such
as
most
treacherously
deserted
their
trust
,
but
to
have
relyed
(
as
at
first
he
promised
)
on
his
faithfull
Councell
the
Parliament
,
I
presume
you
will
acknowledg
it
for
a
manifast
truth
,
that
none
of
his
progenitors
,
were
,
or
could
have
been
greater
it
honour
,
power
,
wealth
,
and
in
reputation
at
home
and
abroad
;
but
the
truth
was
,
so
powerfull
a
domination
his
inclinations
had
over
any
other
reason
than
his
owne
,
that
the
wayes
of
the
Parliament
(
though
never
so
relative
to
his
owne
honour
,
justice
,
profit
,
and
welfare
of
the
Kingdom
)
were
so
averse
and
contrary
to
his
genius
,
then
rather
to
be
controuled
,
or
suffer
any
reformation
to
have
been
accomplished
by
them
,
either
in
the
Church
or
State
,
and
his
disordered
government
to
be
regulgted
by
their
advice
,
he
would
and
did
run
the
hazard
of
his
owne
ruine
,
his
Posterity
and
people
.
And
as
allready
I
have
shewed
you
,
t
is
a
manifest
truth
that
he
tacitely
had
designed
,
many
years
before
this
Parliament
sate
downe
,
not
only
to
quit
himselfe
of
this
Parliament
,
but
of
all
others
,
and
as
power
should
enable
him
,
to
invade
the
freedoms
and
liberties
of
the
English
Nation
;
howsoever
in
these
particulars
(
amongst
many
other
of
his
faults
)
it
is
far
otherwise
attested
in
divers
of
his
expresses
,
as
also
protested
in
his
late
book
(
be
it
his
own
or
not
)
the
evidence
of
his
own
private
letters
,
and
the
observations
on
them
will
clear
that
doubt
;
Where
then
,
I
beseech
you
tell
me
,
should
the
subject
have
had
any
propriety
,
which
by
time
and
degrees
would
not
have
been
swallowed
up
in
that
vast
gulf
of
a
prerogative
royall
,
where
into
,
not
one
year
before
the
Parliament
sate
down
,
all
that
the
subject
had
was
in
a
faire
way
of
ingulfing
?
neither
wonder
at
this
,
for
it
is
an
infallible
truth
,
that
most
Kings
affect
their
own
ends
,
and
injustice
,
oppression
,
and
commonly
tyranny
are
faculties
inherent
to
most
of
them
,
very
seldome
to
look
back
to
the
proper
ends
for
which
they
are
ordained
of
God
to
advance
the
good
and
welfare
of
their
subjects
,
but
generally
you
shall
find
them
only
to
seek
the
improvement
of
their
own
powers
,
&
soveraignties
,
yea
often
times
without
any
sensibility
that
their
people
are
composed
of
the
same
flesh
and
blood
as
themselves
,
to
make
havoke
of
their
lives
and
fortunes
,
sometimes
to
maintaine
their
power
,
pride
,
prodigallity
,
and
luxury
,
and
that
which
is
worse
,
if
worse
may
be
,
to
fullfill
their
perverse
wills
and
lustfull
pleasures
in
the
beggering
and
slaughtering
of
millions
of
their
subjects
,
for
proof
whereof
,
we
need
not
go
farre
for
examples
,
the
indeavours
of
our
own
Kings
to
inslave
their
subjects
,
yeelds
us
plenty
of
presidents
,
and
the
French
to
this
day
feel
the
yoke
of
slavery
impos'd
on
them
by
Lews
th'
eleventh
in
taking
away
their
Conventio
de
le
Estates
,
and
reducing
that
Government
to
be
at
his
own
disposement
;
neither
was
Ferdinando
of
Spaine
quiet
in
minde
,
untill
he
had
quit
himself
of
the
Justice
of
Arragon
,
a
Court
not
unlike
the
Ephori
amonst
the
Lacedemonians
,
or
our
Parliaments
in
England
and
Scotland
,
which
limited
their
Kings
,
and
kept
them
within
the
bounds
of
moderation
;
the
Hollanders
also
have
had
lamentable
experience
of
the
Ambition
of
Philip
the
second
,
who
on
the
massacre
of
100000
of
the
Natives
endeavoured
to
take
away
their
ancient
Immunities
,
and
to
invassalate
the
whole
17
Provinces
under
his
absolute
power
;
a
strange
passion
in
princes
,
when
no
power
will
content
them
,
but
that
of
absolutenesse
,
to
be
masters
over
their
Subjects
lives
and
Fortunes
;
surely
if
there
be
any
anallogy
between
Shepherds
and
Kings
(
as
no
doubt
there
is
)
our
blessed
Saviour
tells
us
,
that
bonus
pastor
ponit
vitam
pro
ovibus
,
the
good
Shepherd
,
or
King
layes
down
his
life
for
his
people
,
and
not
to
expose
theirs
to
fullfill
his
own
lustfull
pleasure
;
a
sad
and
lamentable
president
whereof
,
we
have
all
felt
in
our
late
King
Charls
.
But
to
proceed
,
I
would
fain
know
,
what
your
aims
are
,
that
moves
you
with
such
impetuonsnesse
to
revile
the
present
Government
,
since
I
cannot
imagine
what
other
cause
you
have
,
but
in
your
endeavour
to
bring
in
the
new
Crown'd
King
of
Scots
on
the
old
score
,
thereby
to
re-make
your selves
in
the
unmaking
and
invassalating
the
rest
of
the
English
Nation
,
which
duely
considered
as
the
posture
of
affairs
with
us
now
are
,
is
so
senselesse
(
in
reference
to
the
bettring
of
the
peoples
conditions
)
as
that
it
exceedeth
all
the
Chimaera's
of
the
old
Romances
,
and
which
you
cannot
expect
may
possibly
be
accomplished
without
the
effusion
of
an
infinity
of
more
bloud
,
and
by
the
swords
of
the
Scots
and
barbarous
Irish
(
excellent
cohabitants
for
the
English
(
if
you
think
on
't
)
when
as
you
know
they
are
generally
hated
by
both
those
Nations
,
though
probable
it
is
,
that
your
imaginations
prompt
you
to
beleeve
,
that
all
of
your
party
shall
assuredly
rise
with
them
,
though
in
the
undoubted
fall
of
the
rest
of
the
Nation
;
and
not
unlikely
you
flatter
your selves
(
out
of
the
old
remote
potential
hope
)
with
the
plunder
of
London
,
as
the
onely
magazine
of
wealth
,
that
will
make
you
all
abundantly
rich
,
though
in
this
too
you
may
misse
of
your
aims
,
unlesse
at
an
instant
you
can
change
your
native
dialect
,
and
speak
Scoth
Presbytery
and
Irish
Tanestry
in
a
trice
,
neither
ought
you
to
beleeve
that
the
Citizens
will
stand
still
whilst
you
cut
their
throates
:
But
what
a
strange
peece
of
poverty
possesses
your
intellectualls
,
to
beleeve
that
in
such
a
change
and
turne
of
Fortune
(
as
all
of
you
so
much
desire
)
an
English
man
(
howsoever
principled
)
shall
long
enjoy
either
life
,
liberty
or
estate
,
otherwise
than
at
the
discretion
of
the
Conquerour
;
and
when
the
King
,
either
or
both
those
Nations
and
other
forrainers
shall
come
in
upon
us
and
Lord
it
over
us
,
in
a
far
higher
strain
of
Tyranny
than
ever
the
Danes
exercised
in
that
short
time
they
were
here
masters
over
our
Ancestors
;
If
you
foresee
not
this
misery
,
and
the
fatall
consequence
which
necessarily
must
follow
such
a
turn
of
Fortune
,
I
must
leave
you
to
your
own
will
and
expectancy
,
yet
must
I
not
forbear
upon
these
considerations
to
commend
unto
your
more
serious
thoughts
,
what
kind
and
race
of
Princes
which
with
such
zeale
you
endeavour
to
bring
in
to
govern
over
the
English
Nation
,
where
I
shall
present
you
with
a
very
formidable
observation
,
as
you
may
find
it
in
the
History
of
the
Scotish
Kings
,
and
it
is
this
,
that
seven
,
if
not
eight
of
the
last
Scotish
Princes
of
the
name
and
family
of
the
Stuarts
(
one
onely
excepted
)
came
all
to
their
ends
by
violent
deaths
(
a
fearfull
fate
if
you
please
to
observe
it
)
and
some
of
them
to
make
away
one
another
;
as
for
instance
,
Iames
the
first
who
for
his
Tyrannny
was
cut
off
by
the
Nobility
,
the
second
was
slain
at
Roxborough
,
the
third
at
Bonoxborn
,
the
fourth
at
Plowden
field
,
the
last
three
in
as
needlesse
quarrells
as
our
late
King
Charts
engaged
first
against
his
native
Subjects
the
Scots
,
and
on
the
heels
of
that
War
against
the
English
and
their
Representative
,
onely
Iames
the
fifth
had
the
fortune
to
dye
of
a
naturall
death
,
but
as
to
his
onely
Daughter
Queen
Mary
and
mother
〈◊〉
King
Iames
the
sixt
,
it
is
manifestly
knowne
that
she
caused
Henry
Lord
Darnley
her
second
Husband
to
be
cruelly
murthered
,
and
only
to
make
way
to
her
third
Marriage
with
Earl
Bothwell
her
Paramour
,
whom
the
States
banished
,
and
shortly
after
call'd
her
to
accompt
for
her
Husbands
murther
,
and
for
that
fact
and
other
conspiracies
against
the
State
,
by
the
Votes
of
the
major
part
of
the
Peeres
and
Commons
in
Parliament
she
was
adjudged
to
die
,
whereupon
she
fled
into
England
,
where
contriving
sundry
plots
with
the
Papists
and
the
Duke
of
Norfolke
against
Queen
Elizabeth
,
and
restlesse
in
her
ambitious
contrivements
to
dispossesse
the
Queen
Regnant
of
the
Crowne
,
you
know
to
what
end
she
came
at
Fodringay
,
where
we
may
safely
believe
that
Gods
just
judgments
overtook
her
,
when
she
little
dream't
to
have
dyed
at
the
block
;
what
since
became
of
her
only
Sonne
King
Iames
,
and
his
two
sonnes
Prince
Henry
and
our
last
King
Charls
?
though
the
manner
of
the
two
first
deathes
are
still
held
in
dispute
,
yet
we
all
know
to
what
a
fatall
end
the
last
came
,
even
at
his
own
Gates
,
and
in
the
same
place
where
the
first
blood
was
spilt
by
his
own
servants
the
Cavaleers
;
pardon
me
then
,
If
I
present
you
with
an
opinion
of
my
own
,
which
I
am
confident
is
an
infallible
verity
,
that
allmighty
God
in
his
justice
suffers
not
any
man
to
come
to
a
prodigious
end
but
for
such
sinnes
by
him
committed
,
as
are
equivalent
to
that
sin
for
which
he
suffered
;
it
is
Gods
own
Oracle
,
an
eye
for
an
eye
,
and
a
tooth
for
a
tooth
,
and
he
that
kils
by
the
Sword
by
the
same
weapon
or
the
like
he
shal
surely
dye
;
for
a
conclusion
,
take
this
as
a
knowne
truth
to
all
the
Nation
,
that
both
the
late
Kings
,
as
they
were
naturall
Scots
,
very
rarely
loved
an
English
man
,
sure
we
are
,
not
the
Nation
in
generall
,
and
that
very
seldome
either
of
them
admitted
any
of
the
English
into
their
Bed-chambers
,
(
for
generally
they
were
all
Scots
)
neither
took
they
any
of
the
English
(
Buckingham
excepted
)
into
their
secrets
,
and
as
their
privadoes
,
untill
Strafford
was
taken
into
our
last
Kings
favour
,
but
no
otherwise
than
as
a
meer
States-man
and
a
bold
instrument
to
act
any
thing
conducible
his
Masters
designs
,
and
such
projects
which
were
suitable
to
his
endeavours
and
inclinations
,
otherwise
I
never
knew
any
that
were
fit
servants
for
him
;
and
it
is
most
certaine
,
that
both
the
Father
and
the
Sonne
laid
more
subtill
and
cunning
snares
to
insnare
the
English
Nation
,
than
all
of
the
Norman
race
before
them
;
the
Father
to
have
laid
the
foundation
,
and
the
Sonne
to
build
up
the
whole
fabrick
of
absolute
Soveraignty
,
as
insensibly
at
first
,
and
from
the
beginning
of
their
reigns
,
as
possibly
their
designs
could
permit
,
but
King
Charls
towards
his
last
,
and
long
before
the
Warres
began
,
openly
,
and
shortly
thereupon
in
hostility
,
and
with
morter
tempered
with
more
English
blood
than
ever
hath
been
so
wilfully
and
profusely
spilt
by
any
one
Tyrant
in
the
World
;
and
for
what
cause
,
and
on
what
grounds
(
I
beseech
you
tell
me
)
more
than
for
the
Nug●
and
idle
fictions
of
a
divine
prerogative
,
and
to
rule
alone
without
other
Law
than
his
owne
Will
,
and
without
accompt
to
any
but
to
God
alone
?
they
are
both
the
Fathers
and
the
Sonnes
owne
Maxims
,
just
Tyrant-like
,
quod
principi
placuit
legis
habet
vigorem
,
and
yet
,
which
is
the
mystery
and
the
wonder
of
the
times
,
is
this
wilfull
King
cryed
up
,
by
his
many
partizans
,
for
the
onely
paragon
of
Princes
,
and
that
which
is
of
more
admiration
,
his
Protestations
in
the
common
belief
preferred
and
credited
before
his
visible
actions
,
and
Cabinet
Letters
,
which
if
men
were
not
besotted
,
I
am
sure
best
of
all
other
evidences
,
layes
open
the
most
hidden
secrets
of
the
heart
:
But
it
is
most
certaine
,
that
before
,
and
a
long
space
after
the
battle
at
Edgehill
,
he
refused
all
overtures
of
Peace
,
though
t
is
confest
he
made
many
motions
for
Peace
to
the
Parliament
,
but
ever
no
other
than
on
such
disadvantagious
terms
as
were
utterly
unfit
for
the
Parliaments
embrasure
,
and
the
Kingdomrs
security
,
for
we
find
them
evermore
accompanied
with
such
restrictions
,
reservations
,
and
ambignous
conditions
(
howsoever
gilded
over
with
plausible
pretences
)
that
the
Parliament
at
length
durst
not
either
trust
him
,
or
any
of
his
specious
Declarations
,
as
in
the
observations
on
the
Reliquiae
Carolinae
are
manifested
,
for
it
is
most
true
,
that
as
soon
as
he
had
attracted
a
very
considerable
Army
to
his
assistance
,
by
his
artifices
,
and
the
severall
visits
and
the
orations
he
made
to
the
respective
Sheriffes
and
Gentry
(
before
and
after
the
setting
up
of
his
Standerd
)
of
the
Counties
of
Yorke
,
Lincolne
,
Nottingham
,
Leicester
,
Chester
,
Stafford
,
Denby
,
Flint
,
Salop
,
Oxford
,
and
Berks
,
wherein
he
neither
spared
any
pains
or
travel
,
or
lost
a
minute
of
time
,
both
to
deceive
and
win
the
people
to
his
cause
;
and
't
is
evident
,
that
he
had
not
onely
written
his
particular
Letters
to
most
of
the
prime
Gentlemen
of
the
Kingdome
to
side
with
him
,
but
had
sent
his
peremptory
commands
to
most
of
the
Colonells
of
the
Parliaments
Army
sent
into
Ireland
for
the
assistance
of
the
distressed
Protestants
,
to
repair
to
his
ayde
against
the
Parliament
,
a
treachery
and
a
testimony
beyond
all
others
of
the
falsenesse
of
his
heart
,
considered
(
as
hereafter
it
shall
be
made
more
apparent
unto
you
)
with
the
seeming
zeal
and
care
he
pretended
to
bear
to
those
poor
Irish
Protestants
.
It
is
worth
your
further
observation
,
that
this
most
unfortunate
Prince
,
having
so
often
accustomed
himselfe
to
fraud
and
dissimulation
,
that
it
came
at
last
to
this
sad
issue
,
that
all
his
after
Messages
and
Overtures
made
to
the
Parliament
(
in
the
declination
of
his
power
,
and
after
he
was
a
Prisoner
)
though
happily
more
really
intended
than
formerly
,
and
atested
with
exceeding
specious
&
plausible
Protestations
,
&
some
of
them
confirmed
with
his
wonted
Imprecations
,
were
not
beleeved
,
but
suspected
for
fallacious
;
so
long
had
this
most
unhappy
King
(
like
the
Flie
that
playes
with
the
flame
,
which
comes
in
the
end
to
burn
himself
out
of
his
own
fury
)
such
power
had
his
will
and
naturall
inclinations
over
his
reason
;
where
you
may
take
an
instance
or
two
in
the
way
for
a
proofe
thereof
.
When
he
first
raised
his
Army
at
York
,
for
which
he
endeavours
to
flam
off
the
Parliament
,
that
those
forces
were
onely
raised
as
a
guard
for
the
security
of
his
Person
,
and
to
confirme
this
,
he
caused
divers
of
the
Fugitive
Lords
then
attending
him
,
shamefully
to
attest
,
that
he
had
no
intent
thereby
to
levy
War
against
the
Parliament
,
when
immediately
thereupon
he
began
to
march
,
and
to
run
from
place
to
place
as
before
is
noted
,
to
raise
more
force
,
and
that
which
is
most
perfidious
,
after
he
had
erected
his
Standard
at
Nottingham
he
continued
the
same
straine
,
utterly
denying
and
protesting
that
he
had
not
then
any
manner
of
intent
thereby
to
wage
war
with
his
Parliament
,
as
hereafter
you
shall
more
plainly
see
,
a
strange
delusion
to
flatter
himself
,
in
dancing
unseen
in
a
net
,
and
that
that
he
should
not
onely
be
able
to
deceive
the
People
by
his
Protestations
,
but
to
delude
and
cosen
a
Court
of
Parliament
out
of
their
understanding
,
as
you
may
see
this
verified
in
his
owne
Expresses
sent
to
the
Parliament
from
Nottingham
;
and
what
a
strange
trick
would
he
have
put
on
the
Parliament
,
when
from
Yorke
he
sent
them
a
Message
,
that
he
had
taken
a
resolution
to
go
in
person
into
Ireland
to
chastise
those
Rebels
,
and
to
that
purpose
had
determined
to
raise
2000
Foot
,
and
200
Horse
in
and
about
the
County
of
Chester
for
a
guard
to
his
person
,
and
to
flatter
himself
with
such
a
senseless
device
to
delude
the
Parliament
,
as
if
they
understood
him
no
better
,
than
to
beleeve
his
designe
to
be
reall
,
when
they
perceived
his
drift
was
,
First
to
raise
here
a
considerable
force
,
&
then
to
joyn
with
the
Irish
Army
there
,
and
in
the
end
to
turn
all
his
power
on
the
Parliament
.
It
would
be
too
wearisome
to
me
to
recount
all
the
perfidious
practices
of
this
most
unhappy
Prince
,
and
too
tedious
to
your selfe
to
read
them
,
I
shall
therefore
for
the
present
conclude
and
referre
you
to
the
animadversions
and
observations
on
the
contrarity
between
his
publick
protestations
,
and
private
Letters
,
which
you
shall
God
willing
receive
very
shortly
,
and
wherein
I
doubt
not
but
that
you
will
find
so
much
fraud
,
deceit
and
dissimulation
of
this
King
,
as
will
amaze
you
,
and
turn
the
strong
tyde
of
your
belief
,
(
hitherto
poysoned
with
flams
and
such
subterfuges
)
as
may
shame
any
rationall
man
to
be
so
long
cosened
and
deluded
by
them
.
No
more
Sir
at
present
but
that
I
desire
and
wish
you
to
beleeve
no
otherwise
of
that
which
I
have
sent
you
than
in
your
judgement
you
shall
find
suitable
to
truth
,
and
that
as
you
shall
see
just
cause
,
to
esteeme
me
,
(
as
I
am
)
your
well
wishing
friend
.
Animadversions
or
Observations
on
the
strange
contrariety
between
the
late
Kings
Declarations
,
Missives
,
Protestations
,
Imprecations
,
sent
at
severall
times
to
the
Parliament
,
and
his
Pourtraicture
compared
with
his
own
Letters
taken
at
Naseby
,
and
some
other
of
his
Expresses
not
yet
taken
into
publike
Observation
.
SIR
,
I
Have
now
sent
you
,
by
your
servant
,
those
observations
which
I
promised
you
,
supposing
that
they
will
come
to
your
hands
so
seasonably
,
as
to
help
to
convince
you
,
that
neither
the
Parliament
began
the
late
wars
,
or
that
there
could
be
any
designe
or
plot
laid
(
of
I
know
not
how
many
years
standing
)
either
of
a
factious
party
amongst
them
,
to
disturbe
the
peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
take
away
the
Kings
life
and
his
posterity
,
or
to
alter
the
Government
,
but
that
whatsoever
hath
fallen
out
since
the
sitting
down
of
this
Parliament
,
hath
been
enforced
by
the
King
himself
,
and
by
a
concurrency
of
sundry
causes
arising
from
his
own
willfull
inclinations
,
the
sins
of
the
Nation
,
and
Gods
speciall
hand
therein
,
as
a
fearfull
punishment
upon
us
all
:
If
you
think
otherwise
,
and
that
you
shall
persist
in
your
errours
,
I
doubt
not
but
these
Observations
will
more
clearly
manifest
unto
you
,
that
the
King
was
(
in
all
this
tragicall
contest
)
both
his
own
enemy
and
no
such
innocent
Martyr
as
your
party
conceives
him
to
have
been
,
and
of
this
let
his
own
actions
,
and
his
private
Letters
speak
,
and
I
shall
be
silent
,
whose
principall
endeavour
hath
been
no
other
than
to
give
you
satisfaction
(
on
your
own
provocation
)
and
that
truth
may
appear
to
all
those
whom
it
concerns
besides
your self
,
and
first
to
the
Observations
on
the
Treaties
for
Peace
,
after
the
War
began
.
The
first
overture
for
peace
,
after
the
War
began
,
was
without
all
question
of
the
Parliaments
at
Colebrook
,
which
how
it
was
accepted
of
by
the
King
,
and
on
the
nick
thereof
pursued
,
by
the
drawing
up
of
his
Army
in
a
mist
,
the
slaughter
at
Brayuford
best
shews
out
what
was
the
Kings
meaning
,
which
how
he
labours
to
defend
it
in
some
of
his
Expresses
,
yet
without
doubt
if
it
were
not
perfidious
,
yet
very
suspicious
of
no
fair
meaning
;
sure
it
was
very
retrograde
to
the
procuring
of
a
peace
,
otherwise
than
as
himself
meant
to
have
it
by
force
.
The
next
overture
for
an
accomodation
was
likewise
of
the
Parliaments
first
motion
,
and
agreed
upon
to
be
at
Oxford
,
a
place
as
inauspicious
for
treaties
,
as
Parliaments
;
for
it
came
to
no
other
issue
than
to
signifie
nothing
;
a
game
wherein
the
King
was
wel
vers'd
,
a
proof
whereof
amongst
many
,
you
may
find
in
his
eighth
Letter
to
the
Queen
,
Jan.
3.
1644.
from
Oxford
viz.
The
Portugall
Agent
hath
made
me
two
Propositions
:
First
,
concerning
the
reliase
of
his
Masters
brother
,
for
which
I
shall
haeve
50000
l.
if
I
can
procure
his
Liberty
from
the
King
of
Spain
;
the
other
is
for
a
marriage
betwixt
my
Son
Charles
,
and
his
Masters
eldest
Daughter
:
for
the
first
,
I
have
freely
undertaken
to
doe
what
I
can
,
and
for
the
other
,
I
will
give
such
an
Answer
as
shall
signifie
nothing
.
Observation
.
Here
you
may
first
evidently
see
what
a
fine
juggler
the
King
was
grown
,
and
into
what
a
streight
hee
had
driven
himself
,
to
become
a
broker
for
money
,
and
instead
of
Friendship
to
a
King
to
whose
Agent
in
others
of
his
Letters
to
the
Queen
,
he
acknowledgeth
himself
to
be
more
beholding
for
the
transport
of
his
Letters
,
than
to
the
French
Embassadour
;
and
then
as
to
the
motion
of
marriage
to
juggle
him
out
with
an
answer
which
should
signifie
nothing
,
judge
you
whether
it
would
not
have
been
more
Kingly
to
have
dealt
more
plainly
with
the
Agent
,
and
to
have
told
him
that
he
liked
not
the
motion
,
on
reasons
best
known
to
himselfe
,
than
to
have
flam'd
him
off
with
a
significavit
rather
of
an
affront
,
than
friendship
.
The
third
motion
for
peace
was
also
of
the
Parliaments
first
overture
,
and
tendred
to
the
King
at
Oxford
,
and
agreed
upon
to
be
at
Vxbridge
,
where
how
that
likewise
was
aforehand
ordered
,
and
his
Commissioners
tyed
up
to
his
will
,
and
to
the
wrack
of
his
own
Instructions
,
from
which
they
were
not
on
any
conditions
to
recede
,
is
made
very
clear
in
the
Postscript
of
his
Letter
to
the
Queen
,
number
5th
.
January
19.
1644.
from
Oxford
,
viz.
And
be
confident
that
I
will
not
quit
Episcopacy
,
nor
that
Sword
which
God
hath
given
into
my
hands
.
Observation
.
If
the
Quaere
here
should
be
made
whether
God
had
so
absolutely
given
the
power
of
the
Sword
,
into
his
hands
,
as
at
his
own
will
and
pleasure
to
unsheath
it
against
his
own
subjects
,
and
the
Representative
of
the
Kingdome
,
whom
by
his
Coronation
Oath
he
was
obliged
to
defend
and
protect
,
doubtlesse
no
man
is
so
madd
to
believe
,
that
the
Kings
resolutions
(
in
using
it
as
he
did
to
their
destruction
)
were
so
religiously
byassed
as
it
became
a
Christian
King
:
But
that
you
may
further
understand
,
why
the
King
so
peremptorily
stood
to
the
upholding
of
Bishops
,
and
to
keep
the
Militia
in
his
own
sole
power
,
(
for
that
's
the
meaning
of
his
not
quitting
the
Sword
)
which
all
the
world
knows
to
be
no
otherwise
(
by
the
intent
of
the
Lawes
of
the
Land
,
Reason
,
and
the
Law
of
Nature
)
an
inseparable
flower
of
the
Crown
than
Fiduciary
,
alwaies
in
reference
to
a
trust
given
our
Kings
by
Parliament
,
out
of
confidence
that
it
shall
be
used
to
no
other
intent
or
end
than
the
defence
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
not
to
be
perverted
against
it
,
as
all
the
ancient
and
modern
Statutes
import
,
both
in
their
preambles
and
texts
;
Cast
your
eyes
on
his
own
Directions
to
the
Vxbridge
Commissioners
number
21.
where
you
may
evidently
see
,
that
it
was
not
so
much
the
scruple
of
his
Conscience
and
Coronation
Oath
,
as
in
relation
to
his
own
particular
designes
and
interests
;
viz.
That
as
it
is
the
Kings
duty
to
protect
the
Church
,
so
it
is
the
Churches
to
assist
the
King
in
the
maintenance
of
his
Authority
;
wherefore
my
Predecessors
have
been
alwaies
carefull
,
and
especially
since
the
Reformation
,
to
keep
the
dependency
of
the
Clergy
intirely
on
the
Crown
,
without
which
it
will
scarsely
fit
fast
on
his
bead
;
therefore
you
must
do
nothing
to
change
this
necessary
dependance
.
Observation
.
Here
you
have
the
true
reason
wherfore
the
King
so
much
insisted
on
the
keeping
up
of
Episcopacy
,
and
how
likewise
the
cunning
Gypsies
the
Bishops
had
instill'd
it
into
his
apprehension
,
what
sure
cards
they
were
to
keep
the
Crown
fast
on
his
head
,
as
if
the
Crown
and
Myter
had
been
such
inseparables
,
as
that
the
one
could
not
subsist
without
the
other
;
observe
withall
what
a
queint
Aphorism
they
first
coynd
and
broched
it
to
King
Iames
,
viz.
no
Bishop
,
no
King
;
and
judge
you
whether
no
Porter
no
King
had
not
been
the
better
maxime
,
when
as
it
is
perspicuous
,
that
most
of
our
ancient
Kings
had
no
such
Enemies
as
the
Bishops
,
witnesse
Tho.
Becket
to
Henry
the
second
,
Lanfranke
to
Henry
the
first
,
Roger
of
Salisbury
to
King
Stephen
,
Orleton
to
Edward
the
second
,
with
divers
others
which
almost
in
every
Reign
opposed
their
Kings
,
and
addrest
themselves
to
the
Pope
for
their
Palls
and
Investitures
,
indeavouring
in
what
possibly
they
could
to
free
themselves
from
any
dependancy
on
the
Crown
,
untill
Henry
the
eighths
time
,
who
first
of
all
our
Kings
freed
himself
of
that
servitude
,
which
had
beene
so
fatall
to
most
of
his
Predecessors
.
But
look
a
little
further
and
you
shall
finde
in
the
Kings
19th
.
Letter
to
the
Queen
on
the
same
subject
,
Febr.
25.
1645.
from
Oxford
;
viz.
Thou
needs
not
doubt
of
the
issue
of
this
Treaty
,
for
my
Commissioners
are
so
well
chosen
(
though
I
say
it
)
that
they
will
neither
be
thretned
nor
disputed
from
the
grounds
I
have
given
them
,
which
upon
my
word
is
according
to
the
little
Note
thou
so
well
remembers
,
and
to
this
not
only
their
obedience
,
but
judgements
concur
;
againe
in
the
same
Letter
,
and
be
confident
,
that
in
making
peace
I
shall
ever
shew
my
constancy
in
adhering
to
Bishops
,
and
all
our
friends
,
and
shall
not
forget
to
put
a
short
period
to
this
perpetuall
Parliament
;
but
as
thou
lovest
me
,
let
none
perswade
thee
to
slacken
thine
assistance
for
him
who
is
eternally
thine
.
Observation
.
Here
we
have
a
true
Character
of
this
unfortunate
Kings
naturall
obduracy
,
and
the
aversenesse
of
his
Genius
to
alter
any
of
his
resolutions
,
which
once
fixt
,
he
would
effect
on
any
hazzard
whatsoever
;
the
Earle
of
Strafferd
,
who
best
of
all
others
of
his
arbitrary
Ministers
had
most
studied
his
inclinations
,
needed
not
to
have
cherished
this
humour
of
the
Kings
,
when
as
in
the
prosecution
of
the
wars
against
the
Scots
1639.
he
counsels
the
King
in
*
haec
verba
,
Lose
all
I
had
,
or
carry
all
;
again
you
may
here
see
how
he
had
aforehand
bound
up
his
Commissioners
with
such
instructions
from
whence
they
were
not
to
stir
or
yeeld
in
a
jot
,
as
likewise
how
mindfull
he
was
of
the
little
Note
,
and
punctually
to
observe
it
,
a
very
fine
note
of
remembrances
I
beleeve
,
had
we
the
honour
to
have
seen
it
;
and
were
we
not
all
of
us
of
the
English
Nation
,
a
happy
people
to
see
our
King
governed
by
the
directions
and
documents
of
a
woman
,
a
strong
Papist
,
and
of
the
house
of
Medicis
by
the
Mother
,
a
most
Emperious
and
dangerous
generation
of
women
,
and
fatal
to
all
places
wheresoever
they
came
?
a
wife
its
true
she
was
,
but
such
a
one
as
ruled
and
over-ruled
that
stiffenesse
of
his
constellation
,
and
effected
more
with
him
than
either
himself
could
doe
,
or
the
most
inward
of
his
Councell
of
State
durst
attempt
,
and
on
one
caveat
of
hers
would
rather
adventure
the
loss
of
his
Crown
,
than
not
to
shew
his
constancy
in
the
upolding
of
a
Myter
;
you
may
remember
how
much
pains
he
was
at
with
the
Divines
at
Newcastle
and
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
and
what
tenents
he
held
in
his
dispute
with
them
concerning
Episcopacy
,
and
that
Bishops
were
of
a
Divine
and
Apostolik
Institution
,
which
is
true
in
some
sense
,
as
those
were
which
were
instituted
by
the
Apostles
,
but
that
our
late
Bishops
as
they
stood
here
from
before
and
after
King
Edwards
Reformation
,
that
they
should
be
taken
in
with
those
of
St.
Pauls
making
,
in
the
generall
notion
or
latitude
of
Bishops
,
without
any
distinction
,
as
if
those
Bishops
of
the
Papisticall
Church
were
of
the
selfe-same
nature
,
and
of
like
ordination
as
those
of
the
Primitive
times
,
seemes
to
me
a
paradox
.
'T
is
true
,
that
at
the
time
of
the
Reformation
the
dispute
grew
high
at
the
black-Fryers
amongst
the
Commissioners
themselves
whether
Episcopacy
should
remain
as
it
then
stood
,
or
to
reduce
it
to
the
originall
patterne
of
the
primitive
Church
,
as
Bishop
Latimer
,
Martin
Bucer
,
and
Peter
Martyr
would
have
had
it
;
but
Bishop
Ridly
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Commissioners
,
most
of
them
Bishops
(
as
Sir
Iohn
Heywood
in
his
first
Copy
of
his
*
History
of
Edward
the
sixt
layes
it
down
)
would
by
no
means
assent
unto
it
;
the
other
three
maintaining
that
Bishops
as
then
they
stood
were
no
other
than
chips
of
the
papisticall
block
,
and
of
no
affinity
with
St.
Pauls
Titmothy's
or
Titus
Bishops
,
neither
could
they
be
of
any
conformity
with
the
ancient
and
primitive
institution
,
but
the
meer
excrescencies
sprouting
out
of
the
exuberancy
of
the
Papacy
,
long
after
the
defection
and
adulteration
of
the
primitive
Church
,
which
defection
from
the
ancient
purity
began
immediately
after
Gregory
the
Great
,
and
I
am
very
confident
that
there
are
none
of
our
late
Bishops
so
impudent
as
to
maintaine
,
that
either
the
Britain
or
Saxon
Kings
(
whatsoever
is
fabled
of
King
Lucius
)
ever
erected
any
Episcopall
Sees
,
or
admitted
of
any
Bishops
that
came
hither
before
Austin
the
Monk
,
and
such
others
after
him
,
as
were
merely
spriggs
of
the
papacy
,
and
that
long
after
the
adulteration
of
the
Roman
Church
;
a
truth
so
perspicuous
,
as
that
I
have
wondred
on
the
reading
of
the
discourse
between
his
Majesty
and
those
learned
Divines
,
why
it
was
not
prest
by
them
,
that
Episcopacy
,
quatenus
,
as
it
stood
here
since
and
before
the
Reformation
,
was
spurious
,
papall
,
and
of
no
affinity
with
the
Apostlick
,
or
primitive
institution
;
especially
the
wonder
is
so
much
the
more
that
the
King
for
the
upholding
of
26
square
caps
,
should
with
such
obstinancy
(
which
he
would
have
to
be
esteemed
constancy
)
oppose
a
Court
of
Parliament
composed
of
500
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
and
pretend
so
much
to
honour
and
conscience
,
when
as
about
the
same
time
,
and
as
I
remember
before
that
the
dispute
was
here
in
the
House
for
the
expulsion
of
the
Bishops
,
the
King
had
granted
the
same
boon
to
the
Scots
.
But
I
beseech
you
take
notice
how
mindfull
the
King
was
to
remember
his
friends
,
and
what
were
they
think
you
more
than
Delinquents
,
Soldiers
of
Fortune
,
and
the
loosest
vermin
that
the
Kingdom
could
afford
him
,
together
with
the
Papists
,
many
Country
Gentlmen
,
and
the
Fugitive
Members
of
both
Houses
which
he
had
corrupted
and
drawn
from
their
trust
,
with
double
ends
of
his
own
,
not
onely
to
make
up
his
mungrell
Parliament
at
Oxford
,
but
to
lame
or
destroy
the
legall
Parliament
at
Westminster
,
whose
privileges
with
so
many
protestations
he
had
so
often
aver'd
to
maintain
?
In
the
next
place
please
you
to
observe
how
memorative
the
King
was
to
put
a
short
period
to
this
perpetuall
Parliament
;
for
this
expression
manifestly
shewes
how
he
intended
to
deal
with
all
others
,
a
Parliament
as
himself
had
made
it
,
indissolvable
(
by
any
other
way
than
that
of
the
*
Sword
,
which
by
no
meanes
he
meant
to
depart
withall
,
until
needs
he
must
)
and
the
act
assented
and
granted
by
himself
,
on
reasons
merely
relative
to
the
payment
of
his
owne
debts
,
contracted
by
his
unnecessary
raising
of
War
against
his
Native
Subjects
the
Scots
,
and
for
the
more
speedy
discharge
of
the
arrears
due
to
both
armies
,
which
the
Parliament
was
then
most
willing
to
defray
,
without
the
least
scruple
,
or
upbraiding
him
with
the
cause
of
contracting
so
vast
a
sum
,
and
all
to
gain
at
any
rate
his
love
and
favour
;
where
I
must
tell
you
,
that
you
would
have
thought
it
somewhat
harsh
should
they
have
told
him
as
it
was
*
answered
in
full
Parliament
to
Hen
:
the
third
,
that
they
would
not
pay
his
debts
,
neither
give
him
a
groat
,
postquam
coepit
esse
dilapidator
regni
,
so
long
as
he
continued
to
destroy
the
Kingdom
,
but
you
cannot
deny
how
ready
they
were
to
expedite
the
payments
,
by
taking
it
up
of
the
City
on
the
publick
faith
,
which
the
Citizens
(
on
remembrance
of
the
Kings
wonted
manner
of
dissolving
of
all
the
Parliaments
of
his
Reign
without
their
due
effects
)
utterly
refused
,
unlesse
an
Act
were
past
for
the
continuation
of
the
Parliaments
sitting
,
upon
which
grounds
the
King
granted
that
act
,
which
so
nearly
concerned
his
own
particular
,
and
the
sending
home
of
the
Scots
,
whose
company
was
then
loathsome
unto
him
.
How
then
it
comes
to
passe
,
that
your selfe
and
so
many
of
your
party
should
think
this
such
an
act
of
Grace
seems
to
me
a
wonder
,
when
he
had
so
often
protested
,
not
onely
to
maintain
the
Privileges
of
Parliament
,
but
whatsoever
acts
he
had
formerly
assented
unto
;
but
you
see
here
his
own
expression
,
That
he
would
not
forget
to
put
a
short
period
to
this
perpetuall
Parliament
;
what
then
I
beseech
you
do
you
conceive
would
have
been
the
issues
?
otherwise
than
to
recall
all
those
his
so
much
magnified
acts
of
grace
(
as
Edward
the
third
yeelded
him
a
president
)
and
at
last
by
the
power
of
the
Sword
(
which
he
sayes
God
had
put
into
his
hands
)
to
have
invaded
the
Lawes
and
universall
freedomes
of
the
Nation
as
his
very
next
Letter
to
the
Queen
manifestly
imports
March
9.
1645.
from
Oxford
,
number
the
20th
.
viz.
I
have
thought
of
one
means
more
to
furnish
thee
withall
for
my
assistance
,
than
hitherto
thou
hast
had
;
it
it
this
,
that
I
give
thee
power
to
promise
in
my
name
,
to
whom
thou
thinkest
most
fit
,
that
I
will
take
away
all
penall
Laws
against
the
Roman
Catholicks
in
England
,
as
soon
as
God
shall
inable
me
to
doe
it
,
so
as
by
their
means
or
in
their
favours
,
I
may
have
so
powerfull
assistance
as
may
deserve
so
great
a
favour
,
and
inable
me
to
do
it
;
but
if
thou
aske
what
I
call
that
assistance
;
I
answer
,
that
when
thou
knowest
what
may
be
done
for
it
,
it
will
be
easily
seen
,
if
it
deserve
to
be
so
esteemed
;
I
need
not
tell
thee
what
secrecy
this
businesse
requires
;
yet
this
I
will
say
,
that
this
is
the
greatest
point
of
confidence
I
can
expresse
to
thee
,
for
it
is
no
thanks
to
me
to
trust
thee
in
any
thing
else
,
but
in
this
which
is
the
onely
thing
in
difference
of
opinion
betwixt
us
,
and
yet
I
know
thou
wilt
make
as
good
a
bargaine
in
this
,
I
trusting
thee
(
though
it
concerns
Religion
)
as
if
thou
wert
a
Protestant
,
the
visible
good
of
my
affairs
so
much
depending
thereon
.
Observation
.
The
Comment
on
this
his
Majesties
20th
.
Letter
,
principally
relates
to
these
two
most
important
considerations
;
first
,
the
invading
of
the
Laws
,
secondly
,
to
the
affront
of
the
Parliament
and
the
Protestant
Religion
,
when
he
should
be
impowred
by
the
assistance
of
the
Papists
,
and
a
third
necessarily
ariseth
on
the
neck
of
the
other
two
,
viz.
by
giving
power
to
the
Queene
,
a
profest
Papist
,
and
an
enemy
to
the
English
Nation
,
to
manage
the
businesse
,
and
to
make
the
best
bargain
for
him
,
as
she
should
thinke
most
fit
,
under
the
seale
of
secrecy
,
as
being
himself
ashamed
to
be
seen
in
the
businesse
,
(
as
God
knowes
good
reason
he
had
)
But
in
the
mean
time
speak
your
Conscience
,
where
was
then
the
Kings
Conscience
,
and
his
honour
?
and
what
became
of
his
former
protestations
?
wherein
he
so
often
avows
the
maintenance
of
the
Protestant
Religion
,
(
without
mixtures
)
and
what
was
his
own
Religion
,
more
than
formall
,
or
like
a
nose
of
wax
,
convertible
onely
as
it
should
conduce
to
the
visible
good
of
his
affaires
?
(
they
are
his
owne
words
)
and
what
those
affaires
were
more
than
his
will
and
pleasure
,
in
his
uttermost
endeavour
to
continue
to
imbrue
the
Kingdomes
with
more
blood
and
rapine
,
by
the
swords
and
assistance
of
Papists
,
cannot
well
be
imagined
;
these
and
a
world
of
his
other
expressions
,
compared
together
with
his
own
Letters
,
and
his
Pourtraicture
,
I
must
tel
you
plainly
,
have
very
much
troubled
my
spirits
,
that
he
should
so
much
and
so
often
pretend
to
Religion
,
Conscience
,
and
Honour
,
in
yeelding
up
of
Episcopacy
,
when
he
made
no
scruple
of
Conscience
to
grant
to
the
Scots
the
abolishing
of
their
Episcopacy
,
which
in
the
Chapter
of
Church-Government
in
his
Pourtraicture
,
he
strives
to
salve
with
an
ill
savoring
playster
,
but
for
the
retention
of
it
in
England
,
he
pleads
,
and
stands
stiffly
on
his
Coronation
Oath
,
with
the
swallowing
up
of
the
most
essentiall
part
thereof
,
which
by
far
more
obligeth
the
Kings
of
England
to
observe
,
than
the
preamble
to
that
Oath
,
penn'd
of
old
by
the
Prelats
&
Church-men
for
their
own
onely
ends
and
interests
,
a
very
inconsiderable
party
,
in
respect
of
the
quality
of
the
Nobility
;
and
Gentry
;
and
that
vast
number
of
the
Laity
,
of
which
it
seems
the
King
reckoned
of
after
the
Popes
computation
,
to
be
extra
Caulam
,
either
out
of
the
Church
,
or
at
best
but
the
fag
end
thereof
,
and
accompts
little
better
of
them
,
than
as
so
many
cyphers
,
or
his
slaves
at
will
,
at
pleasure
,
cleane
forgetting
,
or
slighting
the
grand
&
more
essentiall
part
of
his
Coronation
Oath
,
which
is
confidently
averr'd
the
late
Arch
Prelate
purposely
emasculated
,
and
never
gave
it
him
at
his
Coronation
,
but
left
him
at
liberty
,
which
all
men
knows
is
that
which
obligeth
the
King
to
rule
not
onely
by
the
Lawes
in
being
,
but
per
istas
bonas
leges
quas
vulgas
eligerit
,
to
govern
by
such
good
Laws
as
the
Parliament
shall
chuse
,
and
the
reason
of
this
is
most
most
perspicuous
,
for
the
Lawes
of
England
are
not
of
that
stamp
as
those
of
the
Medes
and
Persians
(
unalterable
)
but
changeable
according
to
the
vicissitudes
of
times
,
and
change
of
mens
manners
,
and
at
the
Election
of
the
people
in
their
Representative
,
the
Kings
assent
being
formall
,
and
onely
a
necessary
appendant
,
and
by
the
intent
of
the
Law
,
his
principall
power
consists
in
the
executive
part
,
the
Parliaments
in
the
elective
;
for
it
is
without
all
question
that
never
any
of
our
Kings
either
abrogated
or
made
any
Law
obligatory
to
the
people
by
his
onely
lawfull
power
,
but
by
the
Parliaments
consent
and
election
;
the
nature
of
the
Kings
Office
being
more
cumulative
then
privative
,
to
give
rather
than
to
take
any
thing
from
their
subjects
;
but
here
you
may
see
what
a
latitude
of
power
the
King
assumes
to
himself
,
where
he
promiseth
to
the
Queen
to
take
away
all
the
penal
laws
against
Papists
,
as
soon
as
he
shall
be
enabled
to
doe
it
,
without
a
word
of
by
your
leave
Parliament
,
so
that
you
may
manifestly
see
what
he
intended
,
and
that
no
other
sence
than
his
owne
is
here
pind
upon
him
:
you
may
further
observe
out
of
this
Letter
his
windings
,
doublings
,
and
fouldings
,
and
how
dexterously
cunning
he
was
growne
,
at
playing
fast
and
loose
with
RELIGION
,
or
with
any
thing
else
that
might
promote
his
mischievous
designs
,
leaving
no
way
unattempted
though
to
prophaning
of
Religion
,
that
he
conceived
might
conduce
to
the
visible
good
of
his
affairs
(
as
that
was
his
usuall
expression
)
and
what
was
that
visible
good
think
you
?
other
than
to
overpower
the
Parliament
,
and
then
to
rule
as
he
listed
.
But
to
shew
unto
you
what
a
gamester
he
was
at
Hocus-pocus
,
I
pray
look
upon
the
Postcript
of
his
Letter
to
the
Marquesse
of
Ormond
February
16.
1648.
from
Oxford
,
viz.
In
case
upon
particular
mens
fancies
,
the
Irish
peace
should
not
be
procured
,
upon
powers
I
have
already
given
you
,
I
have
thought
good
to
give
you
farther
order
,
(
which
I
hope
will
prove
needlesse
)
to
seek
to
renue
the
treaty
for
a
peace
for
a
yeare
,
for
which
you
shall
prowise
the
Irish
(
if
you
can
have
it
no
better
cheap
)
to
joyn
with
them
against
the
Scots
and
Inchiquine
,
but
I
hope
by
that
time
,
my
condition
may
be
such
,
as
the
Irish
may
be
glad
to
accept
les
,
or
I
be
able
to
grant
more
.
Observation
.
Hence
you
may
make
your
owne
judgement
what
a
Proteus
the
King
was
grown
;
you
may
take
this
also
into
your
observation
,
as
suitable
to
the
rest
,
that
in
all
his
Declarations
,
Letters
,
and
Messages
to
the
Parliament
,
and
after
he
had
lost
all
and
could
stand
up
no
longer
,
and
was
a
prisoner
,
they
were
then
directed
to
his
two
Houses
at
Westminster
,
but
during
his
power
,
and
so
long
as
he
had
any
hopes
left
him
to
conquer
them
,
he
misses
not
throughout
all
his
expresses
to
call
them
Rebels
,
and
in
that
capacity
tacitely
treats
with
them
at
Vxbridge
,
(
which
the
Scots
at
Rippon
utterly
refused
to
treat
with
him
unlesse
he
would
withdraw
and
disown
his
proclamations
in
stiling
them
Traytors
)
and
although
he
calls
them
a
Parliament
,
yet
was
it
with
a
mental
reservation
not
so
to
acknowledge
them
,
as
you
may
see
in
his
17
letter
to
the
Queen
(
where
it
seems
she
had
schoold
him
to
the
purpose
for
acknowledging
them
to
be
a
Parliament
,
for
which
he
makes
a
very
humble
and
ample
apology
,
and
sayes
,
If
there
had
been
but
two
besides
my self
of
my
opinion
,
I
had
not
done
it
,
and
the
argument
that
prevailed
with
me
was
,
that
the
calling
did
no
wayes
acknowledge
them
to
be
a
Parliament
;
upon
which
condition
and
construction
,
I
did
it
and
no
otherwise
,
and
accordingly
it
is
registred
in
the
Councel
books
,
and
with
the
Councells
unanimous
approbation
,
but
thou
wilt
find
that
it
was
my
misfortune
,
not
my
neglect
,
that
thou
hast
been
no
sooner
advertised
of
it
.
Observation
.
I
need
not
comment
on
these
fine
pieces
of
the
Kings
,
your
own
judgment
may
informe
you
what
a
quaint
Iesuiticall
jugler
he
was
grown
,
by
the
conversation
he
had
with
the
Mother
and
the
Daughter
,
both
of
them
being
excellent
proficients
in
the
doctrins
of
Matchivill
;
and
surely
,
under
the
Rose
be
it
spoken
,
himself
no
very
bad
Scholler
in
that
kind
of
learning
;
yet
here
you
may
see
what
pains
he
was
put
unto
,
how
to
make
a
handsome
excuse
to
save
himself
from
a
chiding
:
but
I
forbeare
to
make
further
mention
of
his
perfidious
courses
,
more
than
to
put
you
in
minde
,
that
so
long
as
his
vain
imaginations
prompted
to
over-power
the
Parliament
,
and
to
reduce
all
to
his
own
absolute
pleasure
,
it
s
most
certain
,
that
he
refused
ali
overtures
for
agreement
with
the
Parliament
,
other
than
such
(
as
before
I
have
intimated
)
he
verily
believed
to
make
advantage
of
;
and
this
appears
in
his
9th
.
Letter
to
the
Queen
,
March
thirteenth
,
from
Oxford
,
viz.
Dear
Heart
,
What
I
told
thee
the
last
week
concerning
a
good
parting
with
our
Lords
and
Commons
here
,
was
on
Monday
last
handsomly
performed
,
and
if
I
now
do
any
thing
unhandsome
or
disadvantagious
to
my self
or
Friends
,
in
order
to
a
Treaty
,
it
will
be
merely
my
owne
fault
,
for
I
confesse
when
I
wrote
last
,
I
was
in
feare
to
have
been
prest
to
make
some
mean
overtures
to
renew
the
Treaty
,
knowing
that
there
were
great
labourings
to
that
purpose
;
but
I
now
promise
thee
,
if
it
be
renewed
(
which
I
believe
wil
not
)
without
some
eminent
good
successe
on
my
side
,
it
shall
be
to
my
honour
and
advantage
,
I
being
now
as
well
freed
from
the
place
of
base
and
mutinous
motions
(
that
is
to
say
,
of
our
mungrel
Parliament
here
)
as
of
the
chief
causers
,
for
whom
I
may
justly
expect
to
be
chidden
by
thee
,
for
having
suffered
thee
to
be
vexed
by
them
.
Observations
.
We
have
here
a
plain
proof
of
the
former
assertion
,
that
during
the
Kings
power
,
he
would
entertain
no
Treaties
but
such
as
here
he
promiseth
the
Queen
,
should
be
both
to
his
honour
and
advantage
,
and
he
renders
the
reason
,
viz.
That
he
was
then
left
free
to
himselfe
to
doe
as
he
listed
,
and
as
his
inclinations
should
prompt
him
,
as
being
quit
of
those
base
and
mutinous
motions
of
his
mungrell
Parliament
at
Oxford
;
where
you
may
observe
,
how
well
Parliaments
suited
with
the
nature
of
this
King
;
for
this
at
Oxford
(
which
was
of
his
own
designe
,
and
calling
,
of
set
purpose
to
annihilate
the
legall
Parliament
at
Westminster
)
was
(
as
himself
stiles
it
)
a
base
,
mutinous
,
and
mungrel
Parliament
,
and
he
might
with
good
reason
so
accompt
of
it
,
for
they
were
indeed
a
sort
of
perfidious
Fugitives
,
false
to
themselves
and
their
Countreyes
,
and
the
King
no
doubt
in
his
own
thoughts
esteemed
them
no
other
,
for
such
as
would
be
fals
to
themselves
,
the
King
was
not
to
seek
to
make
his
own
judgement
what
they
would
be
to
him
,
on
the
turn
of
any
tyde
of
advantage
,
but
that
at
Westminster
he
calls
a
Rebell
Parliament
,
though
of
his
own
first
Summons
:
The
truth
was
,
none
would
or
could
please
him
,
neither
any
councell
but
such
as
futed
to
his
own
will
and
pleasure
.
It
s
true
,
and
it
is
confest
that
after
he
had
lost
all
,
and
was
a
prisoner
,
he
seemed
more
inclinable
to
embrace
peace
,
and
to
that
end
sent
his
frequent
Messages
to
the
Parliament
,
but
evermore
with
the
old
scruples
of
his
Conscience
and
Honour
,
persisting
to
his
last
(
as
being
fed
with
hopes
of
the
generall
rising
,
1647.
and
the
comming
in
of
the
Scots
under
Hamilton
)
to
wind
himself
up
again
to
that
power
whither
his
restlesse
ambition
(
to
be
more
absolute
than
he
ought
to
have
been
)
lead
him
to
the
precipice
of
his
own
ruine
,
and
it
is
more
than
probable
,
that
during
the
last
Treaty
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
and
the
expectation
of
the
successe
of
that
rising
to
his
rescue
,
he
had
a
perfidious
hand
therein
;
for
it
cannot
be
imagined
that
such
an
association
of
English
,
Scots
,
and
Welch
,
would
ever
in
one
conjuncture
of
time
adventure
to
rise
without
either
his
Privity
or
Commission
;
howsoever
it
is
manifestly
known
,
that
both
the
English
and
Welch
had
for
their
undertaking
the
Princes
Commission
under
hand
and
seale
,
neither
is
it
likely
that
the
Prince
himself
(
during
a
Treaty
so
neer
a
period
to
an
attonement
)
would
either
authorize
that
rising
,
or
to
have
approached
at
that
very
time
with
his
Fleet
so
near
the
Thames
mouth
,
without
either
his
Fathers
Commission
or
approbation
,
the
perfidie
shewed
therein
I
am
more
than
confident
utterly
lost
him
,
and
was
a
principall
canse
that
the
Parliament
could
not
in
reason
,
or
with
safety
of
themselves
and
the
King
dom
,
readmit
or
trust
such
a
Prince
with
the
government
,
of
whose
Reformation
they
could
not
but
despair
.
Observations
upon
the
Reliquiae
Sacrae
Carolinae
.
IT
is
worth
his
pains
who
desires
to
berightly
informed
of
the
truth
of
al
passages
and
transactions
between
the
late
King
,
and
the
Parliament
,
his
mysterious
motions
,
pretences
,
and
carriages
,
both
during
all
the
warres
,
and
since
his
death
how
matters
have
been
managed
by
his
partakers
,
especially
by
those
which
first
published
his
Pourtraicture
,
and
him
who
hath
taken
such
pains
in
collecting
so
many
of
his
papers
,
printing
,
exposing
and
dispersing
them
throughout
all
parts
of
the
Kingdom
,
purposely
both
to
deceive
the
people
,
and
malitiously
to
work
upon
the
facility
of
their
affections
in
commiseration
of
him
,
and
casting
an
odium
on
the
Parliament
;
The
artifice
which
this
Impostor
uses
,
is
worth
consideration
,
as
he
hath
garnished
the
approaches
to
his
collections
with
the
Kings
picture
in
some
places
standing
,
in
others
kneeling
,
and
as
it
were
ejaculating
his
prayers
to
God
,
and
those
drest
with
sundry
devices
and
motto's
,
and
all
this
to
invite
the
eye
,
if
not
the
understanding
of
the
silly
beholder
to
a
beleef
,
that
he
died
an
innocent
Martyr
,
a
Prince
who
suffered
for
his
restlesse
endeavor
to
desend
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Laws
and
Libertyes
of
his
Subjects
,
as
he
would
intimate
by
his
hudling
of
the
Kings
many
specious
and
fraudulent
overtures
for
peace
to
the
Parliament
,
and
avoyding
of
future
bloodshed
.
In
all
the
Catalogue
of
his
one
and
twenty
Messages
of
the
Kings
,
(
besides
additionalls
)
he
is
pleased
not
so
much
as
to
insert
one
of
the
Parliaments
Answers
in
rejoynder
to
any
of
the
Kings
Messages
,
onely
taking
in
so
many
of
his
Majesties
which
he
conceived
might
serve
his
turn
to
clear
the
Kings
innocency
,
and
leaving
out
such
of
the
Parliaments
most
materiall
Missives
to
which
the
King
omitted
to
give
any
answer
at
all
;
as
for
instance
,
let
him
produce
what
reply
the
King
made
to
the
Parliaments
charge
,
for
Ruperts
intercepting
of
the
Clothes
,
Provisions
horses
and
other
necessaries
,
sent
by
the
Parliament
in
the
way
to
Chester
,
for
the
releef
of
the
relicts
of
the
poor
Protestants
in
Ireland
,
true
it
is
,
that
long
after
an
answer
was
,
such
as
it
was
,
made
(
though
not
by
him
mentioned
)
viz.
that
those
provisions
might
have
been
better
guarded
;
a
proper
answer
if
you
please
to
take
notice
of
it
,
when
its
mostevident
,
that
the
Kings
forces
not
only
took
them
with
his
expresse
command
but
drew
over
the
principall
Commanders
and
Soldiers
before
sent
by
the
Parliament
to
his
own
assistance
against
the
Parliament
,
now
,
that
you
may
see
how
the
active
part
of
the
war
was
carried
on
by
the
King
,
take
into
your
serious
considerations
his
Message
of
the
15
of
April
,
1642.
from
Huntington
,
wherein
he
earnestly
desires
,
That
the
Parliament
will
use
all
possible
industry
in
expediting
the
businesse
of
Ireland
,
in
which
they
shall
finde
so
cheerfull
a
concurrence
by
his
Majesty
,
that
no
inconvenience
shall
happen
to
that
service
by
his
absence
,
he
having
all
that
passion
for
the
reducing
of
that
Kingdome
which
he
hath
expressed
in
his
former
Messages
,
being
unable
to
manifest
more
affection
to
it
,
than
he
hath
endeavonred
to
do
by
those
Messages
(
having
likewise
done
all
such
acts
as
he
hath
been
moved
unto
by
his
Parliment
)
therefore
if
the
misfortunes
and
calamities
of
his
poor
Protestant
Subjects
there
shall
grow
upon
them
(
though
his
Majesty
shall
be
deeply
concerned
in
,
and
sensible
of
their
sufferings
)
he
shall
wash
his
hands
before
all
the
world
from
the
least
imputation
of
slacknesse
,
in
that
most
necessary
and
pious
work
.
Observation
.
A
very
pious
work
indeed
,
as
himself
ordered
it
,
if
you
please
to
examine
it
to
the
bottome
,
then
make
your
own
judgement
,
whether
it
was
not
the
Kings
reach
to
gull
the
Parliament
,
by
pressing
them
to
expedite
the
sending
of
Forces
to
the
relief
of
his
poor
Subjects
of
Ireland
,
and
with
such
words
of
pity
and
expressions
of
his
remorse
,
how
deeply
he
was
concerned
therein
,
and
how
sensible
of
their
sufferings
and
calamities
,
which
might
grow
upon
them
,
and
just
Pilate-like
to
wash
his
hands
before
all
the
world
from
the
least
imputation
of
slacknesse
in
him
;
when
't
is
manifest
his
meaning
was
both
to
make
use
of
any
such
forces
as
the
Parliament
should
send
over
,
against
them
,
and
consequently
to
dis-enable
them
the
more
in
levyes
here
for
their
own
defence
against
him
,
and
his
preparations
,
as
it
evidently
appeared
within
3.
moneths
after
by
the
said
seizure
of
the
Horses
,
cloaths
and
provisions
sent
by
Chester
,
as
also
by
his
remanding
over
the
Regiments
sent
before
into
Ireland
to
make
use
of
them
,
as
it
is
visibly
known
he
did
,
against
the
Parliament
.
But
I
pray
extend
your
patience
,
and
look
farther
into
this
darke
worke
of
the
Kings
,
take
a
short
viewe
of
his
next
Message
from
Nottingham
,
where
he
erected
his
Standard
,
it
bears
date
the
25.
of
August
1642.
Next
to
this
his
Message
of
the
5th
.
of
Sept.
1642.
with
another
of
the
11th
.
of
September
following
,
in
pursuance
of
the
former
,
peruse
them
all
and
you
shal
evidently
see
such
notable
juglings
and
Matchivilian
dissemblings
,
as
would
amaze
any
Christian
eye
to
behold
them
,
compared
with
his
actions
,
his
Pourtraicture
,
and
his
own
letters
taken
at
Naseby
:
I
shall
present
them
all
in
their
order
,
verbatim
,
and
first
that
of
the
25
of
August
1642.
viz.
We
have
with
unspeakable
griefe
ef
heart
long
beheld
the
distraction
of
this
our
Kingdome
,
our
very
soul
is
full
of
anguish
,
untill
we
may
finde
some
remedy
to
prevent
the
miseries
which
are
ready
to
overwhelm
this
Nation
by
a
Civil
War
,
and
although
all
our
indeavours
tending
to
the
composing
of
those
unhappy
differences
betwixt
us
and
our
two
Houses
of
Parliament
(
though
pursued
by
us
with
all
zeale
and
sincerity
)
have
been
hitherto
without
the
successe
we
hoped
for
,
yet
such
is
our
constant
&
earnest
care
to
preserve
the
publicke
peace
,
that
we
shall
not
be
discouraged
to
use
any
expedient
,
which
by
the
blessing
of
the
God
of
Mercy
,
may
lay
a
happy
foundation
of
peace
and
happinesse
to
all
our
good
subjects
.
To
this
end
,
observing
that
many
mistakes
have
arisen
,
by
the
Messages
,
Petitions
,
and
Answers
betwixt
us
and
our
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
which
happily
may
be
prevented
by
some
other
way
of
treaty
,
wherein
the
matter
in
difference
may
be
more
clearly
understood
,
&
more
freely
transacted
,
we
have
thought
fit
to
propound
to
you
,
that
some
fit
persons
may
be
by
you
enabled
,
to
treat
with
the
like
number
to
be
authorized
by
us
,
in
such
a
manner
and
freedom
of
debate
,
as
may
best
tend
to
that
happy
conclusion
which
all
good
men
desire
(
the
peace
of
the
Kingdom
,
)
wherein
as
we
promise
in
the
word
of
a
King
,
all
safety
and
incouragement
to
such
as
shall
be
sent
unto
us
,
if
you
shall
chuse
the
place
where
we
are
for
the
Treaty
;
which
we
wholly
leave
to
you
,
presuming
on
the
like
care
of
the
safety
of
those
we
shall
imploy
,
if
you
shall
name
another
place
:
So
we
assure
you
,
and
all
our
good
Subjects
,
that
to
the
best
of
our
understanding
,
nothing
shall
therein
be
wanting
on
our
part
,
which
may
advance
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
opPose
Popery
and
Superstition
,
secure
the
Law
of
the
Land
(
upon
which
is
built
as
well
our
just
Prerogative
,
as
the
propriety
and
liberty
of
the
Subject
)
confirme
all
just
power
and
Privileges
of
Parliament
,
and
render
us
and
our
people
truly
happy
,
by
a
good
understanding
betwixt
us
and
our
two
Houses
of
Parliament
:
Bring
with
you
as
firm
resolutions
to
doe
your
duty
,
and
let
our
People
joyn
with
us
in
our
prayers
to
Almighty
God
for
his
blessing
upon
this
worke
;
If
this
Proposition
shall
be
rejected
by
you
,
we
have
done
our
duty
so
amply
,
that
God
will
absolve
us
from
the
guilt
of
that
blood
which
must
be
spilt
,
and
whatsoever
opinion
other
men
may
have
of
our
power
,
we
assure
you
nothing
but
our
Christian
and
pious
care
to
prevent
the
effusion
of
blood
,
hath
begotten
this
motion
,
our
provision
of
men
,
money
and
armes
being
such
as
may
secure
us
from
further
violence
,
til
it
please
GOD
to
open
the
eyes
of
our
People
.
Not
to
trouble
you
with
further
search
,
I
shall
present
you
that
Message
of
the
5th
.
of
September
1642.
in
pursuance
of
the
former
,
together
with
that
of
the
11th
.
of
the
same
Moneth
,
tending
all
to
the
same
purpose
,
though
the
Observations
on
them
you
shall
finde
handled
separatim
,
and
left
to
your
more
mature
consideration
.
We
will
not
repeat
what
meanes
we
have
used
to
prevent
the
dangerous
and
distracted
estate
of
the
Kingdome
,
nor
how
these
means
have
been
interpreted
,
because
being
desirous
to
avoid
effusion
of
Blood
,
we
aere
willing
to
decline
all
memory
if
former
bitternesse
,
that
might
make
our
offer
of
a
Treaty
readly
accepted
:
We
did
never
declare
,
nor
ever
intended
to
declare
both
our
Houses
of
Parliament
Traytors
,
or
set
up
our
Standard
against
them
,
and
much
lesse
to
put
them
and
this
Kingdome
out
of
our
protection
,
wee
utterly
professe
against
it
,
before
God
and
the
World
;
and
farther
to
remove
all
possible
scruples
which
may
hinder
the
Treaty
so
much
desired
of
us
,
we
hereby
promise
,
so
that
a
day
be
appointed
by
you
,
for
the
unvoting
of
your
Declarations
against
all
persons
as
Traytors
,
or
otherwayes
for
assisting
of
us
,
we
shall
with
all
chearfulnesse
upon
the
same
day
recall
our
Proclamations
and
Declarations
,
and
take
down
our
Standard
,
in
which
Treaty
we
shall
be
ready
to
grant
any
thing
that
shall
be
really
for
the
good
of
our
Subjects
,
conjuring
you
to
consider
the
bleeding
condition
of
Ireland
,
and
the
dangerous
condition
of
England
,
in
as
high
a
degree
,
as
by
these
our
offers
we
have
declared
our self
to
do
,
and
assuring
you
that
our
chief
desire
in
this
world
is
to
beget
a
good
understanding
,
and
mutuall
confidence
,
betwixt
us
and
our
two
Houses
of
Parliament
.
Sebtemb
.
5.
1642.
Who
have
taken
most
ways
used
most
endeavours
,
and
made
most
reall
expressions
to
prevent
the
present
distractions
and
dangers
,
let
all
the
world
judge
,
as
well
by
former
passages
,
as
our
two
last
Messages
,
which
have
been
so
fruitlesse
,
that
(
though
wee
have
descended
to
desire
and
presse
it
)
not
so
much
as
a
Treaty
can
be
obtained
,
unles
we
would
denude
our self
of
all
force
to
defend
us
from
a
visible
strength
marching
against
us
,
and
admit
those
persons
accompted
Traytors
to
us
,
who
according
to
their
duty
,
their
Oathes
of
Allegeance
,
and
the
Law
,
have
appeared
in
defence
of
us
their
King
and
liege
Lord
(
whom
we
are
bound
in
Conscience
and
Honour
to
preserve
)
though
we
disclaimed
all
our
Proclamations
and
Declarations
,
and
erecting
of
our
Standard
,
as
against
our
Parliament
;
all
we
have
left
in
our
power
is
to
expresse
the
deep
sense
we
have
of
the
publick
misery
of
this
Kingdom
,
in
which
is
involved
that
of
our
distressed
Protestants
of
Ireland
,
and
to
apply
our self
to
our
necessary
defence
;
wherein
we
wholly
rely
on
the
providence
of
God
,
the
Justice
of
our
cause
,
and
the
Affection
of
our
good
people
,
so
far
we
are
from
putting
them
out
of
our
protection
;
when
you
shal
desire
a
Treaty
of
us
,
wee
shall
piously
remember
whose
blood
is
to
be
spilt
in
this
Quarrel
,
and
cheerfully
embrace
it
;
and
as
no
other
reasons
induced
us
to
leave
our
City
of
London
,
but
that
with
honour
and
safety
we
could
not
stay
there
,
nor
to
raise
any
force
,
but
for
the
necessary
defence
of
our
Person
and
the
Law
,
against
Levies
in
opposition
to
both
,
so
we
shall
suddenly
return
to
the
one
,
and
disband
the
other
,
as
soon
as
those
causes
shall
be
removed
:
the
God
of
Heaven
direct
you
,
and
in
mercy
divert
those
judgements
,
which
hang
over
the
Nation
,
and
deale
so
with
us
,
and
our
posterity
,
as
we
desire
the
preservation
and
advancement
of
the
true
Pretestant
Religion
,
the
Law
,
and
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
,
the
just
rights
of
Parliament
,
and
the
peace
of
the
Kingdom
.
Sept.
11.
1642.
Observations
on
the
former
three
Messages
of
the
Kings
.
In
these
three
Messages
we
have
as
specious
and
pious
expressions
(
in
shew
)
as
possibly
can
be
expected
from
a
King
that
meant
really
as
he
writ
,
and
said
as
he
thought
:
But
on
a
due
consideration
of
all
passages
,
and
the
subject
matter
in
them
contained
,
and
as
the
case
then
stood
betwixt
him
and
the
Parliament
,
with
as
much
subtilty
,
craft
and
cunning
,
as
can
well
be
devised
by
the
subtilest
Disciple
of
Machavill
.
I
shall
take
the
;
liberty
to
comment
,
and
prove
the
assertion
,
out
of
the
first
of
these
Messages
of
the
25
of
August
1642.
and
so
in
order
to
the
rest
,
as
they
visibly
shew
out
unto
any
rationall
man
their
purport
,
without
drawing
other
Conclusions
than
necessarily
arise
out
of
the
expressions
themselves
,
compared
with
the
Kings
other
Declarations
,
his
actions
,
and
his
own
private
Letters
.
First
he
tels
the
Parliament
,
With
what
unspeakeable
griefe
of
heart
he
beheld
the
distractions
of
the
Kingdom
,
untill
he
could
find
out
a
remedy
to
prevent
the
miseries
which
were
ready
to
hang
over
the
whole
Nation
by
a
civill
Warre
.
Where
I
pray
tell
me
,
who
first
gave
the
occasion
,
who
raised
those
distractions
,
or
made
the
first
preparations
to
a
civill
warre
,
other
than
himselfe
?
Next
he
speaks
of
differences
betwixt
him
and
the
Parliament
,
which
he
confesseth
to
have
arisen
through
mistakes
of
the
Messages
,
Petitions
and
Answers
,
betwixt
him
and
his
two
Houses
of
Parliament
,
which
he
would
have
prevented
by
a
Treaty
,
wherein
the
matters
in
difference
might
,
be
more
clearly
understood
,
and
more
freely
transacted
;
And
could
there
have
been
a
more
fitter
place
to
debate
them
with
honour
and
freedome
,
than
in
the
Parliament
?
whither
with
welcome
he
might
have
come
without
the
least
danger
to
his
person
,
and
whither
he
was
so
often
and
humbly
invited
to
come
,
on
no
other
conditions
,
but
to
make
him
great
and
glorious
,
and
leaving
Delinquents
,
which
he
protected
against
Law
and
Reason
,
to
the
discretion
of
the
great
Judicature
of
the
Nation
,
which
would
have
been
both
a
safe
,
a
profitable
,
and
a
short
course
for
him
to
have
yeelded
unto
,
and
saved
him
the
labour
of
a
dishonourable
descending
out
of
his
dyning
room
,
to
dispute
those
differences
with
the
States
of
the
Kingdome
in
the
Kitchin
,
and
without
so
many
impertinencies
,
ambages
,
and
subterfuges
wherewith
he
solaces
himself
seemingly
moving
for
authorizing
of
fit
persons
on
both
sides
to
debate
the
matter
with
freedome
;
a
very
fine
way
indeed
,
and
about
the
wood
,
when
he
might
have
sate
still
in
peace
and
quietnesse
,
and
left
the
obliquities
of
the
Church
and
State
to
those
to
whom
they
properly
belong'd
to
be
disputed
,
regulated
,
and
set
straight
;
whilst
himself
(
without
such
an
unnecessary
and
un-Kingly
engagement
)
might
have
taken
his
pleasure
in
hunting
the
Buck
,
rather
than
to
have
needlesly
all
that
Summer
traversed
his
ground
,
through
so
many
Counties
,
in
hunting
after
men
to
kill
the
best
and
most
faithfull
of
his
Subjects
(
could
he
have
had
the
grace
to
have
seen
it
)
of
his
whole
Kingdome
.
But
then
he
comes
to
an
other
overture
,
that
if
on
securing
of
such
Treators
as
himselfe
should
chuse
,
and
the
like
safety
by
him
given
to
such
as
the
Parliament
shall
design
for
a
Treaty
,
then
there
shall
be
nothing
wanting
on
his
part
,
to
the
advance
of
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
the
Lawes
,
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
,
and
just
Priviges
of
Parliament
;
as
to
Religion
,
can
any
man
beleeve
that
knew
how
hee
was
principled
,
that
he
would
have
yeelded
to
other
than
that
formall
and
prelaticall
Protestantisme
which
he
had
vowed
to
uphold
?
As
to
the
Laws
,
should
they
have
beene
other
than
should
still
have
lain
under
his
negative
power
?
As
to
the
Libertyes
of
the
Subject
,
what
should
they
have
been
,
more
than
the
Militia
his
Sword
then
drawn
against
them
would
permit
as
he
pleased
to
like
or
dislike
?
As
to
the
Privileges
of
Parliaments
,
which
he
takes
care
to
confine
with
his
Epithite
(
Just
)
in
the
promse
he
makes
,
what
should
they
have
been
,
but
as
they
might
suite
to
the
best
advantage
of
the
Crown
,
and
his
unlimitable
Prerogative
?
then
he
concludes
,
that
if
that
Proposition
be
rejected
,
he
appeals
to
God
and
the
World
,
that
he
had
don
his
duty
,
which
would
absolve
him
from
the
guilt
of
that
blood
which
he
sayes
must
be
spilt
;
and
I
beleeve
him
,
for
it
seems
he
meant
then
to
spill
blood
(
as
he
did
afterwards
,
more
than
befitted
a
Christian
King
)
rather
than
to
have
mist
of
the
accomplishment
of
any
of
his
resolutions
,
having
ingraved
on
his
Sword
,
aut
Caesar
,
aut
nullus
,
Caesar
,
or
no
body
,
to
one
of
which
he
attain'd
;
his
close
seems
to
me
both
monitory
and
minitory
,
for
he
gives
the
Parliament
to
understand
,
how
he
was
provided
and
what
they
were
to
trust
to
,
in
telling
them
aforehand
,
That
whatsover
opinion
other
men
have
of
our
power
,
our
provision
of
men
,
money
and
arm
,
are
such
,
as
may
secure
us
from
further
violence
,
till
it
shall
please
God
to
open
the
eyes
of
our
people
;
a
very
brave
invitation
to
peace
,
with
the
Sword
in
his
hand
,
to
inforce
it
,
as
he
pleased
to
have
it
,
and
with
an
Army
of
6000
Horse
,
and
11000
Foot
(
as
elsewhere
he
sayes
he
had
ready
to
chastise
the
Rebels
;
)
But
look
over
to
his
Chapter
,
upon
seizing
of
the
Forts
.
Castles
,
Navy
and
the
Militia
,
there
he
disclaimes
to
have
had
any
other
arms
than
those
of
the
Primitive
Christians
(
prayers
and
tears
)
against
their
Persecutors
,
where
he
is
pleased
(
in
a
strange
contradiction
)
to
make
that
an
Argument
of
his
not
raising
the
first
War
against
the
Parliament
,
though
as
it
is
well
known
at
Edgehill
he
came
with
20000
well
armed
men
into
the
field
,
with
a
full
resolution
to
beat
the
Parliament
to
fitters
;
how
you
will
peece
these
contradictions
together
,
I
leave
as
a
task
to
you
,
it
being
beyond
my
power
to
reconcile
such
distant
Asseverations
.
Now
to
his
Message
of
the
5th
of
Sept.
in
pursuance
of
the
former
,
he
sayes
,
That
he
never
did
,
or
ever
intended
to
declare
both
our
Houses
of
Parliament
Traytors
,
or
to
set
up
our
Standard
against
them
,
and
yet
at
that
instant
had
proclaimed
my
Lord
of
Essex
,
the
Earl
of
Stamford
,
and
all
their
Adherents
Traytors
which
necessarily
must
be
intended
the
Parliament
,
for
they
Commissioned
Essex
,
and
raised
their
defensive
Army
,
which
he
fought
with
at
Edgehill
,
and
all
along
the
competition
stiles
them
Rebels
;
such
wide
and
bold
contradictions
,
that
no
man
knows
where
to
him
;
which
puts
me
in
mind
what
some
of
his
own
domestick
servants
have
often
averr'd
,
that
they
could
not
depend
on
any
of
his
promises
,
or
beleeve
what
he
said
,
and
sure
I
am
,
and
enough
there
are
of
no
mean
ranke
and
quality
of
his
servants
yet
living
,
and
in
beggery
;
can
witnesse
,
and
have
sad
cause
to
remember
,
that
his
Letters
Patents
full
dearly
paid
for
and
under
his
Broad
seal
,
could
not
protect
any
of
them
from
resuming
into
his
own
hands
,
that
he
had
a
mind
to
,
either
to
make
use
of
them
to
his
own
advantage
,
or
to
confer
them
on
others
,
as
he
was
pleased
,
without
other
satisfaction
,
but
with
fruitlesse
promises
,
that
they
should
be
considered
.
Next
he
goes
on
and
sayes
,
that
on
the
Parliaments
revocation
of
their
Declarations
,
as
Traytors
,
or
otherwayes
for
assisting
of
us
,
we
will
with
cheerfullnesse
upon
the
same
day
,
recall
our
Proclamations
,
and
take
downe
our
Standart
;
but
note
then
,
it
necessarily
followes
,
that
it
could
not
be
erected
but
onely
against
the
Parliament
,
unlesse
his
meaning
was
to
erect
it
against
the
Man
in
the
Moon
;
but
here
you
have
the
kernell
of
that
nut
,
which
stuck
so
fast
in
the
Kings
stomack
;
and
was
it
not
a
very
fine
and
equall
proposition
,
to
put
the
innocent
and
the
nocent
into
the
ballance
,
the
just
with
the
unjust
,
and
either
to
make
War
,
or
free
so
many
and
hainous
Delinquents
that
resorted
unto
him
,
together
with
those
false
and
fugitive
Lords
and
Commons
,
trusted
by
their
Countreys
,
which
by
the
laws
of
the
Land
ought
not
to
have
departed
without
leave
of
the
Speaker
,
and
that
on
urgent
occasion
?
Bethink
your self
whether
this
Proposition
suited
either
with
Reason
,
Honour
,
Conscience
,
and
the
ancient
usage
and
Presidents
of
Parliaments
,
or
with
the
Kings
Justice
,
to
become
the
skreen
to
Delinquents
of
so
high
a
strain
:
but
to
the
close
of
this
Message
,
where
he
conjures
the
Parliament
againe
to
consider
the
bleeding
condition
of
Ireland
,
and
the
dangerous
condition
of
England
,
when
as
none
but
himself
was
guilty
of
that
Phlebotomy
,
and
he
alone
that
first
set
them
,
and
kept
them
a
bleeding
,
so
long
,
as
that
to
stanch
the
veyne
,
the
State
could
not
devise
a
better
cure
,
than
to
let
out
his
blood
,
which
had
let
out
so
much
throughout
;
the
three
Kingdomes
,
as
would
have
dyed
the
vast
Ocean
into
crimson
.
But
briefly
to
his
next
Message
of
the
11th
of
Sept.
1642.
where
all
the
world
may
see
where
the
Remora
lay
that
staid
him
from
comming
to
the
Parliament
,
untill
he
had
provided
for
the
indempnity
of
all
those
persons
,
&c.
which
he
sayes
were
accounted
Traytors
to
us
,
who
according
to
their
duty
,
their
Oaths
of
Allegiance
,
and
the
Law
,
have
appeared
in
defence
of
us
their
King
and
Liege
Lord
(
whom
we
are
bound
in
Conscience
and
Honor
to
preserve
.
)
So
that
it
here
appeares
plainly
,
that
no
other
obstacles
then
stood
in
the
way
of
his
returne
to
the
Parliament
,
but
the
absolute
Indempnity
of
all
that
had
appeared
in
his
defence
,
according
to
their
duty
,
oaths
,
&
Law
,
as
he
would
have
it
beleeved
;
his
pretended
fear
of
Tumults
are
not
here
in
question
,
neither
any
other
material
exception
,
but
the
indempnity
of
his
Partizans
,
a
goodly
Honour
and
Conscience
)
could
he
have
brought
so
great
a
party
with
Indempnity
into
London
and
to
the
Parliament
,
it
seems
then
he
doubted
not
but
to
make
his
party
good
with
,
or
without
fighting
,
and
what
betweene
their
owne
power
,
and
his
fraud
,
its
plain
that
he
thought
in
time
he
should
be
enabled
to
over-power
the
Parliament
,
and
to
carry
all
other
things
answerable
to
his
will
and
hearts
desire
;
but
by
what
law
could
those
fugitive
Members
depart
the
House
,
and
flye
to
him
?
and
by
what
Law
could
hee
protect
them
which
had
falsified
their
Trust
?
was
it
their
duty
to
run
to
him
at
a
call
,
who
before
against
his
duty
and
his
Oath
ran
from
the
Parliament
,
under
subterfuges
,
and
pretence
of
Tumults
,
and
upon
no
other
ground
,
but
by
his
absence
and
non-currence
(
as
he
was
made
to
beleeve
)
to
make
the
Parliament
no
more
than
a
cypher
and
that
then
they
neither
could
or
durst
act
in
a
doyt
without
him
?
but
having
by
this
time
seen
his
own
errour
,
and
that
the
Parliament
would
and
did
transact
without
him
,
and
that
in
want
of
his
concurrence
the
people
concurr'd
with
them
in
the
defence
of
the
publick
liberty
;
he
then
insists
on
no
other
scruple
than
Indempnity
for
all
his
party
;
and
here
we
come
to
a
pure
peece
of
Non-sense
,
where
he
sayes
,
No
other
reason
induced
us
to
leave
our
City
of
London
,
but
that
with
Honour
and
Safety
wee
could
not
stay
there
,
nor
to
raise
any
force
,
but
for
the
necessary
defence
of
our-person
,
and
the
Law
,
against
levies
in
opposition
to
both
:
As
to
his
leaving
of
the
City
,
and
the
Parliament
,
that
pretence
is
clearly
evinc't
,
by
his
own
former
overture
of
comming
to
them
on
condition
of
the
Parliaments
withdrawing
their
Proclamations
,
against
the
Delinquents
,
and
fugitive
Members
,
but
as
to
his
raising
of
force
for
the
necessary
defence
of
his
person
and
the
Law
,
both
the
reason
(
if
there
be
any
)
and
coherence
are
at
so
wide
and
wild
a
distance
,
as
that
I
beleeve
the
quaintest
of
his
Secretaryes
,
or
him
that
writ
it
,
on
a
review
of
the
Incongruity
,
would
be
ashamed
to
own
his
own
work
;
and
observe
it
for
a
knowne
truth
to
all
the
Kingdome
,
did
not
he
first
raise
a
party
of
Cavaliers
to
assault
the
House
,
to
beat
and
kill
the
poor
petitioning
people
,
before
ever
the
Parliament
had
so
much
as
a
thought
of
raising
one
man
,
when
himself
was
provided
with
300
desperat
Ruffians
,
fit
and
ready
to
attempt
any
bold
Assassination
?
and
what
one
man
before
himself
began
had
offended
him
,
that
he
of
necessity
must
raise
a
force
to
defend
his
person
and
the
Law
?
was
it
Law
,
when
as
at
London
he
found
himselfe
deceived
to
raise
a
strength
sufficient
to
quash
the
Parliament
,
and
against
the
Legislative
power
it self
,
but
he
must
run
into
the
North
,
and
round
about
half
of
his
Kingdom
to
do
it
,
and
missing
his
ayms
,
to
come
at
last
and
so
often
with
flam's
and
overtures
for
a
Treaty
,
which
he
never
really
meant
,
or
intended
,
otherwise
than
in
subtilty
&
his
wonted
fetches
to
decoy
the
Parliament
and
people
into
a
belief
of
his
deepe
sense
of
the
bleeding
condition
of
the
Kingdoms
,
of
which
no
Prince
Christian
could
be
more
carelesse
,
as
it
evidently
appears
by
all
his
actions
,
examined
in
the
right
sense
of
his
own
meaning
,
as
anon
shall
be
manifestly
demonstrated
out
of
his
own
refusall
of
the
Parliaments
petitions
?
As
to
the
Levyes
made
by
the
Parliament
in
opposition
to
him
and
the
Lawes
,
he
might
have
remembred
,
that
none
made
Levies
either
against
him
or
the
Law
,
more
than
his
own
lawlesse
Will
,
and
that
the
Parliament
made
no
sooner
Levies
than
it
became
them
,
to
oppose
his
Levies
,
raised
against
them
and
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
;
and
that
notwithstanding
all
those
specious
and
umbragious
Messages
sent
to
the
Parliament
for
Peace
and
Accommodation
,
tending
to
no
other
end
than
to
rocke
the
Parliament
asleep
,
and
by
his
then
frequent
placentias
to
lull
them
into
a
slack
and
negligent
remissnes
,
in
raising
defensive
arms
against
his
Forces
,
whilst
himself
by
protracting
of
time
,
might
attract
such
an
Army
as
would
inable
him
to
overpower
both
the
Parliament
,
and
whatsoever
Forces
were
(
as
he
sayes
)
then
in
their
march
against
him
,
which
he
had
no
sooner
drawn
together
,
but
out
of
his
confidence
to
have
beaten
the
Parliaments
Army
to
peeces
;
not
eight
dayes
before
Edgehill
fight
he
not
onely
utterly
refused
their
Petion
,
which
would
have
been
presented
to
him
by
the
mediation
of
the
Earl
of
Dorset
,
(
for
he
had
a
good
space
before
refused
all
accommodation
,
)
but
sent
Rupert
to
the
Commissary
Generall
(
who
was
to
deliver
it
)
to
tell
the
Earl
of
Essex
,
then
at
Worcester
,
that
he
would
not
receive
any
more
Petitions
from
him
or
any
of
the
Parliament
Rebels
of
them
all
:
A
known
truth
to
many
yet
living
,
and
some
of
them
sitting
at
present
in
Parliament
,
whereby
it
manifestly
appears
,
that
all
his
former
and
many
Missives
,
under
the
umbrage
of
Peace
,
were
mere
dalliances
,
both
to
mock
the
Parliament
,
and
to
cosen
the
people
into
a
belief
of
his
reality
and
good
meaning
,
when
he
meant
nothing
more
than
to
bob
the
Parliament
by
cunning
and
secret
fraud
,
untill
he
might
ruine
them
by
plaine
and
open
force
,
and
then
to
pursue
those
naturalized
appetites
,
and
arbitrary
designes
of
his
,
which
so
long
before
he
had
cherished
in
his
heart
,
which
neither
his
Honour
,
Reason
,
and
his
Conscience
,
(
whereof
so
often
he
talks
)
could
prevail
with
him
to
disgorge
,
untill
their
over-growth
inforced
him
to
an
untimely
vomit
.
'T
is
most
true
,
that
they
which
look
on
the
first
face
of
things
,
and
heed
only
the
outside
of
objects
,
without
an
intentive
eye
on
their
in-sides
,
are
easily
deceived
;
but
such
as
will
narrowly
looke
into
all
his
Expresses
,
compared
with
his
deeds
,
shall
doutlesse
soon
finde
,
that
this
unhappy
King
was
one
of
the
deepest
and
boldest
dissemblers
,
of
any
one
Prince
which
the
last
Century
hath
produced
;
and
I
am
prone
to
beleeve
,
that
he
took
too
much
of
the
patterne
of
Lews
th'
eleventh
of
France
,
who
was
wont
to
say
,
that
he
desired
to
leave
his
Sonne
no
other
Learning
,
than
Qui
nescit
dissimulare
,
nescit
regnare
,
he
that
knows
not
to
dissemble
,
knowes
not
how
to
play
the
King
;
and
it
hath
been
feared
,
and
by
those
which
wisht
him
well
,
that
he
was
too
much
verst
in
the
principles
of
Machiavill
,
having
in
his
life
time
practised
,
and
since
his
death
left
behind
him
so
many
eevidences
thereof
,
that
many
of
the
best
heads
have
been
induced
to
beleve
,
that
he
came
not
behind
any
of
the
ITALIAN
Polititians
of
this
age
.
But
to
take
all
these
his
three
Messages
together
,
considered
by
any
discreet
man
,
as
their
purport
tends
to
one
and
the
selfesame
end
,
and
the
time
when
they
were
sent
to
the
parliament
,
all
of
them
,
whilst
he
was
most
busie
and
sedulously
studious
,
how
and
where
to
raise
Forces
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
and
it
evidently
shews
,
that
his
intent
in
all
his
specious
overtures
of
peace
,
were
to
no
other
end
,
than
to
befool
the
People
and
Parliament
,
which
he
then
began
to
know
would
not
be
cosened
,
as
having
had
sufficient
experience
of
him
;
practise
indeed
he
might
(
as
he
failed
not
)
to
continue
to
delude
the
vulgar
beleef
,
and
to
keep
in
with
the
people
;
but
he
then
found
there
was
no
good
to
be
done
on
a
Court
of
Parliament
,
for
he
perceived
they
meant
not
further
to
trust
him
,
than
they
saw
him
;
and
to
have
yeelded
to
a
treaty
circumscribed
with
such
large
conditions
,
and
so
unequally
ballanced
,
as
so
admit
of
such
as
he
should
send
to
treat
with
them
,
out
of
Parliament
,
which
not
unlikely
would
have
been
of
those
that
had
both
deserted
the
Parliament
and
falsified
their
faith
,
which
to
have
indempnified
,
and
all
other
Delinquents
as
had
repaired
unto
his
assistance
,
(
otherwise
no
peace
with
him
)
what
effects
could
a
Treaty
produce
,
(
so
much
upbraided
(
by
his
party
)
on
the
Parliament
for
refusing
it
)
other
than
mockery
?
when
himself
knew
,
as
well
as
themselves
,
that
they
would
not
yeeld
unto
such
a
motion
,
neither
himself
goe
lesse
than
to
take
off
all
the
Delinquents
with
impunity
against
all
reason
,
law
,
and
the
antient
president
,
of
all
former
Parliaments
;
that
alone
being
the
greatest
breach
of
privilege
that
ever
was
offered
to
a
Court
of
Parliament
,
and
such
a
destructive
project
to
the
essence
and
being
of
Parliaments
,
as
in
the
future
took
away
all
power
and
privilege
from
them
,
and
necessarily
conferr'd
it
on
his
own
usurped
Prerogative
,
his
negative
claim
being
no
more
,
and
scarce
so
much
to
enable
him
to
doe
in
the
future
as
he
listed
,
when
as
every
vulgar
spirit
knowes
it
for
Law
,
that
the
King
cannot
,
neither
ever
durst
any
of
our
Kings
,
rescue
one
Prisoner
at
the
Bar
,
out
of
the
hands
of
Justice
,
in
any
of
the
inferiour
Courts
of
the
Kingdome
,
(
'T
is
true
,
that
Henry
of
Monmouth
being
a
rude
Prince
,
though
after
a
tollerable
King
,
came
openly
and
with
violence
to
the
Kings
Bench
in
Westminster
Hall
,
and
rescued
Poynes
his
Servant
,
arraigned
(
for
robbing
and
taking
away
the
Kings
Treasure
)
at
the
Bar
;
but
the
story
tells
us
,
that
the
Judges
laid
the
Prince
by
the
heels
for
his
pains
,
and
his
Father
the
King
thankt
them
for
it
.
)
much
lesse
then
that
this
King
should
presume
to
rescue
so
many
viperous
Delinquents
out
of
the
justice
of
the
great
Judicature
of
the
Nation
,
which
all
of
common
reading
know
have
acted
sundry
times
in
such
a
power
,
as
to
depose
severall
of
his
Ancestors
for
their
Tyrannies
,
and
hanged
many
of
their
chiefe
Instruments
:
Presidents
which
with
good
reason
he
might
have
more
timely
remembred
,
and
not
have
stood
with
his
Sword
in
his
hand
to
inforce
so
unjust
,
senslesse
and
unreasonable
a
Proposition
for
a
Treaty
.
Observations
on
the
Kings
Pourtracture
.
THe
Kings
Book
,
which
hath
flown
abroad
,
and
throughout
the
Kingdom
,
as
it
were
between
the
wings
of
Mercury
,
and
hath
so
much
taken
in
the
opinion
of
the
vulgar
beliefe
,
and
esteemed
to
be
such
an
impregnable
rampier
,
incirculating
his
innocency
,
that
it
hath
been
thought
not
assaultable
;
I
confesse
at
the
first
sight
thereof
it
took
for
a
while
,
as
his
protestations
formerly
had
done
,
in
many
apprehensions
;
but
on
a
second
consideration
of
the
title
(
The
Kings
Image
)
with
the
dresse
that
is
bestowed
upon
his
Effigies
in
a
posture
of
devotion
,
in
imitation
of
David
in
his
ejaculations
to
Heaven
,
surely
I
could
not
beleeve
that
such
a
peece
of
vanity
was
of
the
Kings
designment
,
but
the
meer
jugling
devise
of
some
hypocriticall
or
Mahometan
Impostor
,
the
better
to
stir
up
the
People
and
vaine
beholders
to
pitty
him
:
But
entring
into
the
Body
of
the
Book
,
and
considering
the
choyse
of
the
many
Subjects
whereof
it
treats
,
the
whole
contexture
whereof
hath
already
been
sufficiently
handled
without
mittens
by
a
Gentleman
of
such
abilities
as
gives
place
to
none
for
his
integrity
,
learning
and
judgment
;
yet
on
re-consideration
of
the
whole
(
amongst
others
of
his
Chapters
)
coming
to
that
of
(
listing
of
Armies
)
and
in
that
to
his
Interrogations
,
Whose
innocent
bloud
hath
he
shed
?
what
Widowes
or
Orphants
tears
can
witnesse
against
me
?
Doubtlesse
were
there
no
other
evidence
throughout
all
the
whole
book
(
as
God
knowes
every
page
yeelds
plenty
of
such
impudencies
)
those
two
Interrogatories
would
be
sufficient
to
prove
him
one
of
the
bloudiest
out-facers
of
truth
that
ever
was
known
in
the
world
.
Passing
by
his
own
acknowledgment
,
that
him-himselfe
first
began
the
late
Warre
,
and
consequently
guilty
of
all
the
innocent
blood
spilt
throughout
the
three
Kingdomes
,
it
would
not
be
amisse
to
retort
his
own
Interrogatories
,
and
to
aske
wether
there
be
any
one
Family
or
Kindred
throughout
three
Kingdoms
,
that
yeelds
not
a
Father
,
Mother
,
Brother
,
Sister
,
or
a
Kinsman
,
whose
tears
have
not
cryed
to
Heaven
for
the
infinity
of
blood
spilt
through
his
willfullnesse
,
or
for
the
wounds
,
or
losse
of
Limbs
of
so
many
throughout
the
Land
we
which
see
dayly
haulting
&
crutching
it
in
hospitalls
,
and
in
every
of
our
streets
;
and
hath
there
been
no
Widdowes
or
Orphans
tears
shed
?
or
no
complaints
made
to
himselfe
for
the
goods
taken
violently
from
them
,
and
fireing
of
numberlesse
habitations
by
his
own
mercilesse
Souldiers
,
Commissioned
by
himselfe
,
yea
commanded
to
be
put
in
execution
,
as
it
may
be
instanced
in
thousands
of
sad
examples
,
yea
by
poor
Widdowes
crying
and
kneeling
unto
him
for
the
rapines
committed
either
in
his
owne
sight
,
or
by
his
permission
,
when
they
received
no
other
answer
,
but
his
turning
about
from
their
lamentations
,
and
saying
that
he
did
it
not
,
when
it
lay
in
his
power
,
and
by
his
oath
and
duty
he
stood
bound
to
see
it
redrest
,
which
he
never
was
knowne
to
have
done
,
but
to
slight
whatsoever
complaints
were
addrest
unto
him
of
that
nature
?
And
was
he
ever
knowne
to
spare
either
friend
or
foe
,
where
money
was
to
be
had
to
prosecute
his
perfidious
and
bloody
designs
,
which
he
took
not
?
Amongst
thousands
of
presidents
of
this
nature
,
did
he
spare
Mr.
Ascham
,
a
knowne
Royalist
,
and
one
that
assisted
him
in
his
bloody
Wars
,
when
he
sent
Rupert
,
that
plundering
kinsman
of
his
,
to
rifle
the
Gentlemans
house
at
Layford
in
the
County
of
Berks
,
who
took
from
him
ten
thousand
pounds
at
once
in
ready
money
,
and
out
of
his
bounty
(
whereof
he
was
very
seldome
knowne
to
be
over
liberall
)
sent
back
the
tenths
thereof
as
a
divident
between
his
two
unmarried
daughters
,
and
that
also
on
great
sute
made
unto
him
,
and
the
tears
of
the
Gentlewomen
themselves
that
he
would
be
pleased
to
consider
their
distressed
condition
?
with
what
face
could
he
so
much
as
pretend
to
innocency
,
or
appeal
to
the
witnesse
of
any
Widowes
or
Orphans
tears
,
when
t
is
openly
knowne
,
that
he
never
spared
any
mans
blood
in
his
wrath
,
who
was
in
arms
against
him
,
otherwise
than
for
his
own
ends
,
and
safety
of
such
of
his
owne
side
as
the
Parliament
had
in
their
custody
?
when
he
had
granted
out
Commissions
of
Oyer
and
Determiner
to
his
chief
Iustice
Heath
and
others
to
hang
all
such
as
had
opposed
his
Tyranny
in
taking
the
Parliaments
part
,
untill
he
was
induced
to
retract
those
Commissions
in
regard
that
two
for
one
of
his
owne
might
happily
by
his
own
President
have
gone
to
the
Gallowes
?
and
doe
not
his
own
Letters
to
the
Queen
confirm
his
resolution
to
take
money
wheresoever
he
could
find
it
,
when
he
tells
her
that
his
only
want
was
mony
,
which
good
Swords
and
Pistolls
would
fetch
in
?
and
hath
not
the
practice
of
all
his
barbarous
Warres
verified
as
much
as
he
therein
sooths
up
himselfe
,
to
be
supplyed
either
by
hooke
or
crooke
?
If
no
innocent
blood
can
be
found
to
witnesse
against
him
,
let
the
ghosts
of
200000
poor
Innocent
souls
,
barbarously
butchered
in
Ireland
speake
;
if
no
Widowes
or
Orphans
tears
can
witnesse
against
him
,
let
the
dum
stones
of
those
demolished
palaces
of
Rasing
,
Ragland
,
Belvoyer
,
and
infinite
others
speak
,
where
those
formidable
garrisons
of
his
were
made
to
the
terror
and
damage
of
all
men
in
their
vicinity
,
and
whose
reducing
cost
so
much
innocent
blood
.
Neither
let
those
great
Lords
and
prime
Gentlemen
of
this
Kingdome
,
whose
Lands
and
totall
Inheritances
are
lately
voted
to
be
sold
,
in
reparation
of
the
publick
losses
,
and
in
defence
of
the
generall
interest
of
the
Common-wealth
(
changed
)
when
it
could
not
otherwise
subsist
,
but
by
rooting
up
his
tyrannous
monarchy
be
silent
;
And
if
no
other
tears
of
Widdowes
&
orphans
can
be
found
to
accuse
him
,
let
his
ambition
,
injustice
,
oppression
,
rapine
,
and
bloodshed
speak
,
let
that
vast
number
of
Gentlemen
which
have
made
their
compositions
(
for
syding
with
him
in
his
unjust
and
destructive
Warres
at
Goldsmiths
hall
,
speak
of
be
silent
,
whose
Wives
and
Children
,
live
in
want
,
and
happily
not
without
tears
enough
for
the
indigence
whereunto
they
are
reduced
through
his
only
means
.
Now
if
all
these
sad
instances
be
the
effects
and
Trophies
of
his
seventeene
years
reigne
,
which
he
boasts
that
the
people
enjoyed
in
such
measure
of
peace
,
justice
and
plenty
,
as
all
the
neighbour
Nations
have
either
admired
or
envied
;
and
if
this
his
Pourtracture
and
Image
be
that
monument
which
his
friends
,
since
his
death
,
or
rather
before
,
had
prepared
in
readinesse
,
and
stolen
the
pattern
from
Mecha
,
and
to
hang
it
in
that
his
ayrery
Mahometan
regality
,
supported
by
this
their
impostured
Loadstone
,
whereby
to
present
his
sacred
memory
,
in
his
Solitudes
,
to
posterity
,
surely
it
may
be
suspected
,
they
were
not
so
exactly
their
Crafts-masters
,
or
so
much
his
friends
as
foes
,
to
Saint
him
before
his
time
,
and
in
such
a
shrine
,
as
necessarily
must
render
him
to
future
times
(
infamous
)
an
imparralelld
dissembler
,
and
a
greater
deceiver
than
Mahomet
ever
was
,
and
of
the
number
of
those
of
whom
the
Prophet
David
makes
mention
,
which
speake
peace
to
their
Neighbours
,
when
mischief
was
in
their
hearts
,
(
as
all
the
*
world
knows
he
hath
too
often
practised
to
his
people
and
Parliaments
)
when
as
it
would
have
much
better
became
him
to
have
left
out
his
many
Pharasicall
justifications
,
and
to
have
remembred
,
that
he
which
covereth
his
sins
shall
not
prosper
,
but
who
so
confesseth
and
forsaketh
them
shall
have
mercy
;
this
had
been
the
better
way
to
have
invited
others
to
have
spoken
lesse
and
more
favourable
of
him
,
than
now
in
conscience
they
ought
,
having
such
an
artificiall
and
fac'd
peece
of
impudent
justifications
,
exposed
and
set
forth
purposely
to
deceive
the
poore
people
,
and
to
affront
truth
,
and
the
evident
managery
of
his
bloody
and
licentious
reigne
,
which
necessarily
to
the
Worlds
end
will
give
an
occasion
to
rippe
up
his
life
,
and
shew
to
the
present
and
after
ages
,
what
a
Tombe
these
jugling
imposters
have
erected
for
him
;
and
with
what
Epitaphes
of
impiety
,
injustice
,
blood
and
rapine
,
it
will
be
adorned
,
instead
of
that
glory
wherewith
they
intended
to
perpetuate
to
his
memory
;
though
sufficient
and
enough
hath
already
been
written
,
in
discovery
of
this
grand
Imposture
,
and
to
every
peece
and
parcell
thereof
so
much
answered
as
may
satisfie
all
men
in
their
right
witts
;
as
to
others
that
are
out
of
them
,
and
have
a
desire
to
be
cosened
out
of
their
understandings
,
I
think
an
Asian
beliefe
would
better
fit
them
than
an
European
Faith
,
a
gallymaufried
Alcoran
,
rather
than
a
true
and
rationall
Remonstrance
,
drest
with
no
other
Rethorick
than
the
naked
truth
;
and
shall
men
be
silent
when
they
see
it
overborne
with
the
multitudinous
denyalls
,
flams
,
and
falshoods
of
his
defeated
and
malitious
parties
?
Observations
on
the
Kings
going
into
the
Scotch
Army
.
THe
Kings
disguized
going
from
Oxford
into
the
Scotch
Army
then
at
Newark
,
as
it
was
one
of
his
last
shifts
,
so
was
it
a
very
shrewd
one
(
considered
as
he
had
laid
the
design
)
That
he
went
first
to
them
was
doubtlesse
more
out
of
an
apprehension
and
confidence
he
had
to
gain
them
to
his
assistance
,
than
out
of
any
great
good
will
he
bore
towards
them
,
but
sure
it
was
out
of
an
inveterate
hatred
he
bare
towards
the
Parliament
,
the
evidence
of
this
truth
manifestly
appears
by
the
Kings
Letter
to
Ormond
,
Number
27.
from
Oxford
,
April
the
3d.
1646.
I
shall
present
you
with
the
principall
part
thereof
,
at
your
own
leisure
you
may
peruse
the
whole
,
viz.
Having
lately
received
very
good
security
,
that
we
and
all
that
do
adhere
to
us
,
shall
be
safe
in
their
Persons
,
Honours
and
Consciences
in
the
Scotch
Army
,
and
that
they
shall
really
and
effectually
joyn
with
us
,
and
with
such
as
will
come
unto
us
,
and
joyn
with
them
,
for
our
preservation
,
and
shall
imploy
their
Army
and
Forces
to
assist
us
to
the
procuring
of
a
happy
and
well-grounded
Peace
for
the
good
of
us
and
our
Kingdoms
in
the
recovery
of
our
just
Right
,
we
have
resolved
to
put
our selves
to
the
hazard
of
passing
into
the
Scotch
Army
now
lying
before
Newarke
,
and
if
it
shall
please
God
that
we
come
safe
thither
,
we
are
resolved
to
use
our
best
endeavour
with
their
assistance
,
and
with
the
conjunction
of
the
Forces
under
the
Marquesse
of
Montrosse
,
and
such
of
our
well
affected
Subjects
of
England
as
shall
rise
for
us
,
to
procure
it
may
be
an
honourable
and
speedy
Peace
with
those
who
hither
to
refused
to
give
ear
to
any
means
tending
thereunto
;
of
which
our
resolution
,
we
hold
it
necessary
to
give
you
this
advertisement
,
as
well
to
satisfie
you
,
and
all
our
Councell
and
loyall
Subjects
with
you
,
and
to
whom
we
will
that
you
communicate
these
our
Letters
;
yet
failing
in
our
earnest
and
sincere
endeavours
by
a
Treaty
to
put
an
end
to
the
miseries
of
these
our
Kingdomes
,
we
esteemed
our self
obliged
,
to
leave
no
probable
expedient
unattempted
to
preserve
our
Crowne
and
Friends
from
the
Vsurpation
and
Tyranny
of
those
,
whose
actions
declare
so
manifestly
their
designs
to
overthrow
the
Laws
and
happy
established
Government
of
this
Kingdome
;
And
now
wee
have
made
known
to
you
our
resolution
,
we
recommend
to
your
speciall
care
the
disposing
and
managing
our
affairs
on
that
side
,
as
that
you
shall
conceive
most
for
our
Honour
and
Service
,
being
confident
the
course
we
have
taken
(
though
with
some
hazard
to
our
person
)
will
have
a
good
influence
on
that
our
Kingdome
,
and
defer
,
if
not
altogether
prevent
,
the
Rebels
transporting
of
Forces
from
them
into
that
Kingdom
;
And
we
desire
you
to
satisfie
all
our
well-affected
Subjects
on
that
side
,
of
our
Princely
care
of
them
,
whereof
they
shall
receive
the
effect
,
as
soon
as
God
shall
enable
us
.
Observations
.
We
have
here
a
most
quaine
piece
of
Machiavilisme
,
moulded
under
the
Kings
wonted
and
specious
pretences
of
the
care
he
had
for
the
good
of
his
Subjects
,
in
procuring
an
honourable
peace
,
and
for
recovery
of
his
just
Rights
from
those
(
as
he
sayes
)
which
hitherto
refused
to
give
way
to
any
means
tending
thereunto
:
But
observe
how
he
intended
to
accomplish
this
peace
,
and
to
put
an
end
to
the
miseries
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
you
shall
evidently
see
,
that
it
was
out
of
an
assurance
he
had
to
win
the
Scots
to
side
with
him
in
a
new
War
,
and
in
causing
them
to
break
their
Faith
plighted
to
the
Parliament
,
when
at
that
very
time
they
were
to
receive
300000
l.
towards
their
entertainment
;
this
being
but
a
piece
of
his
design
,
for
to
that
assistance
he
flattered
himself
to
receive
from
the
Scots
,
he
also
builds
on
that
mercilesse
Army
under
Montrosse
,
and
such
of
his
well-affected
Subjects
of
the
English
as
shall
rise
for
us
,
(
they
are
his
own
words
)
Speak
your
Conscience
,
was
not
this
a
fine
plot
think
you
,
to
procure
an
honourable
and
speedy
peace
,
when
his
ends
were
as
visible
as
the
Sun
shine
to
continue
the
Warre
,
and
to
pollute
the
Land
with
more
blood
under
his
wonted
umbragious
pretences
of
peace
,
and
(
as
he
says
)
to
recover
his
just
rights
?
and
what
were
those
rights
,
more
than
by
a
new
Stratagem
to
overmaster
all
under
his
power
?
or
at
least
to
enforce
such
a
peace
,
as
might
suite
to
his
own
desires
?
then
he
comes
to
say
that
he
hath
left
no
means
unattempted
,
and
I
beleeve
it
in
his
own
sence
,
and
that
was
in
the
conjunction
of
both
those
Armies
,
and
his
inviting
of
all
his
well-affected
Subjects
in
England
to
rise
for
us
;
and
in
pursuance
of
this
deep
plot
he
commands
Ormond
to
communicate
his
Letters
to
the
Councell
there
,
and
to
all
his
Well-affected
Subjects
of
Ireland
,
that
they
might
know
how
carefully
he
was
of
them
,
by
the
confidence
he
had
in
that
course
,
and
what
a
good
Influence
it
would
have
on
that
Kingdom
,
viz.
in
the
deferring
,
if
not
to
the
utter
disappointing
of
the
Rebels
transporting
of
supplyes
to
the
relief
of
the
distressed
poor
Protestants
of
Ireland
,
and
desites
that
all
his
Well-affected
Subjects
there
should
take
notice
of
his
Princely
care
of
them
,
whereof
they
should
receive
the
effects
so
soon
as
God
should
enable
him
;
a
very
Princely
care
indeed
if
you
mark
it
:
but
you
may
here
see
that
God
would
not
be
mockt
,
neither
enable
him
in
his
mischievous
projects
.
Speak
freely
,
whether
this
King
meant
well
,
or
acted
like
a
Christian
in
his
treacherous
endeavour
to
divert
in
what
possibly
he
could
devise
the
Parliaments
Forces
,
sent
for
the
assistance
of
their
poor
Brethren
of
Ireland
,
when
as
he
had
so
often
protested
,
and
born
the
Parliament
in
hand
how
desirous
and
carefull
he
was
to
expedite
their
supplyes
thither
,
and
by
an
Act
of
his
own
Assent
had
impowred
the
Parliament
therewith
,
which
here
againe
(
in
his
wonted
language
)
he
calls
Rebels
,
to
speed
their
recruits
against
those
which
he
then
stiles
his
Well-affected
Subjects
.
On
the
consideration
of
the
premisses
,
I
pray
tel
me
,
where
is
that
Sophister
to
be
found
,
that
can
handsomely
make
an
Apology
for
such
foul
dissimulations
?
If
you
cannot
finde
any
,
I
will
point
you
to
himselfe
,
as
you
may
see
it
in
his
Pourtraicture
,
Cap.
XXII
.
on
his
going
into
the
Scotch
Army
,
where
he
sayes
,
That
what
Providence
denyes
to
force
,
it
may
grant
to
prudence
;
necessity
is
now
my
chiefest
Counsellour
,
and
commands
me
to
study
my
safety
by
a
disguized
withdrawing
from
my
chiefest
strength
,
and
adventuring
on
their
Loyalty
which
first
began
my
troubles
.
Here
you
have
an
Apology
of
his
owne
,
though
surely
it
is
a
very
poore
one
;
where
first
I
pray
make
your
own
judgement
,
whether
the
Scots
began
his
troubles
,
or
he
theirs
?
if
you
doubt
on
't
,
Straffords
,
and
the
late
Arch
Bishops
Ghosts
will
witnesse
,
that
he
would
not
suffer
them
to
be
at
quiet
;
But
what
prudence
was
that
when
he
could
no
longer
stand
up
to
infest
three
Kingdomes
at
once
,
then
to
put
himself
on
the
precipice
of
necessity
,
and
for
his
safety
to
goe
into
the
Scotch
Army
?
and
why
not
first
into
his
Throne
in
the
Parliament
House
at
Westminster
?
from
whence
he
fled
,
as
from
a
Serpent
,
and
by
a
thousand
most
humble
Petitions
,
and
motions
,
was
invited
to
returne
with
welcome
,
untill
he
had
wilfully
and
most
perversly
made
himself
uncapable
of
acceptance
,
and
so
imbrued
himself
and
the
three
Kingdoms
with
the
loathsome
leprosie
of
Innocent
blood
,
that
with
Vzziah
he
had
made
himselfe
more
fit
for
a
Cloyster
,
than
a
Palace
.
I
pray
speake
your
owne
judgement
,
whether
this
his
prudence
was
any
other
than
an
indefatigable
pursuance
to
fulfill
his
own
will
,
in
re-involving
the
Kingdomes
in
a
more
direfull
War
,
than
he
had
done
before
?
and
could
Providence
doe
lesse
than
to
deny
him
safety
?
when
all
his
studies
were
devoted
to
find
out
any
means
to
disturbe
the
Kingdomes
peace
and
safety
,
and
to
destroy
Parliaments
,
whereby
to
make
himself
an
absolute
Monarch
,
and
of
a
King
of
Gentlemen
and
Freemen
,
to
become
a
Tyrant
over
so
many
inanimated
Slaves
;
you
may
without
injustiee
avouch
it
,
that
none
of
his
courses
were
like
to
thrive
,
when
they
were
continually
known
to
be
accompanied
with
a
spirit
of
errour
,
and
that
the
effects
and
ends
of
studying
his
own
safety
chiefly
consisted
in
malice
,
and
laying
of
new
snares
to
catch
others
in
,
in
which
Providence
thought
it
most
fit
,
that
himselfe
should
first
be
taken
.
Observations
on
the
Irish
Rebellion
.
IT
is
without
all
question
,
that
the
King
was
more
indulgent
towards
the
Irish
blood-thirsty
Rebells
,
than
suited
with
his
publick
professions
and
often
protestations
;
I
shall
not
say
so
much
in
projecting
that
horrible
Massacre
of
the
English
there
,
as
in
protecting
those
Rebels
after
the
fact
was
committed
,
having
(
to
use
his
own
expression
)
such
visible
designs
and
ends
of
his
owne
,
as
from
the
very
beginning
of
the
War
,
and
before
,
to
make
use
of
their
service
against
the
English
and
their
Representative
,
as
that
in
any
impartiall
eye
could
neither
look
handsome
or
suitable
to
the
Religion
he
professed
.
To
treat
of
the
originall
ground
of
this
rising
,
or
to
point
out
the
Author
and
the
authority
by
which
those
vile
Caytiffes
enterprised
on
so
barbarous
an
act
,
is
more
than
I
shall
heere
deliver
,
for
this
is
as
yet
a
hidden
peece
of
villany
,
although
this
I
can
affirm
from
the
mouth
of
a
Gentleman
well
borne
,
though
I
dare
not
say
of
any
great
credit
,
that
before
the
Kings
going
into
SCOTLAND
,
and
before
the
flight
of
the
Lord
Iermin
,
he
being
then
a
kind
of
an
attendant
on
the
Queen
,
and
having
many
times
admission
into
Master
Iermins
Chambers
,
averres
,
that
he
saw
nine
severall
Commissions
sealed
in
Master
Iermins
lodging
,
for
so
many
Regiments
to
be
commanded
by
the
like
number
of
Colonels
in
Ireland
,
whereof
one
was
to
Colonel
Plunket
,
but
with
what
seals
the
Gentleman
hath
not
declared
,
neither
do
I
believe
that
he
was
able
to
distinguish
between
the
Broad
and
the
Privy
seale
:
But
this
is
most
manifestly
knowne
,
that
the
Rebels
for
a
long
time
,
and
at
the
very
beginning
of
their
rising
styled
themselves
the
King
and
Queens
Army
,
and
that
they
had
good
authority
for
doing
that
which
they
had
done
;
and
this
is
most
perspicuous
,
that
the
King
himselfe
was
ashamed
to
be
seen
or
to
own
his
owne
worke
,
and
with
what
instructions
and
Commissions
he
had
impowred
the
Marquesse
of
Ormand
,
as
in
his
own
private
Letter
to
him
evidently
appears
,
Number
22.
December
13.
1644.
from
Oxford
,
viz.
I
hope
my
publick
dispatch
will
give
you
sufficient
instructions
and
power
,
yet
I
have
thought
it
necessary
,
for
your
more
incouragement
in
this
necessary
worke
,
to
make
this
addition
with
my
own
hand
;
as
for
Poynings
act
,
I
referre
you
to
my
other
Letters
,
and
for
matter
of
Religion
,
though
I
have
not
found
it
fit
to
take
publick
notice
of
the
paper
which
Browne
gave
you
,
yet
I
must
command
you
to
give
him
,
my
Lord
Muskery
,
and
Plunket
particular
thanks
for
it
,
assuring
them
that
without
it
there
could
be
no
peace
,
and
that
sticking
to
it
,
their
Nation
in
generall
,
and
they
in
particular
,
should
have
comfort
in
what
they
have
done
,
and
to
shew
that
this
is
more
than
words
,
I
do
promise
them
,
and
command
you
to
see
it
done
,
that
the
Penal
Statutes
against
Roman
Catholicks
shall
not
be
put
in
execution
,
the
Peace
being
made
,
and
they
remaining
in
their
due
obedience
;
and
further
,
when
the
Irish
gives
me
that
assistance
which
they
have
promised
,
for
the
suppression
of
this
Rebellion
,
and
I
shall
be
restored
to
my
rights
,
then
I
will
consent
to
the
repeat
of
them
by
Law
,
but
all
those
of
Appeals
〈◊〉
Rome
and
Premunire
must
stand
;
all
this
in
Cipher
you
must
impart
to
none
,
but
to
those
three
already
named
,
and
that
with
injunction
of
strict
secrecy
;
so
〈◊〉
recommending
to
your
care
the
speedy
dispatch
of
the
Peace
of
Ireland
,
and
my
necessary
supply
from
thence
,
as
I
wrote
to
you
in
my
last
Letter
,
I
rest
.
Observations
.
Wee
have
here
in
the
first
place
,
a
manifestation
of
the
Kings
close
and
serpentine
windings
,
in
the
next
his
injunction
of
strict
secrecy
to
Ormond
,
that
that
which
he
had
written
in
Cipher
,
should
not
be
imparted
to
any
,
but
Muskery
,
Browne
,
and
Plunket
,
three
of
the
most
desperate
Rebels
in
that
Kingdom
,
which
cannot
possibly
stand
with
the
Kings
innocency
,
neither
with
the
breach
of
his
faith
with
the
Parliament
and
people
,
or
with
God
in
point
of
his
protestations
to
maintain
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
where
it
is
evident
,
that
he
plaid
fast
and
loose
on
all
hands
as
best
suited
with
his
necessary
affairs
and
worke
,
(
as
he
calles
it
)
all
his
ends
tending
to
this
only
center
,
to
gaine
the
Irish
Rebels
to
his
assistance
against
the
Parliament
at
any
rate
,
though
to
the
prophanation
of
Religion
,
and
his
breach
of
faith
with
God
and
man
,
as
instantly
you
may
see
fearfully
protested
,
at
the
receiving
the
Sacrament
at
Christ-Church
in
Oxford
1643.
at
the
hands
of
the
Bishop
of
Armagh
,
where
,
immediately
before
his
communicating
,
(
he
beckoning
to
the
Bishop
for
a
short
forbearance
)
used
these
following
expressions
,
viz.
My
Lord
,
I
espie
here
many
resolved
Protestants
,
who
may
declare
to
the
world
the
resolution
I
do
now
make
;
I
have
to
the
uttermost
of
my
power
prepared
my
Soule
to
become
a
worthy
receiver
,
and
may
I
so
receive
comfort
by
the
blessed
Sacrament
,
as
I
do
intend
the
establishment
of
the
true
reformed
Religion
,
as
it
stood
in
its
beauty
in
the
happy
dayes
of
Queen
Elizabeth
,
without
any
connivance
at
Popery
;
I
blesse
God
,
that
in
the
midst
of
these
publique
distractions
,
I
have
still
liberty
to
communicate
,
and
may
this
Sacrament
be
my
damnation
if
my
heart
joyne
not
with
my
lips
in
this
Protestation
.
Observation
.
Having
seriously
considered
this
strange
Protestation
of
the
Kings
,
on
the
taking
of
the
Sacrament
,
with
the
imprecation
of
his
damnation
,
if
his
heart
joyned
not
with
his
lips
,
as
I
compared
it
with
his
letter
after
to
Ormond
,
together
with
his
many
other
Protestations
I
professe
in
the
faith
of
a
Christian
,
I
stood
amazed
what
to
think
of
him
,
and
his
Religion
;
considered
againe
,
as
it
was
taken
before
a
publick
audience
,
and
yet
the
very
next
yeare
after
,
he
makes
no
scruple
or
conscience
to
promise
to
Ormond
the
repeal
of
all
laws
against
Irish
Papists
;
and
likewise
in
his
Letter
to
the
Queen
of
the
9th
.
of
March
1645.
he
gives
way
to
her
to
promise
in
his
name
,
the
taking
away
of
all
penall
Laws
against
the
English
Papists
,
so
that
they
shall
inable
him
to
doe
it
;
where
it
seemes
he
makes
no
manner
of
account
of
a
Parliament
,
without
which
,
as
already
is
said
,
never
any
King
of
England
either
made
or
repealed
any
one
Law
,
surely
t
is
heer
very
plaine
,
that
he
understood
not
the
extent
of
his
own
power
,
neither
the
nature
of
the
English
Soveraignty
,
or
that
he
was
disposed
not
to
know
it
,
but
to
rule
without
Parliaments
,
provided
,
that
by
the
assistance
of
Papists
he
might
be
impowred
to
do
it
,
and
then
that
his
will
should
be
a
Law
to
the
people
;
just
Tyrant
like
,
stat
pro
ratione
voluntas
;
but
take
the
rest
of
his
Letter
to
Ormond
into
your
more
mature
consideration
,
and
then
happily
it
will
astonish
you
,
where
he
hastens
him
to
clap
up
the
Peace
with
the
Rebels
,
which
so
soon
as
it
shall
be
accomplished
(
he
vowes
haec
verba
,
in
his
Letter
to
him
Number
23
January
7.
1644.
)
All
the
earth
shall
not
make
me
breake
it
;
but
not
doubting
of
a
peace
,
I
must
againe
remember
you
to
presse
the
Irish
for
their
speedy
assistance
to
me
here
,
and
their
friends
in
Scotland
,
my
intention
being
to
draw
from
thence
into
Wales
(
the
peace
once
concluded
)
as
many
as
I
can
of
my
armed
Protestant
subjects
;
and
I
desire
the
Irish
would
send
as
great
a
body
as
they
can
to
land
about
CVMBERLAND
.
Observation
.
Here
againe
we
have
a
sufficient
proof
of
this
most
unfortunate
Princes
inflexibility
,
his
resolutions
once
fixt
,
there
were
no
hopes
of
their
alteration
(
they
are
his
owne
words
)
all
the
earth
shal
not
make
me
break
it
,
though
such
resolutions
breake
him
in
pieces
,
and
sure
we
are
many
thousands
of
his
poor
innocent
Subjects
through
this
only
fault
of
his
obstinacy
.
T
is
an
infallible
truth
,
that
the
wilfull
man
never
wants
woe
,
but
when
one
mans
perverse
will
shall
be
the
cause
of
the
destruction
of
multitudes
,
that
's
a
fearfull
judgement
and
a
remedilesse
calamity
.
We
have
allso
in
this
Letter
an
evident
testimony
,
what
an
inveterat
hatred
he
bare
towards
the
English
Nation
,
and
those
Scots
which
took
their
parts
,
which
he
hated
beyond
belief
,
and
all
others
which
never
so
little
fell
a
thwart
his
inclinations
,
where
I
shall
crave
your
favour
to
tell
all
of
you
that
sided
with
him
,
(
haply
more
for
your
own
ends
than
out
of
conscience
)
for
it
is
most
certaine
,
that
he
made
no
other
accompt
of
you
,
but
to
satisfie
his
own
lust
,
in
your
destruction
,
whatsoever
he
pretended
,
and
to
prove
this
,
I
will
tell
you
a
true
story
,
and
it
is
this
;
On
the
death
of
the
late
Earle
of
Northampton
,
whose
Commands
in
one
of
his
Forrests
he
presently
gave
away
,
of
which
Endimion
Porter
understanding
,
prest
him
that
the
young
Earle
his
sonne
,
whose
father
was
then
newly
slaine
in
his
service
,
was
fit
to
have
that
conferred
on
him
than
on
any
other
,
on
which
check
of
Porters
he
replyed
,
and
hath
the
Earle
done
more
than
became
him
,
to
dye
for
his
King
?
This
is
no
fable
,
but
a
knowne
truth
,
whereby
you
may
guesse
how
he
esteemed
of
you
all
,
as
if
his
Subjects
were
a
sort
of
Sheep
ordained
to
the
slaughter
,
for
the
obtaining
of
his
lustful
pleasure
,
and
not
him
,
as
the
Shephard
ordained
to
preserve
them
as
that
flock
committed
to
his
care
and
charge
from
God
himselfe
;
you
may
instantly
find
this
very
story
verified
and
set
out
unto
the
life
in
his
former
Letter
,
in
which
with
what
earnestnesse
he
presses
ORMOND
,
to
hasten
over
the
Irish
to
his
assistance
,
yea
to
bring
over
as
many
of
his
armed
Protestants
to
land
in
Wales
,
as
might
inable
him
to
over-power
both
nations
to
his
absolute
domination
and
revenge
.
A
most
brutish
resolution
,
and
of
purpose
to
reset
all
his
Kingdoms
on
a
light
fier
,
in
setting
of
Protestants
against
Protestants
,
and
Papists
against
both
;
you
may
further
observe
,
how
his
displeasure
grew
to
be
so
implacable
against
the
Scots
his
native
Subjects
,
and
to
lay
his
designe
to
destroy
them
together
with
his
English
Subjects
,
and
the
reason
of
this
you
may
perfectly
see
,
in
his
Letter
to
Ormond
,
Number
25.
Feb.
25.
1647.
viz.
I
do
therefore
command
you
to
conclude
a
Peace
with
the
Irish
whatsoever
it
cost
,
so
that
my
Protestant
Subjects
there
may
be
secured
,
and
my
regall
Authority
preserved
;
but
for
all
this
you
are
to
make
the
best
bargaine
you
can
,
and
not
discover
your
enlargement
of
power
,
till
you
needs
must
,
and
although
I
leave
the
Managing
of
this
great
and
necessary
work
,
intirely
to
you
,
yet
I
cannot
but
tell
you
,
that
if
the
suspension
of
Poynings
act
,
for
such
bils
as
shal
be
agreed
upon
there
,
and
the
present
taking
away
of
the
penall
Lawes
against
Papists
by
a
Law
,
will
do
it
,
I
shall
not
think
it
a
hard
bargaine
,
so
that
freely
and
vigorously
they
ingage
themselves
in
my
assistance
,
against
my
Rebells
of
England
and
Scotland
;
for
which
no
condition
can
be
to
hard
,
not
being
against
Conscience
and
Honour
.
Observation
.
You
may
first
observe
in
this
Letter
the
large
extent
of
the
Kings
Conscience
and
Honour
,
in
the
next
place
his
seeming
care
for
the
preservation
of
his
Protestant
Subjects
in
Ireland
,
with
a
purpose
rather
to
make
use
of
them
against
their
Brethren
of
England
,
than
to
leave
them
in
Ireland
for
their
own
defence
,
where
their
service
was
much
more
necessary
,
than
to
be
imployed
in
the
slaughtering
of
the
English
,
with
the
hazard
of
their
own
lives
,
and
for
no
other
end
,
but
to
advance
their
own
prodigious
,
and
bloody
designs
;
for
observe
it
in
the
former
Letter
,
he
manifestly
declares
his
resolution
,
to
call
them
over
to
his
assistance
,
and
heere
he
tells
it
,
that
as
to
the
Irish
,
if
the
taking
away
of
Poynings
act
,
and
the
penall
Statutes
against
Papists
by
a
Law
will
do
it
,
he
shall
not
thinke
it
a
hard
bargaine
,
provided
they
freely
and
vigorously
engage
against
his
English
and
Scotish
Rebels
,
for
which
no
conditions
can
be
too
hard
,
not
being
against
Conscience
and
Honour
;
here
you
may
safely
aver
is
one
of
the
strangest
Consciences
,
and
an
Honour
so
illimitable
,
as
that
I
am
confident
,
the
subtillest
Logitian
in
his
Oxford
Garrison
,
would
be
driven
to
his
ne
plus
ultra
,
to
give
either
of
them
a
right
definition
,
that
close
of
not
being
against
Conscience
or
Honour
(
considered
with
his
former
commands
to
Ormond
)
without
doubt
is
one
of
the
finest
peeces
of
Non-sense
that
ever
I
have
seen
;
and
surely
had
I
been
in
the
Marquesses
place
,
that
very
restriction
in
the
close
,
would
have
made
me
to
forbear
the
putting
in
execution
of
any
of
his
commands
,
for
there
was
not
a
syllable
of
them
all
,
but
in
due
construction
was
,
or
ought
to
have
been
against
his
Conscience
and
Honour
;
sure
it
was
point
blank
opposite
to
his
many
Protestations
,
and
that
fearfull
imprecation
of
his
Damnation
on
his
receiving
the
Sacrament
at
Christ-Church
;
and
doubtlesse
in
my
understanding
(
all
parts
of
this
Letter
considered
)
the
very
last
clause
of
not
being
against
Conscience
or
Honour
,
would
have
been
sufficient
warrant
for
me
,
to
have
sate
still
and
done
nothing
towards
the
concluding
of
so
Irreligious
and
dishonourable
a
Peace
;
But
I
beseech
you
look
upon
the
Kings
ends
,
and
you
shall
find
them
to
be
no
other
,
than
in
a
brutish
manner
to
set
all
his
Subjects
together
by
the
ears
,
to
kill
and
make
havock
of
one
anothea
,
English
against
English
,
Scots
againt
Scots
,
and
Irish
against
both
,
so
that
he
might
thereby
accomplish
his
own
pernitious
designes
;
And
in
the
mean
time
to
make
no
manner
of
scruple
or
Conscience
of
spilling
of
Innocent
bloud
,
&
without
the
least
remorse
of
that
horrible
Massacree
of
200000
of
the
English
Nation
,
butchered
by
those
barbarous
Villains
for
whom
he
was
so
solicitous
,
to
defend
them
,
and
to
procure
a
happy
peace
for
them
whatsoever
it
cost
;
and
with
so
many
wiles
and
fetches
he
had
so
often
endeavoured
to
engage
them
to
joyne
with
Ormond
against
Inchiquine
and
the
Scots
,
as
that
you
may
evidently
see
in
the
Postscript
of
his
Letters
to
him
,
number
24.
1644.
from
Oxford
,
as
also
in
his
Commissions
to
Montrosse
,
first
to
ruine
the
Scots
,
and
after
to
come
for
his
assistance
into
England
.
Now
that
you
may
further
understand
what
Conscience
he
made
of
bloodshed
,
and
what
care
he
had
to
preserve
his
Subjects
in
Peace
and
Prosperity
,
I
shall
tell
you
another
story
from
the
mouth
of
one
of
his
principall
Commanders
(
Gerrard
by
name
)
who
upon
the
rendition
of
his
Oxford
Garrison
came
to
London
,
and
made
his
addresses
to
Sir
John
Merricke
at
Essex
house
,
desiring
him
that
he
might
have
the
Honour
to
kisse
my
Lord
of
Essex
his
hands
,
Sir
John
told
him
,
That
he
had
not
behaved
himself
worthy
of
the
name
and
honour
of
a
Soldier
,
to
be
admitted
to
such
a
favour
,
having
barbarously
burnt
his
Lordships
house
at
Lamphey
,
together
with
most
of
the
Gentlemens
houses
of
the
County
of
Pembroke
,
and
destroyed
the
whole
Country
even
to
desolation
;
Gerrard
replies
in
his
usuall
Oath
,
God
damme
me
Uncle
,
if
I
did
more
than
the
King
from
Cardiffe
by
two
severall
Letters
strictly
commanded
me
to
doe
;
and
then
to
march
to
him
with
all
my
Army
,
for
which
I
have
his
Majesties
owne
Letters
for
my
Warrant
.
Here
is
an
excellent
Conscience
,
and
care
,
in
a
King
bound
by
his
Oath
to
preserve
his
Subjects
from
violence
,
and
yet
commanding
to
destroy
them
with
fire
and
rapine
.
Sir
,
in
a
few
words
more
,
would
you
be
pleased
,
on
an
exact
perusall
of
all
this
most
unhappy
Kings
Declarations
and
transactions
,
considered
as
you
shall
alwayes
finde
them
,
sweetned
and
gilded
over
with
the
plausible
pretences
,
and
specious
professions
of
his
love
and
care
towards
all
his
Subjects
(
when
he
meant
nothing
lesse
)
and
many
of
them
confirmed
with
Imprecations
;
I
say
compare
them
diligently
with
his
actions
,
and
the
Letters
of
his
own
hand
writing
(
which
of
other
evidences
are
the
best
keyes
to
unlock
the
secrets
of
mans
heart
)
not
leaving
out
that
Posthumus
Imposture
of
his
Pourtraicture
,
and
I
am
confident
that
the
contrariety
,
dissimulation
,
hypocrisie
,
and
juglings
you
shall
every
where
finde
in
them
,
interwoven
with
a
Pharisaicall
justifying
of
himself
,
and
defending
all
his
actions
,
will
astonish
you
,
as
they
have
done
me
;
For
in
all
the
late
horrid
War
and
bloudshed
,
throughout
the
three
Kingdomes
,
you
shall
find
it
for
an
infallible
truth
,
that
he
who
spake
and
insisted
so
much
on
his
Honour
and
Coscience
for
many
years
together
,
never
made
any
Conscience
,
or
was
truely
sensible
of
all
the
blood
spilt
either
in
his
own
behalf
,
or
against
him
,
more
than
of
one
wicked
*
Mans
,
though
condemned
by
Law
,
and
the
just
judgement
of
a
Court
of
Parliament
,
and
this
man
also
acknowledged
by
himself
to
be
uttterly
unworthy
to
bear
any
publick
office
in
the
Common-wealth
,
and
untill
God
in
his
Iustice
turnd
the
power
of
his
Sword
to
nothing
,
then
indeed
,
and
as
I
may
judge
(
really
)
he
ever
now
and
anon
deplores
the
sad
condition
of
his
Kingdomes
,
but
never
sincerely
(
as
I
am
bound
to
beleeve
)
till
he
had
don
his
worst
,
and
all
that
possibly
he
could
invent
to
ruine
the
Parliament
,
and
to
destroy
all
those
that
stood
up
in
their
defence
;
And
towards
his
last
,
his
principall
labour
tended
to
little
more
than
in
pittying
of
himselfe
,
and
complaining
of
the
hard
measure
offered
him
during
his
restraint
,
that
he
was
not
admitted
to
a
Personall
Treaty
with
the
Parliament
for
the
procuring
(
as
he
would
have
it
beleeved
)
of
a
happy
peace
,
when
in
all
his
Treatyes
and
specious
overtures
from
the
first
to
the
last
,
his
hand
was
well
known
to
be
in
one
plot
or
other
how
to
get
himselfe
out
of
that
toyle
and
Labyrinth
wherein
he
had
wilfully
intangled
himselfe
and
the
Kingdomes
,
being
still
one
and
the
self
same
man
,
justifying
himself
,
and
standing
on
his
own
innocency
with
the
Pharisee
,
but
little
of
the
Publican
,
God
be
mercifull
to
me
a
sinner
;
still
in
his
wonted
inflexibility
to
the
last
,
utterly
refusing
to
signe
(
onely
)
Four
Bils
for
the
publick
security
;
continuing
his
usuall
pretences
that
they
were
against
his
Conscience
and
Honour
;
When
as
all
the
Kingdome
long
since
knew
him
to
be
preingaged
to
the
Queen
,
and
that
by
one
word
of
her
mouth
,
both
his
Honour
and
Conscience
would
easily
have
been
dispenc'd
withall
:
This
I
may
truly
and
further
affirm
for
a
piece
of
a
miracle
,
that
somewhat
before
Gods
just
judgements
overtook
him
(
though
not
without
a
long
conflict
)
he
acknowledged
himself
guilty
of
all
the
War
,
and
not
without
intreaties
to
a
noble
Person
,
on
the
first
motion
for
a
Treaty
in
the
I
sle
of
Wight
,
That
the
Parliament
would
forbear
to
charge
all
the
guilt
of
the
blood
spilt
throughout
the
Kingdomes
on
his
only
score
,
and
on
that
condition
he
should
not
be
so
uncivill
,
as
to
impute
the
least
guilt
thereof
on
them
;
they
were
his
own
words
,
for
that
was
a
feare
which
much
troubled
him
would
be
charged
upon
him
,
and
well
he
might
fear
it
,
when
his
own
Conscience
was
a
witnesse
against
him
;
but
in
the
mean
time
,
suffer
me
to
ask
you
,
how
shall
Almighty
God
be
satisfied
for
so
much
bloud
causlesly
and
willfully
spilt
throughout
three
Kingdoms
,
whose
wrath
cannot
be
appeased
,
neither
the
Land
be
cleansed
,
untill
expiation
be
made
for
the
bloud
of
one
man
,
by
the
shedding
of
his
blood
which
was
the
murtherer
?
surely
then
we
cannot
determine
,
what
accompt
Almighty
God
will
yet
require
at
their
hands
which
have
been
principall
actors
with
the
King
in
this
bloody
tragedy
(
though
some
of
them
,
as
he
hath
done
,
have
paid
their
debts
to
Nature
,
and
not
a
few
by
way
of
Composition
)
yet
they
also
have
just
cause
to
fear
that
there
is
an
accompt
not
yet
cleared
,
which
will
be
call'd
upon
:
This
I
shall
adde
by
the
way
of
Question
,
how
and
by
what
Fate
this
most
unfortunate
Prince
came
to
be
so
overpowred
with
the
Inchantments
of
a
Woman
,
betwixt
whom
and
himselfe
,
it
is
well
known
,
a
good
space
after
their
Inter-marriage
,
there
were
many
jarres
,
and
continued
fallings
out
,
and
yet
at
last
she
alone
to
become
his
Oracle
for
the
leading
on
of
all
his
designes
;
In
so
much
as
he
durst
not
offend
her
in
the
least
punctilio
,
or
to
transact
any
thing
of
never
so
little
moment
without
her
good
liking
,
and
approbation
,
and
so
much
to
dote
on
her
,
as
not
to
permit
the
Prince
to
stir
a
foot
,
or
to
undertake
anything
,
but
by
her
only
direction
,
such
an
absolute
power
and
command
had
this
Queene
gained
over
him
and
his
affections
;
we
may
put
the
Quaerie
farther
,
why
otherwise
than
by
her
Counsell
,
he
first
took
away
the
Prince
from
his
Guardians
,
and
not
long
after
the
Duke
of
Yorke
,
and
to
send
them
beyond
Sea
,
unlesse
it
were
out
of
an
apprehension
,
that
in
imitation
of
former
Presidents
,
this
Parliament
might
Crowne
the
one
or
the
other
Brother
,
instead
of
the
Father
,
who
had
been
so
disastrous
to
the
Nation
,
as
divers
old
presidents
of
the
like
nature
might
probably
induce
him
to
suspect
out
of
his
own
guiltinesse
of
his
misgovernment
?
as
for
instance
the
dethroning
of
Edw.
the
second
by
the
Parliament
for
his
misgovernment
and
bloody
reigne
,
and
the
advancing
(
in
his
life
time
)
of
his
Son
Edward
the
third
,
as
also
the
deposing
of
Richard
the
second
for
his
Tyranny
,
and
the
Parliaments
setting
up
of
Rullingbrooke
,
his
Cosen
German
in
his
room
;
Presidents
which
doubtlesse
hee
deeply
apprehended
and
feared
,
which
to
prevent
't
is
most
probable
he
sent
them
out
of
the
Kingdome
,
though
to
his
own
,
and
the
utter
undoing
of
those
Innocent
Princes
,
which
he
had
so
far
engaged
in
his
bloody
quarrell
,
that
they
became
dyed
in
the
same
colour
with
their
willfull
Father
.
I
shall
now
present
you
with
a
proof
of
the
former
assertion
out
of
the
Kings
own
Letter
to
the
Prince
from
Newcastle
Number
28.
1646.
viz.
Charls
,
This
is
rather
to
tell
you
where
I
am
in
health
,
than
at
this
time
to
direct
you
in
any
thing
,
I
having
so
fully
wrote
to
your
Mother
what
I
would
have
you
to
doe
,
whom
I
command
you
to
obey
in
every
thing
,
except
Religion
,
concerning
which
,
I
am
confident
she
will
not
trouble
you
;
and
see
you
goes
not
any
whither
,
without
hers
or
my
particular
directions
.
Observation
.
Here
you
may
evidently
see
,
by
what
Star
not
only
himself
and
all
his
affairs
were
guided
,
but
that
his
Sonne
must
be
tied
up
,
not
to
do
any
thing
,
or
move
,
but
by
his
Mothers
or
his
owne
particular
directions
;
a
very
strange
obligation
laid
on
a
Sonne
,
to
be
bound
to
such
an
absolute
obedience
,
as
necessarily
conduced
to
his
utter
undoing
,
when
as
no
man
knowes
whether
a
Wife
and
a
Mother
,
which
had
such
a
latitude
of
power
over
the
Father
and
the
Sonne
,
would
not
be
tampering
with
a
Prince
(
even
in
the
point
of
Religion
)
of
so
tender
years
as
rendred
him
fit
for
any
impression
,
and
to
be
indoctrinated
with
such
principles
as
well
concerning
Religion
,
as
others
best
suitable
to
her
own
designes
.
But
I
beseeeh
you
judge
of
the
following
texts
,
and
tell
me
whether
they
suite
not
with
this
most
unhappy
Kings
disposition
,
&
the
wayes
whereinto
the
inflexibility
of
his
nature
lead
him
to
perseverance
,
in
pursuance
of
his
own
destruction
.
He
that
speaks
unrighteous
things
cannot
be
hid
,
neither
shall
vengeance
when
it
is
punished
passe
by
him
:
For
inquisition
shall
be
made
into
the
Counsells
of
the
ungodly
,
and
the
sound
of
his
words
shall
come
unto
the
Lord
for
the
manifestation
of
his
wicked
deede
.
Wisd.
1.
8.
9.
A
Sinfull
man
will
not
be
reproved
,
but
sendeth
an
exeuse
according
to
his
will
:
A
man
of
Counsell
will
be
considerate
,
but
a
strange
and
a
proud
man
it
not
daunted
with
fear
,
even
when
of
himselfe
he
hath
done
without
Counsell
.
Eccles.
32.
17.
18.
But
I
have
now
little
more
to
addresse
unto
you
,
yet
more
than
I
would
,
had
not
your
provocations
amounting
to
a
plaine
challenge
invited
me
to
answer
your
many
virulent
complaints
,
wherein
I
have
inserted
very
little
more
than
what
you
may
find
expresly
laid
downe
either
in
the
Kings
owne
Letters
or
Declarations
,
and
with
no
other
comments
(
as
to
the
Observations
)
but
such
as
necessarily
arise
out
of
the
expressee
themselves
;
neither
to
any
other
ends
,
(
as
to
the
first
part
of
my
Reply
,
but
for
the
clearing
of
truth
,
and
to
shew
out
unto
you
both
the
constitution
of
our
late
most
unhappy
King
,
and
the
manner
and
condition
of
all
other
Kings
;
I
could
have
sent
you
more
,
and
God
knows
more
terrible
,
bloody
,
and
barbarous
,
but
this
is
enough
,
though
I
say
not
to
convince
you
,
(
for
that
would
be
no
other
than
lavare
Aethiopem
)
but
to
let
you
know
how
much
you
have
been
mistaken
in
the
late
King
,
a
Prince
doubtlesse
which
was
much
too
dark
for
every
ones
understanding
,
and
too
hard
for
most
of
his
Councel
of
State
,
whom
he
trusted
with
the
mannagery
of
his
greatest
both
designs
and
secrets
;
though
it
be
most
true
,
that
how
tenacious
and
close
soever
he
was
in
carrying
on
that
arbitrary
worke
to
inslave
the
Nation
,
yet
God
in
his
mercy
would
not
that
they
should
be
so
secretly
hidden
,
but
that
he
had
appointed
a
time
when
they
should
be
revealed
and
manifested
to
the
World
,
as
we
all
know
they
were
at
Naseby
and
elsewhere
,
according
to
our
blessed
Saviours
own
oracle
Mat.
12.
2.
For
there
is
nothing
covered
that
shall
not
be
revealed
,
neither
hid
which
shall
not
be
knowne
.
God
knowes
,
and
so
may
you
on
your
better
consideration
,
that
I
have
made
use
of
nothing
but
authentick
authority
,
or
took
up
any
passage
on
bare
trust
,
neither
with
the
least
intention
to
injure
the
memory
of
him
who
is
at
rest
,
but
only
in
vindication
and
manifestation
of
truth
,
and
to
make
that
more
visibly
knowne
to
you
,
which
long
since
hath
not
been
unknowne
to
many
,
which
happily
if
they
would
might
speak
more
,
and
that
as
this
most
unfortunate
Prince
was
of
all
others
most
his
owne
enemy
,
so
had
providence
decreed
it
,
that
he
should
be
most
injurious
to
his
friends
,
a
most
implacable
enemy
to
Parliaments
,
and
utterly
averse
to
all
partnership
in
government
,
other
than
Hers
which
was
the
principall
instrument
of
his
ruine
,
the
undoing
of
his
posterity
,
and
the
lamentable
destruction
of
three
flourishing
Kingdoms
.
As
to
the
present
Government
,
and
change
of
the
Royalty
,
or
any
other
of
your
impetuous
exclamations
,
with
the
exceptions
you
take
to
the
present
Form
,
different
from
the
forms
of
ancient
Parliament
,
and
as
it
was
so
lately
altered
,
without
King
,
Lords
,
and
the
major
part
of
the
excluded
Commons
,
and
that
those
which
now
sit
at
Westminster
,
are
no
other
than
usurped
powers
acting
in
Tyranny
,
as
all
of
your
party
spares
not
to
belch
out
both
in
private
and
publick
,
I
shall
instantly
give
you
both
a
short
and
satisfactory
answer
to
every
of
them
;
and
first
to
the
Government
,
which
you
know
to
be
gotten
by
Conquest
,
and
as
heretofore
I
have
told
you
,
by
the
same
weapon
wherewith
the
King
intended
to
make
it
absolutely
Monarchicall
,
and
A
la
Francoys
As
to
the
difference
between
the
old
and
this
new
Form
of
Parliament
,
I
answer
,
that
the
King
himself
was
the
first
projector
,
both
in
lessening
,
altering
and
laming
of
the
Parliament
,
witnesse
his
taking
into
his
Councell
of
State
the
Earles
of
Hartford
,
Essex
,
Bath
,
the
Lords
Say
,
St.
Maur
,
Falkland
,
and
Culpepper
,
all
of
them
known
to
be
the
most
noted
Common-wealths
men
of
both
Houses
,
within
two
moneths
of
the
Parliaments
sitting
down
,
and
within
one
year
after
to
corrupt
neer
the
moity
of
the
Members
of
both
Houses
,
to
make
up
his
Mungrel
Parliament
at
Oxford
,
of
set
purpose
to
confuse
and
ruine
all
Parliaments
by
themselves
.
As
to
the
late
purging
of
the
Houses
,
it
is
acknowledged
that
in
the
midst
of
such
a
confusion
as
was
both
raised
,
cherished
and
fomented
by
the
King
himself
,
and
the
Malignant
party
,
it
was
done
by
the
power
of
the
Army
,
and
as
I
take
it
on
this
ground
,
that
the
major
part
of
both
Houses
voted
for
the
readmittance
of
the
King
on
such
condition
which
himself
refused
,
which
the
lesser
and
more
foreseeing
part
well
understood
would
in
the
end
come
to
no
other
issue
,
than
the
setting
him
up
into
his
old
power
,
so
to
enable
him
a
new
to
embroyle
the
Kingdomes
,
having
so
long
before
engaged
the
Prince
in
his
Quarrell
,
and
disciplin'd
him
in
his
designes
,
in
so
much
as
no
other
hopes
were
then
left
the
Parliament
,
but
either
a
perpetuating
of
the
War
and
more
bloodshed
,
or
the
invassalage
of
the
Nation
,
which
necessarily
would
be
the
consequence
,
on
the
admittance
either
of
the
Father
or
the
Sonne
;
upon
these
grounds
't
is
confest
,
that
the
Soldiery
ended
the
controversie
,
in
assisting
the
weaker
party
in
Parliament
,
though
doubtlesse
the
more
able
in
judgement
and
foresight
of
the
future
evills
and
calamities
which
in
all
probability
might
and
would
befall
the
Nation
;
which
to
prevent
,
on
the
evidence
of
the
Kings
obstinacy
,
it
was
resolved
to
remove
the
Effects
,
by
taking
away
the
Cause
,
in
calling
the
principall
Author
of
all
the
former
bloodshed
to
his
publick
tryall
,
to
stop
which
issue
it
was
farther
resolved
to
cut
him
off
,
together
with
his
whole
posterity
,
and
to
cast
that
pilot
overboard
,
that
not
more
out
of
ignorance
than
wilfulnesse
,
would
obstinately
have
sunke
the
Ship
of
the
Publick
,
in
the
vast
Ocean
of
his
Prerogative
,
had
it
not
been
timely
rescued
,
and
warp't
into
the
safe
Harbour
of
a
Republick
,
and
in
change
the
Regall
Government
into
a
Commonwealth
,
as
you
now
see
it
established
,
by
power
,
and
by
the
same
power
,
probable
it
is
they
will
uphold
it
,
which
as
it
is
commonly
conceived
,
was
the
true
state
and
managery
of
that
businesse
Where
you
may
observe
it
,
as
a
very
remarkeable
event
,
that
even
the
major
part
of
of
both
Houses
which
had
stood
so
constant
to
the
trust
of
their
Countries
,
to
the
very
Vote
of
No
more
Addresses
,
and
were
inclined
to
readmit
the
King
(
as
we
may
beleeve
by
Gods
just
judgement
)
were
taken
away
by
force
,
as
the
King
himselfe
by
fraud
had
long
before
drawne
away
so
many
of
the
Members
,
purposly
to
lame
and
weaken
all
Parliaments
in
the
future
.
Sir
,
These
are
passages
of
a
very
transcendant
nature
,
and
too
high
for
our
understanding
,
and
we
know
Gods
ways
and
works
are
unsearchable
,
yet
as
the
*
Wise
man
tells
us
,
There
is
nothing
new
under
the
Sun
,
and
is
there
any
thing
whereof
it
may
be
said
,
see
,
this
is
new
?
it
hath
been
already
fold
time
,
and
was
before
us
:
howsoever
,
when
you
have
spoken
the
worst
you
can
▪
of
those
which
now
sit
in
Parliament
,
you
cannot
deny
but
the
most
of
them
are
of
the
old
legall
Electron
,
and
the
relicts
of
the
old
Form
,
they
which
have
been
the
cause
of
the
maiming
,
or
lessening
the
number
and
quality
of
the
old
Form
,
you
may
thanke
them
for
it
,
and
not
blame
those
that
remaine
faithfull
to
their
trust
,
for
some
kinde
of
Government
the
people
must
have
,
and
you
evidently
see
,
that
God
hath
given
them
both
Courage
to
stand
fast
to
the
last
,
and
power
to
enable
them
to
act
as
they
do
,
which
as
heretofore
I
have
told
you
wil
either
bend
you
to
obedience
,
or
breake
you
in
your
resistance
.
As
to
the
Injustice
wherewith
you
charge
them
,
and
the
Tyranny
you
so
much
exclaim
against
,
I
take
not
upon
me
to
be
so
much
their
Champion
,
as
to
defend
every
of
their
actions
,
or
any
Injustice
,
of
which
not
unlikely
some
of
them
may
be
guilty
;
for
where
power
is
invested
,
faults
there
may
be
,
and
foule
ones
too
;
yet
this
much
may
be
said
in
their
defence
,
that
those
of
known
integrity
,
fail
not
to
look
into
the
demeanour
of
the
faul
ty
,
and
by
severe
punishment
to
make
them
examples
of
Justice
;
I
shall
say
no
more
,
but
that
should
they
faile
in
doing
righteousnesse
,
Judgement
stands
at
their
owne
doores
,
and
the
same
God
which
gave
them
the
power
they
now
have
,
will
as
soon
devest
them
of
it
,
as
he
bequeathed
it
unto
them
,
and
*
Samuel
will
tell
them
;
If
you
doe
wickedly
you
shall
be
consumed
,
both
you
and
your
King.
Now
Sir
,
for
a
close
,
I
shall
onely
tell
you
,
that
it
sufficeth
me
and
all
sober
spirits
(
that
having
thus
long
lived
free
from
bloodshed
and
plunder
under
this
Government
,
which
so
lately
under
the
Kingly
power
the
whole
Nation
felt
to
their
great
grief
and
sorrow
)
it
behoves
us
then
that
we
all
rest
content
with
Gods
good
will
and
pleasure
,
and
leave
this
great
change
to
him
,
as
a
worke
of
his
own
,
which
,
I
may
say
with
Gamaliel
,
If
it
be
not
of
God
it
will
surely
fall
,
but
if
from
him
,
he
will
establish
it
,
in
spite
of
all
those
which
shall
withstand
it
:
t
is
most
true
,
that
the
Contributions
and
Taxes
,
which
you
urge
to
be
Tyrannically
imposed
on
the
whole
Nation
,
are
very
heavy
,
to
which
I
have
already
given
you
an
answer
,
viz.
that
we
may
all
thanke
your
party
for
it
,
that
they
are
not
onely
continued
but
increast
through
your
partyes
onely
means
,
which
cease
not
by
their
assiduall
plots
to
disturbe
the
present
peace
and
Government
to
their
owne
losse
,
and
grief
of
such
as
would
willingly
bear
the
burthen
,
so
they
might
enjoy
their
peace
and
quietnesse
,
as
having
learned
the
sweetnesse
of
that
old
Addage
,
defend
me
,
and
spend
m●
.
In
a
word
more
,
I
shall
advise
you
in
particular
to
rest
content
with
that
Government
which
Providence
hath
allotted
us
,
under
which
you
may
as
yet
live
both
secure
and
plentifull
if
you
please
,
dispose
your self
therefore
to
yeeld
that
Obedience
which
becomes
all
those
that
love
the
publick
,
and
their
own
domestick
peace
;
If
not
,
I
feare
me
you
will
kicke
against
the
pricks
,
hurt
,
if
not
utterly
ruine
your self
and
Family
,
as
many
thousands
of
perverse
Fools
have
done
,
and
fail
not
to
remember
,
that
there
is
a
Court
of
Iustice
that
spares
none
which
shall
disturbe
the
publick
peace
,
and
that
Government
which
we
may
safely
beleeve
,
God
hath
and
will
establish
.
This
is
the
Counsell
of
him
who
really
hath
a
care
of
your
preservation
,
and
so
rests
,
Your
well-wishing
Friend
if
you
so
please
to
esteem
him
.
Loe
this
is
the
man
that
made
not
God
his
strength
,
but
trusted
in
the
abundance
of
his
riches
,
and
strengthned
himselfe
in
his
wickednesse
.
P.
52.
7.
The
words
of
his
mouth
were
smoother
than
Butter
,
but
War
was
in
his
heart
,
his
words
were
softer
than
oyle
,
yet
were
they
drawn
Swords
.
Psalm
55.
21.
But
thou
O
Lord
shalt
bring
them
downe
into
the
pit
of
destruction
,
bloody
and
deceitfull
men
shall
not
live
out
halfe
their
dayes
.
verse
23.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A50910-e110
*
Balzack
.
Sir
Walter
Raleigh
.
*
Barclay
adver
.
Monarch
.
lib.
3.
cap.
8.
*
Grotius
de
jure
belli
&
pacis
,
lib.
1.
cap.
4.
Notes for div A50910-e1320
*
The
Earl
of
STRAFFORD
.
Notes for div A50910-e3340
*
●1
Kings
11.
4
,
5
,
6
,
7.
*
Mountague
.
*
Vide
the
Juncto
.
*
Sir
John
Broke
,
Sir
Ralph
Hopton
,
Mr.
Partridge
,
and
Mr.
Green
,
were
of
that
Committee
.
*
Rom.
●●
.
*
1
Sam.
8.
3
,
4
,
5.
*
Rom.
13
▪
4.
*
Deut.
17
19.
Ezek.
45.
9
46.
18.
●
*
Deut.
17
19.
Ezek.
45.
9
46.
18.
●
Notes for div A50910-e5890
*
Vide
the
Juncto
quinto
Maij
1649
*
The
first
copy
was
supprest
&
expunged
by
the
Bishops
and
the
old
Knight
committed
by
K.
JAMES
to
the
Tower
by
the
instigation
of
the
Prelates
.
*
The
Militia
.
*
Sir
Rob.
Cotton
in
the
life
of
H.
3.
*
Psal.
28
Proverbs
28.
13.
*
The
Earl
of
Strafford
.
*
Eccl.
●
.
9.
10.
*
1
Sam.
1●
.
15.